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Nationalism in the Troubled Triangle: Cyprus, Greece

and Turkey
a
Alexandros Naf pliot is
a
Nat ional Hellenic Research Foundat ion/ Hellenic Foundat ion f or European and Foreign
Policy
Published online: 14 Nov 2014.

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To cite this article: Alexandros Naf pliot is (2015) Nat ionalism in t he Troubled Triangle: Cyprus, Greece and Turkey, Hist ory:
Reviews of New Books, 43: 1, 33-34, DOI: 10. 1080/ 03612759. 2015. 952166

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 January 2015, Volume 43, Number 1
comprising well-documented and
compelling evidence of criminal intent
in the Nazi genocide against the
Roma. The volume is well organized
into regional case studies that include
France, Austria, Romania, Croatia,
Ukraine, and Russia. Together, the
studies both provide a general over-
view of historical discrimination
against the Roma and hone in on the
exacerbation of policies under the
Nazi regime. The closing chapters
move beyond the regime to describe
how postwar attitudes toward the
Roma have affected justice, memory,
and discrimination.
In the opening chapter, Missouri
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University of Science and Technology
historian Shannon L. Fogg argues that
nomadism, rather than race, invoked
historical and continued polices
against French Roma. Fogg concludes
that the French policy has consistently
been one of assimilation through
forced settlement. Florian Freund of
the University of Vienna traces the tra-
jectory of genocide from definitional
ambiguity to detailing how the war
accelerated persecution against Aus-
trian Roma, as the meaning of Gypsy
shifted from itinerancy to a more
racialized definition based on differ-
ence. Pseudo-scholarly literature
defined Roma criminality as a racial
issue and catalyzed radicalization of
anti-Roma policies. Alexander Korb, a
historian at the University of Leices-
ter, challenges the existing assumption
of entrenched German involvement in
the Ustasa genocide against non-Mus-
lim Roma. Korb acknowledges that
race was involved but argues that it
was not determinant until the deporta-
tion of the Jews triggered the deporta-
tion of the Roma. Korb’s essay leaves
many questions unanswered about
deportations and the brutality of the
understudied Jasenovac camp, punctu-
ating the difficulty of research in Cro-
atia, particularly in a region where
ethnic mimicry was the norm. Univer-
sity of Central Florida historian Vladi-
mir Solanari has compiled extensive
archival sources to confront assertions
that the treatment of Roma in Romania
was not racial but, rather, was based
on Antonescu’s attempts to secure
order. Solanari’s research shows
how eugenicist propaganda influenced
anti-Roma discourse. The persecution
of Roma in other countries, along with
the deportation of the Jews, in 1942,
gave Antonescu license to pursue poli-
cies of ethnic purification. Mikhail
Tyaglyy, of the Ukrainian Center for
Holocaust Studies, and Martin Holler,
PhD candidate at Humboldt Univer-
sity, provide a much-needed analysis
of the mass murder of Ukrainian and
Russian Roma. Tyaglyy focuses
broadly on the Wehrmacht and SS and
Holler more specifically on the actions
of Einsatzgr€uppe A. Both emphasize
how the progression of killing vali-
dated the genocidal intent. Although
both establish that there was little dis-
tinction between sedentary and itiner-
ant Roma in the killing fields, Holler
makes an often overlooked point about
how the influx of refugees blurred the
meaning of itinerancy.
The last chapters of the volume
underline how justice and recognition
remain entangled in myth and mem-
ory. Historian Gilad Margalit of the
University of Haifa analyzes the fail-
ure of the justice system to prosecute
those responsible for crimes against
the Roma, particularly Robert Ritter
and his associate Eva Justin, whose
work laid the foundation for the racial
persecution of the Roma. Margalit
emphasizes how justice excluded the
role of the scientific community in
genocide, perpetuating the myth that
only the Nazi upper ranks committed
such crimes. Sociologist Nadine
Blumer examines conflicting mem-
ory narratives as they relate to the
building of memorials, pointing out
how the hierarchy of victims and
ownership of the Holocaust impedes
the building of shared memorial
sites. S»awomir Kapraski, a sociolo-
gist at the Warsaw School of Social
Sciences and the Humanities,
assesses how persecution and per-
ception influenced Romani identity.
Kapraski acknowledges the diversity
among Romani groups; however, as
in most work delving into Romani
identity, an outside-in approach
complicates conclusions and results
in the same kind of generalization
that Kapraski criticizes.
The Nazi Genocide of the Roma
brings together a valuable array of
case studies that successfully
33
challenge historical arguments mini-
mizing the genocide of the Roma
under the Nazis. The contributing
scholars have shown not only how eth-
nicity informed criminality, but also
how ambiguous policy against the
Roma should not negate genocidal
intent. This volume is a critical contri-
bution to the field and should be
required reading for any course on the
Holocaust. Only by integrating schol-
arly work such as this into Holocaust
dialogue will we finally be able to
acknowledge the genocide of the
Roma as one of the dark chapters of
modern history.
MELISSA D. HUGHES
Florida State University
Copyright Ó 2015 Taylor & Francis
urek, and
Aktar, Ayhan, Niyazi Kızıly€
€
Umut Ozkırımlı, eds.
Nationalism in the Troubled Trian-
gle: Cyprus, Greece and Turkey
Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan
288 pp., £60.00,
ISBN 978-0230579156
Publication date: March 2010
The area of the eastern Mediterra-
nean has long been rich soil not only
for the development of rivalries,
clashes, and conflicts, but also for a
vast amount of scholarship on the
countries involved and the people
present. The Cyprus issue has
attracted great interest (especially
since the 1974 invasion), and, lately,
thought-provoking studies of Turkish
and, in fewer cases, Greek national-
ism have emerged. The added value
of the present volume is that it cov-
ers a quite important lacuna in the
literature that deals with the aptly
called “troubled triangle.” This is the
first title ever to consider the devel-
opment and nature of Greek, Turk-
ish, and Cypriot nationalisms
together. Another important advan-
tage of the book is in its contribu-
tors: respectable academics from all
three countries (plus Britain), with
proven credentials in studying the
history, society, politics, and nation-
alism of Cyprus, Greece, and Turkey.
The volume is divided in two parts,
with the first (comprised of eight
 34
chapters) dealing with Greece and
Turkey and the second with national-
ism in Cyprus. The book, a fruit of a
conference organized at the University
of Cyprus in 2006, opens with a fasci-
nating introductory chapter on history
and nationalism, written by Professor
John Breuilly. Chapter 2, by Ayhan
Aktar, sheds light on Turkish
nationalists’ efforts to convert a part
of the Ottoman Empire into a Turk-
ish fatherland through a series of
measures employed in the first years
of the Turkish Republic that aimed
to homogenize the population. In
Chapter 3, Suavi Aydın dispels the
myth of the Turkish official history
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thesis by castigating the use of scien-
ces such as archaeology and anthro-
pology to support that thesis. G€ unay
G€ €
oksu Ozdo gan shows how Kemalist
policies and practices led to the prev-
alence of the state over the nation, as
well as the absence of civil patriot-
ism in Turkey.
In terms of understanding Greek
nationalism, Renee Hirschon very
rightly stresses, in Chapter 5, the
importance of three factors: historical
background, cultural context, and pre-
vailing political forces. As she
explores the nexus between religious
and national identity, she comes to the
conclusion that modern Greece is not
really a secular state (since the separa-
tion between Church and state is not
yet complete), along the way recogniz-
ing resonances of the Ottoman millet
in the Greek state’s mindset. In the fol-
lowing chapter—one of the most inter-
esting of the volume—Spyros Sofos
€
and Umut Ozkırımlı challenge tradi-
tional nationalist literature on the
emergence of Greek and Turkish
nationalisms. The two coauthors do a
wonderful job in providing an over-
view of the complex way the respec-
tive national movements and
ideologies developed, stressing their
plurality and heterogeneity and identi-
fying a multiplicity of factors that
determined that Neohellenic Enlight-
enment (in Greece) and Turkism (in
Turkey) would be the ideologies that
prevailed.
In the chapters that follow, Kon-
stantina Zanou tackles the subject of
self-exile in connection with the
national idea by examining the case of
Greek historian Andrea Mustoxidi;
G€ _
ul Inanç takes an innovative
approach, as she focuses on the role of
diplomats in relation to Turkish
nationalism in Cyprus in the 1970s
and 1980s; and Harry Tzimitras looks
at Greek foreign policy to provide a
thorough account of how international
law can be employed to hammer out
national superiority.
Part 2 of the volume concentrates
on nationalism in Cyprus. It opens
with a fascinating chapter by Micha-
lis N. Michael on how the Church
of Cyprus acquired a permanent
national role, as well as how
national myths were produced and
preserved. Chapters 11 and 12 turn
our attention to the Turkish Cypriot
community, with Altay Nevzat
examining the role of the office of
M€ u in the development of nation-
uft€
alism and, interestingly, the role of
British involvement and Niyazi
Kızıly€urek identifying the emer-
gence of this very nationalism as a
reaction to the Greek Cypriot variety
and acknowledging the role of Rauf
Denktaş in this process. Sia Ana-
gnostopoulou takes us through the
complexities of the Cypriot version
of Greek nationalism, emphasizing
the part played by Archbishop
Makarios. The last two chapters, by
Caesar Mavratsas and Stavros Tom-
bazos, zoom in on two specific
aspects of political life in the
Republic of Cyprus: the factors that
contributed to the Greek Cypriots’
rejection of the Annan plan, and the
stance of the Greek Cypriot left
wing toward nationalism.
All in all, this edited volume is a
welcome contribution to the historiog-
raphy of Greek and Turkish national-
ism. Students and scholars working on
the three countries and four cases
(including both the Greek and Turkish
Cypriot communities) will be grateful
for this successful systematic and
comparative approach to what can
largely be explained as competing
nationalisms.
ALEXANDROS NAFPLIOTIS
National Hellenic Research
Foundation/Hellenic Foundation for
European and Foreign Policy
Copyright Ó 2015 Taylor & Francis
HISTORY: Reviews of New Books
Yukichi, Fukuzawa
An Encouragement of Learning
(Gakumon no susume)
Trans. David A. Dilworth; Intro.
Nishikawa Shunsaku
New York: Columbia University Press
192 pp., $55.00,
ISBN 978-0-231-16714-7
Publication date: December 2013
In light of his 1885 essay Datsu-A ron
(Departure from Asia), one might be
tempted to consider Fukuzawa Yuki-
chi (1835–1901), a reformist who
indiscriminately denounced Asia and
embraced things Western. Nishikawa
Shunshaku’s scholarly introduction to
this volume attempts an apologia for
Datsu-A ron by putting it in the con-
text of Japan’s struggle with China
over influence in Korea. Nishikawa’s
otherwise informative essay fails to
mention that this struggle led
to Japan’s victory in the First Sino-
Japanese War (1884–85) and the
beginnings of modern Japanese impe-
rialism, but Fukuzawa’s own words
in An Encouragement of Learning
nonetheless demonstrate his nuanced
perspectives on nineteenth-century
relationships between Asia; a Japan
discarding vestiges of feudalism; and
the modern, industrialized, and imperi-
alist West.
Nishikawa’s introduction links
Fukuzawa’s lifelong disdain for
ascribed status to his early life during
the Tokugawa Period (1603–1868).
Fukuzawa was of samurai heritage,
making him technically superior to
peasants, artisans, and merchants. By
the end of Tokugawa times, however,
lower-ranking samurai families such
as Fukuzawa’s sometimes only sub-
sisted economically, and, as a boy,
Fukuzawa was, for a time, employed
as a lowly repairer of sandals. In the
years 1852–1854, Commodore Mat-
thew Perry’s American naval squadron
forced Japan, which had been largely
closed to intercourse with the West
since the seventeenth century, to open
to diplomacy and commerce. This