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 What Ritual Does: The
Foundations of Order
lntroduction

Here we move to accounts that analyze ritual less in terms of the symbols it puts into
play than in terms of its general effects. The structure of ritual i, ,."n to enable a
particular kind of action, one which carries significant consequences. Following
Austin's analysis of speech acts (1962; introduced in Tambiah's essay, chapter 24),
ritual is seen not only to say something meaningful to those who particip"t. i.r it, oi
to actively persuade them of something, but to institute changi through its very
performance, as when the correct enactment of a wedding ritual transforms fwo
unmarried people into a wedded couple. How does this work, and why do people
accept it? If the consequences are that people come to subscribe to larger ord.ts of
meaning and morality, ones that frequently entail their own subordination, what
does this say for the relationship between ritual and religion, on the one hand, and
society and politics, on the other? The essays here are selections from two of the
most
_original and profound thinkers on these critical subjects. They should be
rounded out with Tambiah's essay on performativity (1979).
 30 Bloch has pursr
directions, puzzli
practical logic ar
particular his resl
The Disconnection between circumcision ritui
and the transcenr
has begun to pur
Power and Rank as a Process
Mawrice Bloch
The complex ran
and a special trz
development. He
state and link tl
structures of stra
actors' concept o
From Maurice Bloch, "The Disconnection between power and Rank as a process: An
system, with int,
outline of the Development of Kingdoms in central Madagascar," in Ritual, History
structures. This r
and Power: selected Papers in Anthropology (London: The Athlone press, 19gl
category terms b
11979)), pp. 45-88. Abridged.
likely to lead to 1

the ethnographic
by Dumont and I
famous of such I
Maurice Bloch is professor of anthropology at the London School of Economics and
does not fit either
widely recognized for his incisive and provocative interjections in anthropological
debate. His essay addresses the central issue of ideology or the relationship oithe feudal or class s1
symbolic to the material, and hence of "rank" to "powei." Refusing reductionist lines aspect of Hindu i
of either the idealist or the materialist variety, he develops a penetrating account of pertinent to the
the way in which the production of rank through ritual has played a signiiicant role in analysed, and for
the evolution of political syEtems in highland Madagascar. ln the full version Bloch If the trap offe
develops a model for the rise of Merina and Betsileo kingdorns in central Madagascar Pocock and Dum,
and their organization into ranked demes (endogamous, landholding descent caste produced b
groups). separating power
Bloch's essay also touches on the question of "sacred kingship," a topic of interest to the former, gor
gince Frazer and reinforced by the kinds of political systems anthropologists
have practice reinterpr
described in Africa, Polynesia. and eJsewhere. "sacred kingship" conjoinslhe ,,reli-
maculately concei
gious" and the "political," and Bloch shows how this can come about. while Bloch,s
model does not account for all sides of ritual, he provides a compelling argument that however, another
attempts to addresr what is certainly a common feature of both politiciat ni"r"rctty inJ the way sugg€ster
religion, namely mystification. lt may be argued that in positing a transcendental order economic and pol
or sacred authority and a particular view of the world any religious system must work for them unaffec
by concealing both the elements of its own devices and viable alternatives. This is not approach, the ca
to suggest that any particular religious system is false, but rather that each must relation where thr
conceal something. While some might follow Marx to see this as a general critique ideology is being i
of all religion, others (such as Rappaport in the essaythat follows) aigue that some both transform th
mystification is necessary for the development of sacred authority that cJn stand as the nature is a differe
guarantor of truth.
seen as a result ol
 THE DISCONNECTION BETWEEN POWER AND RANK A5 A PROCESS 433

Bloch has pursued the ideas developed in this early essay in a number of interesting
directions, puzzling always over the distinction between everyday common sense or
practical logic and the cultural/religious worlds established through ritual. See in
particular his response to Geertz (Bloch 1989b 1197711, his atternpt to follow Merina
circumcision ritual historically (Bloch 1985), and his more general theory of sacrifice
and the transcendent order (-Bloch and Parry, eds. 1982, Bloih 1992). Most recently he
has begun to pursue a cognitive approach to the problem (1998).

lntroduction

The complex ranking systems of south Asia and Polynesia offer a special challenge
and a special trap to the anthropologist or historian attempting to explain their
development. He will inevitably trace the political and economic development of the
state and link those to the appearance of new types of power groups and new
structures of stratification. The trap lies in identifying and correlating directly the
actors' concept of these groups, the distinctions and associations made in the emic
system, with interest groups identified by analyses of the political or economic
structures. This may be done consciously or by implication by translating actors'
category terms by words such as "nobility", "ruling class", "bourgeoisie". This is
likely to lead to gross ethnocentric assumptions and obscure the specific nature of
the ethnographic example. The danger of such an approach has been explained well
by Dumont and Pocock (1958; Dumont, '1,966) for the most complex and the most
famous of such hierarchical systems. They point out how the Indian caste system
does not fit either in structural form or in ideological content models borrowed from
feudal or class systems. Indeed such comparisons obscure the essentially religious
aspect of Hindu ideology contained in the scheme. Similar criticisms would also be
pertinent to the way the hierarchical systems of central Madagascar have been
analysed, and for very similar reasons.
If the trap offered by the study of such systems has been brilliantly identified by
Pocock and Dumont, the challenge on the other hand has been refused. The study of
caste produced by these writers, however illuminating it is of the Indian case in
separating power and religion and in pointing out that the latter cannot be reduced
to the former, goes no further. However much the religious principle of purity is in
practice reinterpreted in particular situations, it remains for them unaltered. Im-
maculately conceived in Indian theologS it has survived equally unsullied. There is,
however, another legitimate and more ambitious way of handling such systems. It is
the way suggested in part by Leach (1,954; 1,960; 1,968). While Dumont sees the
economic and political base as affected by the ideology of caste, the ideology itself is
for them unaffected by the transformations in the base. By contrast with this
approach, the case of central Madagascar will be examined here as a two-way
relation where the economic base is not just being affected by the ideology but the
ideology is being indirectly created by the base. Neither is reduced to the other since
both transform themselves within their own logic, which because of their different
nature is a different logic. The disconnection between rank or status and power is
seen as a result of the evolution of states in central Madagascar, not as a reason to
4y MAURICE BLOCH

it reality of traditic
give ideology an existence and an origin of its own, or, in other words, to put
associated with tr
beyond explanation in material terms.
Chaney, 1,970; de
t...1 again and again: t
denoting power, I
Hasina and fertilising for
Mauss, also point
larly relevant here
Underlying both the notion of hierarchy and rank, as well as the notion of continuity
vanquishing the i
and of ihe "natural" quality of power, is the concept of basina. The best discussions
agents of transforr
of this for the Merina are to be found in the work of A. Delivr6 (1'967t 177-88) . ' . .
unstable turns intr
The word has proved to be one of the most difficult to translate from Malagasy. The
first translation of hasina and of its adjectival form masina was "holy"; thus the J. Pitt-Rivers g
together the notic
earlier missionaries translated "Holy Spirit" by fanahy (spirit) masina. All notions of
spiritualiry of superiority as of essence, are describable as masina. However, the similar to that ol
European concepl
word also has a political aspect where it means legitimate or traditional authority'
ambiguity of such
Thus, the hero kings of Madagascaf are thought to be the epitome of the quality of
given and religiou
hasina. The sites oi their tombs and of their capitals are themse|ves masina.In this
must show their i
sense the word means powef, vigour, fertility, efficacy or even sainthood. It is the
word "honour" is
essence of royalty and the essence of superiority of one person over another through
.,virtue" in the old sense. It is closely associated with the notion of power and virility' Rivers, L974l.Int
than the one of in
mahery,which is in fact the fetishized virility created by the c.ircumcision ceremony
far. This side of i
and w-hich is associated with descent and repetition of life channelled through the
inferiors. For the
tombs (Delivr6, 1967: 1'881.
corresponds to th,
Hasina is linked with the mystical power of nature, especially the power of
which correspond
reproduction, both in its human aspect and its aspect in relation to crops. In its
Hasina mark Il
h,rma.t aspect the possessio n of hasina by the rulers and the demes is what ensures
lesser hasina. He
the passing on of life from generation to generation and the transcendence of death 1

honour to the ho
which ."n b. seen as the kernel of Malagasy thought (Bloch, 1971': 222\. In its
rank takes the for:
agricultural aspect it is the presence of basina which ensures fertility and climate;
tf,us we see that those with basina are able to bless crops in times of drought
use of certain gr
(Copalle, 1.970: 52;Delivr6, 1.967:'1"82). The same can be said of the Betsileo notion
assemblies. Of pa
marks differential
of iasina. Dubois defines it as a "vertue inh6rente d un 6tre" and Edholm goes on to
basina (Callet, 1l
say thar it is "given at birth - not acquired by political leadership. Hasina is quite
Thaler which wa
*id.ly porr.rr.d, although carefully maintained within the same group as a result of
which we are cor
stringent rules of exogamy..." (Edholm, 1,97'1.:144). Dubois says that a man
that it was "tsy ua
possJssing
-W1, hasina had a "nature sup6rieure et une authorit6 sacr6" (Dubois, 1938:
smaller denomina
11rti again, therefore, hasina is inherent to certain people and its presence
to recognize his ar
assures fertifity. ihe pre-eminence of the ruler comes from his supreme possession of
marked by the giv
hasina; "He siands for the permanence and rightness of iustice and authority and
by inferiors to su
spiritual superiority" (Edholm, 1971: 153). Hasina is a supra-human quality and
427).
tLerefore alihough contained by certain demes in differing degrees it is not the result
The apparent c
of their achievement but is given in their nature. The concern of the hasina holders
aspects is, howevt
should be to preserve it; creating hasina is out of the question. The concern of those
and mystified by i
who hold less o, no hasina should be to preserve it in those who have it because they
diction turns out
too benefit from it.
described in the
Thus the authority of the ruler is seen as a manifestation of something which has [c
the ambiguity of
always existed, which is given in nature by the order of the world. The ideological
I

basina as an inr
picture could not be further removed from the short-lived, brutishly extortionate
 THE DISCONNECTION BETWEEN POWER AND RANK AS A PROCESS 435
reality of traditional Merina and Betsileo power. This sort of notion is found
associated with traditional authority in many parts of the world (Bloch, 1951;
Chaney, 1,970; de Heusch, L956; Balandier, 19701. . ..We find the same concepts
again and again: thus Southall referring to Ker among the Alur sees this notion as
denoting power, beneficial domination and, in Balandier's words, an "organising
and fertilising force" (Balandier, 1.970: 104; Southall, 1.956)'. Balandier, following
Mauss, also points out another essential aspect of such concepts which is particu-
larly relevant here: how the concepts of innate authority transcend and are a way of
vanquishing the instability of real power. These concepts can, therefore, become
agents of transformation in a conceptual alchemy where the achieved and therefore
unstable turns into the permanent and therefore cosmic (Balandier, 1970:110-13).
J. Pitt-Rivers goes further in associating such concepts especially in bringing
together the notion of mana, which in its political manifestation for the Maori is
similar to that of hasina for the Merina and Betsileo (Salmond, 1,975), and the
European concept of honour; in doing so he shows up the essential and necessary
ambiguity of such notions. On the one hand honour and authority is unchallenged,
given and religious; on the other, it is dependent on the actions of others since they
must show their acceptance of the superiors' honour or mana. Thus the abstract
word "honour" is dependent on the verb "to honour" - the actions of inferiors (Pitt-
Rivers, 1,9741.In the same way we find that there is another side to the world hasina
than the one of innate religious superiority with which we have been concerned so
t-ar. This side of hasina turns out not to be a state of superiors but an action of
inferiors. For the sake of clarity I shall call that part of the semantic field which
corresponds to the former idea hasina mark I, while that part of the semantic field
which corresponds to the latter hasina mark II.
Hasina mark II manifests itself in the rendering of homage by somebody with
lesser hasina. He gives hasina to the superior in the same way as the inferior renders
honour to the honourable. This recognition on the part of somebody with lesser
rank takes the form of the giving of gifts of respect and honour of a special kind, the
use of certain greetings and the giving of precedence at such times as formal
assemblies. Of particular relevance is the fact that the most significant gift which
marks differential rank is the gift of an uncut silver coin; the coin is itself called
hasina (Callet, L908: 29"1,; Delivr6, 1967: 1,86). This coin is the Maria-Theresa
Thaler which was in circulation throughout Madagascar for the period during
rvhich we are concerned. Its symbolical significance comes in part from the fact
rhat it was "tsy uaky", unbroken, while most thalers in circulation were cut to obtain
smaller denomination. The coin therefore was the suitable gift to give to a superior
ro recognize his authority. At the important state rituals the differences in rank were
marked by the giving of basina mark II by subjects of differing demes to the ruler and
bv inferiors to superiors of any kind right down to fathers and sons (Ellis, 1838:
127).
The apparent contradiction between hasina in its mark I aspects and its mark II
aspects is, however, not clear to the actors working within their own cultural system
and mystified by its representation of power. To the analyst of the system the contra-
diction turns out to be of crucial significance for linking up the system of power
described in the [omitted] section and the system of rank described in this one. What
rhe ambiguity of the term hasina produces is the possibility of the representation of
hasina as an innate quality possessed by superiors, which is a benefit and a
436 MAURICE BLOCH THE DIS

'representation of dil
Hasina Mark I Hasina Mark ll held in greater degr
which not only com(
Higher demes
with and stimulates
tion is, however, mor
of exploitation and
effect of the presen<
facilitate its accepta
rulers and ruled in th
Blessings of
fertility Gifts
consciousness on th(
and efficacy ideology preserves t
correspondence we I
ical puzzle; it is one c
system. This view of
Lower demes insight of Marx as u
one of its most elega
Figure 1 state, where he shov
classes is representec
blessing, to inferiors, while in fact this illusion is created by an act which is its mediated by the Inca
opposite, the giving of a benefit, hasina mark II, by the inferior to the superior. If our task could b
Hasina mark II is thus doubly the opposite of hasina mark I: while the former is mechanism for the r
natural, the latter is supernatural; while the latter flows downwards, the former However,. . . if the ic
flows upwards. The difference is represented in Figure 1 which shows a ranked reproduce it, the que
hierarchy of demes in the light of basina mark I and mark II. In the light of the of prime interest. Tht
former, hasina is an essence which flows in the form of fertility from the superior to is that the false repre
the inferiors; in the light of the second, hasina is gifts going the other way. that which is plainly
Thus, by the ambiguity of the term basina, the supernatural gift of the superiors situation and is incor
turns out to rest, as we know it must (hence the generality of this ambiguity) on the were as mystified as r
natural act of the inferior who, instead of receiving the blessing of hasina, creates it. theories which accou
Indeed, this reversal is still to be seen in family relations among the Merina and without falling into r
Betsileo to this day in the institution of the tsodrano (Bloch, 1'971': 1,63). This word hand, actual reflectic
means the blowing of water and it is performed by elders for their juniors as a kind thought up by rulerr
of blessing for fertility and success. The elder stands those he wants to bless in front attempt to outline tet
of him and sprays them with water from a saucer he holds before his lips. Here we constructed.
have the notion of ltasina mark I transferring a blessing of fertility on the juniors The first step in t
because of the power of the holiness of the elders. However, in order that the elder preceding section. Il
may be able to do this he must be given coins, preferably the same coins as those observable manifesta
used in the royal hasina-giving. The coin is placed in the water that is sprayed on These manifestatio
those receiving the blessing, but it is pocketed by the elder as is the case for hasina and, secondly, major
mark II. most important ones
different types of gree
this day should be g
When Hasina is manifest should be used for no
beginning of conversi
So far I have stressed the disconnection between power and rank and how a kingdoms different r:
turbulent state based on unscrupulous exploitation by a small minority of rulers of public assemblies in a
a large majority of ruled is misrepresented as an orderly harmonious system of fine significance. For exar
gradation of rank which contains no sharp social breaks. We have seen how the their blood spilt. So r,
 THE DISCONNECTION BETWEEN POWER AND RANK A5 A PROCESS 437
representation of differential rank is seen in terms of a supernaturally given essence
held in greater degree by those with high rank but which benefits all, an essence
which not only comes from beyond men but has effect beyond men, since it accords
with and stimulates the natural processes of reproduction. This cultural mystifica-
tion is, however, more than just a veil over the eyes of the actors; by hiding the reality
of exploitation and transforming it into an ideology which stresses the beneficent
effect of the presence of the ruleE it serves to preserve the power of the rule, to
facilitate its acceptance and thereby to maintain it. By drawing the line between
rulers and ruled in the way that is done by the ranking system, the possibility of class
consciousness on the part of the ruled is made much less likely and so here too the
ideology preserves and indeed is an essential element of exploitation. The non-
correspondence we have noted is, therefore, more than an ethnographic or a histor-
ical puzzle: it is one of the innermost mechanisms of the reproduction of the political
system. This view of ideology is of course familiar in the social sciences through the
insight of Marx as well as several preceding and subsequent writers. Most recently
one of its most elegant formulations has come in M. Godelier's analysis of the Inca
state, where he shows how the transfer of surplus from inferior classes to superior
classes is represented as a small return for the divine gift of fertility from the gods
mediated by the Inca king and his collaborators (Godelier, 1973: 83).
If our task could be limited simply to demonstrating the function of ideology as a
rnechanism for the reproduction of social formations, this paper could end here.
HoWever,. . . if the ideology of Merina and Betsileo states obscures reality so as to
reproduce it, the question of how this representation can have come about becomes
of prime interest. The simplest answer, and one perhaps implied in Godelier's article,
is that the false representation is a device on the part of the ruling class to maintain
that which is plainly to their advantage. This, however, conjures up a totally unreal
situation and is incompatible with the fact that all the evidence suggests that rulers
were as mystified as ruled. The anthropologists must therefore do more and produce
theories which account for the rise of ideologies maintaining certain social systems,
without falling into the trap of thinking that these ideologies are either, on the one
hand, actual reflections of reality, or on the other, conscious Machiavellian devices
thought up by rulers to fool their subjects. The second half of this paper is an
attempt to outline tentatively how a theory which avoids both these pitfalls can be
constructed.
The first step in this case is to ask a question which should follow from the
preceding section. If hasina is primarily a false mystical essence, what are the
observable manifestations of this illusion and, secondly, when do they occur?
These manifestations are of two kinds: first, minor and frequent manifestations
and, secondly, major infrequent manifestations. Of the minor manifestations the
most important ones are greetings. People of differing rank should be greeted by
different types of greeting, so andrianas [nobles], in the wide sense, in Imerina and to
this day should be greeted by the phrase Tsara ua Tompoko while other phrases
should be used for non-andrianas.ln a sense, andrianas have their rank at least at the
beginning of conversations. Apart from this, in the past in both Betsileo and Merina
kingdoms different ranks had rights to wear certain types of clothing, to speak at
public assemblies in a certain order, and to be exempt from a few laws, none of great
significance. For example, higJr,, demes in Imerina had the privilege of not having
their blood spilt. So when they were condemned to death, instead of being killed in
438 MAURICE BLOCH

the usual ways they were either strangled or drowned. Also of significance were generatlon to gr
rights relating ro tombs. Higher demes could have their tombs within the village material descen
walls, while lower demes could not, and the very highest demes had special shaped Madagascar (Bl
tombs, the topmost part of which were called trano masina: holy houses . (Masina in any notion of fi
'l'908: 301'-74)).
this case is the adjectival form of hasina (Callet, be done by any
Apart from these minor manifestations of differential hasina the demonstration of t...1
royil hasina from which all others sprang was focused on four major national rituals Finally, and p
of outstanding importance: the circumcision ritual, the coronation ceremony' the bath, the fandr
ceremony of the royal bath, and royal funerals. Only a very brief outline of these can Interpretation c
be given here. mony, involvinE
The circumcision ceremony of the Merina and Betsileo is similar and it is the only anything up to
one of the four which is still practised today, though in a changed form. Every seven passage of the c
years or so, the ruler would declare the time for the circumcision come and for of kingship, not
the following week or perhaps longer a series of rituals are performed. First, the The main ritu
whole kingdom is cleaned, both literallS and mystically in the case of witches, who
are killed if they are discovered through the administering of a poison oracle to the 1. A morator
whole population. Then basina (mark II) is offered by all groups in ranking order to 2. Opening u
the rulir and also probably within the demes and between demes equally in order of sors by the king
rank. Then to mark the ritual state of the population, all plait their hair in a 3. The ritual
characteristic and complex way. The king as well as all the heads of demes go to after receiving I
the tombs of their predecessors and ancestors (assumed to be the same) and make takes a bath wir
offerings and prayers which in the case of the ruler are climaxed by the phrase "Ho the water of tl
masina anie", "Let mebe masina".Then follows the ceremony of the fetching of the stepping out of
rano masina, holy water. He then receiver
This water is fetched from several fixed places and its significance is that it the whole kingc
increases the fertility of humans; thus through the agency of these with hasina the bath is marked I

forces of nature are harnessed to be passed on in the increased fertiliry of the next in the past by a
generation which is the principal aim of the ceremony. Then the hasina-giving is bath as the fact r
iepeated and all take part in a complex dance called soratra which is said to month of Alahot
"iampandroso basina", to "force basina to enter"' but which at the same time fertility. This is z
acts out the differential hasina of the various demes of the kingdom (Callet, 1908: new crop of rice
73-82). 4. Forward-lc
The circumcision ceremony stresses very explicitly certain themes which we shall (echoed at deme
find again in the other ceremonies: 1) The king is associated by the ceremony with
his royal predecessors and through contact with them he indirectly passes on fertility . .. The cycle
to the whole population. 2) The king is associated by the ceremony with the inevitable extenr
reproductive force of nature and because of his hasina he can canalize this to the and made depen
rest of the population. 3) The king's and the demes' hasina is created by the giving of to the giving of
basinamark II as well as by the dance; at the same time the relative amount of hasina demes, or father
is defined. words, the recei
The second ceremony where the hasina of the ruler is stressed is the accession basina giving thr
ceremony. This takes place at a spot called Mahamasina (the place which renders The recognitic
masina;the present-day football stadium of Tananarive), where apart from receiving by the conquesr
thehasina from his subjects in ranked order the king absorbed the hasina from his giving blessing o
predecessors by drinking water containing earth drawn from the tombs of the family is seen as
lrevious kings which he claimed to be descended from (Ellis, 1838: vol. 1, p. a20). present incumber
this ritual clearly demonstrates the incorporation by the present king of the hasina tombs. ... Mater:
of his predecessors, which is seen as reproducing itself again and again from manipulable but
 THE DISCONNECTION BETWEEN POWER AND RANK AS A PROCESS
439
generatron to generation channelled in one unchanging line.
of course, this type of
material descent' contact with the corpses of predecJssJrs, which
is typical of central
Madagascar (Bloch, 19.71.) i.s also highly manlpulable, since it is
not d.s.errt tt ro.rgt
any notion of filiation but descent through incorporation of predecessors
which can
be done by anybody irrespective of whJis parents were.
t...1
Finallg and-perhaps most interestinglg we_ h,a.ve the yearly ceremony
.bath, the fandroana,:..Ih. best study'available...is to be founa in
of the royal
A. Delivr6,s
Interpretation d'une Tradition orare (1967). Delivr6 stresses how
the ,oy"l ..."_
mony' involving much singing and dancing and other ritual activity
and lasting for
anything up to a month, shows a crear p"tt.rn emerging: on
the one hand the
passage the old year.and the coming ofihe new, and"on"the other the
_of repetition
of kingship, not only within a reign, but beyond it from ,rig., to ..igrr.
The main rituals of the Fandroana are in order:

1. A moratorium on funerals.
2. opening up of the tombs followed by a tidying up
- of the tomb of his predeces_
sors by the king echoed in all demes by similar lay]"s up in
de*i tombs.
3. The ritual of the. royal bath which gives the .J."-orry its name.
The ruler,
after receiving hasina in the form of the ioin from his,,rbi..t, in
order of rank,
takes a bath with much ritual. He then blesses the subjects
fy ,pr"yi"g them with
the water of the bath. This increases their fertility and tt^r'"t'th.".ropr.
stepping out of the bath the ruler says: "Ho masina anie,,, .,May
o.
r be masina,,.
He then.receives the gift
9f basina again. This is echoed by gift giving throughout
the_whole kingdom as inferiors givelo superiors.l rrr.
the actual
bath is marked by the whole population taking part in "igtiprJ..airrg
tJ..hirg; procession and
in the past by a period of sexual licence. The cauie of both " these ii as much
the royal
bath as the fact that the royal bath coincides with the y.ur, ,h. p"rr"g. from the
1on-th Alahotsy associated with death to the month
of ".*eiuh"-udi associated with
fertility. This is also the mid-point between harvest and"f the beginning
of sowing the
new crop of rice.
4.. Forwa:d-looking ceremonies at the royal tombs and closing of the tombs
,
(echoed at deme tombs).

... The cycle of the year

is rinked with the actions of kinship. Then and by
inevitable extension the fertility of the crops is linked with
the hisina of the kin!
and,made dependent upol jr The giving of rank by the ,.rby..t,
to the king i, lirrk;;
to the giving of rank by all inferiors to all superiors, *heth., superior
and inferior
demes, or fathers and sons, or elder brothers and younger
brot'rr.rr, etc. In other
words, the receiving of hasina by the king is seen as the final result
of a wave of
basina giving throughout the society.
_ The recognition of rank by all is merged with the continuation of all, symbolized
by the conquest over death, of which tombs are the symbol,
*.ll tfr. f..tiiity-
", each deme
giving blessing of the bath-water. This conquest over death for "r and. each
family is seen as dependent on the .onqo.ri over death or trr. ki"grt
ip. For this the
present incumbent must be the rightful successor of other
kings wiose tombs are his
tombs. . . . Material and essential succession is merged with
a iro..r, which is in fact
manipulable but which, when looked back .rpori, hu, all t'he
of bio_
"pf.ur".r."
440 MAURICE BLOCH TH

logical descent, since it involves the transfer of material substance between gener- the produce of tl
ations of rulers. the universe whi
The actual bathing also re-echoes central themes of both the circumcision cere- The analysis c
mony and the royal funerals. The water for the bath should be obtained from the is that the illus
same places as the water for the rano masina, the holy water of the circumcision manifestation of
ceremony; by contact with the body of those with hasina it transforms natural transformed intc
fertility into social fertilitS which is then used to bless the assembled multitude in hasina mark I. F,
the same way that the rano masina is poured by the elders on the penis of the child. where the experi
This use of water also re-echoes the tsodrazo discussed above. In all these cere- of the time, is
monies then we see the association of the power of nature and the power of men relationships of
inextricably linked to become hasina. The substance which gives rank its legitimacy of universal bent
is as much of nature as of men; it is, therefore, beyond question and infinitely The factthat h
desirable since on it relies the life of all. I believe can fur
The passage from one year to the next and the promise of the future rice harvest is misrepresentatio
associated with the passage of kings from year to year through time, a passage which working the syst
is continuous since the present king is the representative of the corpses inside the looking at what
tombs where his predecessors have been buried which will contain him and his reality, in other r
successors. The ritual associates the king and his bath with the renewal of human The reason wl
fertility through the water of the bath which, as in other ceremonies, symbolizes the between rank an
continuity of human life. The whole ceremony is focused on the ritual at the palace are looking at ,

but is re-echoed by many observances inside every Merina horne. trts centre is physical force f<
marked by the bath, preceded by a night of unbridled sexual licence which has manner in which
won it much fame among European writers but which often marks the turning-point at rank, by contr
in ceremonies of continuing fertility in Madagascar. The whole ceremony estab- scale extended a
lishes, recognizes and differentiates between degrees of hasina. As the king comes greetings.
out of his bath he utters the phrase: "FIo masina anie", "that I may be masina", and These rituals r
accompanying this, both immediately preceding and following the bath, he is given formalized langu
hasina mark II by the other high-ranking members of his entourage; a g€sture material symbok
repeated throughout the kingdom by those of lesser rank giving to those of higher at different acti'
rank, repeated inside every family by sons giving hasina to their fathers, younger actors. From tin
brothers giving basina to their older brothers, etc. At the very moment when the king we must underst
manifests his supreme hasina, associating it with the recurring cycles of nature and the difference bet
reproduction, the whole hierarchical rank system of the kingdom is, so to speak, the actor is invo
activated in order to mask the actual power situation. The masking process takes believe this is a f
place in the transposition of political power, achieved by force against subjects and exaction in its un
predecessors, to an aspect of the natural life-giving processes of nature and human the experience o:
sexuality; in other words, power is represented as beneficient nature - it is the mode of commu
transposition of unique achievement into repetitive and therefore infinite events iors who take ar
and the transposition of a sharp break between rulers and ruled into a continuum dancer in the cer
of differenti al hasina,
The . . . royal rituals we have looked at so far carry the same message, an amazing
message in the light of the reality of Merina and Betsileo history The message is that
political power is an aspect of a mystical power distributed throughout the popula-
tion in differing degrees. This power is not primarily political but is an aspect of Only a very brie
nature. Like nature it is repetitive but unending. Like nature it is life-giving. Like presented in an a
nature (by definition) it is not created by man but exists independently of man. The religion an extre
present ruler if he has hasina is, therefore, nothing but the continuation of his chapter 2 of the
predecessors, the vessel of the hasina which they had. The life of the subjects and argument is the c
 THE DISCONNECTION BETWEEN POWER AND RANK
AS A PROCESS 441
the produce of the earth is dependent on the communion
with the religious forces of
the universe which is achieved through him.
The analysis of the. ' . royal rituals which has been ourlined
above shows when it
is that the illusion of basina and the rank are created. oo*, from
the minor
manifestation of hasina and rank discussed above, it ir d"ri"g.1tuals
that power is
transformed into sainthood, that hasina mark II takes on th. ill.rrory
appearance of
hasina mark I. For periods of varying length, normal
activity i, ,,rrp.rra.a by rituals
w-he1e the experience of exploit"tion intimidation, i-ph.Jby political rule mosr
-i.personalizing
"nd
of the rime, is transformed into a totally different pi.t,r..,
the
relationships_ of oppression to relarionships of p.otection
of universal beneficence in the form of feitility.
t;";, who are vessels
The fact that hasina and rank are illusions oi certain times
but nor all times is what
I believe can furnish us with an answer to the question poJ how can a
abour"bou.:
misrepresenration of political and economic reality come
without *yu"ay
working the system consciously so as to mislead oihers? The answer
will come by
looking at what is special about those times when hasina
and rank appeano rr"u"
realitS in other words by utilizing a theory of ritual.
The reason why a theory of ritual is relevant to the understanding
.between rank and power comes from the fact that when we
of the relation
looki.rg at power we
are looking at unformalized {unritualized) action using "r" ordina.y l"rg.rug.
physical force for its comrnunication. we are looking ,i
for which "rJ
the
manner in which things are done is secondary to what ii ".rirria.,
done. when we are looking
at rank' by contrast, we turn to rituals, wheihe, religious
o, ,..ul"r, whether largel
scale extended affairs like the ceremony of the bath"o.
u"ry ,*uit-scale affairs like
greetings.
These rituals use a type of communication different from
other communication:
formalized language, song, formalized bodily gestures, dance
and communication by
material symbols. $7hen we are looking at power and rank
we are tfr.r.ror. ioot i.ri
at different activities and differenr rypes of communication involvin g
th, ,a*Z
actors. From time to,time life is "lifted up",
!o to speak, to another"plu.r. u.rd
we must understand the significance of this "lifting". Iit is important to stress that
the difference between power and rank refers to difflrent
type, of activities in which
the actor is involved and not a moye from the obs.rver's't'o
the a.tort category (I
believe this is a fairly common mistake in anthropol"gyr. I"a..i,1h"
p.r..prion of
exaction in its unadorned form is just as much pait of iiie experi.n..
of th"
the experience of rank in rituals, but it occurs at different iimes
arrd in a ".tor, ",
different
mode of communication. The Merina peasant is sometimes faced
by armed ;"p*-
iors who take away part of his crops L.rt a few months later
he is a singer and a
dancer in the ceremonies of the bath.

Communication in Ritual

only a very brief outline of a theory of ritual can be given here. The
argument is
presented in an article entitled "Symbols, song, dance
f"u,.r.., of articilation: Is
religion an extreme form of traditional autf,ority?". "id
.. pl".h, r9)4, reprinted as
chapter 2 of the volume from which this extract comes]. The
starting point of the
argument is the observation that ritual, whether religious or not,
is chiracterired bf
M2 MAURICE BLOCH THE

certain special (extraordinary) types of communication. These are mainly formalized of power which z

repetitive, inevital
speech and song, formalized bodily moYement and dance and material symbols
which replace words. All these media of communication share features in common cyclical aspects, I
in contradistinction to more ordinary communication, especially ordinary language'
puts them outsid
The first and most fundamental aspect of ritual communication is that although it transcended the i
appears richer in aesthetic and emotional values, it is poorer as to its semantic
individual (pace I
The theory of r
poiential and its ability to carry a logical argument. This is because, as has been
ary implications.
iho*tt by generative semantics, the logical potential of communication is dependent
on aspects of syntax, and these are weakened or destroyed in these media. Ordinary of leadership. Po
language depends for its ability to say new things within a given mould on the authority and th
articulations which unite a continuous unit of communication. In ordinary language traditional author
one bit of communication can be followed by any other bit. This is because syntax is
This was brillir
Those who acqu
a system which can link meaningfully practically any two propositions. In ordinary
language one bit can be followed by a near infinity of other bits within a framework attacks of rivals, t
which gives this sequence meaning. an office of whic
In the case of formalized language, and especially song and such non-linguistic them. This is dor
communication as dance, this high flexibility in the articulation of communication is with the rest of
proceeds, commr
either greatly reduced or almost absent, and so the potential for saying new things
within a given structure is equally reduced or absent. The articulation of communi- speaker, and appr
cation becomes, so to speak, arthritic. While in ordinary language the suppleness of to hold him. Real
create him. This 1
communication means that unit A can within the rule be followed by an infinity of
less and less chall
units B, in ritual language or song A can, within the rule, be followed by very few or
even only one B. Thus, while for ordinary language the only reason which links A
own. This results
and B is the nature and force of the argument, in ritual the link between A and B is
eminently transfe
partly given by the nature of the communication. Two points follow from this: 1) This is because
Communication is not easily or at all adjustable to the reality of a particular place or own achievement
time because of its arthritic nature. 2) Reasoned contradiction or argument, which Ritualizing powe
implies a supple form of link-up with previous utterances, is equally reduced or ruled rituals, but it alsc
i.e. the acts of p<
orri. At a result the communication of ritual is protected by its form from challenge,
rapid modification, or evaluation against other statements or empirical data. Sec- rituals. In this w
produces rank th
ondly, not only does ritual communication restrict the articulations between parts
results in greater
of the message, it also dramatically limits the range of words of larger units of
produced will sta
communication which are appropriate. Particularly it reduces the range of possible
illustrations which are thought suitable parallels to matter at hand. Often it specifies The fact that r
has another evolt
that any illustration must be drawn from a scriptural corpus or from a single
historical tradition. The effect of this restriction on communication is particularly below. This remc
events from plact
interesting: it means that any single ritual event is, in the perspective of ritual
communication, going to be seen simply as a manifestation of an event which recurs apparently exterr
or which is cyclic. Ritual communication makes the social world appear organized possibility of mar
in a fixed order which recurs without beginning and without end. As a result the ritual for carryinl
social is like the natural, even a part of nature, and so ritual communication proiects
his own persona
the political, the social, the discontinuous, the cultural and the arbitrary into the continually switc
image and the realm of repetitive nature. Since ritual cannot "come to grips" with communication,
reality this is transformed into something quite different. "father of his pe
(Bloch, 1.975).ln
The theory is relevant to what we have been looking at so far in the following
rulers as they be<
way: it explains why the ritual representation of rank is apparently unchallenged by
protect themselvr
very different expefiences of power. It also explains why rank and hasina are
represented as cyclic and therefore permanent. It also makes clear why statements
two alternative c
 THE DISCONNECTION BETWEEN POWER AND RANK AS A PROCESS M3
of power which are "given" in the universe (since they cannot be challenged) and
repetitive, inevitably link up with the processes of nature and especially its beneficial
cyclical aspects, fertility and reproduction. Putting statements into ritual language
puts them outside society and into nature since the statements appear to-have
transcended the actions of men and are experienced as though from outside the
individual (pace Durkheim).
The theory of ritual under discussion, however, has some more directly evolution-
ary implications. We should think of rituals less as given, more as part of the process
of leadership. Political leaders have been divided between thosi with tralitional
authority and those with charismatic authority. It is clear that it is those with
traditional authority who use rituals.
This was brilliantly analysed by \Weber who stressed the processual side of this.
Those who acquire power institutionalize it to make it less vulnerable from the
attacks of rivals, they put this power "in the bank of ritual". They do this by creating
an office of which they are the legitimate holders. But which has reality beyonJ
them. This is done by gradual ritualization of the power-holder's communicarion
with the rest of the world, especially his inferiors. As this ritualization process
proceeds, communication loses the appearance of a creation on the part of the
speakeq and appears like repeats of set roles specified by the office which appears
to hold him. Reality is thus reversed and the creation of the power-holder to
create him. This process means two things: power having become authority "pp."t,
"pp.urc
less and less challengeable, but at the same time it becomes less the por""r-hoid.r',
own. This results in the fact, also emphasizedby \Jfeber, that traditional authority is
eminently transferable.
This is because as the leader puts his control "in the bank" he removes it from his
own achievements by making it unrelated to history and part of nature (see above).
Ritualizing power means that the achieved power is transformed into ritual rank by
rituals, but it also means that in the process rank becomes separated from its origin,
i.e. the acts of power, and any direct feedback is ruled out by the very pro.rrJ oi
rituals. In this way rank will inevitably become disconnected from power. power
produces rank through ritual but this gives rank independence, a "realism,, which
results in greater time persistence. Then power will change but the rank it has
produced will stay.
The fact that ritualization removes authority from the person of power-holders
has another evolutionary implication which we must touch on brieflyfto return to it
below. This removal is a problem for the ruler himself, in that it not only removes
events from place and time and compels others by placing them in a repetitive and
apparently external system, but it also depersonalizes him, removing from him the
possibility of manipulation. If a ruler totally adopts the mode of communication of
rirual for carrying out his will, he at the same time loses his ability to affect events for
his own personal ends as opposed to the ends of his office. He must therefore
continually switch from the mode of communication of ritual to a secular mode of
communication, using the former for statements concerning his unchallenged role as
-tather of his people", the latter in order that he may play the astute politician
,Bloch, 1975).In evolutionary rerms one can see this whole process as one whereby
rulers as they become accepted ritualize their communication with their subjects to
protect themselves from short-term challenges, but as they do this they begin to need
nvo alternative codes, playing one after the other, which correspond to two roles
444 MAURICE BLOCH THE

which they may well alternate, that of priest and politician, that of orator and use much mofe c(
patron. The superior who tries to avoid separating the contradictory roles of father value of this partir
of his people and politician is a successful ruler, but he is at all times facing the
danger of being kicked upstairs as a priest or kicked aside by a successful rival who
takes over the role he has created. NOTES
t...1
1 It should be nol
demands are a si
Conclusion 2 See full version.

Dumont's characterization of the Indian caste system and his insistence on the
BIBLIOGRAPHY
disconnection between status and power gave us our starting point. I(hile fully
accepting the strictures on the danger of reducing one of these systems to the other I
Balandier, G. 1970.
have tried to show that in an analogous case it is still possible to see the ideology of
Bloch, Marc. 1961.
hierarchy as a product of political economic history. Of course, Malagasy history Puissance Royale
does not explain the specific form of the Indian system. To use it in this way would Bloch, Maurice. 19i
be to fall again into the reductionism and ethnocentricism Dumont criticizes. $7hat among the Merin
the study presented here does show is a system with striking similarities to the Indian Symbols
caste system which can be accounted for. This is especially so since the similarities vol. 15, pp.55-8
-t974.
between the two systems, the gradual and all-encompassing nature of the hierarchy,
the disconnection befween religious and seeular lrower, the continuity in the reli- Society. London,
-1975.Introdur
gious interpretation of human society and of nature are precisely those features of Callet, R. P. 1908.
Acad€mie Malgar
the Indian system particularly stressed by Dumont.
Chaneg V/. A.I97(
The method here has been to outline the existence of two systems. The first is the
Copalle, A. 1970. I
system of political economy evolving according to its own logic and affected by such
Madagascar, vol.
things as the ecology of central Madagascar and the technology of what J. Goody Delivr6, A. 1967.lt
has ialled the "means of destruction" (J. Goody, 1971'1.2 lished as Delivr6
Then I have considered another system, the system of ideas held by the Merina InterPri
and the Betsileo, and I have outlined the systern as having two different kinds of De Heusch, L. t96r
-1974.
relations to the first system. The system of ideas must, on the one hand, be in Annales du Centr
paft congruent with the economic and political system' since it must offer a Dubois, H. M. 193
practical system of communication to operate it, in the same way as it must offer logie, vol. 34, Pa
a practical system of communication to exploit nature and obtain a living from it. Dumont, L. 1965. )
D. Pocock
On the other hand, the system of ideas is in certain domains separated from the
Sociology, vol. 2.
reality of life and feeds on itself to create another pseudo-reality. This is possible only -and
Edholm, F. 1.971.. )
because of the semantic implications of ritual communication which protect ideas thesis, London S<
from challenge by empirically generated knowledge, and which links up ideas in a Ellis, If. 1838. Hlsr
way which is sub-logical. The system of ideas is therefore made up of two kinds of Godelier, M. 1,973.
sysfems of communication which can never interact since they use different media. It Goody, J.1971. Te
is because of the existence of this second system of ideas that a disconnection occurs Press.
between ideas and reality, rank and power. Once this disconnection has occurred Leach, E. R. 1954.
and the system of ideas in sorne matters gains a life of its own, its relation to such The fro
events as the growth and death of kingdoms becomes indirect, evolving within its -1960. Introdu
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Pitt-Rivers,
It is because of this disconnection that most evolutionary theories, whether past or J.
Salmond, A. 1975.
present, appear simple-minded or simply wrong. They all try to establish a direct
Traditional Socie
and unique relation between the politico-economic base and ideology, while any Southall, A. 1955.
study of a particular case shows this not to be valid. On the other hand, if we have to
 THE DISCONNECTION BETWEEN POWER AND RANK A5 A PROCESS M5
use much more complex theories in the future I hope I have shown, whatever the
value of this particular case, that we need not give up.

NOTES

It should be noted that gift-giving in Madagascar is always a sign of inequaliry while

demands are a sign of equality.
See full version.

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