Professional Documents
Culture Documents
American Design History Bibliography of Sources
American Design History Bibliography of Sources
REFERENCES
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INTRODUCTION
reform and the creation of an efficient technocratic civilization with the rise of a
culture school. Most design curators and art historians described and catalogued
unique craft objects or "aesthetically valid" examples of "good design" while
ignoring the products of true mass production. And most cultural historians
who turned their attention to commercial design lacked the skill of precise
artifact description and analysis. For the most part, a truly informed history of
American design and of its successive phases remained to be written. However,
scores of published primary and secondary sources are available for future
scholars. Among them are philosophical writings by designers, popular ac-
counts of contemporary design trends, manuals of interior design and home
furnishing, engineering textbooks for designers, how-to manuals for business-
men, catalogues of museum exhibitions devoted to contemporary trends or
historical movements, picture books for antique collectors or nostalgia buffs,
sourcebooks produced during period revivals, biographies and retrospectives,
industry casebooks and yearbooks, related works of cultural history, and a
dozen or so important periodicals. Some of the more significant of these sources
are described below, organized primarily by chronology.
NINETEENTH-CENTURY BACKGROUND
biography of Peter Behrens: Architect and Designer (1981), on the other hand,
focused on the early years of the German designer's career, when his graphics,
paintings, and early domestic architecture reflected a romantic conservatism less
sunny than that of William Morris. More revealing for historians of American
design history was Behrens' s association with the AEG, the large German
electrical firm. Fully catalogued by Tilmann Buddensieg and Henning Rogge in
their massive Industriekultur : Peter Behrens and the AEG, 1907-1914 (1984),
Behrens' s comprehensive design assignment included industrial architecture
and commercial salesrooms, lighting fixtures and consumer appliances, sales
catalogues and typefaces - in short, a corporate image orchestrated by a large
office of draftsmen and designers subordinating individual expression to the
creation of a common house style. American business firms did not employ such
overarching design schemes until after World War II, but the rationale remained
similar. Far different in approach was Eliel Saarinen: Finnish- American Architect
and Educator (1979), whose biography by Albert Christ-Janer revealed a Finnish
interpreter of the Arts and Crafts. Saarinen' s Cranbrook School in Bloomfield
Hills, Michigan inculcated young designers and architects with a respect for
organic materials and a sense of the interrelatedness of the applied arts. The
considerable legacy of his somewhat Victorian vision appeared in Robert Judson
Clark's Design in America: The Cranbrook Vision 1925-1950 (1983), a comprehen-
sive exhibition catalogue.
as Les Annees "25": Art Deco/Bauhaus/Stijl: Esprit Nouveau (1966). Two years later,
Bevis Hillier's Art Deco of the 20s and 30s (1968), the best introduction to the
subject, traced the "mechanization" of motifs of French design as they spread to
England and America - still, however, limited primarily to luxury interiors,
furniture, objets d'art, and the graphics of elite periodicals. Catalogues of two
subsequent exhibits, Judith Applegate, Art Deco (1970) and Bevis Hillier, The
World of Art Deco (1971), fueled the interest of Deco enthusiasts, who soon could
enjoy the advice of Katharine Morrison McClinton's Art Deco: A Guide for
Collectors (1972), as well as a spate of lavish picture books, the most useful of
which was Art Deco (1980) by Victor Arwas. The earliest American Adaptations
of French Art Deco, which appeared in the skyscrapers of New York architects
Ely Jacques Kahn, Raymond Hood, and others, received competent documenta-
tion and analysis in Don Vlack's Art Deco Architecture in New York , 1920-1940
(1974) and in Cervin Robinson and Rosemarie Haag Bletter's Skyscraper Style: Art
Deco New York (19 75).
Despite the best historical intentions, however, few of the plethora of books
on Art Deco that appeared after 1965 escaped the nostalgic aura that surrounded
the subject. Although they offered magnificent photographic documentation of
the most striking (and the most elite) manifestations of the style in both Europe
and America, contemporary publications provided the best account of the arrival
of machine-age design in the United States. Shortly after the exposition at which
the French had introduced their new style to the world, the U.S. Department of
Commerce published its official commission's report on the International Exposi-
tion of Modern Decorative and Industrial Art in Paris , 1925 (1926). Although the U.S.
had not exhibited at the fair, the businessmen, department store executives,
designers, and educators who had served as the nation's official delegates hoped
to avoid foreign dominance of trade by encouraging American adoption of the
latest styles in fashion and household furnishings. Within a few years of the
Paris expo, American art museums and department stores had mounted exhibits
of imported Art Deco, and decorators and their clients could study new
developments in such handbooks as Leon Deshairs's Modern French Decorative
Art (1926) and Katharine Morrison Kahle's Modern French Decoration (1930).
New York designers and craftsmen of both American and European origin
quickly adopted French motifs and began to adapt them for a machine-age
civilization, a process traced by Edwin Avery Park in his New Backgrounds for a
New Age (192 7), which discussed Hood, Kahn, Hugh Ferriss, Paul T. Frankl,
Rena Rosenthal, Lucian Bernhard, Winold Reiss, and Walter Kantack, among
others. Typical exhibits of "modernistic" furniture, crafts, and interiors included
The Little Review's Machine-Age Exposition (192 7); The Architect and the Industrial
Arts: An Exhibition of Contemporary American Design (1929), sponsored by the
Metropolitan Museum; and Decorative Metalwork and Cotton Textiles (1930),
organized by the American Federation of Arts. The sense of an exhilarating new
era, filled with the possibilities of skyscrapers, jazz, fast cars, radio, movies, and
a style that encompassed them all, received its most complete expression in
three books by Paul T. Frankl, himself a designer of "skyscraper furniture": New
Dimensions: The Decorative Arts of Today in Words & Pictures (1928), Form and Re-
form: A Practical Handbook of Modern Interiors (1930), and Machine-Made Leisure
(1932). Rudolph Rosenthal and Helena L. Ratzka surveyed the ambience of this
decorative arts milieu in The Story of Modern Applied Art (1948), and it later
received excellent historical treatment by Karen Davies in At Home in Manhattan:
Modern Decorative Arts , 1925 to the Depression (1983).
The Annual of American Design 1931 (1930), edited by R. L. Leonard and
C. A. Glassgold and sponsored by the American Union of Decorative Artists
and Craftsmen (Audac), included a photographic portfolio of luxury designs by
Eugene Schoen, George Howe and William Lescaze, Lee Simonson, Winold
Reiss, and others, but its essays by Mumford, Frankl, Simonson, and Richard F.
Bach of the Metropolitan Museum nonetheless pointed away from craftsman-
ship toward true industrial design - the creation of mass-production prototypes
whose machine-age styling would improve the level of public taste and thus
contribute to moral reformation. By that time, as businessmen felt the Depres-
sion's bite, they had begun to turn for economic motives to modernistic
designers whose touch might renew tired products. When R. L. Duffus sur-
veyed the current state of art and art education in The American Renaissance
(1928), he predicted that artistic talent of the future would find its outlet in
automobiles and apartment houses rather than in easel painting. His later study,
The Arts in American Life (1933), written with Frederick P. Keppel as a contribu-
tion to Herbert Hoover's Research Committee on Social Trends, contained two
chapters on art and business, one focusing on advertising, the other on
"commercial design." Keppel and Duffus described the use of modern art in
advertising, the employment of "stylists" to guide the retail offerings of
department stores, the recognition of women as the key to consumption, and
Henry Ford's multi-million-dollar retooling for the Model A to keep up with
style. As the trend toward design for mass production gathered momentum,
even Frederick Kiesler, a "serious" European modernist, offered a convincing
account of Contemporary Art Applied to the Store and Its Display (1930).
Despite criticisim from purist arbiters of taste, the new commerical industri-
al designers of the 1930s, people like Geddes, Teague, Loewy, Henry Dreyfuss,
and Harold Van Doren, sincerely attempted to mediate between commercial
motives and aesthetic standards. One of the most important publicists for their
new profession, advertising executive Earnest Elmo Calkins, argued in Business
the Civilizer (1928) that business patronage of the artistic impulse manifested in
consumer design would spark a cultural awakening equal to that of the
Renaissance. Two package and product designers associated with the Calkins &
Holden agency, Roy Sheldon and Egmont Arens, analyzed the more commercial
side of industrial design in a treatise on Consumer Engineering: A New Technique
for Prosperity (1932), a manifesto for the behaviorist manipulation of consumers
Henry Dreyfuss. 20th Century Locomotive, New York Central. Photograph by Robert
Yarnall. Smithsonian Institution, Cooper-Hewitt Museum, Henry Dreyfuss Archive, New
York, New York.
(1981); William J. Hennessey, Russel Wright: American Designer (1983); and Martin
Eidelberg, ed., Eva Zeisel: Designer for Industry (1984).
As creators and promoters of a self-conscious machine-age style, commer-
cial designers of the 1930s contributed much to the use of synthetic plastics in
consumer products. Often used during the Depression as substitutes for more
costly materials, plastics proved especially adaptable to the soft curves of
streamlining, and, in fact, plastics molding techniques actually promoted the
use of streamlined forms. M. Kaufman's First Century of Plastics: Celluloid and Its
Sequel (1963) and J. Harry DuBois's Plastics History U.S.A. (1972) outlined the
history of chemical and technical innovations in plastics development and
application, while Robert Frieders Pioneer Plastic: The Making and Selling of
Celluloid (1983) discussed economic and social aspects of new materials from an
analytical perspective that could usefully be applied to the truly synthetic
plastics of the 1920s and 1930s. Design aspects of plastics remained a significant
concern after their initial application to consumer products, but debate contin-
ued to center on the question of using plastics to imitate other materials or to
take advantage of their own unique characteristics. Thelma R. Newman advocat-
ed "plastics as plastics" in her treatment of Plastics as Design Form (1972), and
Sylvia Katz catalogued the design possibilities of the many varieties of synthetics
in her Plastics: Designs and Materials (19 78). As plastics began to share in the
mystique of Art Deco and to attract collectors who could not afford unique
decorative objects, two coffee table books - Katz's Plastics: Common Objects,
Classic Designs (1984) and Andrea DiNoto's Art Plastic: Machine Age Designs for
Living (1984) - provided pictorial histories of plastic products.
Commercial designers of the 1930s drew much of their inspiration from the
aerodynamic forms of airplanes and locomotives and in turn found themselves
commissioned to design automobiles and entire passenger trains. Raymond
Loewy, who worked frequently for the Pennsylvania Railroad, contributed a
volume on The Locomotive: Its Esthetics (1937) to a short-lived industrial art series
whose first title had featured Le Corbusier on the beauties of the airplane.
Streamliners received exhaustive photographic documentation by Lucius Beebe
in Trains in Transition (1941) and by Eric H. Archer in Streamlined Steam (1972),
while historian of technology John H. White, Jr., meticulously detailed the
technical, functional, and stylistic evolution of The American Railroad Passenger
Car (1978).
Like the railroad, the automobile and its environment stimulated studies at
every conceivable level of competence and sophistication. The American Car Since
1775 (1971), published by Automobile Quarterly , proved to be the best reference
work for tracing both major and minor change in auto body design over the
years, especially when supplemented with larger color photographs of selected
automobiles featured in Automobile Quarterly's World of Cars (1971). America's
new roadside landscape of the 1920s and 1930s owed much to industrial
designers, some of whom designed prototype service stations for major oil
GOOD DESIGN
for inspiration, they did so with an astonishingly open receptivity. For example,
Sheldon Cheney's account of The New World Architecture (1930) encompassed
Eric Mendelsohn and Walter Gropius, French decoration and Le Corbusier, the
Weissenhofsiedlung and Ely Jacques Kahn, all without any consciousness of
impropriety. However, even as Art Deco overwhelmed American commercial
design, a trickle of books began to define a more austere modernism for
architecture and interiors. These included Dorthy Todd and Raymond Morti-
mer, The New Interior Decoration (1929); Herbert Hoffman, Modern Interiors in
Europe and America (1930); and Maurice Casteels, The New Style: Architecture and
Decorative Design (1931).
Representing only one of many definitions of modernism, their perspective
gained powerful support from two Museum of Modern Art exhibits whose
catalogues, The International Style (1932) by Henry-Russell Hitchcock and Philip
Johnson, and Machine Art (1934) by Philip Johnson, promoted a neo-Platonic
functionalism and made disparaging references to American skyscrapers,
French fashions, and the absurdity of non-vehicular streamlining. MoMA's
position on design and architecture received considerable reinforcement with
the tragic forced arrival in America of Walter Gropius, Mies van der Rohe,
Marcel Breuer, Laszlo Moholy-Nagy, Herbert Bayer, and others, as described in
William H. Jordy's account of "The Aftermath of the Bauhaus in America:
Gropius, Mies, and Breuer" (1969) and documented in Hans M. Wingler's
massive sourcebook, The Bauhaus: Weimar , Dessau , Berlin , Chicago (1969). Johnson
and the museum cemented their conception of design with a major exhibit on
the Bauhaus 1919-1928 (1938), its catalogue edited by Herbert Bayer and Walter
and Ise Gropius, and MoMA's tenth-anniversary retrospective, Art in Our Time
(1939), included in its pointedly named "Industrial Design" section only chairs
by Le Corbusier, Mies, Breuer, and Alvar Aalto, along with a prefabricated
bathroom designed by Buckminster Fuller.
Russell Lynes provided a good running account of MoMA's impact on
design in his historical survey, Good Old Modern: An Intimate Portrait of The
Museum of Modern Art (1973). On the eve of American entry into World War II,
the museum indicated the focus of its future involvement by exhibiting the
winning entries in a competition organized by Eliot F. Noyes on Organic Design
in Home Furnishings (1941). Charles Eames and Eero Saarinen first came to public
attention as furniture designers by fulfilling the judges' criteria of aesthetic
quality, versatility, and capability of mass production. After the war, Edgar
Kaufmann, Jr., conducted MoMA's design activities with an intention that went
back to the Arts and Crafts movement. Through a series of "Good Design"
exhibits held in conjunction with the Merchandise Mart of Chicago and through
such catalogues and publications as Prize Designs for Modern Furniture from the
International Competition for Low-Cost Furniture Design (1950), What is Modern
Design? (1950), and What is Modern Interior Design? (1953), Kaufmann sought to
elevate public taste and improve the tenor of modern life. The permanent design
Henry Dreyfuss. Mercury Train Bar, New York Central, 1940. Photograph by Drix Duryea.
Smithsonian Institution, Cooper-Hewitt Museum, Henry Dreyfuss Archive, New York,
New York.
collection of the museum, surveyed by Arthur Drexler and Greta Daniel in their
Introduction to Twentieth Century Design (1959), contained only objects that met
the criteria of aesthetic quality and historical significance. The collection, which
was also readily accessible through The Design Collection: Selected Objects (1970),
'thus served not as an index to the artifacts of everyday life in the twentieth
century but as a record of the preferences of a particular economic, social, and
cultural elite. Other art museums followed MoMA's lead in promoting an
uplifting "good design," but they did so with greater openness, including in
their exhibits appliances and other products whose formal complexity or
mundane predictability precluded their presentation as sculptural objects. These
more catholic exhibits included Good Design Is Your Business (1947) at the Albright
Art Gallery of the Buffalo Fine Arts Academy; A. H. Girard and W. D. Laurie,
Jr.'s Exhibition for Modern Living (1949) at the Detroit Institute of Arts; and
William Friedman's 20th Century Design: U.S.A. (1959), also at the Albright.
Good design was also publicized by Walter P. Paepcke, the founder of the
Container Corporation of America, as part of a more general postwar crusade to
promote a cosmopolitan humanism. Attracted by the 1930s industrial design
movement, Paepcke had employed modern artists and illustrators to produce
his company's advertising - with such success that the Chicago Art Institute had
organized an exhibit of Modern Art in Advertising: Designs for Container Corporation
of America (1946). As a result of this initial exposure to art in industry, Paepcke
sponsored the New Bauhaus and the Institute of Design in Chicago, engaged
Herbert Bayer to oversee the "Great Ideas of Western Man" advertising series,
and encouraged the International Design Conference to use his new humanistic
center at Aspen, Colorado, as a base. James Sloan Allen engagingly and
perceptively reconstructed Paepcke' s multifarious activities in The Romance of
Commerce and Culture: Capitalism, Modernism , and the Chicago-Aspen crusade for
Cultural Reform (1983), and Reyner Banham edited The Aspen Papers: Twenty Years
of Design Theory from the International Design Conference in Aspen (1974), a
collection that provided an excellent guide to the thoughts of designers and
observers of design as they waxed topically philosophical.
Among postwar practitioners of "good design," George Nelson most
successfully articulated the problems involved in maintaining a sense of quality
while at the same time attempting to please commercial clients. His essays on
such topics as consultant versus in-house designers, stylistic obsolescence,
prefabrication, city planning, and urban renewal were marked by both careful
thought and a ready wit. They were collected in Problems of Design (19 57) and
George Nelson on Design (1979), and Nelson also created a tough, vital primer on
How to See: Visual Adventures in a World God Never Made (19 77). Other useful
explorations of the philosophy of design included Anni Albers, On Designing
(1961); David Pye, The Nature of Design (1964); and John F. Pile, Design: Purpose,
Form and Meaning (1979).
American designers who worked in the tradition of the International Style
Although the forces of "good design" had begun the postwar era with high
hopes of winning the American public away from superficial styling and the
glamorous waste of annual model changes, those designers who desired to
remain "untainted" by commercialism often found their work limited to luxury
furniture so expensive that it could be afforded only by wealthy individuals or
business corporations. All the same, American work ranked with the best of
Europe by anyone's standards. Useful studies devoted to individual designers
included Sybil Moholy-Nagy's life-and-letters biography of her husband, Moho-
ly-Nagy: Experiment in Totality (1950); Richard Kostelanetz's collection of the
writings of Moholy-Nagy (1970); Arthur Drexler's brief Charles Eames: Furniture
from the Design Collection (1973); the catalogue of the Renwick Gallery's exhibit, A
Modern Consciousness: D. J. De Pree/Florence Knoll (19 75); Ralph Caplan's Connec-
tions: The Work of Charles and Ray Eames (1976); Caplan's breezy history of The
Design of Herman Miller (1976), the furniture company whose designers included
Gilbert Rohde, George Nelson, the Eameses, and Robert Propst; Eric Larrabee
and Massimo Vignelli's sprawling authorized history of Knoll Design (1981); and
Arthur A. Cohen's definitive study of Herbert Bayer: The Complete Work (1984).
Numerous works surveyed the accomplishments of "good design" in
furniture, usually from within an aesthetic perspective similar to that of the
Museum of Modern Art. George Nelson's early volume on Storage (1954) proved
more revealing than most because its extensive coverage of shelf systems,
cabinets, buffets, and storage walls included many that later critics would have
considered in bad taste. As an architectural problem in miniature, the chair
How Things Don't Work (19 77), a collaboration with James Hennessey. Aimed at
consumers, it demonstrated how ordinary people could design and implement
alternative solutions to everyday problems that commercial designers had
botched. His most recent work, Design for Human Scale (1983), advocated
decentralizing mainstream commercial design by addressing the needs of large
but specialized groups, rather than those of an imagined mass audience.
Although Papanek's books too often revealed a self-congratulatory smugness,
they nonetheless attracted widespread attention to problems that most design-
ers had ignored. His influence appeared in such works as Design for Need: The
Social Contribution of Design (19 77), a collection of symposium papers edited by
Julian Bicknell and Liz McQuiston; and Joseph A. Koncelik's sensitive, practical
study of Aging and the Product Environment (1982).
Contemporary Decorative Arts from 1940 to the Present (1980) focused on the
apparently avant-garde, on those luxury items that ran slightly against the grain.
More perceptive was Cara Greenberg's sprightly review of Mid-Century Modern:
Furniture of the 1950s (1984), which illustrated, in a graphic style ironically
borrowed from "good design" exhibit catalogues, all of the kidney-shaped tables
with spikey metal legs, pole lamps with flared shades, and amoeboid ash trays
passed over by the "good design" exhibits.
Although Joan Kron and Suzanne Slesin enjoyed considerable success with
High Tech: The Industrial Style and Source Book for the Home (1978), a manual that
echoed functionalist ideas of the early twentieth century, the quick rise and fall
in popularity of high tech marked it as merely one stylistic expression among
many in a fluid situation. Surveying the exuberant eclecticism of Michael
Graves, Charles Moore, and others, Robert Jensen and Patricia Conway defined
a trend toward Ornamentalism: The New Decorativeness in Architecture & Design
(1982). However, as soon as Americans had become accustomed to the visual
excesses of home-grown postmodernists, whose allusions at least usually
referred to the high architectures of Europe, they were faced with the work of
Italy's Memphis design consortium, loosely headed by Ettore Sottsass, Jr., who
archly explained that the group's name referred both to ancient Egypt and to the
home town of rock-'n'-roller Chuck Berry. Discussed by Barbara Radice in
Memphis: The New International Style (1981) and by Andrea Branzi in The Hot
House: Italian New Wave Design (1984), the expensive furniture of Sottsass and his
associates reflected a fascination, disguised through elaboration, with the
formica surfaces and brash imagery of American popular culture - a fascination
shared by contemporary American designers like Steve Ditch. As Joan Kron
suggested in Home-Psych: The Social Psychology of Home and Decoration (1983), a
book intended for a popular market, the personal environment had become a
symbol of one's self, to be reshaped as often as one changed lifestyle or followed
fashion. In the trendy 1980s, when design seemed entirely a matter of surfaces,
even Ralph Caplan, a thoughtful design critic who looked back to the time when
designers considered their work to be of fundamental significance for the human
race, found it necessary to grace a collection of his essays with the odd title, By
Design: Why There Are No Locks on the Bathroom Doors in the Hotel Louis XIV and
Other Object Lessons (1982).
DESIGN
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Kouwenhoven, John A. The Arts in Modern American Civilization. New York:
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Lucie-Smith, Edward. A History of Industrial Design. New York: Van Nostrand
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I. New York: Norton, 1980.
Mumford, Lewis. Technics and Civilization. New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1934.
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