The Canzoni D Intravolatura of Claudio Merulo - A Guide To The Art of Improvised Ornamentation

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8014786
McDERMOTT, CHARLES MICHAEL
THE "CANZONI D 'INTAVOLATURA" OF CLAUDIO MERULO: A GUIDE

TO THE A RT OF IMPROVISED ORNAMENTATION
University of California, Berkeley PH.D. 1979
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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
The Canzoni d 'Intavolatura of Claudio Merulo:
A Guide to the Art of Improvised Ornamentation
By
Charles Michael McDermott

A.B. (University of Santa Clara) 1971
M.A. (University of Oregon) 1974
DISSERTATION
Submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
in
Music
in the
GRADUATE DIVISION
OF THE
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, BERKELEY
Approved: J/ X- '
B tS /3 COIiFESilES C E E 3E ! 3,1579
Copyright (c) 1979
by
DINT A VO LATV&A f ~~ ”
DI C L A V D I O MERYL O DA CORREGGIO.
A QVATTKO V O Cl, FaTIE aLLA FRaNCESE.
OilASrtniftcilatw«podifiiavi». Sc cfetcinloce daC-jJScintqncfulo
jv « S 'troiE .
to Vct t d . ApprcfloAjgfls C t e t a . * f a r iU .
M. D c V.l
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
It is a pleasure to express gratitude to the advisors
who have guided this project. Professor Alan Curtis aided in
the conception of the topic and lent his special expertise to
its development. Professor Thomas Barnes read through the final
drafts and shared his excitement for Venice of the cinquecento.
Lastly, Professor Lawrence Moe, through his long-standing support
and encouragement, was responsible not only for the beginnings
of my doctoral studies, but for their completion as well.
An Alfred Hertz Memorial Fellowship made possible a trip
to Europe in 1976 which was devoted, in part, to research on
the music of Merulo. The special encouragement of Luigi
Tagliavini during this year will long be remembered. Librarians
were equally helpful, and it is to Doctor Oscar Mischiati of the
Civico museo bibliografico musicale, Bologna, and Hans Peter
Schanzlin of the Universitatsbibliothek, Basel, that I wish
to record particular gratitude.
Thanks are due also to several people who participated
in the final stages of the project. Cleve Johnson provided
beautifully copied examples for several chapters; Walker
Cunningham lent me several transcriptions he made in the course
of a research project on Merulo's keyboard music; and Mark
Staebler readily assisted with translations and the thankless
task of proofreading. Marilyn Mathers was a patient and
untiring typist. And a final note of gratitude to my mother,
who first taught me to love music, for without her support
this project could not have been completed.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Volume I
Page
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ........................ .
CHAPTER
I. IMPROVISED KEYBOARD ORNAMENTATION IN THE

LATE SIXTEENTH CENTURY ..................... 1
II. THE INTABULATED KEYBOARD CANZONA ............ 54
III. THE CANZONI D 1INTAVOLATURA OF CLAUDIO MERULO . 107
IV. MERULO AND THE ART OF ORNAMENTATION . . .144
APPENDICES
I. Chansons Used as Models for Keyboard Canzonas

Between 1570 and 1640 182
II. Ensemble Canzonas Appearing in Keyboard Sources

Between 1570 and 1640 194
III. Verona, Biblioteca Capitolare Cod. MCXXVIII:

Index and C o n c o r d a n c e s ................... 201
IV. A Thematic Index to Keyboard Canzonas Attributed

to M e r u l o ................................206
SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . 210
Volume II
PREFACE .................................... . iii
LIBRO PRIMO ........................ 1
LIBRO S E C ON D O ...................................... 63
LIBRO T E R Z O ......................................112
CRITICAL NOTES .................................... 157
FRONTISPIECE. Title page from the Libro
secondo di canzoni d 1Intavolatura d'organo
(Venice: A. Gardano, 1606). By courtesy
of the Bibliotheque du. conservatoire, Paris.
CHAPTER I
IMPROVISED KEYBOARD ORNAMENTATION

IN THE LATE SIXTEENTH CENTURY
It is difficult to imagine that, in its origins, keyboard
music was anything other than a wholly improvised art. The
earliest keyboard artists were doubtless their own composers,
their own performers, and, often, their own audience. Through
out its early history, improvised performance continued to be
more common than performance of written music. Judging from
the absence of preserved sources of keyboard music and the
forms into which early keyboard music were cast, improvisation
played a decisive role both in the creation of music and in
the application of finishing touches to it. While it is
possible to document this improvisatory tradition from the
early Christian era on, it is not until the sixteenth century,
when theory ceased to be concerned with the place of music in
the Quadrivium, that one encounters a number of treatises,
didactic manuals, and musical examples which enable one to
study with precision the aesthetics and mechanics of improvisa
tion. These sources delineate an art which, though growing
out of a long tradition, became more elaborate than ever before
or after.
In a search for the motivating forces which produced
the surge of accomplishment in improvisation, it is important
to remember that improvisatory practices were limited neither
to any specific instrument, such as the harpsichord, nor to any
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2
specific art, like music. Nor were they confined to any level
of achievement. Rather, improvisatory practices encompassed
the entire field of the fine arts in the late sixteenth century.
The significant trend toward improvisation in poetry, for ex
ample, is manifest in the rich output of the innumerable court
improvisers who prospered toward the end of the fifteenth cen
tury, a tradition which produced the popular commedia dell1arte
and the celebrated type of poetic and musical expression which

1
was the art of the improvisatore. Extemporary performances
were practiced at all levels of society, from the itinerant
cantastorie and cantimpance, who improvised celebrations of
everyday life, to the professional comici dell1arte and court
poets. The popularity of these types of performers, both in
and outside Italy, demonstrates to what extent extemporary

2
performance was appreciated. A similar trend is likewise
clear in the visual arts, where artists typically solved many
decorative problems as a work progressed. The "sketch" and
"drawing," genres which flowered in the sixteenth century, were
expressions of the moment, full of leeway for extemporaneous
detail to be realized anew in the finished painting. Similarly,
plans of itiany buildings gave only the general layout ......
^"See Walter H. Rubsamen, Literary Sources of Secular Music

in Italy (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California
Press, 1943), pp. 26-8; idem, "From Frottola to Madrigal: The
Changing Pattern of Secular Italian Vocal Music," in James Haar,
ed., Chanson and Madrigal 1480-1530: Studies in Comparison and
Contrast (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1964) , pp. 52-4.
2
See, for example, the praise accorded improvisatory poets
by Benedetto Varchi, L'Hercolano (Florence: F. Giunti, 1570),
p. 272.
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3
with no specific design for the decoration which, presumably,

3
was added as the building progressed.
In music, too, spontaneity in shaping and invention was
both influential and cultivated during the sixteenth century.
There was scarcely a single field in music that remained un
affected by improvisation, scarcely a single musical technique
or form that was not essentially influenced by improvisatory
practices. Indeed, the eminently practical theorist Zacconi
felt that the greatness of musicians in his time was due to the
4
practice of improvisation. There were several reasons for this
emphasis. First, composition was still considered a craft and
the creative activity of music was thought to be a function of
the performer. Performance was to the player or singer a creative
application of his technique, not the motive for a performance of
a given piece. The roles of composer and performer had not yet
become compartmentalized, and the tradition of an active composer-
performer collaboration at the moment of execution was never so
strong. Moreover, improvisation answered the eminently practical
needs of a rapid turnover in repertoire. Instrumental music
was in its infancy, and the call for new repertoire surpassed
net only the little music which was published but even, pre
sumably, the available supply in manuscripts. Improvisation,
either upon existing compositions or in the form of completely
3
Andr£ Chastel, L'art italien, 2 vol., (Paris: Librairie
Larousse, 1956), 1:310.
4
Lodovico Zacconi, Prattica di musica, 2 vols., (Venice:
G. Polo, 1592), 2:8. Facsimile reprints of this and succeeding
primary sources are cited in the Bibliography.
4
new works, ideally answered this need. Finally, the spontaneous
creation ex tempore embodied in the performance of music ideally
suited the temper of the age— a disposition commonly identified
as the Renaissance cult of personality. Performance gave that
growing breed, the genteel amateur, an opportunity to display
his ability and express his personality. It proved also to be a
special mode of expression in which the vocation and the genius
of uncommonly gifted players and singers found their opportunity.
That great emphasis was placed on the skill at improvisa
tion of all musicians is evident. Yet, probably no performers
became so adept at the skill as the keyboard player. The in
structions and examples contained in the keyboard tutors of the
period— the printed volumes of Tomas de Sancta Maria, Juan Ber-
mudo and Girolamo Diruta, as well as the manuscript ones, like
that of Hans Buchner— clearly illustrate a widespread and ac
complished practice of improvisation among amateur and profes
sional musicians alike. The extraordinary levels of accomplish
ment which improvisatory practices could ultimately reach are no
better illustrated than in the rules which governed candidates
for the positions at various chapels in the late sixteenth
century. Banchieri, for example, suggests that all organists
should be capable of improvising free pieces, reproducing vocal
compositions on their instrument, as well as performing varia-

5
tions on the themes of liturgical chant ex tempore. The exami
nation rules for the post of organist at S. Antonio in Padua in
5
Adriano Banchieri, Conclusioni nel suono dell'organo (Bologna:
G. Rossi, 1609), p. 28; English translation by Lee R. Garrett
(D.M.A. thesis, University of Oregon, 1S72), p. 41.
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5
1579, for which Diruta himself was an applicant, suggest yet
another level of accomplishment:
1. Every contestant shall briefly improvise

whatever he likes.
2. He shall play in response to the Kyrie.
3. He shall play in response and in various

modes to the Magnificat.
4. Any one of the procurators shall have the

right to choose any plainchant out of the book,
and give it to the contestant to improvise on.°
However, an ultimate level of accomplishment is illustrated in
the famous regolamento for testing organists at that citadel of
musical prestige, S. Marco of Venice: a fantasie on a Kyrie or
motet in strict four-part counterpoint ("come che quattro cantori
contassero"), the leading of an unfamiliar cantus firmus fugally
through all four parts, and a fantasie on an unknown passage

7
executed by the choir— all this expressly a 1improviso. It is
important to note that among these requirements no mention is
made of asking the candidate to simply play a composition that
might be set before him. Rather, knowledge of counterpoint and,
above all, improvisation— disciplines which the theorist Rossetti
g
Giovanni Tebaldini, L'Archivo musicale della Capella Antoni-
ana in Padova (Padua: Libreria Antoniana, 1895), p. 14: "1. Che
ciascuno soni di fantasia con brevita quello che gli pare. 2.
Che si faccia risponsorio alii Kirie. 3. Che si soni in rispon-
sorio al Magnificat in diversi tuoni. 4. Che sij in liberta de
cadaun di Rev. et Mag. Presidenti de dar un canto fermo cavato
all'improviso del libro a ciascum di detti concorrenti sopra il
quale habbi a sonare." See also Tobias Norlind, "Was ein Organist
im 17. Jahrhundert wissen musste," Sammelbande der internationalen
Musikgesellschaft VII (1905-6), 640-42.
7
Francesco Caffi, Storia della musica sacra nella gia Capella
Ducale di San Marco in Venezia dal 1318 al 1797, 2 vols., (Venice:
G. Antonelli, 1854-5) 1:28. The examination of candidates
appears to have been in force from at least 1541.
6
claimed were the rudiments of all musical education— were re-

O
garded as essential.
Improvisation existed in many different areas of keyboard
performance. Ernst Ferand has reduced these to three, for which
he has suggested the terms "horizontal," "vertical" and "motor-

g
ic." An explanation of each illustrates the areas in which
keyboard players, amateur and professional alike, were trained,
and underscores the extent to which improvisatory practices
permeated all aspects of performance.
As revealed by the improvised embellishment of one or more
voices of a composition, the "horizontal" (or "linear") aspect
was the most commonly employed practice. The procedure was
known by a plethora of names (diminution, division, passe-
giare, rompere, ornamentum and the like), yet the technique
was essentially the same: a breaking up of the notes of a
melody into notes of smaller time value without materially
affecting the progression upon which the ornamentation was
based. Everything pertaining to this technique was taught
methodically to the student at an early stage of his musical
g
Biagio Rossetti, Libellus de rudimentis musicis (Verona,
1529), fol. III9.
9
Ernst T. Ferand, Die Improvisation m der Musik (Zurich:
Rhein-Verlag, 1939), pp. 295-345. See also his Die Improvisa
tion in Beispielen aus neun Jahrhunderten abendlandischer Musik
(Cologne: Arno Volk-Verlag, 1961), p. 9
^Ôrnamentum was not always considered a purely horizontal

principal, however, but one that encompassed likewise the fields
of polyphony and harmony. Thus, Joachim Burmeister, Musica
poetica (Rostock: S. Myliander, 1606), pp. 55-70, includes
polyphony and even fugal treatment under ornamentis musicis.
7
training. By diligent work, a performer acquired a vocabulary
of melodic figures which could be introduced between melodic
intervals making up the individual lines of a composition.
The student memorized ways of filling in abstract melodic
intervals and examples of the manner in which these patterns
could be applied to several consecutive intervals in melodic
phrases. These intervals or loci became the elements which

acted directly on the memory to stimulate and activate it.
When, in performance, a circumstance arose which necessitated
calling forth the material committed to memory, a quick survey
of the ornamental patterns for the locality brought to light
the images pertinent to that particular s i t u a t i o n . I n theory,
the student soon progressed from the more or less mechanical
application of "canned" embellishment formulae to genuinely
creative, improvised ornamentation. From the evidence of
contemporary descriptions and intabulations of vocal music,
however, one knows that in reality the practice of ornamentation
did not always reach such artistic heights. Nor did it steer
clear of virtuosic excess in which avalanches of divisions and
graces could virtually bury a work.
The second principle, the "vertical" aspect, was mani
fested primarily in the addition of contrapuntal voices to a
cantus firmus or the improvisation of a work employing some
■^For a full treatment of this pedegogical method, the ars

mnemonica, see Frances A. Yates, The Art of Memory (London:
Oxford University Press, 1966).
strict polyphonic writing on one or more germinal themes.
From the fifteenth century onward, theorists explain the
process of adding at sight one or more contrapuntal lines
to a given melody. The technique was part of every musical
education where the use of the memory loci referred to basic

12
and versatile contrapuntal formulae to be elaborated upon.
As previously demonstrated, the technique was especially
developed by church musicians who were asked to substantiate
their ability before being admitted to a post. The process
was also applicable to secular musicians, however, who knew
how to add improvised contrapuntal lines to a given melody,
the basses danses, for example, or over predetermined chordal
patterns, most typically the ostinatos of various dance forms.
Moreover, all keyboard performers certainly improvised counter
point from one or more germinal themes. Sancta Maria, for
example, recommends that performers make up their own fantasies
on melodic material lifted from the best vocal models as well
as upon newly composed materials. 13 While the practice of
improvised ornamentation continued well into the next centuries,
and is indeed best seen as a clear foreshadowing of the bravura
style of the Baroque, improvised counterpoint soon gave way to
12
Gregory G. Butler, "The Fantasia as Musical Image,"
Musical Quarterly LV (1974), 612-3.
13
Tomds de Sancta Maria, Libro Llamado Arte de taner
fantasia (Valladolid: F. de Cordova, 1565), chap. 51.
9
other styles of playing, particularly the basso continuo style.
Thus, Banchieri observed as early as 1591 that:
Many organists being overcome by vanity in their

security of ensemble playing, do not take care
to further study fantasias [improvised counter
point] and spartituras which have provided many
excellent men with immortality. So, in short,
we will soon have two classes of organists:
those who practice good fantasias, and others,
the bassists, who conquered by much laziness,
will be satisfied simply to play the bass.
Beyond that, they will be like the ass to the
lyre. ^
A final type of improvisation, for which the term
"motoric" has been suggested by Ferand, appears as improvised
music without any fixed schemata. Motoric improvisation
typically provided both structure and ornament, and while the
types of ornamental addition often resemble those of simple
linear improvisation, the forms comprised in this group often
strike out in new directions. They include the free rhapsodic
flourishes which preceded more formal compositions, as well as
the more elaborate toccatas, preludes and preambles, and even
the early non-imitative ricercar. 15
This study is concerned essentially with the first type,
the "horizontal" or ornamental principle. It should be noted,
however, that these descriptive principles are not exclusive,
14
Banchieri, Conclusioni, pp. 24-25; and, in English, m
Garrett, p. 61. See also Ernst T. Ferand, "Improvised Vocal
Counterpoint in the Late Renaissance and Early Baroque,"
Annales musicoloqiques IV (1956), 129-74.
15
Aspects of "motoric" improvisation are discussed in Bruce
Lamott, "Spiridion A Monte Carmelo and the Dissemination of
the Italian Style of Keyboard Improvisation in Germany during
the Seventeenth Century," (Ph.D. dissertation, Stanford
University, in progress).
10
and aspects of the following discussions will touch on the
other categories. In particular, considerable overlap can
and does exist between "horizontal" and "motoric" improvisation.
The similarity of many early toccatas to keyboard intabulations
of vocal compositions— the toccatas and canzonas of Merulo
and Gabrieli, for example— is evidence that the only external
difference between the two types of improvisation is the
presence of a prescribed structure. What differentiates the
rapid figurations tossed imitatively between the hands is
typically not the style of diminution but the structure upon
which the ornamentation has been based. A particularly clear
example of this overlap of "horizontal" and "motoric" improvi
sation is an intabulation of Arcadelt's madrigal "Ancidetemi
pur" which Frescobaldi offers in place of the twelfth toccata
of his Secondo Libro, Rome, 1637. The passagiato is virtually
indistinguishable from the preceeding toccatas: both draw upon
a common fund of improvised technique at the surface level.
While addressed principally to improvised ornamentation, the
following discussion attempts to review all the techniques and
strategies of embellishment that animated the late sixteenth-
century keyboard repertoire.
From the appearance of manuals and other works of
didactic character thoughout the late sixteenth century, as
well as sources of compositions with embellishment added, it
is evident that keyboard performers almost everywhere agreed
that some amount of ornamentation was necessary. There are
11
signs, however, that some players performed without embellish
ing their music. A condemnation of ornamentation by theorists,
for example, is evident throughout the century. Thus Bermudo
writes in 1555:
The player, above all things, should take one

piece of advice, which is that in performing
music he does not add glosses, but performs
it in the manner notated...I do not know how a
player, performing works of excellent men, can
escape, if he glosses thenv from bad breeding,
ignorance, and insolence.
Some forty years later, Bottrigari is similarly adamant:
But because of the presumptuous audacity of

performers who try to invent passaggi, I will
not say sometimes, but almost continuously, all
trying to move as if in a passage-making contest,
and sometimes showing their own virtuosity so
far from the counterpoint of the musical compo
sition they have before them that they become
entangled in their dissonances— it is inevitable
that an insupportable confusion should occur.17
Yet these protests are best seen as reactions against the
tasteless abuses of virtuosi and virtuose so eager to show
off their skill and dexterity at the expense of the composer's
original intentions, rather than the forms of embellishment
which might typically be applied in performance. Indeed, even
Bermudo permitted an occasional redoble to grace a composition.
16
Juan Bermudo, Declaracion de instrumentos musicales (Ossuna:
Juan de Leon, 1555), fol. 60: "El tanedor, sobre todas las cosas,
tenga un auiso, y es, que al poner la musica no heche glosas,
sino de la manera que esta puntado: se ha de poner. No se yo
como puede escapar un tanedor (poniendo obras de excelentes
hombres) de mal criado, ignorante, y atreuido: si las glosa."
17
Hercole Bottrigari, II Desideno overo de'concerti di y a r n
strumenti musicali (Venice: R. Amadino, 1594) , p. 50; English
translation by Carol MacClintock in Musicological Studies and
Documents IX ([Rome]: American Institute of Musicology, 1962) ,
p. 32.
12
Moreover, modern writers have questioned the extensive
use of ornamentation by challenging the authority of the
books devoted to embellishment. Alfred Einstein, for example,
held that the florid extravagance of their examples was
explained more easily as pedagogical excess than as normal

18
usage. Yet, as Howard Brown has convincingly argued, the
corpus of intabulations and other ornamental examples increases
many times the hundred or so known compositions included as
examples in these embellishment manuals, and this more abun
dant repertoire serves as a responsible check on the reli-

19
ability of sixteenth-century tutors of ornamentation.
Certainly the prevalent attitude during the late sixteenth
century is best revealed in Johann Woltz1s preface to his
collection of keyboard pieces of 1617. The author clearly
felt compelled to justify his extraordinary behavior in
reproducing the compositions literally without ornaments by
stating that he had not decorated the pieces since every

20 . . .
player has his special manner of ornamenting. By implication,
18
Alfred Einstein, The Italian Madrigal, 2 vols., (Prince
ton: Princeton University Press, 1949), 1:227; 2:842-3.
19
Howard Mayer Brown, Embellishing Sixteenth-Century Music
(London: Oxford University Press, 1976), p. xiii. The
compositions are listed in Ernst T. Ferand, "Didactic Em
bellishment Literature in the Late Renaissance: A Survey of
Sources," in Jan La Rue, ed., Aspects of Medieval and
Renaissance Music (New York: W.W. Norton, 1966) , pp. 154-72.
20
Johann Woltz, Nova musices organicae tabulatura (Basel:
J.J. Genath, 1617), fol. 3V. Woltz further claims that by
omitting ornamentation he has made clearer the original out
lines of the compositions.
13
then, an amateur could be expected to add moderate amounts
of figuration, while a professional musician, worthy of his
status, would add substantial embellishment as a matter of
course.
Any study of these ornamental additions must first 5
approach the difficult and not fully soluble problem of
defining what constitutes an ornament. On the surface,
things seem simple: ornamentation is everything in the music
which can be dispensed with or changed without effecting its
basic structural components. This contrast of ornament and
structure is nothing new, but is implicit in every aspect
of the Renaissance: in such terms as the "fundamental" and
"ornamental" instruments of the consort and early baroque
orchestra, yet more clearly in the distinction theorists
make between figurae fundamentales as opposed to figurae
superficiales, and certainly in the notational habits where
composers often wrote down only what was to them of the
essence, leaving further elaboration to the performer. The
function of the structure remained consistent: it was re
sponsible for the basic harmonic progressions and melodic
outline— the basic identity of thought. But the ornamenta
tions which animated and instilled variety into this thought
differed widely in form and function. Such diversity suggests
a fundamental contrast in ornamentation during the period

21
at hand, that between "additive" and "essential" ornamentation.
21
The term "essential" is due to Frederick Newmann, "Ornament
The first claiss of ornamentation must be viewed as pure
embellishment which functions strictly as decoration, limited
to adding grace and elegance without intending deeper com
munication. Its application is not an absolute necessity to
the success of the composition. (Indeed, judging from the
warnings against inordinate and improper use of diminutions
so common in treatises of the late sixteenth century, one
must assume that at least some repertoire was performed with
out any decoration at all.) Stylistically, the ornamentation
that was present was a matter of melodic outline. Save for
the possibility of short appogiaturas, there was little
modification of the harmony, nor was there frequent rhythmic
displacement of the original melodic structure. Rather,
notes were joined to scale-wise material, long and smooth
enough to fill much or all of the duration of the structural
notes. For example, when Bassano provides an ornamentation
to the cantus of Crecquillon1s celebrated chanson "Oncques
amour" (Example lc), the figuration is purely ornamental,
a collection of specific and free-passing melodic embellish-

22 . . .
ments. The ornamentation begins with the single voice, and
and Structure," Musical Quarterly LVI (1970), 153-61. See

also Ernst T. Ferand, "A History of Music Seen in the Light
of Ornamentation," in Jan La Rue, ed., Report of the Eighth
Congress International Musicological Society (Basel;
Barenreiter, 1961), pp. 463-9.
22 . . .
Giovanni Bassano, Motetti, madrigali et canzoni francese
(Venice: G. Vincenti, 1591), pp. 49-50. The publication was
lost during World War II, but survives in a manuscript copy by
Friedrich Chrysander (Hamburg, Staats-und-UniversitStsbibliothek
MB/2488). The original chanson, which Bassano incorrectly at
tributes to Clemens non Papa, is taken from Second livre des
chansons a cincq et six parties nouvellement composez (Louvain:
P. Phald.se, 1553), fol. 19.
15
Example 1
Crecquillon, Oncques amour
a. Dalla Casa I:
P i - ;-------- ---- 1
^ —
t a----- P--------
fffri
b. Dalla Casa II:
Si 9-
c. Bassano:
m
I m u m
.d. Crecquillon:
Ore- a. -
1 = 1 m
£
e. Meruloj,
£. Paix:
R eproduced w ith perm ission o f the copyright owner. F urther reproduction prohibited w ith o u t perm ission.
16
5.
r . r.
**\
£ ig | t - t '[ £==il S3 1
-J---------------------------f.
-&=fe±3=r: T r>f_~ rL f_ * ^ 3J 5 = 3
j — H— M - = ^ j - j J- 11 " t i i j ' . -t—F —
T f--- J i • i9 *
^ L U j j I
, . •* .....i , —21 ■■". ----------:----:-------------

•
1 i---;
ty J
- = * = t = t -------------------------------------
^ - ^ - i - ' F =
- m a r, O nC <§fl£> it
....... . 1 • a ---------- " :~
F
" ' 0. .. -9------------------------------- a-
— r --------- ; -
$ = _,---,---
i - r t Ii---
- i -r Z ----
n !-*— f t - — ---- — ,i
<=i = --------------- *■
VVJ
„-— -0---------------------------- = 4 =
------------------ o■ - - —. i--------
------------q------------
7 ._ " _ n :--r -^ r
■a '-" f ^ Jl 1 U -J 4 ^ — -v
Ts—W 3 3 tb=*4 -
® I r = r
f .■ J f M
s :=tf3=zh-.-i£
*
FT
■f i - l |=3 = :^- s= 5 f t» ^
^ = 1
^ --
--- ------- k-M----------
-v-f--------— f-----------
fi m i i
J---
-. 1 -- -----
Pf^=1
17
>T~fT
|Bi
m
f£': =■ = - = . : ■ ■ = = = ] -3- - - - - - a- - - - - - -
(f-*-:— —- -------
(flour, cnc- cy&b CL
Q r - = - ~ = ~ : "
•. - 1 -V :■— - - — ■—
------ j-
- - 'J — - *■"" o. . . . . . . . . mi .. _
:fo ■=■■=!== ^ =
fol J - .g - - - - ■j N-I_ ■ 1- - -
-gr
|_ _a ^ Hp-- “ - - - - - - /"
S 1 j- - '- - - -
rf= ■ E = H
-J~L - - - - - - - - - - - - - -Q_ _ _ _ _^ _ _ -_ _ j_ _= _H ■[—- -.=- - »- :- ■- --.T
a
-----
-f
:-j
>*— V
[Merulo deletes these measures
from his intabulation.]
© I
i » ^ » r ''iT" T £
m
v t
n
.* r
j
** WTTT fi ej ur.
- *
r P F f
18
0
0 . 0 0 7 -s— p r
I F - ■ 1 1 « . B 1 1 i r ■ « >•- ~ = i
IW —a----------------------------------------------- el--------- -»rlr
- ------- ------ --------------------------- F r 1 1 1 ] [ F w
i- ri
—h U L jl— ^
• * ft ----------
ftjHJ----------------------------------------- ----------
F f r -
rywur, n& fvbfjQjf& (yiwvL__ ItfUf)
f t - •- - , -----J
/ V------- -------- V
<■»». . -■■ J =j f I— J - = f
ft ------------ ------------ =— ;------ hr 1 1 1 =td 1-1 --------------- F

i — 4— ”— ■ - * = ± = — I— J--------- J-------------
-*-------------------- 0--------------
1 ■-
-------------------- 1
i--------- d_
b e : ....... : :■ ;
I
SB 3 b = t e
r M i i SI — ~ ~
t-
(m
& * M J a
J L - ll I i i A
Id -o--------------------
ip F
o-
r-tr-f• . w= at*
W - — ...... 1 i 4 - £ = = *= ■
--- r --- i-f--- f-t-:!---- ---- ^--- fl---

f£-f--- : cb = f e - - = U
r ?-1 1 p- >■ N 11 - = M " 1
£
4 j LLu'
R eproduced with perm ission o f the copyright owner. F urther reproduction prohibited w itho ut perm ission.
20
phrases start and end on the simple pitches being ornamented.
The salient points of Crecquillon's melody are clearly visible
in longer note values, and the intervening passaggi not only
fail to disguise these structural points, but instead are
calculated to throw the characteristic intervals of the basic
melody into still greater relief. Thus a striking high note
of the basic melody is approached by the skip of an octave
on the G and F of mm. 5 and 11 respectively. The ornamenta
tion is consonant and the only rhythmic alterations of the
original melody come in small rhythmic shifts of non-structural
tones which give time for more extensive passaggi. The overall
effect is nonemphatic and unobtrusive: the original melody
is consistently apparent through a clear and methodical
division of structure and ornament, and the additions are,
as we shall see in the following pages, easily reducible in
analysis to the simplest of specific graces and passaggi.
At the other end of the scale is what one might term
"essential" ornamentation which cannot be omitted without
destroying the core of the musical idea. The figurations
have the effect of an emphatic, weightier purpose, of enrich
ing the musical texture by intensifying its communication
or expressiveness. Here the ornamentation partakes of low-
level structural characteristics by incorporating harmonic
and rhythmic modifications through long appoggiaturas,
reinterpretations of the structural harmony, and metrical
displacement or some other disguise of structural melodic
tones. Consider an ornamentation of the soprano line to the
21
second part of Victoria's motet "Vadam, et circuibo civitatem"

23
by Bovicelli (Example 2). Ornamented phrases often start
on notes other than the simple pitches being ornamented and,
at least once, continue through the final note (m. 25). The
ornamentation is often dissonant, causing much of the figura
tion to appear worked out. „ The accented dissonances of mm.
12, 15 and 20, which partake decisively of structural charac
teristics, are, for example, the result of careful preparation
and reduce the effect of improvisation. Moreover, the
extensive use of dotted rhythms, in mm. 24-25, for example,
breaks the serene flow of the line and calls attention to
itself. Finally, Bovicelli's ornamentation is idiomatically
conceived for the voice. Whereas Bassano explicitly states
on his title page that his examples are intended for "ogni
sorte di stromenti" as well as for "la semplice voce,"
Bovicelli does not mention instrumental ornamentation at all.
Rather, in limiting the range and deleting such obviously
unidiomatic features as the cadential groppo, he achieves
an embellishment suitable primarily for the voice, one that
directly contradicts the otherwise unanimous sixteenth-century
opinion that vocal ornaments are the same as instrumental ones.^
23
Giovanni Bovicelli, Regole passaggi di musica (Venice:
G. Vincenti, 1594), pp. 59-63.
24
The only authors not to mention instrumental ornamentation
are Bovicelli and Giovanni Camillo Maffei, Delle lettere, 2
vols., (Naples, 1562), 1:3-81; the letter on singing is edited
in Nanie Bridgman, "Giovanni Camillo Maffei et sa lettre sur
le chant," Revue de musicologie XXXVIII (1956), 3-34. Aurelio
Virgiliano's manuscript treatise II Dolcimelo of ca. 1600
(Bologna, Civico museo bibliografico musicale) alone does not
mention vocal ornamentation.
22
Example 2
Victoria, Vadam, et circuibo civitatem, part two
10.
Di-
15.
fp— r. , . , = f -f-----,»• » f |i;L r I .. ____ "I
-p---- q-----»- r------- h' r- n
* * ....
e . f yjj • n
dub
w can- d»* luft et w — bi - cun -
V t ---------- * -------- f — .. ^ ”1
ob ■« - )— p 1 "
k * f ° =i
fP-T-- -■■■■■.=?i y . ; - T + f i i f - i l . l j JjJ.li !T)f 'w°3 . l | i i+ T* *P’ if ji wn’ °
■ ■■ f U 1J: ^
£- le - d tV b e * ~ m«l - ii- bus;
1
-x*■v ■——1 .-- ------- -fl--------------------*-----------
-f\------------- 1
— ~ sz —t —
1 .
,—.0 ..
J — t-7 ".: ::f::- k = = l . r --------------- 9 - --------------------
1 M --
25 ..
— |----------- p T r r - T , r r p . ^ i -------- a-------
U _ y j . [: "P H — .. - - M 3
F ^ =
ld- |,5 d\ - lft
To.- I'S
____________________ ^-------------------------- --
---------- a------------------------------- a--------- -a--------------- -------- e------- ha----------------------p------- 5------- 5— — -
--------- j--------------------------------- ------------ = y ir ■ r f - i 1
, h-- j- n — n- Jl-
i-------
. p *—!
j l "jr----
«_ij .
i £ 1=4=^==^==^
A, ef
!
... " " '4 -
M J f I I - — ------
cbe me - o. -
-V,
p - f " r- ■ = M = 1
a------a------- 1■-j—r - j ------- o 4- --
w i
— 6
* ■ ~r \ t » - - 4
30.
it— f — 8~
giM
■« —
mi cu£» ma- US.
The difference in styles is important, for the concept
of "additional" ornamentation lies at the basis of a study
of late sixteenth-century ornamentation. At the risk of
oversimplifying a rather complex problem, replete with many
aesthetical and historical considerations, it may be observed
that "additive" ornamentation was definitely a Renaissance
(and even pre-Renaissance) trend, while "essential" ornamenta
tion, linked with the tendencies manifested in a stile nuovo
and heralded in the "expressive" style of performance found
in vocal music around 1600, points decidedly towards the

25
Baroque. The contrast is, of course, exemplary of the over
lapping of two different trends, of the coexistence of contra
dictory currents which characterized the period under scrutiny.
Bassano's style— consonant, rhythmically regular, applicable
to voice or instruments, contained within the limits of the
original phrases— is part of a long tradition illustrated
as early as Ganassi's celebrated volume of 1535 and as late
as Vicenzo Bonizzi's volume of passagiate from 1626 and even
Simpson's division manual of 1659. While passing from
periods of free and rhapsodic figuration to an increased
standardization of forms, and encompassing everything from
the simplest of ornamental gestures to the flourishes of
virtuosic cultists, the "additive" style was essentially the
25
Aspects of this transition are discussed m Imogene
Horsley, "The Diminutions in Composition and Theory of Com
position," Acta musicologica XXXV (1963), 124-53.
same: the addition of appropriate and impromptu formulae to
a pre-existent structure without altering the basic musical
thought. On the other hand, Bovicelli's style— dissonant,
idiomatic, with dotted rhythms and figurations exceeding
the confines of the original phrase— is best seen as the
primitive, yet decisive beginning of a new fashion which
Caccini and others soon adopted as their own. Assuming low-
level structural characteristics, increasingly being in
corporated into the notation of the score, and motivated
by a desire to "express," rather than merely "present," the
music, this style is decidedly part of the early Baroque,
and should be studied separately as such.
To best approach a discussion of the so-called "additive
style, a distinction should be made between two basic aspects:
form and function. In the voluminous literature on Renais
sance ornamentation, great emphasis has been placed on the
former, while only brief mention is made of the forces and
motivations that brought forth the forms of ornamentation.
The following pages attempt to redistribute the emphasis
and outline the topics by codifying modern interpretations
of relevant sources, and fleshing out areas which have
received only skeletal treatment in the literature.
The Forms of Keyboard Ornamentation
The individualism evident in extant sources of sixteenth
century ornamentation would seem to preclude a reduction of
the figurations to a system of common denominators. Certainly
25
these sources evidence regional and individual preferences,
as well as substantial differences in attitude, organization
and method. Studies have shown, however, that these dif
ferences were in format and complexity, not in technique and
form: ornamentation used by Renaissance musicians, although
spontaneous and frequently original with regard to the basic
materials employed, was, in its elementary form, bound by a
similar technique.^
In order to review the forms of this technique, it is
helpful to recall Johann Quantz1s distinction between
wesentliche Manieren— graces that affect single notes or
the connection between two notes— and willktirliche Veranderungen
— divisions or free passage work that substitute for the

27
slower moving intervals of a melody. This separation of
forms is not only helpful for the following discussion, but
follows the advice of earlier theorists who, in theory and
practice, maintained a similar distinction. The dichotomy
is implict in Martin Agricola's statement that all instru
mentalists must learn to embellish the way organists do,
with "Coloriren," that is divisions, as well as "Mordanten,"

28
that is graces; and is explicit in Diruta's distinction
26
Especially Brown, Embellishing Sixteenth-Century Music,
pp. 31-9. See also imogene Horsley, "Improvised Embellishment
in the Performance of Renaissance Polyphonic Music," Journal
of the American Musicological Society IV (1951), 3-19.
27
Johann Quantz, Versuch einer Anweisung die Flote traversiere
zu spielen (Berlin: J.F. Voss, 1752), chaps. 8 and 9; English
translation by Edward Reilley as On Playing the Flute (New York:
The Free Press, 1966), pp. 91-108.
28
Martin Agricola, Musica instrumentalis deudsch (Wittenberg:
G. Rhaw, 1529), p. 222.
26
between "minuta," by which he means divisions, and his other

29
classes of ornaments.
By the 1540's, and doubtless earlier, ornamentation
formulae had crystallized into a relatively small number of
stereotyped graces. Indeed, such mandatory gestures as the
clausulae formulae and cadentie were treated with care in the
literature by Andreas Ornithoparchus and others, well before
the term appeared in the title of Bassano's Ricercate,
passaggi et cadentie, Venice, 1585. With varying degrees of
clarity and details, late sixteenth-century authors discuss
these graces, but in often contradictory manner and terminol
ogy. The following codification of these accounts presents
the individual graces most commonly used in keyboard music
during the period as they will be used for the remainder of
this study. The terminology is adopted primarily from
Praetorius, who provides the clearest outline of ornamental
forms, and Diruta, who offers the most coherent descriptions.
From their writings, six basic graces can be distinguished:
1. Tremolo Described by Praetorius as "a quivering
of the voice over one note," the tremolo consists of two or
more alternations of the written note and its upper, or
sometimes lower, auxiliary.^® While the alternation with
29 .
Girolamo Diruta, Seconda parte del Transilvano dialogo
(Venice: G. Vicnenti, 1609), p. 20; English translation by
Edward Soehnlein (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Michigan,
1975), pp. 249-50.
30 .
Michael Praetorius, Syntagma musicum, 3 vols., (Wolfenbuttel,
1619), 3:234: "Tremolo: 1st nichts anders, alss ein Zittern der
Stimme tiber einer Noten." Sylvestro di Ganassi, Opera intitulata
Fontegara (Venice, 1535), fols. Slv-S3, is the only author to
discuss alternations in thirds.
27
the upper neighbor is deemed the proper manner of performance
by both Diruta and Praetorius, and is so accepted by this
study, the later author includes illustrations of tremoli both
"ascendeus" and "discendeus":

(Praetorius, p. 235)
The alternations typically take up half the value of the note
on which the tremolo is made, which is usually of quarter
note value or more. Diruta1s emphasis on the term "tremolo"
as a guide to performance is usually taken to suggest an
unmeasured interpretation: the number of alternations of the
two notes is not necessarily restricted to the given notation,
and the ornament should probably begin deliberately and end
quickly, even though the notation consists of equal note

31
values. Diruta continues by claiming that the ornament
serves to "enliven and vivify the harmony" and advises an
application of tremoli at the beginning of ricercars and
canzonas, whenever one hand is assigned a single line while
the other plays chords, and, generally, whenever they are

32
convenient or appropriate. Both Diruta and Sancta Maria
consider the tremolo at the beginning of their treatises,
long before they take up more demanding graces and divisions,
31Girolamo Diruta, II Transilvano dialogo (Venice: G.

Vincenti, 1593) , fol. 10v ; English translation by Edward
Soehnlein (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Michigan, 1975),
p. 158.
"Îbid., fols 10v-ll; and, in English, in Soehnlein,

pp. 159-161.
28
and thus imply that the grace was the easiest and most basic
of ornamental devices. Indeed, Bermudo would tolerate no

33
other.
2. Tremoletto The tremoletto is a half-trill con
sisting of one, and sometimes two, alternations with its
neighbor. In contrast to the ordinary tremolo, it may use
either the lower or upper auxiliary. The tremoletto appears
in both dactylic and, perhaps most typically, anapestic
arrangement. It is frequently associated with descending
divisions where, since it becomes a diminution of a diminution,

34
it can fall on, before, or after the notes it embellishes.
Praetorius includes illustrations of the tremoletto made on
quarter notes in both rhythmic possibilities:

(Praetorius, p. 235)
i* 1
W — *-t—
imf
r ft* t *i\—
liiOr TOt m # FtfflP-*ii

* /
b b l
\
pf fl .i i
3. Groppo Praetorius explains that "the groppo is
used in cadences and formal closes and is to be attacked more

35
sharply than the tremolo." As a cadential embellishment of
the penultimate beat of a cadence, it presents two or more
^Bermudo, Declaraci6n , fols. 84v-85.

34 v •
Diruta, Transilvano, fols. 11-11 ; and, m English, m
Soehnlein, pp. 162-4.
35
Praetorius, Syntagma musicum, 3:236: "Gruppo: vel Groppi:
Werden in den Cadentiis und Clausulis formalibus gebraucht,
und mussen scherffer alss die Tremoli angeschlagen werden."
29
alternations of the suspended dissonance and its note of
resolution vis-^-vis a two note figure which includes the
note below the note of resolution:
(Diruta I, fol. 9v)
I.
m
In its cadential position, the groppo is often introduced by
a division. When not found at the cadence, the groppo is
simply an embellishment of two adjacent notes. This type
often exhibits the character of another variant, the "mixed"
groppo, in which the written values increase proportionately
from slow to fast during its execution:
(Diruta I, fol. 9v)
E'!
Several writers suggest a similarly unequal performance of
the groppo in its cadential position: Zacconi states that
the two notes of the grace can be repeated as often as the
time allows, and Dalla Casa implies the existence of un
measured groppi by labeling one of his ornaments "groppo
battuto.
4. Tirata Praetorius says, "Tirate are long and rapid

37
little runs up or down the keys and are conjunct."
36
Zacconi, Prattica di musica, l:62v . Girolamo Dalla Casa,
II vero modo di diminuir, con tutte le sorti di stromenti, 2
vols., (Venice: A. Gardano, 1584), 1:6-7, is the earliest
writer to actually use the term groppo.
37
Praetorius, Syntagma musicum, 3:236: "Tirate: Sind
30
Typically, they are made up of four or more notes of eighth
note value or less. The ornament serves to connect the end
of one phrase to the beginning of another, or fill up the
time of long notes in the middle of a phrase. They, moreover,
serve to connect disjunct intervals, and expand conjunct or
closely spaced intervals (for example, a tirata can expand
the interval of a second to a ninth). Praetorius advises

38
that "the faster and crisper they are, the better." The
tirata is considered to be a vehicle for additional diminution
by Diruta, who claims that Merulo frequently introduced

. . . 39
tremoletti into his tirate in the Canzone alia Francese.
Praetorius provides the following examples of the simple
tirata: (Praetorius, p. 236)
5. Accento Diruta alone considers the accento. While
not precisely explained in the text, it is apparent from
examples that the grace apparently conforms to the modern
definition of echappeS. The figure consists of three notes,
lange geschwinde LSufflin, so gradatim gemacht werden, und

durchs Clavier hinauff oder herunter lauffen."
38
Ibid., p. 237: "Je geschwinder und scharffer und diese
Laufflein gemacht werden, doch also das man eine jede Noten
recht rein horen kan: Je besser und anmutiger es sein wird."
39 .
Diruta, Transilvano, fol. 11: and, in English, in
Soehnlein, p . 161.
31
the first and last being consonant and rhythmically strong,
the second being dissonant and rhythmically weak. The motion
into the dissonant note is contrary to the motion between
the two consonant notes.

(Diruta II, p. 13)
l = M ----
■k) * "1 i-4
W - J ■ -
^
-4<d—
i
f anz±J z z j :
- = M ------* —
? - :- H
6. Clamatione Although Diruta fails to describe the
clamatione, his examples show it to be similar to the vocal
"portamento" used extensively by Bovicelli and Caccini. It
is a stepwise approach from the third or fourth below to
the initial note in a phrase. All of Diruta1s examples,
save one (Mortaro’s canzona "L’Albergona"), show this
ornament in dotted rhythm: (Diruta ^ p- 13)
4:
1
i - l -
The most frequently employed form of diminution during
the period, however, was not the grace- but the division or
passaggio. Indeed, it is to the passaggi that the major
portions of diminution manuals are devoted. The practice
of embellishing a melody with continuous figuration certainly
developed from the running passage work devised by performers
32
playing over cantus firmi and was prevalent throughout the

40
century. Praetorius provides a characteristically concise
definition of the term:
Passaggi are rapid runs to fill up any interval.

They can be made by step and by skip,.and can
ascend as well as descend. They are placed and
made on notes of larger v a l u e s . 31
In contrast to the grace which ornamented one note, or the
connection between two notes, with a stereotyped formula,
the passaggio was a free and ongoing figuration which could
affect not only a single interval, but also several intervals
or an entire phrase, as Bassano illustrates in his collection

42
of passaggi from 1585:
'
r H - i
tH = = = * =
— :
— --- —
’ A--- , u--------------- =--- :---- i----- 0 -.
.i - ■ -■ J £T
40
See Howard Mayer Brown, "Embellishment in Early Sixteenth-
Century Italian Intabulations," Proceedings of the Royal
Musical Association 100 (1973-4)7 49-33; idem, "Accidentals
and Ornamentation in Sixteenth-Century Intabulations of Josquin's
Motets," in Edward E. Lowinsky, ed., Josquin des Prez (London:
Oxford University Press, 1976).
41
Praetorius, Syntagma musicum, 3:240: "Passaggi. Sind
geschwinde Lauffe, welche beydes Gradatim und auch Saltuatim
durch alle Intervalla, so wol ascendendo alss descendendo,
uber den Noten so etwas gelten gesetzet und gemacht werden."
42 .
Giovanni Bassano, Ricercate, passaggi et cadentie per
potersi essercitar nel diminuir (Venice: G. Vincenti, 1585),
pp. 9-15.
33
Such figures relied primarily on step-wise motion and down
ward skips of a third. Rarely, in fact, did they employ
skips as large as a fifth or sixth. Most authors distinguished
a special category of passaggi, the cadentie, which were
reserved for cadential points. As ornamentations of the
conventional suspension cadence of the period, this category
typically presented a dissonance on a strong beat by incor
porating a groppo at the end of the figure:

(Bassano, pp. 15-16)
mm &
h
In their strictest application, passaggi depart from and
return to the note being elaborated in order to preserve the
original progression of consonances and assure that the
counterpoint will be correct as composed. They move step
by step as much as possible, leaping only after notes con
sonant to the unornamented pitch. Virgiliano, who provides
the best set of rules on the subject, observes that a
"beautiful ornament" may run an octave from its place, but
that normally, divisions should not separate from their

43
subject further than the interval of a fifth. This is
43
Virgiliano, Dolcimelo, p. 2. The author permits an
exception in the case of two sols in the middle range, where
the diminution may depart from the subject by a seventh,
above or below. But this, he points out, must be done only
34
the case with Diruta's minute which decorate the cantus and
44
bassus of a four-part subject (Example 3).
Yet such discipline was not always a consideration
in the late sixteenth century. With the rise of the virtuoso
came a certain dissolution of the original melody into freer
passage work. Figures seldom returned to the original pitches
being embellished, and diligence waned in preserving every
note of the original line. Only the basic intervals of the
melody— usually from whole note to whole note— were retained
and ornamented, resulting in a certain freedom from the iden
tity of the original line. Dalla Casa's embellishments for
the cantus of "Oncques amour" (Examples la and b) are a case

45
m point. In m. 6 of the first version, Dalla Casa ignores
a step-wise descent of the model and embellishes only the
interval G to C. Similarly, the second half of the measure
recognizes only the interval C to A, slighting the inter
vening passing tone. While the effect of the overall
passaggio is adequate, even striking, the figuration does not
completely represent the original line.
in a fury of sixteenth-notes. Moreover, when two intervals of

a third are found above one another in succession, the fourth
below the first one may be used because it is the octave of the
last third: ^ ____
The reverse, *when the thirds are below each other in succession,
makes it possible to do the same: _______________
r -e----
44 . '
Diruta, Seconda parte del Transilvano, p. 11; and, in
English, in Soehnlein, p. 251.
45
Dalla Casa, II vero modo, 2:10-1.
R eproduced w ith perm ission o f the copyright owner. F urth er reproduction prohibited w ith o u t perm ission.
35
Example 3
Diruta, Minute
Sogêtto:
Minuta sopra la parte del soprano
ae-
•
J— I— &
T “ST
Alio modo:
Minuta sopra la parte del basso:
=S= f— r
ij
tn r
Alio modo:
t4 -------- 4
------- S=5=^_.-_--------------------
.......
=ff=
-a-
— .iSs^---
t5*3S’"‘
^ e:td'
R eproduced with perm ission o f the copyright owner. F urther reproduction prohibited w ith o u t perm ission.
36
Once such exceptions were admitted, and they became
more and more frequent toward the end of the century, contra
puntal barbarisms invariably evolved in the form of untoward
dissonances and parallel fifths or octaves. Even Diruta's
simple models for il diminuire osservato (Example 3) exhibit
a much freer treatment of dissonance than that permitted in
strict osservato counterpoint. In the second measure of the
minuta sopra la parte del soprano, for example, the four note
figure comprising the last beat is clearly dissonant with
the harmony in the left hand. Yet such treatment can be
understood if we remember that the primary concern of theorists
was the irregular use of dissonance in the commonly used note
values; theorists gave no rules for the use of the faster
values commonly found in diminutions.
Authors of the various diminution manuals frequently
rationalized a relaxation of contrapuntal practice to
accommodate this common use of dissonance. As early as 1535,
Ganassi observed:
...that if a good and skillful singer, finding

his throat in a perfect disposition, knew that
his diminutions would lead to an error, he
would not desist of his purpose if he saw or
wanted to attain a very beautiful discourse.
His voice will be so clear and so quick that
such tones (even if they contain some errors)
will be tolerated on account of their beauty,
and will not offend the senses; and certainly,
diminution is nothing other than ornaments on
the counterpoint. So you may do similarly in
this manner of diminution when you see that ^g
your discourse is comfortable and aggreable.
46
Ganassi, Fontegara, fol. *11: "che uno sufficiente &
37
Hermann Finck, in the prefact to his colorated motets, agreed:
Don't be astounded, then, if occasionally

a parallel fifth or octave appears, for the
great speed with which they pass by easily
makes the dissonance acceptable, and I could
have avoided it if I had not considered it
better to make the mistake (if it is a mistake)
at that particular place, instead of using
unusual intervals which would have been impossible
for even a fluent human tongue to sing.47
While fidelity to strict counterpoint and the original
melodic line was not always present, the majority of writers
maintained a more than casual interest in the overall structure
of any particular work being ornamented. Judging from the
embellished examples of vocal pieces which the various tutors
supplied in abundance, passaggi were chosen with a specific
concern in the presentation of each line of text, and with
the large-scale form of the text. Thus, in the ornamentations
buono cantore trovandosi in una dispositione di gorgia si

perfetta dato che lui cognoscese nel suo diminuirte cometesie
alcun errore volendo o vendo uno discorso bellissimo non
manchera di non cosequire il suo intento perche sara la sua
gorgia tanto meta & voice che tali mezzi benche in essi fusse
qualche errori saranno per la sua bellezza tolerati ne el
senso offenderano & certamente altro non e diminuire che
d'ornamento al contrapuncto."
47
Hermann Finck, Practica musica (Wittenberg: G. Rhavv,
1556); cited by Max Kuhn, Die Verzierungs-Kunst in der
Gesangs-Musik des 16. und 17. Jahrhunderts, 1535-1650 (Leipzig:
Breitkopf and Hartel, 1902), p. 26: "Daher darf es nicht
wunderbar erscheinen, wenn bis weilen zu einem Quintchen oder
Octavchen eine Parallele sich findet, denn die grosse Ge-
schwindigkeit, mit der sie voriibergehen, macht die Dissonanz
leicht gut, und ich hStte sie vermeiden k6nnen, wenn ich es
nicht fur besser gehalten hatte, an dieser Stelle einem Fehler
zu machen (wenn es einer ist), als ungewOhnliche Intervalle zu
gebrauchen, welche eine, wenn auch gelaufige menschliche
Zunge unmOglich hatte ausdrttcken kbnnen."
38
of Dalla Casa and Bassano (Example 1) , each line of the text
starts without, or with only slight, ornamentation, but
as the line draws to a close, the passaggi build in strength
and density. Similarly, the embellishments are consistently
lighter in the opening lines of the text, and become more
and more complex as the work progresses, replete with a
notable drive to the final cadence.
Passaggi were, of course, most commonly applied to the
cantus of a composition, leaving the lower voices to act as
mere support. Yet, although they began on the top voice,
they often penetrated the next closest voice, temporarily
reducing the texture by one part. This happens in even the
simplest embellishments (see, for instance, Example 3, m. 2),
and becomes more pronounced a procedure as the division
assumed greater freedom from the original line. The parti
cipation of other voices in passaggi is also encountered in
the written-out embellishments of keyboard intabulations,
yet only when done in alternations, i.e., when only one part
at a time is embellished. Once again, Finck provides the
most practical observation:
The way to use colorations depends entirely

upon the skill, the natural talent, and the
characteristic of the individual. Each has
his own way. Many are of the opinion that
either the bass or the soprano must be
colorated. My opinion, however, follows that
all voices can and must be furnished with
colorations; but not always, and not in all
voices simultaneously, but in the proper
places, so that one coloration can be clearly
and explicitly heard and differentiated from
the other and that thereby the composition
39
would not be destroyed but would remain

intact.48
If writers of the period expressed any concern over
the practice of passaggi, it was directed to the exaggerated
and flamboyant use of diminution by the virtuoso. This is
the case with the aforementioned citations of Bottrigari
and Bermudo, and it is certainly the impetus for Cerone's
tart remarks against continual diminution in which the
instrument is never at rest— a constant movement which, he
maintained, destroys the original character of the music. 49
And Diruta, too, warns against tasteless extravagance in
diminution. Yet, he remains one of the few who continue to
outline for the student when and where to apply diminution.
Diruta suggests that if the model is in quick notes and has
"stretto imitations" passaggi would detract from the beauty
of the piece. In such cases, he would allow only a sparing

. .
use of graces, specifically groppi and tremoli.50 Diruta
emphasizes that passaggi are not placed where there is
48 .
Finck, Practica musica, p. 271: "Die Art, Koloraturen
anzuwenden, hangt ganz von der Geschicklichkeit der nattlrlichen
Anlage und der Eigentumlichkeit des Einzelnen ab Jeder hat
seine eigene Weise. Viele sind.der Ansicht, dass der Bass,
andere, dass der Diskant koloriert werden miisse. Meine Ansicht
aber geht dahin dass all;, Stimmen mit.Koloraturen versehen werden
konnen und mussen; aber nicht immer, auch nicht in alien
Stimmen zugleich, sondern an den geeignenten Stellen, sodass
eine Koloratur ausdriicklich und bestimmt von der andern geh&rt
und unterscheiden werden kann und dabei die Kompositionen
intakt und ungestort bleibe."
49
Pedro Cerone, El melopeo y maestro (Naples: Gargano and
Nucci, 1613), p. 1065.
50 •
Diruta, Seconda parte del Transilvano, p. 14; and, m
English, in Soehnlein, p. 257.
40
"imitation in quick notes or where a few or all of the parts
move together to bring about some charming effect." He does,
nevertheless, concede to the occasional use of embellishment
in imitative parts, but only if the diminution is kept

51
consistent with each point of imitation. Diruta concludes
by stating that "to achieve perfection in this really in
genious science, not only is the knowledge of counterpoint
required but also the experience of a composer to improvise. 52
Because of their encyclopedic character and practical
orientation, the manuals and treatises devoted to the Ars
diminutionis provide an ideal starting point for a study of
ornamental forms. The recurrence of figures in these works
suggest that they represent a routine kind of organized
ornamentation. The fact that the theoretical explanations
substantially resemble the ornamental forms found in printed
examples of ornamentation gives one confidence that the tutors
represent a mainstream that is neither conservative nor
avant-garde. Apparently their attitudes toward ornamentation
prevailed from the 1550's until the music of the so-called
seconda practica finally rebelled against the excesses of
flamboyant virtuosi. Yet, as modern writers warn, one
can never be too sure of the direct relationship between
the material in the manuals and the actual performance
practice: pedagogy is not the same as performance in either
■’■''Ibid., p. 10; and, in English, in Soehnlein, p. 249.

52
Ibid., p. 21; and, in English, in Soehnlein, p. 268.
41
its procedures or its goals. As valuable as these treatises
are in fathoming the basic forms of sixteenth-century
ornamentation, they are only lists of formulae, without
indication as to the order and frequency of their use. More
over, the manuals are, without exception, intended for the
beginner, omitting considerations of the accomplished amateur
or professional, who certainly modified the basic forms to
suit their individual tastes and abilities. Finally, the
manuals are grounded in the theoretical stance that vocal
and instrumental ornamentations were interchangeable, and
pointedly ignore the idiomatic differences between performing
media, and the modifications of ornamental technique

53
necessary to accommodate them.
To completely understand that bella scienza of embel
lishment one must, indeed, follow the advice of Diruta by
seeking the experience of a composer. Only in studying
written-out versions of ornamentation by acknowledged
masters and comparing the process of elaboration used in
them with the basic forms described by the tutors, does one
gain an insight into the workshop of the performer and
understand how the basic forms were used as ingredients of
performance. The use of such examples is, of course, a
primary concern of many authors who typically provided
53
While idiomatic forms were not developed for instruments,
special styles of ornamentation developed for specific
instruments, most noticeably the viola bastarda, whose size
facilitated fast passage work and wide leaps. For examples
of the small written repertoire by Dalla Casa and Rognoni
see Ferand, Die Improvisation in Beispielen, pp. 38-51; 63-74.
copious embellishments for students to imitate. Yet, as
previously mentioned, these writers make no firm commitments
as to the destination of their ornamentations. For an under
standing of keyboard ornamentation, one must turn to examples
from the masters of the period, who, as will be demonstrated,
transcribed material specifically to demonstrate the art of
improvised ornamentation. For Diruta, his own teacher is
the model to emulate, for the renowned pedagogue recommends
to the inquiring Transylvanian "the tablatures of Claudio
Merulo, who, more than any other man, has outdone himself
54
m this fine art of figured mtabulation." And it is
with Merulo1s intabulations, so highly admired and recommended
by Diruta and others alike, that the remainder of this study
is concerned.
The Functions of Keyboard Ornamentation
If theorists provide a basic understanding of orna
mental forms, they characteristically avoid any mention of
the function or purpose their subject served. Springing
from a certain exuberance of the creative spirit beyond what
is structurally necessary, improvised ornamentation was
added for a number of reasons. From a study of contemporary
performance conditions, as well as musical examples, three
functions of improvised ornamentation can be discerned:
54
Diruta, Seconda parte del Transilvano, p. 10; and, in
English, in Soehnlem, p. 248.
43
1. Ornamentation which sought to enhance

certain structural aspects of a composition;
2. Ornamentation used as a vehicle to demon

strate the skill and dexterity of the performer;
and,
3. Embellishment suggested by technical and

physical factors of the instrument.
It is hardly necessary to stress that these functions should
not be considered as separated in watertight compartments;
there is, on the contrary, considerable overlapping in all
phases and directions. Yet, as will be apparent in the
following chapters, the division serves admirably as an
analytical tool by distinguishing the practices and techniques
of ornamentation as revealed in keyboard music of the period.
The first division, which one might term "structural"
ornamentation, was closely linked to emotional conditions
and motivations in the music itself, such as the expectation
of, or preparation for, a climax or resolution, as well as
to the strictly formal aspects of the composition, such as
imitation and sectional repetition. Structural ornamentation
sought to enhance— literally "embellish"— these psychological
and formal aspects without changing the original effect of
the composition. It typically used the individual grace
almost exclusively. Passaggi, when used, were reserved to
heighten selected emotional and formal aspects of the music,
and seldom exceeded the value of a sixteenth-note.
While a cursory survey of embellished sources suggests
that virtuoso abuses of performance freedom flourished un
checked in the late Renaissance, closer scrutiny reassures
44
us that at least some music was embellished with a measure
of fidelity to the composers' intentions. One is fairly
well informed about how singers and instrumentalists added
discreet structural ornaments— most typically, as Brown

55
points out, in ensemble situations. Maffei's letter on
the subject, Finck's collection of ornamented motets, and
the set of embellished madrigals by Dalla Casa 5 6 are by
themselves sufficient to form a clear impression of the
aesthetics and technique involved. Although the constraints
of ensemble performance were not placed upon them, keyboard
performers evidently performed with equal caution. The
opening measures of Diruta1s oft-quoted intavolatura
diminuita of an ensemble canzona by Mortaro, "L'Albergona,"

57
is a case in point (Example 4). All of the figuration can
be reduced in analysis to the simplest of individual graces
and passaggi. (Indeed, as a pedagogical device, Diruta uses
the first letter of the various graces to delineate his
method of intabulation.) Graces are employed to emphasize
important single notes, the clamatione on the opening notes
of the subject, for example, or structural cadences, as
55
Brown, Embellishing Sixteenth-Century Music, pp. 54-8.
C C.
Girolamo Dalla Casa, II secondo libro de madrigali a
cinque voci, con passaggi (Venice: A. Gardano, 1590); discussed
in Brown, Embellishing Sixteenth-Century Music, p. 55.
57
Diruta, Seconda parte del Transilvano, pp. 18-21; and, m
a modern edition, in Soehnlein, pp. 264-7. The original can
zona is from Antonio Mortaro, Primo libro de Canzoni da Sonare
a quattro voci (Venice: G. Vincenti, 1600) , p. 2~. A modern
edition of both the partitura and intabulation is found in
Carl Krebs, "Girolamo Diruta's Transilvano," Vierteljahrs-
schrift fflr Musikwissenschaft VIII (1892), 379-82.
45
Example 4
Mortaro, L 1Albergona
"c------
te3
Eftfc!
-it
M.
- '
■ , .1^1
T ■' i
— r ■»
---- 3---- O - -rj----- ---------
feft'i- :
— ■ 1 i-- ^ - ■ ■■ I
------- 1--
L- ,■ p ■ — TJr~~ - :
E d f..*T! -7 =* = a
-==:-- zm,~ ------- --- r
miflXL
H M 1 * f C& tsa
5.
' K.■!
fpferp f— r
M.
10.
47
evidenced in the use of the groppo in measures 3 and 11.
Moreover, passaggi, labeled as "M" for minute by Diruta,
do not obscure the shape of the melodic line, but maintain
the flow of the music and enhance the formal aspects of the
piece, as illustrated in the oft-repeated figure which
underscores the identity and movement of the third and fourth
beats of the subject. The integrity of the original is
preserved throughout as the ornamental forms normally depart
from and return to the note being embellished, so that the
progression of the original consonances remains intact.
On the other hand, such discreet embellishment did not
always maintain a direct connection with the structure of
the piece, but often led to a systematic exploitation of
figurative patterns independent of the original composition.
In this case, graces were used motivically to enhance the
surface of the intabulation, and were repeated with such
frequency and a variety of functions that the ornamentation
formed a network of motives independent of the original.
Such a style is often encountered in the plethora of manu
scripts and tablatures left by the so-called German colorists,
notorious for their decorative verbosity and tedious "color."
Consider, for example, an intabulation of the by-now-familiar

58
"Oncques amour" by Paix (Example le). The arranger
58
Jakob Paix, Ein schon nutz und gebreuchlich orgel tabula-
turbuch (Laugingen: L. Reinmichel, 1583), fols. 108V-11Q.
On the German colorists see August G. Ritter, Zur Geschichte
des Qrgelspiels (Leipzig: M. Hesse, 1884), p. lllf.
48
introduces an ornamental figure into the third beat of the
subject, and, following the best of theoretical advice,
repeats the figure with each entry of the subject (mm. 2,
3, 6, etc.). However, the same ornamental device also
appears as an accompanimental figure (in the altus of m. 2
and cantus of m. 6, for example) and as a decoration of a
distinctive note held over the division line (cantus of
mm. 4 and 6), thereby significantly reducing its importance
as an enhancement of structure. Paix's intabulation is
rendered tedious not because it shares the predilection
for using stereotyped ornaments, but because it uses the
conventional material at random, sprinkling the same orna
mental cliche wherever it fits under the fingers.
In an age of highly professional soloists, one realizes
that performers did not always merely decorate the fabric
and form of a work with simple graces and passaggi, but
frequently transformed the original into idiomatic and,
often, brilliant pieces by applying avalanches of embellish
ment to all parts of the texture. With this type of
diminution one reaches a second division which might be
termed "virtuosic" ornamentation, or ornamentation motivated
by a desire to show off manual dexterity and, frequently,
compositional skill. Graces and stereotyped passaggi played
a minor role in this form of ornamentation; rather, the
virtuoso typically relied on the older practice of embellish
ing with continuous figuration by devising steadily moving
passaggi of awesome speed and complexity to demonstrate his
49
technical skill. The opening of Merulo's intabulation of

59
"Oncques amour" (Example le), for instance, must have been
an extremely impressive tour de force, and its difficulty
attests to Merulo's virtuosity as a performer— especially
if he played it at a tempo commensurate with a vocal perfor-

60
mance of the original chanson. The passaggi are the most
salient characteristic of the arrangement: original part
writing is ignored to make room for divisions that run from
one voice to another; measures are recomposed to make the
display more effective and ensure that the music falls easily
under the fingers (m. 14, for example). While the richness
and diversity with which the divisions are applied is perhaps
peculiar to Merulo, the use of passaggi in a perpetuum mobile,
decorating the surface of the music, rather than clarifying
its structure and form, is typical of all virtuosic ornamen
tation. What makes this, and similar, intabulations succeed
59 Claudio Merulo, Terzo libro di canzoni d 1Intavolatura

d'organo a cinque vocx^ fatte alia francese (Venice: A. Gardano,
1611), pp. 16-21.
60
The configuration and difficulty of the passaggi seem to
suggest, and often demand, a free tempo in interpretation.
Yet, most theorists emphasize that the tempo ought to be
strictly maintained without any slowing down to accommodate
ornamentation (Dalla Casa, II vero modo, 2:1; Zacconi, Prattica
di musica. 2:58). Only Bovicelli, Regole, p. 15, allows a
ritardando— and then only at the final cadence. By implication,
then, intabulations of vocal music were performed at the same
tempo as the simple, unornamented versions. Indeed, as Brown
has pointed out, discussions about proper sixteenth-century
tempos should take into consideration the possibility of
extravagant ornamentation (Embellishing Sixteenth-Century
Music, pp. 67-8).
50
artistically is their use of ornaments as motives that
dominate a section of music, and their general propensity
for rewriting passages in a way that shows a command of
compositional technique in addition to dexterity. Thus,
in the opening measures of Merulo's arrangement, the tirate
not only assure a certain momentum, but effectively unify
the passage and accentuate selected points of imitation.
The difference between a good and bad intabulation, then,
clearly rests on the musical sense of the performer to
ornament in a consistent fashion, sensitive to the poly
phonic imitation and formal structure of the work.
Although the virtuoso often showed regrettable lapses
of taste by modern standards, he must not be judged as
necessarily inartistic on that account. Traditions were
different in the sixteenth century, when performers col
laborated more directly with the composer. The highest goal
of performance was not the current conception of an accurate
reproduction of the composer's original intentions, but,
rather, the creation of a personal statement by the develop
ments which the performer afforded the original. The
virutoso was not content to accent this or that note, or
mark a special cadence with a conventional gesture. Rather,
he used the original as a vehicle for comment and elaboration,
and, in so doing, rejuvenated a familiar structure to the
point of giving another aspect to a form which "structural"
ornamentation would only accentuate. Because of the
twentieth-century attitude towards musicians who tamper with
51
a composer's work, modern scholarship has largely averted
its eyes from the repertoire of the virtuoso. Yet the
neglect has kept one from a valuable source of information
about improvisatory practices of the period. Chapter IV
attempts to address the situation by analyzing in detail
the intabulations of one of the great virtuosos of the
period.
In addition to the divisions of "structural" and
"virtuosic" ornamentation, mention must be made of a third
function of ornamentation that encompasses, although is
by no means restricted to, the aforementioned classifications.
Springing largely from necessity, "acoustical" ornamentation
uses ornamental forms to sustain the sounds which might
otherwise die away too quickly to create a likeness of
the original polyphony. Several writers recognize a funda
mental difference in the sustaining power between the harpsi
chord, clavichord and the organ by recommending the repetition

ST
of long notes on the former two instruments. Similarly,
theorists imply that the difference between the instruments
seems automatically to have meant a difference in the type
of ornamentation applied in performance. Corr§a, for example,
observes:
61
See, for example, Diruta, Transilvano, fol. 6; and, in
English, in Soehnlein, p. 134; Venegas de Henestrosa, Libro
de Cifra Nueva para tecla, harpa y vihuela (Alcaic de Henares,
1557), fol. T7! and Girolamo Frescobaldi,Toccate e partite
d 1intavolatura di cimbalo...libro primo (Rome: N. Borboni,
1615), p. 2.
52
And notice that always when the right hand

enters with only one voice, it is to be with
the third finger, and with a quiebro on the
organ and a redoble on the c l a v i c h o r d . 6 2
Since he mentions two of each in the Facultad, it is impos
sible to know to what quiebro or redoble Correa is referring
yet, whichever quiebro he means, the quiebros are less

63
elaborate ornaments than the redobles he describes.
Hence the more elaborate ornaments are assigned by Correa
to the clavichord, undoubtedly owing to its incapacity to
sustain for any extended amount of time. Diruta is even
more explicit:
The playing [on the harpsichord] should be

lively so that the harmony doesn't die away.
In addition, the player should embellish the
harmony with tremoli and graceful accenti.
On a quilled instrument it's necessary to
realize the same effect that the wind of the
organ gives in sustaining harmonies. For
example, when you play a breve or a whole note
at the organ, do you not hear all of its sound
without striking the key more than once? When
you play these notes on a quilled instrument,
however, you will miss more than half of the
sound, then, it's necessary to strike the key
62 ^ ^
Francesco Correa de Araujo, Facultad Organica (Alcala,
1626) , fol. 15v ; modern edition by Santiago Kastner in
Monumentos de la Musica espanola 12 (Barcelona: Instituto
Espanol de Musicologia, 1948-52), p. 280: "Y aduiertase
que siempre que entrare la derecha con sola una voz, a de
ser ... con el dedo tercero, y con quiebro en el organo, y
redoble en el monacordio."
/T O TT
Sancta Maria, Arte de tafier fantasia, fols. 46 -47,
provides the best examples of these ornaments:
quiebro: redoble:
ifS
53
more often in a graceful manner, and with

sprightliness and dexterity of hand. 4
In conclusion, the rapid decay of the harpsichord must be
remedied by the use of arpeggiations, repeated notes, and,
above all, embellishments. Ornamentation had the added
importance of filling in the blank spots of the long notes
caused by an instrument's lack of sustaining power.
Whether it accentuated the structure of a work, demon
strated the ability of the performer, or compensated for an
instrument's lack of sustaining power, improvised ornamen
tation was practiced to a significant degree by all keyboard
performers of the late sixteenth century. The functions of
the ornamental additions, moreover, determined the forms of
the ornamentation to be used. The problem remaining is that
of selecting and combining appropriate formulae for specific
contexts, fitting them into the rhythm and mood of a parti
cular movement, and acquiring a sense of the living art of
improvised ornamentation that went beyond the stereotyped
and necessarily mechanical methodology of the textbooks. By
examining the use of ornamental forms in the intabulations of
the celebrated Claudio Merulo, the following chapters strive
to define this elusive art of embellishment.
64 Diruta, Transilvano, fol. 6: and, m English, m

Soehnlein, ppT 133-4.
CHAPTER II
THE INTABULATED KEYBOARD CANZONA
In patient response to Vario's persistent questioning,
Lucca, the maestro of Artusi's celebrated volume on modern
music, explains that there are innumerable forms of popular
vocal music: "Canzoni Venetiane, Napolitane, Francese,
Padoane, Spagnuole, Moresche e altre che sono infinite."
Yet, in subsequent discussion, he carefully singles out the
"canzone francese" as the most important form for an instru
mentalist to know."*" The distinction is important; for perhaps
more than any other vocal form, it was the French chanson
in all its various peregrinations which most influenced late
sixteenth-century instrumental style by providing repertoire
for simple and elaborate instrumental arrangements and models
for the development of new and independent forms.
The choice of the chanson for instrumental treatment
was a natural one— natural because of the popularity of
French music on the continent and, more important, the
eminent suitability of ihe form to instrumental adaptation.
The fondness for French forms began in the first decades of
the sixteenth century when a continued abundance of highly
skillful Franco-Netherlandish composers worked at the various
^"Giovanni Maria Artusi, L'Artusi, overo Delle imperfettioni

della moderna musica (Venice: G. Vincenti, 1600), p. 50.
54
55
courts of Italy and Southern Germany, yet grew particularly
in the late twenties through the wide dissemination of prints
from Attaingnant in Paris and, later, Susato in Antwerp,
Phalese in Louvain and others. The new repertoire was eagerly
consumed by a public as intrigued by the novelty of French
culture as by the inventive spirit of the music itself, a fact
attested to by the increasing number of French titles appear
ing in continental publications and manuscripts through the

2
end of the century. The titles in these sources, faithfully
following the changes of French style and taste through the
years, reached a highpoint around 1590 when nearly every
secular publication, instrumental or vocal, included some
version of a well-known chanson and conspicuously announced
the word "Francese" on its title page, and publishers'
catalogues included titles of new collections of French
compositions.^
Yet it was the instrumentalist's acute concern for
formal coherence, and not just the fondness for French music,
which ultimately explained why the chanson recieved such wide
2
The importance of French repertoire in sixteenth-century
culture is considered in Edward Lowinsky, "Music in the Culture
of the Renaissance," Journal of the History of Ideas XV (1954),
509-53; and in the essays edited by James Haar as Chanson and
Madrigal 1480-1530: Studies in Comparison and Contrast (Cam-
bridge: Harvard University Press, 1964) .
3
See, for example, the Indice di tutte le opere de musica
che si trovano nella stampa della pagina di Allesandro Vincenti
(Venice: [A. Vincenti], 1619); reprinted in a supplement to
Monatschefte fur Musikgeschichte XIV (1883).
56
currency in instrumental arrangements. The musical forms
of the smaller vocal genres mentioned by Artusi, although
often symmetrical, were too monotonous, their musical content
too restricted to be fully enjoyed without the vigor of the
text. Moreover, they were largely regional forms forever
passing in and out of view in accordance with public taste.
Other vocal types proved similarly unsatisfactory for instru
mental use: the form of the madrigal was too flexible and
subjective, too influenced by the text, to stand on its own,
the text and music of the villanella formed an unbroken
whole in which each factor complemented the other in
effectiveness. But the chanson had a natural organization
and melodic content which instruments could successfully
emphasize. Whether in the predominantly chordal texture of
the so-called Parisian school, or the texturally more
integrated styles of succeeding generations and localities,
the outstanding musical characteristics of the chanson were
an articulated periodic structure and a sectional repetition
and recapitulation which, while appearing as natural
corollaries to the form of the poetic text, constituted a
coherent form independent of the words. Such a melodic and
formal structure explains why even extended works as Janequin's
programmatic chansons could be successfully intabulated by
a single lute. Moreover, it explains why such compositions
offered ideal models upon which instrumentalists could
improvise ornamentation. Familiar, accessible melodic
contours could be recognized through varying amounts of
57
ornamental overlay, while repetition of independent sections
at once invited varied elaboration and constituted the formal
coherence so vital to instrumental music at the time.
Thus, the chanson entered the sixteenth-century instru
mental repertoire in a variety of performance options. It
could be presented by a variegated combination of voice and
instruments, the most common being with the cantus sung and
the other voices played as accompaniment by a single instru
ment such as the lute, or several melodic instruments. It
could also be performed by an instrumental ensemble with
single instruments on each line. The popularity of this
method, particularly toward the end of the century, is
evidenced not only by numerous contemporary accounts, but

4
also by the variety of materials available for performance.
Indeed, instrumentalists could use the original vocal
part-books (increasingly distinguished by the economically-
viable subtitle "for singing or playing"), part books without
text, conceived solely for instrumental ensembles, or the
repertoire offered in open score or partitura. Yet the most
popular mode of presentation appears to have been the
intabulation of an entire chanson for single instrument— organ
harpsichord or lute.
A number of factors account for the popularity of such
4
See Eunice C. Crocker, "An Introductory Study of the
Italian Canzona for Instrumental Ensembles and Its Influence
Upon the Baroque Sonata" (Ph.D. dissertation, Radcliff College
1943), pp. 130-8.
58
a mode of performance: first such eminently practical con
siderations as the number of required performers, and the
possibility of the instrumentalist enhancing his performance
opportunities by playing the popular vocal repertoire of his
time and indulging in the improvisatory practices which the
public demanded. Yet the chief evidence for such popularity
is the sheer number of sources— instruction books, partituras,
intabulations— specifically designed to facilitate solo
performance of the chanson.
The transcription of vocal music was basic to the
training of both keyboard and lute players in the sixteenth
century, and the numerous instruction books teaching the art
frequently contained examples from the secular repertoire.
At least one publication, Simone Verovio's Diletto spirituale
canzonette, Rome, 1586, gave simultaneous instruction for
keyboardist and lutenist alike— three and four part composi
tions on the left side of the page are followed by settings
in lute and keyboard intavolatura on the opposite side.
Whereas Verovio used Italian repertoire for his examples,
similar, but less complex, instruction books— from Galilei's
Fronimo dialogo, to Buchner's Fundamentbuch, to Bermudo's
Declaracidn— utilized the chanson for such exemplification.
Moreover, the few surviving examples of printed secular
partitura, such as Gardano's collection of Musica di diversi
autori, Venice, 1577, contained chansons for intabulation by
either keyboard or lute, while manuscript collections, such
as the unique abbreviated partitura at London, Royal College
59
of Music: MS 2088 similarly depended heavily on the chanson for
repertoire. Principally, however, the chanson forms one of
the foundations of that large secular repertoire published
solely for the amateur musician— the intabulation.
There is some evidence to suggest that the transcription
of a chanson for lute was considered preferable to one for the
keyboard. First, there is the isolated discussion of
intabulating chansons by the celebrated Vincenzo Galilei, in
which the lutenist claims his instrument to be at all times
superior to the keyboard:
Now I want to tell you with the support of

Claudio [Merulo] of Coreggio, our chapel master,
and our beloved Gioseffo Guami about a few more
[organists] who, not through a lack of ability
or knowledge but because of the nature of their
instrument, have not been able, are not able,
[and] will never be able to express the affections
of the harmony such as hardness and softness,
bitterness and sweetness, and consequently the
cries, lamentation, sighs and finally the quiet
and the fury with such grace and power as do the
excellent lute players.*
However, neither the substance nor the tone of this comment
appears elsewhere in the literature, and it is, perhaps,
best recognized as an overzealous statement written in the
flamboyant style of the times. Certainly the lute had a
5 • .
Vincenzo Galilei, Fronimo, dialogo sopra l 1arte del bene
intavolare et rettemente sonare la musica (Venice: G. Scotto,
1584), p. 51: "sal presente alcune altredirvene voglio io con
sopportatione di Claudio da Coreggio, del maestro nostro di
Capelle, & del caro nostro Giosepho Guami, i quali tutti non
per diffetto del Arte & saper loro ma della natura dello stru-
mento, non hanno possuto, non possano, ne potranno mai, esprimere
gli affetti delle Armonie come la durezza, mollezza, asprezza &
dolcezza; & consequentemente i gridi, i lamenti, gli strida, i
pianti, & ultimamente le quiete e 1 'furore, con tanta gratia
& maraviglia, come gli Eccellenti Sonatori nel liuto fanno."
60
sensitivity for dynamic gradation not found on the keyboard.
Yet that hardly seems a sufficient criterion for such sweeping
generalizations. If Merulo did, indeed, believe his instru
ment incapable of intabulation, he must have experienced an
abrupt change of mind, for only eight years later, he began
publication of a whole series of chanson transcriptions for
the organ, works which Diruta later characterized specifically
as "graceful" and "powerful".
Second, the lute transcriptions greatly outnumber their
keyboard counterparts. Between 1546, when at least nine lute
collections are known to have been printed, and 1570, when
such collections begin to disappear, lute arrangements account
for all the known transcribed chanson repertoire. Yet the
frequency of these sources appears to be more of a comment on

the social status of the lute at the time, than on the popu
larity of lute intabulation per se. The lute was the amateur
instrument par excellence during the mid-sixteenth century,
and the numerous volumes published and republished for the
instrument were destined to satisfy the needs of players who
could not make intabulations themselves and desired only
technically uncomplicated, simply ornamented transcriptions
of popular repertoire for use at home. A few of these volumes
were intentionally more advanced and pedagogical in vision.
Just as Galilei speaks of the importance of intabulating pieces
by Willaert, Verdelot and Lassus in mastering performance
technique, these volumes offered progressively more difficult
versions of chansons as instructional examples. But the
61
majority of these volumes, frequently addressed to the diligent
amateur, appear to have had only one end in sight: the pro
vision of a simple and entertaining repertoire for players
largely content with their limited ability. However, the
art of intabulation was a common ability for keyboard players
of the middle sixteenth century. The small number of amateurs
could be expected to intabulate from open score if not part
books with the simplest of ornamental devices, while the
professional characteristically garlanded his offerings with
substantial display. The ready-made transcription, so
necessary to the amateur lutenist, was, therefore, of little
use to the keyboard player: he was able to transcribe on his
own with the requisite addition of ornament.
The ultimate appearance of keyboard sources was then
the result of several factors. First, there was the increase
in the number of instruments and interested performers.
Second, there was a weakening of the improvisatory tradition
so eloquently lamented by Banchieri in his Conclusioni. It
also was due to a certain capitalization by publishers on the
names of virtuosos who provided their own ornamented versions
of Italian songs, German lieder and, of course, French chansons.
The following pages will trace the gradual appearance
of the chanson transcribed for keyboard in the countries most
directly influenced by the French repertoire: Italy, Germany,
Spain and France itself. Emphasis is placed on the growth of
French influence in the various national repertoires, and on
those sources contemporary with Merulo's own compositions.
62
France
Despite evidence of a flourishing keyboard school in
sixteenth-century France, a curiously small number of sources
survive. The French court had its share of virtuosos, each
with his aristocratic pupils, for whom many a manuscript was
presumably prepared. Moreover, keyboard players plied their
trade in cathedral and chapel and certainly produced manu
scripts of their own. Yet hardly a trace of their music
survives. Whatever the ability of such men— and their con
temporaries were lavish in praise of them— they are mere
names to us. Certainly they performed the traditional duties
of their office: furnishing service music, performing with
the choir in.al.ternatum and entertaining guests at domestic
functions. But, as noted previously, the very exigencies of
such duties forced musicians to improvise much of their music,
and doubtless what music was set down on paper was considered
utilitarian, to be discarded when out of date. It is, there
fore, partly from this lack of manuscripts, and partly from
the loss of the few known printed volumes that the seven key
board collections published between 1530 and 1531 by Attaingnant
g
Felix Raugel, "The Ancient French Organ School," Musical
Quarterly XI (1925), 560-71, cites the only manuscript evidence
of French keyboard writing in the sixteenth century: a "Fan-
tazie sur orgue ou espinette" by Costeley, organist to Charles
IX, and a tablature by D. Megnier. Volumes known to have been
printed include the Premier livre de tablature d 1espinette (Lyon
S. Gorlier, 1560), Tablature d 1espinette by Guilliaume Bray-
singar (Lyon: J. Moderne, n.d.) and the collections presumably
printed by LeRoy and Ballard with a special keyboard type
created for their use.
63
acquire a special significance. They constitute the only
extant keyboard repertoire in France until Charles Guillet's
Vingt-quatre Fantasies/ Paris, 1610, and more important for
the present, comprise both the largest and earliest body of
keyboard arrangements of the Parisian chanson.
The chanson arrangements are contained in the first
three volumes of the series:
Dix neuf chansons musicales reduictes en la

tabulature des Orgues Espinettes Manichordions
et telz semblables instruments ... Januarn 1530.
Vingt et cincq chansons musicales reduictes

en la tablature des Orgues Espinettes Manichordions
et telz semblables instruments ... Februarix 1530.
Vingt et six chansons musicales reduictes en

la tablature des Orgues Espinettes Manichordions
et telz semblables instruments musicaulx ... 1530.
The popular chanson repertoire of the day furnished the models

7
for these seventy keyboard pieces. All but four pieces were
taken from the partbooks Attaingnant published between 1528
and 1530, at the very outset of his career. Twenty-three of
them had already been reissued, while twenty-one also circu
lated as lute songs or arrangements for solo lute, all
previous to the appearance of the keyboard books. The major
composer of the three collections is Claudin de Sermisy,
7
Modern edition by Albert Seay, Corpus mensurabilis
musicae 20 ([Rome]: American Institute of Musicology, 1961).
Charles Canfield Brown provides a perceptive review in Musical
Quarterly LXIX (1963), 533-42.
64
perhaps the most popular composer of the times, to whom
thirty-one chansons can be ascribed with certainty, and
several others with reservation. All the other composers
represented are restricted to one work: Janequin, Moulu,
Willaert, Pipelare, Vermont and Duboys. Attaingnant's
reliance on the output of Claudin as the backbone of his
collections is indicative of a desire to attain a wide
audience, a trait conspicious in similar collections later
in the century.
The arrangements themselves are all unsigned—
Attaingnat did not choose to designate his arrangers until
late in his career. Yet a consistency of format and style
suggests the hand of a single composer. The volumes follow
a general scheme which, if not precisely defined as such,
is comparable to the "structural"-"virtuoso" dichotomy dis
cussed in Chapter I. The most elaborate settings are found
in volume one, where a particularly virtuosic "Ung grant
plaisir" opens the volume, and it seems plausible that this
book was intended for the professional keyboard player.
Volumes two and three, however, provide less of a challenge
technically and were probably directed toward the amateur.
Aside from a few pedestrian efforts, the arrangements are
characterized by solid workmanship, and many by artistic

g
sensitivity. The hackneyed examples invariably involve the
g
A sole exception is provided by Pipelare's "Fors seulement,"
the only chanson for which Seay can find no concordance. The
original chanson, constructed along imitative lines, with slow
melodies and overlapping cadences, is evidently of an early
65
mechanical repetition and alteration of specific graces. In
this regard, three pieces from volume two come to mind: no. 3
"Cest une dure departie," no. 7" "Du bien que loeil," and
no. 19 "Changeons propos." Yet, more often than not, simple
ornamental procedure leads to subtle transformations of
texture and harmonic detail. In "Puisqu'en amours," from
book one, the change in ornamental detail is accompanied by
attempts to vary the texture in each succeeding section.
Another example in the same volume is "Longtemps y a," where
increased figuration leads to harmonic enrichment and large
amounts of chromatic nuance. Although the arranger works
within the confines of a highly stereotyped "structural"
system, and keeps his expressive gestures small, never ex
ceeding the limits of refinement and restraint, the arrange
ments consistently project an amazing variety of color.
Germany
While the dearth of early sources of keyboard music in
France may puzzle the historian, the relative abundance of
them in Germany arouses awe. There are large chronological
gaps in the repertoire, yet beginning in the first quarter
of the fifteenth century there exists a plethora of sources
unmatched by any other country. While French repertoire does
not figure prominently in these volumes, the technique of
date. Similarly the arrangement differs from all the others:

an ornamented cantus does not dominate, nor does the ornamen
tation underscore melodic contours and structural periodization.
66
song arrangement is of interest for, as far as preserved
documents bear witness, it strongly prevails throughout the
century. Consider Paumann's celebrated Fundamentum of 1452
(Berlin, Deutsche Staatsbibliothek: MS 40613), a work which
served primarily to illustrate the technique of "vertical"
improvisation. In some arrangements— "Des klaffers neyden,"
for instance— the notes of the original tenor are kept nearly
intact as a foundation, while the upper voice weaves a free
counterpoint over it. The other arrangements— "Mit ganczem
willen," for example— show three voicesand a paraphrased
tenor that is broken up byunrelated notes as it skips back
and forth between the low and middle voices.
In sheer bulk and diversity of contents, the next major
source, the Buxheimer Orgelbuch, stands as the most important

9
collection of keyboard music m the fifteenth century.
Dating from around 1460, the tablature contains 256 compo
sitions, including 55 with French titles often disguised by
quasi-phonetic spelling. Covering as it does a fairly broad
time-span, the tablature exhibits a certain diversity of
style in the treatment of vocal works. Many of the arrangements
resemble those of Conrad Paumann, whose name and monogram
appear frequently, and whose entire Fundamentum is appended
9
Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek: Cim. 352b (olim
Mus. 3725); modern edition in Das Erbe deutscher Musik
37-9 (Kassel: Barenreiter, 1958-9); discussed in Robert S.
Lord, "The Buxheim Organ Book: A Study in the History of
Organ Music in Southern Germany during the Fifteenth Century"
(Ph.D. dissertation, Yale University, 1960).
67
to the manuscript. However, it may be said that the Buxheim
volume also marks the beginning of intabulare transcriptions
of vocal works as opposed to the organisare treatment of
Paumann. While Paumann often employed only one line of the
original song and organized an instrumental piece upon this
cantus firmus, a frequent technique of the Buxheim manuscript
consists of borrowing a song in toto and ornamenting each
individual line, particularly the upper line. Comparison
of the vocal version of Dunstable's "Sub tuam protectionem"
with the Buxheim setting, facilitated by a comparative modern
edition, illustrates the procedure used in many of the vocal
arrangements and, significantly, all the French sources.
Luxuriance of decoration in the upper voice, minute divisions
of the beat, specific ornaments with a narrow ambitus and
clear outline of the vocal prototype all characterize the
style of this earliest example of secular vocal transcription
for keyboard.
For approximately a half century after the Buxheim
collection the history of German keyboard music is devoid of
monuments, while it is for almost a century that it includes
significant transcriptions of the secular vocal repertoire.
Although lute sources from the period evidence a substantial
interest in secular arrangements, the Paulomines were primarily
interested in liturgical composition. One volume from the
^^Modern edition by Manfred Bukofzer in Musica Britannica 8

(London: Stainer and Bell, 1953), pp. 125-7.
era merits attention however. The influence of the Paulomines
spread as far as Poland, and especially Cracow, a significant
outpost of German culture and the place of origin of the
so-called Lublin tablature (Cracow, Polish Academy of Sciences:
MS 1716).'*'''' Dating from approximately 1545, the manuscript
is concerned almost exclusively with secular vocal transcrip
tions and includes seven French titles relating to the current
Parisian chanson repertoire. A significant addition to the
volume is an arrangmenet of Passereau's "II e bel e bon" by
Girolamo Cavazzoni, which he printed in Venice in 1543.
Indeed, considerable common ground seems to have existed
between Germany, Italy and France in regard to source dis
tribution during the second quarter of the cinquecento, but
these links are never more evident than in this small manu
script incorporating as it does chansons, German tablature
arrangements and Italian intavolatura transcriptions dating
from within five years of one another.
During the period of roughly a half century which
intervenes between the Paulomime collections and the first
printed German organ tablature by Ammerbach in 1571, scattered
keyboard manuscripts of domestic origin provide the first
substantial evidence of secular vocal arrangements for key-

12
board. While only scant attention has been paid to these
11
John R. White, "The Tablature of Johannes Lublin,"
Musica Disciplina XVII (1963) , 137-62.
12
On these manuscripts see Emil Bohn, Die musikalischen
Handschriften des XVI. und XVII. jahrhunderts in der stadtbibliothek
zu Breslau (Breslau: Hainauer, 1890); and Julius Maier, Die
69
sources, their contents indicate that keyboard players
transcribed into tablature favorite vocal and dance compo
sitions, oftentimes with extensive decoration. While many
of these sources are primarily dance oriented, a modest docu
ment, Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek: MS 2987, devoted
in part to lute tablature, is important. Here nine French
chansons by Janequin, Sandrin, Mittantier, Le Peletier and
Descaudin are transcribed in old German tablature with vary
ing amounts of coloration. The ornamental style is reminiscent
of the Attaingnant tablatures, which fact has led Willi Apel

13
to believe the source to be of French origin. The pro
venance and notation strongly suggest otherwise.
The publication of Ammerbach's first tablature in 1571
marks several significant events. First, the volume consti
tutes the beginning of a series of works by the so-called
German "colorists" specializing in a secular repertoire
including dance and vocal forms. Second, Ammerbach's volumes
were printed and available in quantity. The printing pre
supposed both a large audience and a greater number of quali
fied players than was the case, earlier in the century; it
may also have implied a change in the keyboard player1s
training and repertoire. Since Ammerbach and the succeeding
musikalischen Handschriften der Koniglichen Hof-und staats

bibliothek in Mttnchen (Munich: Commission der Palm'chen hof-
buchhandlung, 1879).
13
WilliÂpel, "Du noveau sur la musique frangaise pour orgue
au XVIe siecle," La Revue Musicale XVIII (1937), 96-108.
70
arrangers of the period wrote out the ornamentation and
included a forward on keyboard technique as well, it is clear
that these collections are primarily pedagogical in intent—
aimed at a growing number of amateurs who needed material
for instruction and repertoire at home, and who did not
possess the once common ability to intabulate. Third, this
publication used for the first time what has since been
termed the "new" German organ tablature, a notation ideally
suited for printing by virtue of its economy of space and
ease of typesetting.
While serving as organist of the Thomaskirche at
Leipzig, Ammerbach issued three keyboard tablatures:
Orgel oder Instrument Tabulature. Ein nutzlichs

Buchlein in welchem notwendige erklerung der
Orgel oder Instrument Tabulatur sampt der
Application Auch froliche deutsche Stucklein
vnnd Muteten etliche mit Coloraturn abgesetzt,
Desgleichen schone deutsche Tentze, Galliarden
vnnd Welsche Passomessen zubefinden (Leipzig;
J. Erben, 1571).
Ein New Kunstlich Tabulaturbuch darin sehr gute

Moteten vnd liebliche Deutsche Tenores jetzinger
Zeit vornehmer Componisten auff die Orgel vnnd
Instrument abgesetzt beydes den Organisten der
Jugent dienstlich (Nurenburg; D. Gerlachs, 1575).
Orgel oder Instrument Tabulaturbuch, in sich

begreiffende eine notwendige vnnd kurtze
anlaitung, die Tabulatur vnnd application
zuverstehen, auch dieselbige auss gutem grunde
recht zu lernen (Nurenburg; Gerlachianis, [1583]).
The first publication, arranged for the student in five cate
gories each progressively more difficult than the previous
one, includes a lavish arrangement of the perennial "Susanne
un jour." Similarly, the second collection, specializing in
71
ornate liturgical works for the professional, contains an
arrangement of a classic chanson by Crecquillon. The third
volume is an enlargement and revision of the first publication.
The additions most conspicuously involve French and Italian
songs popular at the time, including nineteen chansons from
the post-Parisian repertoire by Clemens non Papa, Sandrin,
Crecquillon, Pathie and Godard. Judging from their frequent
appearance in lute and other keyboard sources from all over
the continent, these pieces formed an international repertoire.
In their integrated style, five and six voice textures,
and increased length, they provided the basis for chanson

arrangements through the end of the century. The most peculiar
aspect of this last volume involves the revisions. Ammerbach
has systematically deleted all ornamentation from the compo
sitions present in the volume from 1571, and the additional
pieces are literal reductions of the part-books for keyboard. 14
Two other major keyboard tablatures originate from
the period. The elder Bernard Schmid, who served as the
organist of the Strasbourg Cathedral from 1562-1592, published
a keyboard collection entitled Einer Neuen Kunstlichen Tabu-

15
latur auff Orgel und Instrument, Strasbourg, 1577. His
14
Elizabeth L. Boos, "The Tablatures of Elias Nicolaus
Ammerbach" (Ph.D. dissertation, Indiana University, in progress).
I am grateful to Ms. Boos for having supplied me a list of
concordances for these volumes.
■^Clyde W. Young, "The Keyboard Tablatures of Bernhard

Schmid, Father and Son" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of
Illinois, 1957); idem, "Keyboard Music to 1600," Musica
72
work, again intended primarily for amateurs according to the
foreword, contains several parts devoted solely to secular
works. The twelve compositions comprising the chanson
repertoire correspond well with the current lute and keyboard
sources in that such popular composers as Crecquillon, Godard
and Lassus are included. Five-part writing alternates with
some six-part compositions. Although these vocal transcrip
tions exhibit lavish coloration, some of it virtually impos
sible to play on anything but the organ, the dances in the
same section evidence considerable restraint in this respect.
Even though Schmid states in the preface that he has attempted
to transmit the composers' original work without change, the
presence of parallel fifths and octaves, as well as the
lavish ornamentation, betrays the arranger's hand.
Another tablature from the same year as that of Ammer
bach's third publication was Jacob Paix's Ein Schon Nutz unnd
Gebreuchlich Orgel Tabulaturbuch, Laugingen, 1583, a collection
including twenty-five motets for liturgical use, two fanta
sias, followed by twenty-six French, German and Italian songs
as well as thirty-two dances. The chansons again are from the
international repertoire, with an understandable predilection
for the works of Lassus. A lengthy foreword discusses the
problems of playing ornaments, fingering and parallel fifths
and octaves, the presence of which he excuses by stating that
Disciplina XVI (1962), 115-50 provides bibliographies for all

previously discussed sources.
73
it is not necessary to avoid them when preparing keyboard
scores.
In addition to these printed sources, several manu
script tablatures survive from the last years of the six
teenth century and the early years of the seventeenth century.
Although none of them offers anything new in the development
of keyboard writing, they help to complete the picture of
the musical scene in Germany. Three of them, moreover,
substantiate the continuing importance of the chanson as
a foundation for secular repertoire. Dances and dance songs
predominate in Christoph L5ffelholtz's tablature of 1585
(Berlin, Deutsche Staatsbibliothek: Mus. MS. 40 034), but
five favorite chansons are found in elaborate arrangements
interspersed among the dances. The decoration of these
chansons, especially Janequin's famous "La Guerre," stands
in marked contrast to the simple homophonic dances. Secular
vocal arrangements, however, completely dominate the two
large tablatures by Swiss organist Samuel Mareschall.
Although these two volumes were written down in 1639 and 1640
(Basel, Universitatbibliothek: MSS F.IX.49-50), their
repertoire and style of transcription suggest an earlier date

16
or origin. The repertoire is composed of works favored by
German and Italian instrumental arrangers during the last
years of the preceeding century, and conspicuously avoided
16
On Basel see Wilhelm Merian, Der tanz in den deutschen
tabulaturbuchern (Leipzig: Breitkopf and Hhrtel, 1927).
74
in arrangements from the middle of the seventeenth century.
Moreover, the ornamentation compares favorably in style and
quality to the printed tablatures discussed earlier.
Italy
Arrangements of French vocal music are evident in the
earliest known source of Italian keyboard music, the cele
brated codex at Faenza dating from the early fifteenth century,
and continue throughout the remarkable flourishing of keyboard
composition in Renaissance Italy. Indeed, the next extant
sources of Italian keyboard music all include arrangements
of vocal music: the Frottole intabulate da sonare organi ...
libro primo published in 1517 by Andrea Antico, Marco Antonio
Cavazzoni's Recerchari, Motetti, Canzoni ... Libro I of 1523,
and the Intavolatura cioe Ricercari, Canzoni, Himni, Magni
ficat i by Marco Antonio's son, Girolamo. For its inclusion
of twenty-six intabulations of Italian vocal pieces, the
first volume is of little interest here. The remaining
volumes, however, containing the earliest arrangements of
chansons for keyboard, merit considerable attention.
Printed in Venice by Bernardinus Vercelensis, Marco
Antonio's volume contains two ricercars (the first for keyboard
to appear in print), two motets and four arrangements of
chansons: "Perdone moi sie folie," "Madame vous aves mon cuor,"
17
"Plus de regres," and "Lautre yor per un matin." The vocal
17 . . .
Modern editions by Giacomo Benvenuti m I Classici
musicali italiana 1 (Milan: n.p., 1941); and Knud Jeppesen,
Die italienische Orgelmusik am Anfang des Cinquecento (Copen
hagen: W. Hansen, 1960).
75
models are not identified in the print and despite considerable
scholarly attention, only one model has yet been identified—
the third work, "Plus de regres," has been shown to be an
arrangement based on the five-part chanson "Plusieurs regretz"

18
by Josquin des Prez. A reconstruction of the other vocal
models by reducing the keyboard coloration suggests that the
remaining pieces are likewise early polyphonic chansons from
the Josquin generation. Comparison of model and arrangement
for "Plus de regres," however, demonstrates that the technique
of arrangement is not the expected simple or ornamented tran
scription, but one of paraphrase in which the composer has
departed significantly from his model, utilizing only several
thematic ideas and employing a structure which, while similar
in proportion to the model, is not so in design.
The third chanson begins with an ornamented statement
of Josquin's opening subject, with the countersubject entering
unaltered in the lower part (the first quarter is omitted
because of the unison in conflict with the upper part). In
m. 3 the second statement of the countersubject begins,
rhythmically altered by a prolongation of the first note and
by a shift from the dotted rhythm to even eighths in the next
measure. Beginning in m. 7 the opening subject of Josquin's
chanson is heard in the top part in even note values. No more
definite connections with Josquin are to be found until the
18
Martin Picker, "A Josquin Parody by Marco Antonio Cavazzoni,"
Tijdschrift van de Vereniging voor Nederlandse Muziekgeschiedenis
XIII (1972), 157-9.
76
repetition of this section in mm. 23-44 (conforming to the
first twelve measures of the chanson). After this sectional
repetition all thematic and formal similarity between the
two compositions disappears. The arrangement moves on to
a monothematic second section, literally repeated, and closes
with a third section, repeated with variation, utilizing a
new subject together with the subject from the middle section.
This new subject supplies the only other link between the two
works. Thus the original vocal structure of ABC is altered
in the paraphrase to AAB, while vast amounts of interpolated
material have been used to fill out the composition. Judging
from the stylistic consistency of the volume, this composition
and presumably the other three arrangements as well constitute
a good example of what John Ward has called a "quotation-parody"
type of paraphrase— vertical slices of thematic complex quoted

19
among interpolations of free writing.
It is with more certainty, however, that we also can
label all of Girolamo Cavazzoni's arrangements of 1543 as
paraphrases. The two chansons included in this Venetian
volume have been identified as Passereau's "II est bel et bon"
and Josquin's five-part setting of the popular tune "Faulte

20
d'argent.11 The former work serves as an example. While
19
John Ward, "Parody Technique in Sixteenth-Century Instru
mental Music," in Gustave Reese and Rose Brandel, ed., The
Commonwealth of Music (New York: The Free Press, 1965), p. 209.
20
Modern edition by Oscar Mischiati (Mainz: B. Schott, 1958-
61), pp. 17-20. The original chanson appears in Pierre Passereau,
Opera Omnia, ed. Georges Dottin ([Rome]: American Institute of
Musicology, 1967), pp. 23-5.
77
the chanson itself employs five different subjects, Girolamo
uses only the first, which he immediately alters after the
initial stepwise ascent of a fifth. After the four con
secutive entrances of this subject (entering alternately on
the fifth below as opposed to the original imitation on the
fifth above) all traces of Passereau disappear. The arrange
ment invents two more thematic ideas, imitatively treated,
which appear in the middle section of the piece (mm. 15-30).
Then, as in the chanson, the opening section returns in
literal repetition (mm. 31-45 of the arrangement, mm. 50-7
of the chanson) punctueted by a four measure cadential gesture
based on the opening motive nd briefly imitated. The
similarity of the technique '.yed by Marco Antonio to that
of his son Girolamo in the fo....^jing example, allows one to
summarize easily the paraphrase technique. No material is
employed from the middle section of the vocal models, while
considerable rhythmic liberties are taken in the treatment
of the melodic materials which are borrowed. A structure
is maintained in the arrangement which is similar in proportion
but not necessarily form. And the texture is often varied
to considerable degree, revealing a primarily improvisational
attitude.
The technique of arrangement in these prints by the
elder and younger Cavazzoni appears peculiar in relation to
what one might expect at such an early date: transcription
would logically seem to be an earlier technique than that of
paraphrase, only gradually giving way to less dependent
78
methods of arrangement. However, abundant evidence suggests
that the transcription of chansons and other vocal forms was

well rooted in Italy in the early years of the sixteenth
century. For example, the two books of lute transcriptions
by Francesco Spinacino published in 1507 and the aforementioned
keyboard intabulations published by Antico all utilize simple
transcription techniques. The Cavazzoni prints— the oldest
surviving keyboard compositions based on the chanson— are
therefore best viewed as exceptions to the rule, a status
which most likely prompted their publication in the first
place. If one can believe the tone of a letter of 1517 con
taining the earliest reference to Marco Antonio, the elder
Cavazzoni was a well-established, highly respected musician

21
of Venxce. The younger musician, moreover, became the
leading figure of the Italian keyboard school, a view
supported both by contemporary references and his unprece-

22
dented publxcatxon of two volumes in two years. Surely
the publisher of these two volumes sought to capitalize on
the names of these men by offering original adaptations of
chansons, the normal transcription of which was everyday
knowledge, and not in need of published exemplification.
21
The letter xs gxven xn Edward Lowinsky, "Adrian Willaert's
Chromatic 'Duo" Reexamined," Tijdschrift der Vereniging voor
Nederlandsche Muziekgeschiedenis XVIII (1956) , 14-8.
22
A collectxon of liturgical works for keyboard, Intavola-
tura cioe recercari, canzoni, himni, magnificati, appeared xn
1543.
79
The exceptional quality of these volumes is likewise
borne out by the sporadic appearance of paraphrase technique
in Italian instrumental sources through the end of the century.
An excellent example of quotation-parody can be found in the
sixth canzona of Adriano Banchieri's Canzoni alia francese
per sonare, Venice, 1596. Subtitled "L'Alcenagina sopra
'Vestiva i colli,"' the piece is based on Palestrina's motet

23
of that title. Simone Molmaro likewise paraphrases Lasso's
24
"Susanne un jour" m his Intavolatura di liuto, Venice, 1599,
while Andrea Gabrieli's Canzoni of 1605 includes paraphrases
— entitled ricercars— on several chansons. Finally, the
fifth canzona from Trabaci's collection of 1603 is indebted

25
to Arcadelt's "Dunque credeti ch'io." Yet when judged by
the overwhelming number of simple transcriptions, particularly
toward the end of the century, the paraphrase is clearly an
exceptional rather than normative style of arrangement.
As mentioned previously, the lute was invariably the
instrument for printed chanson transcriptions in the first
half of the sixteenth century. In Italy this was especially
true: from the ten chanson intabulations in Francesco da
Milano's celebrated Intavolatura, Venice, 1536, to 1570,
23
Discussed in Floyd Sumner, "The Instrumental Canzone
Prior to 1600" (Ph.D. dissertation, Rutgers University, 1973),
pp. 114-20.
24
Discussed in Ward, "Parody Technique," pp. 209-12.
25
Discussed and transcribed in Roland Jackson, "The
Keyboard Music of Giovanni Maria Trabaci" (Ph.D. dissertation,
University of Texas, 1964) , pp. 215-7.
80
Venetian presses alone turned out twenty-nine volumes in
which intabulations of vocal music figured prominently.
The latter date is especially important, however, for it
represents not only an ending to the plethora of printed
lute sources (only four volumes appear thereafter) but the
beginning of an impressive succession of printed keyboard
collections. The surge of Italian music publication, which
reaches a peak from 1590 to 1620, effectively begins around
1570. Rome, the center for elegantly engraved volumes,
contributed a few publications, as did Naples, where local
composers found particular favor with publishers. It was
in Venice, however, where the rivaling firms of Angelo Gardano
and Giacomo Vincenti turned out widely distributed collections
by composers from all over Italy, that most Italian music
publication took place— including the important multi-volume
series of Andrea Gabrieli and Claudio Merulo. While the works
of the latter will be considered in detail in the next chapter,
the contributions by the former merit attention here.
Gabrieli's keyboard works, located in six books issued
between 1571 and 1605 by Gardano and several German manu
scripts, include numerous arrangements of the French chanson
as both simple transcriptions and as parody-paraphrases.
The Canzoni alia Francese per Sonar from 1571, reissued in
1605, lists eight chanson titles, all of which turn out to
be simple transcriptions with varying amounts of ornamental

26
overlay. (The remaining composition, an anonymous
26
Documentation for the existence of a 1571 edition, no
madrigal entitled "Con le1 fossio," receives both a simple
transcription and an intensely contrapuntal paraphrase.)
The Canzoni alia Francese...libro quinto of 1605 contains
five chanson titles: two of these appear in simple transcrip
tion only, while the remaining three receive both the tran-
27
scription and paraphrase technique. The mtabulations of
these quasi-polyphonic chansons by such composers as Janequin,
Crequillon and Willaert, reveal considerable artistry. Ex
tended scale passages and shorter motivic elaborations are
methodically placed and varied, ornamentation runs throughout
all layers of the texture. Similarly, the paraphrases,
entitled ricercars, evidence a desire to enrich the form from
the time of Cavazzoni. In contrast to his normal monothematic
ricercars, Gabrieli utilizes all of the chanson's thematic
material, follows its form in both layout and proportion,
but presents the themes in the same intense contrapuntal
treatments which characterize his independent recercars.
There is evidence which suggests that these two volumes
received a particularly wide distribution. Not only did the
former volume receive two printings, but the appearance of
many of these arrangements in German manuscript tablatures
would indicate that Gabrieli's work spread into the northern
longer extant, is provided in Wilhelm Joseph von Wasielewski,

Geschichte der instrumentalmusik im XVI. Jahrhundert (Berlin:
J. Guttentag, 1878), p. 141. Modern edition of the 1605 print
by Pierre Pidoux (Kassel: BSrenreiter, 1952).
27
Modern edition by Pierro Pidoux (Kassel: BSrenreiter,
[1953]).
82
parts of the continent and, judging from the dates of these
tablatures, continued to do so for some years after Gabrieli's
death.
Among the lesser-known Venetian composers of the late-
sixteenth and early-seventeenth century one also discerns
considerable mastery of transcription techniques, as well as
of contrapuntal writing. Sperindio Bertoldo's two brief
volumes of 1591 are not only exemplary of this writing, but
also constitute the last surviving examples of Venetian chanson
arrangement. 28 Like two of Merulo's keyboard volumes and
three of the prints by Gabrieli, Bertoldo's publications
were posthumous (he died in 1570). Moreover, his collection
of chanson arrangements is strikingly reminiscent of Merulo's
Libro terzo. Although published by Vincenti, the volume
contains four extended transcriptions of popular quasi-poly-
phonic chansons by Crecquillon, Janequin and Clemens. A
print of Tocate, Ricercari et Canzoni Francese from the same
year also contains a transcription of a chanson which is as
yet unidentified.
Despite evidence of a flowering Neapolitan keyboard
school during the late sixteenth century, only a few sources
remain and, in turn, only four of these, a print and three
manuscripts, contain transcriptions of chansons. The Spaniard
Antonio Valente published two volumes of keyboard music during
28
Sperindio Bertcido, Canzoni francese intavolate per sonar
d 'Organo (Venice: G. Vincenti, 1591); idem, Toccate, ricercate
et canzoni francese intavolate per sonar d'organo (Venice: G.
Vincenti, 1591); modern edition of both prints by Klaus Speer
in Corpus of Early Keyboard Music XXXIV (1969) .
his brief tenure in Napless a secular volume, the Intavolatura
de Cimbalo of 1576 which contains the usual assortment of
ricercars, vocal arrangements and dances, and a sacred volume
of Versi Spirituale in 1580 containing 43 ricercars arranged
according to the Gregorian modes. For its inclusion of

29
three chanson titles, the former publication is of interest.
Written in a Spanish keyboard tablature using numbers, devised
and subsequently abandoned by the composer, the Intavolatura
probably received little circulation. Works by Crecquillon
and Willaert are given one florid arrangement each, while a
work by de Monte appears twice, "con alcuni fioretti" and
more ornately as a "disminuta." London, British Museum: Add.
MS 30491, an important source of late sixteenth and early
seventeenth-century repertoire, and probably the single most
important source of Neapolitan music, was copied by Luigi

. 30
Rossi. The keyboard segment of the anthology, dating from
ca. 1610, includes an assortment of keyboard compositions
by Neapolitan composers including the unicum of Macque and
Gesualdo. One splendid arrangement of Lassus' "Susanne" is
included. London, Royal College of Music: MS 2088 opens with
two full-ornamented compositions of grand proportion, but the
remainder of the works, including four chanson arrangements,
29
Antonio Valente, Intavolatura de cimbalo (Naples: G.
Cacchio, 1576); modern edition by Charles Jacobs (Oxford:
Clarendon Press, 1973).
30
Incomplete modern edition by Roland Jackson m Corpus
of Early Keyboard Music XXIV (1966), and Joseph Watelet in
Monumenta Musicae Bslgicae IV (1938); described in Alexander
Silbiger, "Italian Manuscript Sources of Seventeenth-century
Keyboard Music" (Ph.D. dissertation, Brandeis University, 1976).
84
are given out in simple unadorned two part settings outlining
the outer voices of the models— the bass-line in basso
seguente style. Lastly, Naples, Biblioteca del Conservatorio:
MS 48, an anthology of keyboard music by diverse Neapolitan
composers dating from ca. 1600, includes two anonymous
transcriptions of French chansons by Godard and Crecquillon.
Several other pieces in the same segment of the manuscript
have the appearance of being intabulations of vocal chansons,
but no models have yet been discovered for them.
Two unrelated manuscripts complete the known arrange
ments of French chansons in the Italian keyboard repertoire
of the sixteenth century. The complex and completely
heterogeneous collection of sixteenth-century keyfco.ard manu
scripts in the Chiesa Collegiata at Castell1Arquato contain

31
but a fragment of a transcribed chanson by Godard. How
ever, a recently rediscovered Florentine collection entitled
"Intavolatura di M. Alamano Aiolli" is devoted entirely to
transcriptions of popular chansons and madrigals. 32 Written
between 1565 and 1600, the three transcribed chansons are
probably the work of the copyist-owner Layolle.
31
Castell'Arquato, Chiesa Collegiata: MS XII; described
in H. Colin Slim, "Keyboard Music at Castell'Arquato by an
Early Madrigalist," Journal of the American Musicological
Society XV (1962), 35-42.
32
Florence, Biblioteca Mediceo-laurenziana: Acquisti e
Doni 641; described in Frank A. D'Accone^ "The 'Intavolatura
di M. Alamano Aiolli'— a newly discovered source of Florentine
keyboard music," Musica Disciplina XX (1966), 151-74.
I am grateful to Prof. D'Accone for having supplied me with
his transcriptions of several pieces from this manuscript.
85
Spain
The considerable knowledge we possess of keyboard style
and practice in Spain during the sixteenth century emanates
from two theoretical works: Bermudo's Declaracidn of 1549,
and Sancta Maria's Arte de taner fantasia completed in 1557
but not printed until 1565. In authority, scope and subject
matter the volumes bear remarkable similarity to one another
(and, perhaps not insignificantly, to Diruta's treatise of
1593 and 1609). Both carry formal approbation of their
contents by outstanding musicians of the time: Bermudo's
fifth book is prefaced by a letter of recommendation from
Crist6bal de Morales, while Sancta Maria had his manuscript
approved by both Antonio and Juan de Cabezon (Diruta's
treatise is introduced by his teacher, Claudio Merulo). Both
treatises are concerned with the technical aspects of playing
and, thus, deal with a common core of subject matter intro
duced in a pedagogical order: rudiments of music, instrumental
technique, tablature, ornamentation, modes and counterpoint
(Diruta, in identical order, also covers these areas). The
works are both directed to a wide audience. As opposed to
Diruta's restricted circle of organists and harpsichordists,
Bermudo sets out to treat not only the playing of all keyboard
instruments, but also the vihuela, guitar, bandone and harp;
Sancta Maria likewise discusses skills common to all keyboard
instruments, especially those peculiar to the clavichord,
and also the playing of the vihuela. Finally, one discovers
profuse illustration of the two texts by short examples and
86
complete compositions which, at least from the standpoint
of the present survey, are disappointing in their failure
to utilize the secular vocal repertoire.
Outside these theoretical sources, actual printed
collections of Spanish keyboard music number only two: a
repertoire which, in turn, can be augmented by only a few
manuscripts. Such a dearth of sources stems from the desire
of Spanish organists to safeguard their repertoire for them
selves, a trait described and vividly opposed by Bermudo.
The earliest of these sources, the Libro de Cifro Nueva para
tecla, harpa y vihuela, Alcala de Henares, 1557, was compiled
by Luis Venegas de Henestrosa. This anthology of Spanish
and Italian instrumental music from the mid-century includes
many independent works by Francisco Palero, Pedro Vila,
Pedro de Soto and Antonio Cabezdn, while transcribed vocal
works by Josquin, Crecquillon, Verdelot, Morales and Gombert
form but a minor portion of the contents. Ten arrangements
of chansons from the international repertoire, one of which
is for two keyboards, appear at the end of the volume.
However, as perhaps an extension of the varied performance
options of the volume, these arrangements appear to be largely
vihuela and lute arrangements adapted for keyboard. In his
study of the volume, Ward has demonstrated how Henestrosa
has condensed measures, left out lines, added new material,
reversed the order of sections or combined elements from two
composers1s lute arrangements and formed them into keyboard
87
33
transcriptions. While the methodology is novel, and the
effect competent, the repertoire cannot be seriously con
sidered as keyboard music.
The second printed source of Spanish keyboard music
was a family affair with compositions of Antonio de Cabezon,
a short glosado by Juan Cabezon, Antonio's younger brother,
and numerous compositions by Hernando de Cabezon. Entitled
Obras de musica para tecla, arpa y vihuela, Madrid, 1578,
the volume was published by Hernando since his father had
died twelve years earlier; but in the number and quality of
compositions the elder Cabezon clearly emerges as the master
of the triumvirate. The title advertises, in typical Spanish
fashion, that the music therein is suitable for performance
on keyboard, harp, and vihuela and Hernando, to whom the
pedagogical possibilities inherent in the work were paramount,
recommends the work as well to the ministriles for study and
performance. Included in the eclectic repertoire of cantus
firmus compositions, motets, and dance variations, are four
teen chanson titles (seven a £, seven a _5, with three of the
titles recieving two settings each) in arrangements by both
Antonio and Hernando. Half of these titles identify compo
sitions by Crecquillon who served as chapel master to Charles V
from 1544 to 1547 and whose compositions appear to have been
in favor throughout Spain, while the remainder relate to works
by Clemens non Papa, Sandrin, Willaert and Lassus. The
33
John Ward, "The Editorial Methods of Venegas de Henestrosa,"
Musica Disciplina VI (1952), 105-13.
88
transcriptions themselves demonstrate two methods of arrange
ment: simple transcription and parody paraphrase. The latter
— here entitled tientos— are comparable to Gabrieli's
arrangements in method and style, but not form. In Antonio's
arrangement of Willaert's "Qui la dira la peine" (fols. 55-55v),
the length of the original has been increased almost twice
by reuse of available material and by the addition of new

34
counterpoints. The opening motive appears eight times in
a double exposition where the only similarity between the
two compositions lies in the shared motive. Other borrowings
in the composition are limited to a single voice part or two
with the remaining parts supplied by Cabez6n. Simple
transcriptions— entitled glosados— form the majority of the
chanson arrangements, however. Consistent with the multi
performance options of the volume, the coloration is simple,
yet the arrangements reveal competence and even imagination.
Crecquillon's "Ung gay bergier" opens in typical imitative
fashion among the four voices, yet in Antonio's glosa of the
work no two entries are exactly alike. The entries in
mm. 1-7 bear different ornaments besides the added ascending
scale passage which all voices present, and in a subsequent
group of entries (mm. 14-20) the same motive is treated in
a more relaxed manner with less ornament and without the
scale passage.^
34
Charles Jacobs, "The Transcription Technique and Style
of Antonio de Cabezdn as Shown in his Thirteen Intabulations
of Josquin des Prez" (Master's thesis, New York University,
1957).
35
Coimbra, Biblioteca Geral da Universidade: MSS 43 and
89
What lie before us then, are but a few small remains
of a once flourishing and prolific art, one current in the
mainstreams of continental keyboard music throughout the six
teenth century— the art of chanson intabulation. Doubtless
several prints have disappeared, as quite understandably have
numerous manuscript sources. Yet even with the remains one
is aware of the well-developed improvisational procedures
which, in part, stimulated the existence of the sources in
the first place. In France, the dearth of sources remains
too narrowly restricted in repertoire and chronology to allow
any true assessment of the transcriber's art. Moreover, in
Spain the lack of a truly idiomatic repertoire, not to mention
the absence of sources, similarly prohibits adequate assess
ment. But the plethora of German and Italian sources begin
ning in 1570 certainly constitutes a coherent and unified
body of musical material. Affianced, as it were, by their
chronology, geographical proximity, terminology, repertoire
and purpose, these sources form the proper background to any
study of Merulo's own Canzoni d 'Intavolatura.
52 preserve a sizable number of keyboard works which origina

ted during the last half of the sixteenth century. The
former is devoted entirely to arrangements in score of vocal
works by a variety of French and Italian composers. Better
known Spanish composers are represented in the second manu
script with independent keyboard compositions as well as
the customary vocal arrangements. An index to these sources,
neither of which were available for examination, is given in
Santiago Kastner, "Los manuscritos musicales de la Biblioteca
General de la Universidad de Coimbra," Annuario Musical V
(1950), 78-96.
90
The geographical affinity of these bodies of literature
is easily understood, for considerable common ground seems
to have existed between the musical centers of the continent
during the sixteenth century. In view of the Spanish hegemony
in Italy, for example, it is safe to say that Italians were
conversant with the Spanish school of composition. Moreover,
during the years 1548 and 1549 Antonio Cabezdn traveled
throughout Italy as a member of the entourage of the future

36
Philip II. But an even more persuasive relationship can
be demonstrated between the centers of Northern Italy and
Germany. Venice, situated at the head of the Adriatic Sea
and easily accessible from the Brenner Pass, lay in a prime
geographical location for reaping the benefits of the thriving
commercial and cultural exchange which existed between Northern
Italy and the transalpine German regions. Not only did
Italian musicians seek employment at the various northern
courts, but many of them considered a sojourn in Germany or
the low countries as crucial to their artistic development.
In turn, German musicians, among them organists and builders,
felt compelled to pass some time in Italy for the purpose
of broadening their artistic and professional horizons.
This influx of German organists most probably resulted from
the great flowering of South German organ music and building
in the second half of the fifteenth and most of the sixteenth
36
Willi Apel, "Neapolitan Links between Cabez6n and Fresco-
baldo," Musical Quarterly XXIV (1938), 419-37; Santiago Kastner,
"II soggiorno italiano di Antonio e Juan de Cabez6n," L 1Organo
I (1960) , 49-69; and Renato Lunelli, "Organari stranierx xn
Italia," Note d'archivo per la storia musicale XIV (1937),
65-72; 117-27; 251-97.
91
century. More telling still of Italian contacts with the
North is the previously mentioned case of a composition by
Cavazzoni being copied in a Northern source five years after
its publication. Conversely, Italians were doubtless
familiar with the primary pedagogical works of the North—
witness, for example, the similarity of approach to fingering
and alternatim playing possessed by both Diruta and Buchner.
The sources are similarly brought together by use of
a common terminology to describe and title their instrumental
intabulations of the chanson repertoire. When Artusi recom
mended the study of "canzone francese" for instrumentalists,
he referred of course to the vocal chanson. This usage of
the term begins in Italy with Antico's vocal collection of
Motetti novi e chanzoni francoise a quatro sopra doi, Venice,
1520, and continues throughout the century in a series of
Italian theoretical works by Vicentino (1555), Zarlino (1571),

37
Zarlmo's student Galilei (1581), and Bottrigan (1594).
But three years after Antico's publication a new use of the
term appears as Cavazzoni refers to his four chanson
arrangements also as "canzoni." This usage, the earliest
known appearance of the term canzona to refer to instrumental
compositions, quickly spread as Francesco da Milano used the
term in his lute collection of Recercate, Canzone Francese,
e Muzette, Naples, 1536, and Cavazzoni's son Girolamo entitled
37
Sumner, "The Instrumental Canzone," pp. 58-63, discusses
these sources of the term.
92
his two chanson arrangements "canzonas" in 1543. As the
number and frequency of collections devoted to chansons for
the lute and, later, the keyboard increased, so too did the
appearance of the term "canzona francese" come to denote an
instrumental transcription of a chanson. By mid-century the
term was well established— indeed, each of the previously
mentioned Italian prints containing chanson arrangements

38
display the term conspicuously on their title page.
In German sources the term most often employed to
describe late sixteenth-century chanson arrangements is
"fugen," no doubt in reference to the typical imitative
openings of the then popular chanson repertoire. Yet the
term "canzona" is likewise applicable to this repertoire.
Following his definition of the vocal chanson, Praetorius
offers the earliest terminological definition of the instru
mental canzona:
There are also some without text with short

Fugen and good Fantasien composed in 4, 5, 6 ,
8, or more voices. The first fugue is generally
restated to form the conclusion. They are like
wise called Canzonen and Canzoni. Very many
beautiful Canzonen, especially those of [Giovanni]
Gabrieli for a few or for many voices are being
published in Italy.39
•^Considerable orthographic confusion surrounds the term

"Canzona." From the title pages of sixteenth-century prints
it is evident that publishers, and assumedly composers, favored
the singular spelling canzone (or shortened canzon) and its
plural form canzoni. It is not until Trabaci's print of 1603
that one encounters the more usual canzona and its plural canzone.
The present study, consistent with common usage, adopts the
latter form along with its anglicized plurization "canzonas."
^ M i c h a e l Praetorius, Syntagma musicum, 3 vols., (Wittenberg
93
Praetorius' equation of Fugen and canzonas is substantiated
in the title of Schmid's collection, "Volgen zwolff Fugen,
oder (wie es die Italiener nennen) Canzoni francese," and in
the third part of Woltz's Nova musices organicae tabulatura,
Basel, 1617, where he gathered together "liebliche Fugen
Concerten oder wie es die Italiener zu nennen pflegen Canzoni
alia Francese." Admittedly, this last citation refers more
to independent instrumental canzonas than to canzonas modeled
on vocal pieces. Yet just as the Italian use of the term
"canzona" soon encompassed the independent forms, so to is
it safe to assume that the German term could be applied
retroactively.
Allusion has been made previously to the didactic purpose
with which many of the aforementioned transcriptions can be
associated. That many keyboard performers perfected their
improvisatory skills, as well as their technical skills, by
playing transcriptions of chansons, and to a lesser extent
instrumental canzonas, is certain. As demonstrated, such a
purpose is implicit in the majority of the sources previously
discussed. It is, moreover, explicit in a number of references
and prefaces to these works.
and Wolfenbuttel, 1615-9), 3:17: "Seynd auch etliche ohne Text

mit kurtzen Fugen and artigen Fantasien uff 4. 5. 6 . 8.U. Stimmen
u. componirt: Dahinten an die erste Fuga von fornen meistentheils
repetirt und darmit beschlossen wird: Welche auch Canzonen und
Canzoni genennet werden. Wie dann solcher Art gar viel und
sch6ne Canzonen in Italia bevorab des Iohan Gabrielis mit wenig
und viel Stimmen publicirt werden."
94
Otto Kinkeldey provides one of the earliest such referen
ces in his citation of the remarkable Kress family correspon
dence. In 1556, a German student named Christof Kress wrote
from Leipzig to his father in Nurenberg:
Greet Paulus Lautensack for me and ask him to

send me one or two little pieces for use on
the clavichord which I am learning to play,
until I make a beginning, and that he trans
scribe it clearly for me, so that I can learn
it all the better. I want to have "Le Content"
separately, however."40
While not knowing who Lautensack was, the requested compo
sition was no doubt Claudin's "Le content est riche," a
chanson appearing in numerous instrumental arrangements,
including Attaingnant's keyboard prints of 1531. Although
the letter does not mention the term canzona, the implication
is clear that an intabulated arrangement of a French chanson
might be used as an instructional piece for keyboard, calling
to mind the instructions of Bermudo and Sancta Maria, who,
in the same decade, assigned compositions by Josquin, Willaert,
and others to be transcribed.
Later in the century similar transcriptions also figured
importantly in mastering performance technique on the keyboard
as well as on the lute. In 1568 Galilei speaks of intabulating
40
The correspondence is found m Mitteilungen des Vereins
fur Geschichte der Stadt Nurnberg, 15 vols., (Nurenberg: n.p.,
1895), 11:97: "Grues mir auch den Paulus Lautensack und bit in
von meinetwegen das er ein, zwei stiicklein auf das instrument
schick, die ich ein weil lern, bis ich hie anfang, und das er
mirs deutlich aussetzt, damit ich alsdebesser lernen kann.
Sonderlich aber wolt ich gern das 'Le contant' haben." Cited
in Otto Kinkeldey, Orgel und Klavier in der Musik des 16. Jahr-
hunderts (Leipzig: Breitkopf and Hartel, 1910), p. 92.
95
pieces by Willaert, Verdelot, Baston, Ferrabosco, Lasso, and

41
others. He refers particularly to the arrangements of
Francesco da Milano, noting especially his techniques of
transcription and ornamentation. Similarly, Diruta in 1593
recommends the practice of intabulating vocal pieces for the
perfection of improvisatory skills, and, as mentioned pre
viously, cites as examples the ornamented transcriptions of
his mentor Claudio Merulo. These compositions, Diruta says,
are replete with the very diminution techniques with which
his treatise is concerned.
There also is evidence that the transcription of inde
pendent instrumental canzonas for keyboard was likewise used
in the perfection of technical skills. Such a practice can
be documented in a dedication by the publisher Filippo
Lomazzo to signorina Caterina Assandra in 1606:
... the present ricercari and canzone francese,

put into score by the magnificent Signor Paolo
Cima, ...who, because of the many requests of
friends, and in order to help those wishing to
learn the art of organ-playing, has permitted
me to print them. Knowing well how much is
your honored father's desire that your ladyship
be adorned with all virtues, maintaining for that
purpose Masters of letters, of music, both of
singing as well as of playing various kinds of
instruments. I have now here added these [pieces]
and dedicated them to you: for with the artifice
you will find in them, you will easily be able,
with the quickness of your fortunate talent, to
41
Galilei, Fronimo dialogo, p. 156.
96
become a most excellent performer ... Filippo

Lomazzo.42
When coupled with the clear didactic purposes announced in
several prefaces, especially those by Schmid and Ammerbach,
these small pieces of evidence suggest the improvement of
performance technique can be associated with the sixteenth-
century and early seventeenth-century canzona. In the view
of their composers, transcriptions of familiar vocal pieces
(and later instrumental pieces) provided a sound pedagogical
introduction to the technical problems of an instrument for
the beginning student. It may be noted here that increasingly
toward the end of the century another didactic purpose comes
to be associated with the term canzona: the exploration of
compositional techniques. The repertoire is not that of the
intabulated canzona, however, and it is best to leave con
sideration of this purpose to another study.
In the early sixteenth century the vocal repertoire
offered in instrumental transcription was normally that of
the particular decade in which it was printed. Thus the lute
42
Giovanni Paolo Cima, Partito de ricercan e Canzoni alia
Francese (Milan: S. Tini and F. Lomazzo, 1606), fol. 1V; "le
presenti Ricercate, & Canzoni Francese, fatte in Partitura dal
Mag. Sig. Paolo Cima, Organista nella Chiesa della Santiss.
Vergine appresso S. Celso in Milano, il quale, per le molte
preghiere degli amici, et per giovare alii desiderosi di
apprendere 1'arte di suonare d'organo, m'hS. concesso ch'io
le stampassi. Sapendio io dunque quanto sia il desiderio
del Sig.r suo Padre, che V.S. sia ornata di tutte le virtil,
mantenedole Maestri di lettere, di musica si di cantare come
di suonare varie sorti d'Istromenti ... io ci habbi aggiunti
hora questi, et a lei dedicatili: poiche per l'artificio che
trover^ in essi, potrS. facilmente con la vivacity del suo
felice ingegno, farsi eccellentissima Suonatrice."
97
books of the first part of the century are heavily indebted
to the publications of Petrucci; and those of the 1540's to
the Attaingnant motet and chanson collections. Indeed, a
history of the early intabulation becomes a history of six
teenth-century musical taste. Yet at a time when parody and
borrowing were still at their height one is struck by the lack
of ties between the keyboard chanson arrangements of 1570
onwards and their past. One finds, but occasionally, works
derived from recent vocal editions, and even more rarely
transcriptions of newly composed compositions. Rather, the
models of the late sixteenth-century keyboard canzona derive
from works which survived their initial popularity as lute
transcriptions, and became classics of the instrumental
literature. A listing of these titles, together with their
various instrumental peregrinations, is found in Appendix I.
An immediate observation upon the list involves the
sheer number of transcriptions given to individual titles.
Only seven works exist in single versions, whereas the
majority exist in multiple keyboard and lute versions from
all over the continent, not to mention some appearances as
models for diminution treatises. The popularity of these
titles was not based on reputation alone, but on their
particular aptitude for instrumental performance. As
indicated before, structural repetition in instrumental
arrangements of the chanson was very important, and it is,
therefore, to be expected that repetition schemes figure
in almost all of the foregoing titles. Consider, for example,
98
the popular chansons by Crecquillon. His works are not based
on any consistent repetitive patterns. Indeed, only two of his
listed titles, "Oncques amour" and "Petite fleur," receive a
similar organization (i.e., ABC:D :). Some of the works, like
"Pis ne me peult venir," are traditional in their repetition
of opening material; others, like the omni-present "Ung gai
berger," repeat only successive sections and contain no re
capitulation. Nevertheless, each composition retains a co
herent and accessible form of its own.
Similarly, the hybrid texture of these works argues ,
well for successful instrumental adaptation. The Parisian
chanson, characterized by its predominantly chordal texture,
finds little currency in the listing: only three titles, the
anonymous composition of 1527, Janequin's "Reveillez vous,"
and the single title of Passereau, suggest this school of
composition. Rather, the majority of titles identify compo
sitions in which sections of imitation effectively alternate
with sections of chordal homophony. Consider, as a case in
point, a work such as Janequin's "Or Vien ga vien m'amye."
This extraordinarily integrated work begins its first strophe
in an inviting imitation, while the two succeeding sections
are set in contrasting hamophony. Subsequent appearances of
the opening line, however, reoccur with the original polyphonic
texture, acting as choruses between the homophonic verses.
When coupled with its scheme of thematic repetition, such an
organization typically provides all the formal coherence an
instrumentalist could desire.
99
The importance of musical value in the selection of the
repertoire for transcription is further borne out by a look
at the sources from which the titles derived. Little popular,
regional or commercial appeal is evident in the selection of
these sources; neither one publisher or composer, nor one
publication dominates the list. Rather the titles originate
from thirty-three publications by four publishers, and are
generally spread throughout German, Italian, and Spanish
sources with little regional bias. From 1529 to 1541 the
presses of Attaingnant produced nine of the publications
found on the list which, in turn, are responsible for nine
titles. They appear primarily in German sources, with only
secondary access to Italy. However, the eighteen titles
derived from nine publications of Susato are divided evenly
between both Italian and German sources. The principal source
for both Crecquillon and Clemens non Papa, Susato's prints
date from between 1543 and 1555. Finally, the Parisian firm
of Le Roy and Ballard, the publisher of the majority of Lassus'
works, contributed between 1559 and 1572 eight publications
and fourteen titles to the list. The understandable pre
dominance of these titles in German sources represents the
only bias in selection on the list.
The Intabulated Ensemble Canzona
Another related sixteenth-century repertoire was also
intabulated for keyboard— the ensemble canzona. Because of
its stylistic similarity to the chanson, its related terminol
ogy and the oftentimes identical transcription techniques
100
applied to it, the intabulated ensemble canzona is intimately
related to the transcription of the chanson.
In 1572 Vicentino appended his collection of sixteen
madrigals arranged for instrumental ensemble with a brief
composition entitled "Canzone de sonare, La bella." The piece
is apparently not based on a specific chanson, but is rather
an independent composition, taking only its point of departure

43
from the style of the chanson. In its independence from a
vocal prototype, however, the piece marks the beginning of
the ensemble canzona which achieved prominent status in the
latter part of the sixteenth century through the works of
Ingegneri, Maschera, Banchieri, Giovanni Gabrieli, and others.
Most of these compositions— entitled either "canzona da sonare"
or "canzona per sonare"— retain the typical organization of
the French art form, together with the standard dactylic
opening, and alternating polyphonic and homophonic texture.
Indeed, most early ensemble canzonas remain indistinguishable
from their vocal prototypes and were often confused with one
another. When Facoli placed an arrangement of a chanson by
Crecquillon next to an ensemble canzona by Maschera, for
example, the two works were distinguishable only by title
(London, Royal College of Music: MS 2088, fols. 15-17v).
43
Nicola Vicentino, Madrigali a cinque voci (Milan: P.
Pontio, 1572), pp. 22-3; modern edition by Henry W. Kaufmann,
Corpus mensurabilis musicae 26 ([Rome]: American Institute of
Musicology, 1963) , pp. 331-3. Sumner, "The Instrumental Can
zone," p. 177, believes that the opening melodic idea of the
canzona is related to the opening of a chanson by Pierre de
Villiers, "D'une dame je suis saisi." The melody is a common
one, however, and Sumner's thesis appears tenuous.
101
Moreover, a late sixteenth-century manuscript collection of
ensemble canzonas, Verona, Biblioteca capitolare: Cod. MCXXVIII,
includes in its contents at least six vocal chansons which,
because of their similarity to the surrounding instrumental
repertoire, go unnoticed. 44 Another piece of evidence for
the similarity between the ensemble canzona and vocal chanson
is Godard's "Ce mois de mai," which appeared under the guise
of an ensemble cansona in the Verona part books (Appendix III,
no. 7) and in Vincenti's collection of Canzoni di diversi per
sonar, Venice, 1588, no. 2, where it is titled "Claudio da

45
Correggio A 4."
Later in the century most ensemble canzonas became
stylized. They were much less dependent on their vocal pro-
totypes, and although retaining the sectional structures of
their predecessors, stylized ensemble canzonas departed
significantly from them in the amount of borrowed material

46
they employed and their absence of sectional repetition.
While such borrowing can occasionally be discerned in earlier
examples, a greatly increased number of compositions from
the end of the century appears to be based on earlier
44
The manuscript is indexed m Appendix III where these
chansons are nos. 1, 5, 7, 37, 41-2.
45
The table cf contents on p. 14 compounds the confusion
by listing the piece as "Torna. Crequilon. a £." A modern
edition of Godard's chanson appears in Publikation aiterer
praktischer und theoretischer Musikwerke XXIII (1905), 51-2.
46 .
Dietrich Kamper, Studien zur instrumentalen Ensemblemusik
des 16 Jahrhunderts in Italien (Cologne: BShlau, 1970), 22-3.
102
instrumental models. Moreover, in these late works, the
only connection with the chanson is often the opening rhythm
of the subject and its imitative treatment. Consider Vicen
tino 's celebrated canzona. The overall form is made up of
a series of five independent sections, separated by a tran
sition after the third section and containing a cadential
variation on the last. Sectional repetition is completely
absent. Furthermore, the constantly overlapping phrases
between sections causes one to think, if not of the motet,
then certainly of the mid-sixteenth-century ricercar. Indeed,
it is precisely this similarity that caused Wasielewski to
disagree with the traditional position that the late ensemble

47
canzona was based on the vocal chanson. Wasielewski,
basing his deductions on a wide variety of sources, came to
the conclusion that the imitative style of the canzona was
derived from the ricercar rather than the vocal chanson. The
resolution of this controversy, as Eunice Crocker has pointed
out, is, to some extent at least, that both views are correct;
yet the radical change of style between the early and late
sixteenth-century ensemble canzona remains nonetheless un
questioned. In recognition of their independence of a vocal
model, these works most often received the title canzone alia
francese. ^
47
Wasielewski, Geschichte der Instrumentalmusik, p. 133.
48
Crocker, "An Introductory Study," pp. 342-72. While as
terminological designations the canzona francese and canzona
alia francese are workable concepts, a perusal of sources
reveals that their use as titles in the sixteenth and seventeenth
103
Consistent with the common practice of intabulating
all types of repertoire for the keyboard, many of these
ensemble canzonas were intabulated into keyboard notation,
either with or without ornamentation. Appendix II summarizes
this transcribed repertoire. Because of the numerous manu
scripts involved, and the consistent lack of attribution in
titles, this list can only be considered tentative. It does,
however, demonstrate the diversity and principal sources of
this transcribed repertoire.
The popularity of ensemble canzona transcription— for
keyboard, lute and even vocal performance— is perhaps no
better illustrated than in the numerous sources devoted in

49
whole or part to the canzonas of Maschera, Three keyboard
manuscripts include the entire Maschera collection and one
of these sources, currently residing in Washington, D.C.,
was most probably a printer's manuscript for a volume which,
centuries was neither consistent nor well-delineated. In

reference to the canzona francese, prints of Bertoldo, Tra-
baci and Frescobaldi are evidently collections not based on
vocal models; while Gabrieli's two books of "canzoni alia
francese" from 1605 are decidedly intabulations of chansons.
Other early seventeenth-century publications further cloud
the problem by interchanging canzonette and canzona (Guami),
fantasia and canzona alia francese (BanchierX) andeven fuga
and canzona alia francese (Schmid) and capriccio and canzona
(Bariolla). A particular quandry is produced in the works of
Banchieri, where he also equates sinfonie and canzoni, (1607)
capriccio and Aria francese (1605) and Canzona or Franzesima (1611).
49 .
Fiorenzo Maschera, Libro primo de canzoni da sonare
(Brescia: V. Sabbio, 1584); modern edition in William E.
McKee "The Music of Florentino Maschera" (Ph.D. dissertation,
North Texas State College, 1958), pp. 134-282; pp. 301-90
present the keyboard intabulations of these pieces by Woltz
and Schmid the Younger.
104
if ever published, is no longer extant. Moreover, fifteen
of the twenty-one works are contained in the volumes at
Castel'Arquato, while individual pieces are represented in
four additional keyboard manuscripts as well as two publica
tions. Maschera1s canzonas, which were originally issued in
part-books, are also included in several lute sources. Terzi
arranged eleven of the canzonas for lute in his publication
of 1593, and another one for his collection of 1599, which
also included two canzonas by Guami. In the earlier col
lection Terzi also arranged some ensemble pieces by Claudio
Merulo as well. Finally, Maschera1s sixth canzona finds
itself transcribed as a double motet by Joseph Gallus in
his Totius libri primi, Munich, 1598, in which Gallus adds
a second choral part a f5. (Two ensemble works by Merulo are
committed to a similar fate.)
In comparison to the varied and prolific mediums of
transcription allocated to the chanson, the favored form of
transcription for the ensemble canzona was the keyboard.
Seven principal manuscripts dating from the beginning of the
seventeenth century, and all of South German provenience, con
stitute the majority of the repertoire. Virtually all of
their transcriptions are anonymous, and many give no attribution
at all to the original composer. In addition three German
publications include transcriptions of ensemble canzonas.
Bernhard Schmid's son included twelve "Fugen oder wie es die
Italianer nennen Canzoni alia Francese" by Bianciardi, Brignoli,
Andrea Gabrieli, Maschera, Mortaro and others in his Tabulatur
105
Buch von allerhand ausserlesenen, schonen, lieblichen
Praeludijs, Toccaten, Motteten, Canzonetten unnd Fugen,
Strassburg, 1607. In the third part of Woltz's collection
of 1617 fifty intabulated canzonas by Maschera, Macque, Merulo
and Banchieri are included. And the aforementioned volume
by Paix, moreover, concludes with two canzonas by Ingegnieri.
Italian sources are, on the other hand, scarce. Three manu
scripts are devoted to the previously mentioned Maschera
transcriptions, while only a few publications contain in
tabulated ensemble pieces. Diruta's second volume of the
Transilvano contains a composition by Mortaro and, of course,
Merulo's collection of keyboard canzonas are largely based on
intabulations of his own ensemble canzonas.
That many of these sources are anonymous is of little
concern to us, for in the great majority of cases, the tran
scriptions are literal intabulations of the original works.
Indeed, there appears to have been a feeling that such ensemble
compositions should not be ornamented. Only one composition
listed in Appendix II receives an ornamentation in a diminution

50
manual, while only Merulo and the younger Schmid include
ornamentation in their intabulations. Perhaps the common
practice is best exemplified in Paix's collection where he
concludes his book of heavily ornamented chansons with two
canzone alia francese devoid of any ornamentation. That
"^Francesco Rognoni, Selva de varii passaggi (Milan: F.

Lomazzo, 1620), p. 57 provides passaggi for a canzona by
Mortaro.
106
ensemble canzonas were often ornamented in transcription is
beyond doubt. The point is simply that, while the norm for
chanson intabulation was ornamented transcription, the status
quo for canzona intabulation appears to have been simple
transcription. The reasons for this will be considered in
Chapter IV. Yet we may offer the preliminary observation
that the amount of ornament added to an intabulated ensemble
canzona appears to be in relationship to the degree to which
the work itself departs from the chanson prototype. Merulo's
works are all largely based on the early vocally oriented style
of the ensemble canzona, and were thus capable of "virtuosic"
ornamentation. Later works from the end of the sixteenth
century and the early part of the seventeenth century, on
the other hand, departed, sometimes radically, from a vocal
orientation, and their keyboard transcriptions are notably
free of ornament.
CHAPTER III
THE CANZONI D 'INTAVOLATURA OF CLAUDIO MERULO
When Diruta recommended a study of Merulo's Canzoni
d 1Intavolatura as the best means of learning the art of in-
tabulating with ornaments, it was because the pieces were
written by a man renowned not only for his improvisatory
abilities, but for his skills as a musician in general.
Claudio Merulo was an artist with an indisputable claim to
the word "virtuoso" in its broadest sense.1 Composer,
performer, teacher, printer and instrument maker, the musician
from Correggio distinguished himself in all branches of the
music profession except that of theory. And even then,
through his students Diruta and Angleria, he may be credited
with helping to author important books on performance
practice and counterpoint. During his major appointments as
organista della Serenissima Signoria di Venetia in San Marco
(1557-1584) and organista del Serenissimo Signor Duea di Parma
ji Piacenza, c. (1586 to his death in 1604) , his renown,
especially as a composer and performer, was attested to in
writings by laymen and musicians alike. Thus Tiraboschi,
1The best biographical commentary on Merulo is provided by

Luigi Tagliavini, "Merulo," Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart
IX (1961), 139-43. On Merulo's works see Louis Helmut Debes,
"Die Musikalischen Werke von Claudio Merulo" (Ph.D. disserta
tion, Julius-Maximilians Universitat, 1964); and James G.
Bastian, "The Sacred Music of Claudio Merulo" (Ph.D. disser
tation, University of Michigan, 1967).
107
108
Merulo's first biographer, quotes the chronicler Sansovino
writing in 1575:
... and it [Venice] honors greatly Claudio Merulo,

musician and organist of established excellence,
who, living in Venice, is lavishly paid by the
Venetian republic for his services to the church
of San Marco, and who has written, in that
capacity, various choice things, being very well
loved and embraced by the Venetian nobility.^
However, it is the praise accorded the maestro by his fellow
musicians— including, among others, Galilei, Diruta, Bottrigari,
Artusi and Banchieri— which best establishes Merulo's respect

3
and fame m the musical profession. For these men, Merulo
was a "sonatore di tasti, e contrapuntista rarissimo," to use
Galilei's description, a man of skill and discerning taste in
the arts of performance and composition. The description is
confirmed by Carracci's portrait of the musician now at the

4
Galleria Nazionale in Naples. Seated at a desk and holding
a quill in his right hand, Merulo carries an expression be
speaking of intelligence and nobility. It is not the face of
2
Girolamo Tiraboschi, Biblioteca modenese, 7 vols., (Modena:
La SocietA Tipografica, 1786), 6:591: "Et la honora molto
Claudio Merulo Musico & Organista di conosciuta eccellenza, il
quale habitando in Venezia e grossamente salariato dalla
Republica Veneziana per lo servitio della Chiesa di S. Marco,
& il quale ha scritto in quella professione diverse cose
elette, essendo esso molto bene amato & abbracciato dalla
nobilita Vinitiana." Tiraboschi quotes from Francesco Sansovino,
Ritratti delle piu nobili et famose citta d'Italia (Venice, 1575)
3All cited m Debes, "Die Musikalischen Werke," pp. xiv-
xviii.
4
Reproduced m Adelmo Damerini, "Merulo," Enciclopedia
italiana XXII, p. 927.
109
a self-serving virtuoso, but that of a Renaissance artist
whose hands, for all their dexterity, are controlled by the
mind, and of an intellectual artist, as borne out by the
singular commitment to his work.
As demonstrated in the previous chapter, Merulo's
Canzoni d 1Intavolatura are a sure means of understanding the
artist's skill at improvised ornamentation. Moreover, judging
from Merulo's reputation among the musicians of his day, they
are an important tool for studying the forms and style of
late sixteenth-century ornamentation in general. In their
sureness and deftness of design, restraint and artistry of
execution, the Canzoni exemplified for Diruta, and apparently
others, the highest ideals of the art of improvised ornamen
tation. The following discussion considers the sources of
both the published Canzoni d 'Intavolatura and those keyboard
canzonas attributed to the composer in various manuscript
and printed collections. Subsequent attention is placed on
the sources of the instrumental and vocal models upon which
the keyboard works are based.
The Keyboard Intabulat ions
Twenty-four keyboard canzonas, distributed in three
prints, can be assigned to Merulo with certainty. Although
vocal or ensemble models can be located for only thirteen of
these works, it can be assumed that all of the compositions
are based on vocal chansons or ensemble canzonas, the latter
most probably by Merulo himself. The earliest print dates
110
from 1592, but Louis Debes has suggested that the majority
of these works were most likely intabulated during Merulo's

5
twenty-seven years m Venice. Indeed, it was in Venice
where Merulo came into contact with Gabrieli and Bertoldo,
whose intabulated canzonas frequently resemble those of
Merulo, and with Dalla Casa, Rogniono and Bassano, whose
ornamental style appears to have been a strong influence on
the composer. Yet in view of Merulo's increased activity
in domestic music at Parma, both at the Farnese court and
at the castle of Montechiarugolo, home of Count Pompino
Torelli, it seems likely that at least some of the pieces

g
originated after 1586.
The three prints emanate from the Venetian printing

7
house of Angelo Gardano. ..Their title pages, here presented
in simulated typography, read as follows:
5
Debes, "Die Musikalischen Werke," P. vii.
6
On Merulo's activities in Parma see Angelo Catelani,
"Memorie della vita e delle opere di Claudio Merulo," Gazzeta
Musicale di Milano XVIII (1860); reprinted with additions and
corrections by Giacomo Benvenuti in Bollettino Bibliografico
Musicale V, VI (1930-1), 35-6; 39.
7
Of Merulo's seven volumes for keyboard, three were not
published by Gardano: the Ricercari d'intavolatura d'organo
(1567) and Messed'intavolatura d'organo ... libro quarto
(1568) were published by the composer in Venice, while the
Toccate d*intavolatura d'organo (1598) was published by
Verovio in Rome. The three earlier books of Messe, implied
in the designation libro quarto of the 1568 print, are no
longer extant.
Ill
CANZONI
D 1INTAVOLATURA D'ORGANO
DI CLAUDIO MERULO DA CORREGGIO
A QUATTRO VOCI, FATTE ALLA FRANCESE.
Nouamente da lui date in luce, & con ogni diligencia corrette.
LIBRO PRIMO
AL SERENISSIMO PRENCIPE DI PARMA, ET PIACENZA
IL SIGNOR RANUCCIO FARNESE.
[printer's mark]
In Venetia Appresso Angelo Gardano.
M .D .LXXXXII.
LIBRO SECONDO
DI CANZONI
D 'INTAVOLATURA D'ORGANO
Da Lui reuiste, In tempo di sua vita, & date in Luce da Giacinto
SUO NEPOTE
[woodcut of Merulo]
In Venetia Appresso Angelo Gardano & Fratelli
MDCVI.
LIBRO TERZO
DE CANZONI
D'INTAVOLATURA D'ORGANO
DI CLAUDIO MERULO DA CORREGGIO.
A CINQUE VOCI FATTE ALLA FRANCESE.
Et date in Luce da Giacinto Merulo suo Nepote.
[woodcut of Merulo]
IN VENETIA
APPRESSO ANGELO GARDANO
MDCXI.
The usual style and format of the day is followed in all three
volumes. They are printed in a single impression from
movable type. The title pages and dedicatory prefaces (all
given and translated in Volume II) resemble hundreds of others
produced in the course of the sixteenth century. Italian
keyboard tablature, with a variable seven and eight lines in
the left-hand staff, is used throughout. All volumes are
emblazoned with the house of Gardano's printing mark: a bear
and lion face each other rampant, their paws supporting a seal
112
adorned with a single fleur-de-lis, while a scroll displays
the firm's motto, "concordes virtute et naturae miraculis."

Q
The Libro primo is the largest of the three prints.
In forty-three folios it contains intabulations of eight
ensemble canzonas and one chanson. In the preface dated
27 May 1592, the composer dedicated the volume to his patron
Ranuccio Farnese, fourth duke of Parma. Merulo's employment
at the Farnese court is documented as early as 1586, when
the composer was employed by Ottavio, second duke of Parma.
Despite subsequent appointments as cathedral organist at
Parma in 1587, and organist to the ducal chapel "della Madonna
della Steccata" in 1591, the composer remained close to his
patron. The Libro primo was published the same year Ranuccio
became duke. An avid lover of the arts, the youthful Ranuccio
patronized poets and musicians of his day and founded the
University of Parma in 1601. He bestowed the title of
Cavaliere on Merulo, and presented the composer and organist
with a chain and medallion of gold. And, if one can believe
a letter by the student Volpino, it was the duke himself who

9
oversaw Merulo's sumptuous funeral.
8
Unicum at Basel, Universitatsbibliothek: K.K.IV 28. ^ Modern
edition by Pierre Pidoux, Canzonen (Kassel and Basel: Baren-
reiter, 1941). Individual compositions are included in Adam
Adrio, Die Fuge (Cologne: A. Volk, 1960), p. 17; Ernst Ferand,
Die Improvisation in Beispielen (Cologne: A. Volk, 1961) , pp.
89-91; Otto Kinkeldey, Orgel und Klavier Musik des 16. Jahr-
hunderts (Leipzig: Breitkopf and Hartel, 1910), pp. 296-300;
and Johannes Wolf, Geschichte der Musik in allaemein-verstand-
licher form, 4 vols., (Leipzig: Quelle and Meyer, 1929-30),
1:96-99.
9
On Merulo's relationship with Ranuccio see Nicolo Pelicelli,
"Musicisti in Parma nei secoli XV-XVI," Note d'Archivo per la
storia musicale VIII (1931) , 36. Volpino's letter is cited in
Tiraboschi, Biblioteca modenese, 6:592-3.
113
The Libro secondo and Libro terzo^ were published
posthumously with the purported editorial assistance of
Claudio's grandnephew Giacinto Merulo (1595-1650). Giacinto's
father was Antonio Merulo, a son of Claudio's brother Bartolomeo
Merulo. Giacinto, then was a grandnephew, not the nephew im
plied by the title pages, of the famous organist who stood as
godfather at the child's baptism. According to Nicolo Pelicelli,
Giacinto studied music with his grand uncle and was appointed
organist at the cathedral of Parma in 1631.^ While still a
boy, Giacinto edited four volumes of his uncle's instrumental
music, including the second and third books of Canzoni, and
written dedications for two editions of Merulo's sacred vocal
music. Inasmuch as Giacinto was but a lad of eleven when
the Libro secondo was published, he certainly played a minor
role, if any, in preparing the works for publication. His
participation is probably best viewed as a publicity ploy of
the publisher to authenticate the contents of the volumes.
Giacinto died in Parma after publishing one book of his own
madrigals (Venice, 1623).
The Libro secondo includes intabulations of ten canzonas
and one chanson in nineteen folios. The dedication, dated
1 November 1606, is to one Tullio Hostilio Albrico, addressed
as the composer's friend and Giacinto's "most observing patron."
■Ûnica at Paris, Biblioth&que du conservatoire: R^s.F.184-5.
■^Pelicelli, "Musicisti in Parma," p. 36.
The Libro terzo was dedicated on 1 March 1611 by Giacinto
"All1illustriss. S. Conte Mio S. et Patrone Colendissimo, Il
Conte Fortunato Cesis" and includes intabulations of four
chansons from the international repertoire. Both volumes
bear the oval woodcut of Merulo which adorns all of Gardano's

12
posthumous publications of the composer's work. In the
portrait a wreath of laurel crowns Merulo's head, and a
chain, possibly the one presented by Ranuccio, hangs from
his shoulders. Encircling the oval border is the inscription
"CLAVDIVS MERVLVS CORRIGIENSIS, ANNO AETATIS SVEA. LXXII. 1604.
The specific contents of these volumes, along with that of
the Libro primo, are given in Table 1.
With these three prints one is relatively sure that
Merulo himself was responsible for the intabulations. The
composer's connection-with the remaining sources is unlikely
however. Included in one print and six manuscripts from the
first half of the seventeenth century are copies of works
known from the Venetian prints and thirteen new canzonas
unknown from any other keyboard source. These new works
(all listed in Table 2) do not appear to be the work of
Merulo, but rather that of editors or scribes who simply
arranged Merulo's ensemble canzonas for the keyboard.
12
Reproduced in George Kinsky, A History of Music in
Pictures (New York: Dover, 1951), p. 107. The woodcut is
similar to the anonymous portrait belonging to the Conser-
vatorio di Musica in Bologna and reproduced in Paul Henry
Lang, Pictorial History of Music (New York: W.W. Norton,
1960), p. 3.
Table 1
Sources and Concordances:
Canzoni d'Intavolatura of Claudio Merulo
Venice Turin Woltz Other MS Verona Vincenti Oxford Raverii Gallus RISM
(1592) Foa 3 (1617) Source MS (1588) MS (16:08) (1598)
Libro Primo
1. La Bovia fol.l no. 17
2. La Zambeccara 7 no. 24 23
3. La Gratiosa 12V no. 67 18 8
4. La Cortese 17V 68 21 16 no. 2
5. La Benvenuta 21V 69 16 3
6. La Leonora 25V 70 23 V, fol.119
7. L'Albergata 28V 71 17
8. La Rolanda 33 72 20
9. Petit Jacquet 36 73 19 V, fol.118 1 no. 18
(1606)
Libro Secondo
1. Petite Camusatte 2 75
2. La Pazza 4V 76 .15 p.l
3. La Radivila 6 77 3
4. La Palma 8 78 p.l
5. La Rosa 9 79 26
6. La Pargoletta 10 80
7. La Seula 12 81 T, fol.241v 21
8. La Ironica 14V 82
9. La Iolette 16 83
10. La Scarampa 17 84
11. L 'Arconadia 19 85
(1611)
Libro Terzo
1. Languissans p.l 60
13
2. Content 9 61 9 1550,
3. Oncques amour 16 62 42 6
157225
4. Susanne un jour 22 63 1553
1560
Table 2
Sources and Concordances:
Keyboard Canzonas Attributed to Merulo
Turin Woltz Other MS Sources Verona Oxford Raverii

Foa 3 (1617) MS MS (1608)
Mischiati "Libro Quarto" no. 9

1. [without titles] no. 31
2. 32
3. 33 no. 8
4. 34 L, fol.10; T, fol.l96V
5. 35,46 P, no.815 22 no.36
6. 36
7. 37 11
8. 38 14
Miscellaneous
9. [without titles] 45 na 15 T, fol. 241 19
10. 22
11. B, p. 19
12. V, fol.121
13. V, fol.124 5
116
117
The most important additional source is the third
volume of the tablature in the Mauro Fod bequest at the
Biblioteca Nazionale in Turin (cited hereafter as Turin).
Apparently compiled for the Fugger family around 1639, the
volume of canzonas contains copies of all but two pieces
from the Libro primo and the complete contents of the Libro
secondo and Libro terzo. Additionally, it includes a group
of eight canzonas attributed to "Ms. Claudio," and a work
ascribed to "J. L. H. [assler]," but known from other sources
to be based on an ensemble work by Merulo. Oscar Mischiati
has suggested that the eight works— numbers 31-38 in his
catalogue— comprise a fourth book of keyboard canzonas

13
which was either lost or, more probably, never published.
To support this assumption the author cites the manifold
concordances with known ensemble works of Merulo, the general
reliability of the tablature's copyist, as well as an orna
mental style analogous to that of the three Venetian prints.
Upon close examination of the source, however, the final
piece of evidence appears tenuous. Unlike any work in the
prints, three canzonas of the group (Mischiati nos. 33, 35
and 36) are intabulations devoid ofornamentation. (The
miscellaneous work attributed to Hassler, Mischiati no. 45,
13
Oscar Mischiati, "L1intavolatura d'organo tedesca della
Biblioteca Nazionale di Torino: Catalogo ragionato," L 1Organo
IV (1963), fn. 95; the volume is indexed on pp. 78-80. Debes,
"Die Musikalischen Werke," p. 110 omits reference to Mischiati
nos. 35-6 and equates the fifth canzona of the Libro primo
with Mischiati no. 32 which, while based on an identical
subject, is an altogether separate piece.
118
is similarly lacking in embellishment.) Moreover, the re
maining five works receive only academic structural orna
mentation— quite unlike the original style encountered in
the prints.
As an example of these five pieces, consider the

14
opening canzona of the group (Example 1). The piece is
based on an ensemble work by the composer located in the
aforementioned Verona part-books. The simplistic style of
ornamentation is not only inconsistent with that of the prints,
it is also inconsistent within itself. The embellishment of
the first twenty-four measures is structural— individual
graces and simple passaggi are utilized to enhance the basic
form. In the opening point of imitation, an often-encountered
figure is applied to the second and third notes of the theme,
and is retained in each subsequent entry of the material.
Due to its low-profile and consistent use, the figure becomes
part of the thematic material and does nothing to disguise
imitative procedure. Similar gestures are dutifully intro
duced into the themes of each subsequent seciton: in m. 11
a descending scalar passage replaces the second and third
notes of the theme, and in m. 19 a figure with a distinctive
octave leap appears and is retained in all but the soprano
entry. The overall effect is pedantic and derivative, hardly
the work of a virtuoso composer. The second half of the work
14
Turin, fols. 43-5; the model is taken from Verona,
Biblioteca capitolare: Cod. MCXXVIII (cited hereafter as
Verona), p. 8.
119
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123
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124
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125
(mm. 25-53) is treated very differently. Although the model
evidences no change in style, the Turin version drops all
ornamentation and intabulates the conclusion of the work
strictly and unadorned except for groppi at mm. 36 and 44
and an obligatory passaggio in the penultimate measure. 15
Throughout the piece there are few difficulties for the
performer.- The impression, indeed, is of an intabulation put
together not from what the virtuoso did play, but for con
sideration of what the amateur could play.
Such inconsistencies are encountered throughout this
and other volumes of the tablature. Pelegrini's Canzoni de
Intavolatura d 1organo, Venice, 1599, was copied into Fo& 1
by the same scribe who completed Fod 3. In the Turin version
of the print three pieces receive no additional ornamenta
tion at all, four are embellished with the same structural
graces discussed above, and only one composition, "La
Gratiosa," is thoroughly ornamented. 16 The spasmodic appli
cation of ornamentation, together with the pedestrian quality
of workmanship, suggests not the hand of the composer, but
that of a copyist. The Turin scribe did not embellish his
Rhythmic alterations exist in several imitative passages,

however. Consider the section beginning in m. 30: in the model
the cantus enters on an upbeat quarter-note while the following
parts enter on half-notes. The Turin scribe changed these
half-notes entrances to quarter-notes in order to more closely
imitate the lead voice.
16
Turin, Biblioteca nazionale: Fod 1, fols. 143-163. The
original appears in Vincenzo Pellegrini, Canzoni de Intavolatura
d*Organo fatte alia francese...libro primo (Venice: G. Vincenti,
1599); modern edition with the Turin variants by R. Lynn in
Corpus of Early Keyboard Music XXXV (1972).
126
copies of Merulo's Canzoni and similar works because they
were already ornamented. In less ornate works, however,
he evidently felt free to include either his own ornaments
or those on the pages from which he was copying. A "Libro
Quarto," then, is best seen as the intabulation of a col
lection of Merulo's ensemble canzonas by a scribe who in
corporated extra ornamental material. The pieces are thus
noteworthy guides to a style of improvised ornamentation
during the first quarter of the seventeenth century, and
as such are worthy of investigation. They must, however,
be viewed separately from the ornamental style developed in

17
the Venetian prints.
Woltz's collection of 1617 is the only other published
source to contain keyboard canzonas attributed to Merulo.
In an index to the "Dritter Theil dieses Tabuiatur Buchs,"
ten works (nos. 15-24) are listed under the composer's name.
As mentioned previously, Woltz purposely deleted ornamentation
from his tablature since "each player has his special manner
with ornaments" and "to make clearer the original outlines
of the pieces." The works in the Dritter Theil are thus
decoloret arrangements of the popular canzona repertoire.
Of Merulo's ten works, one piece (no. 15) is a precise copy
of a work known from Turin (Mischiati no. 45), and another
(no. 22) appears to be an intabulation of an otherwise unknown
17
A thematic index to these pieces is given in Appendix IV.
127
ensemble work. The remaining pieces are condensed and often
capricious arrangements made by Woltz directly from the Libro
primo. (See Tables 1 and 2 : for concordances.)
When Merulo presents clear readings of the model from
which he was intabulating, Woltz was able to accurately
reproduce the piece in his arrangement. However, when Merulo's
ornamentation disguises the original part writing, which it
often does, Woltz was forced to create his own material.
Compare the arrangement of "Petit Jacquet" to Merulo's in
tabulation in the Libro primo and the original ensemble work

18
(Example 2). The outer parts of Woltz's version are
largely accurate due to Merulo's intabulation and, conceivably,
the arrangers knowledge of the popular tune. The altus and
tenor, however, frequently differ from the model with which
Merulo was apparently working. Due to intervening passaggi,
Woltz misinterprets the original altus in mm. 2-4 and is
forced to create an altogether new tenor in mm. 5-6.
Woltz's arrangements are further characterized by con
siderable revisions in the matter of first and second endings.
To economize on space, the editor frequently utilized repeat
signs rather than copy out repetitions in full— a practice
18
Johann Woltz, Nova musices organicae tabulatura (Basel:
J.J. Genath, 1617), fols. 93-94v ; Merulo, Libro primo, fols.
36-43. The model appears in Verona, p. 1 and, with an additional
quinto and basso generale, in Alessandro Raverii, ed., Can
zoni per sonare con ogni sorte di stromenti a quattro, cinque
& otto (Venice: A. Raverii, 1608), p. 18; modern edition by
Leland Bartholomew (n.p.: Fort Hays Kansas State College,
1965), pp. 55-8.
128
Example 2
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s
Merulo
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" y t 1j | l 1 1 11 | '■■■ j U ~Q
| ----- --- ■, , u . . | _______________________
i j ffijjL.-g-. J 4 - Q ------ *- 4- -!#
n i i
mi. Li_____ J J i"""1 i 1i 1 j

i.Ljr
b M .. --| ■ i. i = f HH ---------j------------:----—
-i-------- J--- J—------ --- *
-A---------------- i----------------- -----------

75 -- — -- ! ■i_^
==fc=
;-1---
yf - : -f-- — J
f t - =-T=-=r- - , __==, J - ^ = t= = l
129
— 1----i
---- !
---1----
%Ef=r=S=- ■ | LsL— J .j
—
9 p - - -|- . 1 ' 0----O--- 0--- -J----- 1 =

f e - J j ■ " + ^ = H ------- ----------- j L _ ^ -------- ^
>•
i Q - ■■■ ,0 0 P O' J
t=t=J
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x T r r-r-
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.1.
I
which often gave way to the recomposition of structural
cadences. The arrangement of "Petit Jacquet," with its
strict AABB form, is an ideal example. In the approach to
the first cadence (Example 2, m. 6), Woltz rewrites three
measures of the original, deleting eight quarter
beats in the process. The new version sounds premature and
perfunctory when compared to the original. Without any
statement of the important tenor line, with its twice descend
ing figure, there is little motivation for the cadence. A
similar recomposition occurs at the repetition of the work's
second section, when two measures are deleted. Some of the
arrangements, moreover, leave out larger amounts of the
original work. For example, no. 21, a reduction of the
fourth canzona from the Libro primo, presents only mm. 1-25
and 37-42 of the original along with an interpolated bridge
between the sections. No. 16, an arrangement of the fifth
canzona transposed down a fourth, includes mm. 1-15 of the
original with a repetition not found in the print, and con
cludes with mm. 16-27, omitting the concluding twelve bars.
Although such condensations often appear to be motivated by
considerations of flow and continuity, they render only an
approximation of the original proportions and forms, and
indicate that the editor was not so much interested in
providing accurate versions of Merulo's canzonas as he was
in presenting viable arrangements. In any case, they suggest
that these pieces cannot be taken seriously as sources for
either the models or the Canzoni themselves.
131
The remaining sources of the keyboard canzonas are
manuscripts from the first half of the seventeenth century
which contain one or more individual pieces:
Basel, UniversitStsbibliothek: MSS F.IX.49-50

Lidge, Bibliotheque de 1 'universite: MS 888
Pelplin, Library of the Seminary of Chelmno: MS 308a
Tubingen, Universitatsbibliothek: Mus. MS 40615
Vienna, Minoritenkonvent: MS 8 (olim XIV 714)
The specific contributions of these sources are outlined in
Tables 1 and 2 using siglia devised from the first letter of
the city in which the manuscript is currently deposited.
These manuscripts are largely of passing interest. With the
exception of Basel and Vienna, they contain mere copies of
Woltz's arrangements or intabulations of ensemble canzonas
known from other sources. More important, they offer nothing
xn the way of added embellishment. 19 Tubingen includes a
copy of Woltz no. 15, as well as an intabulation of the
ensemble work upon which the seventh canzona of the Libro

20 v
secondo is based. Moreover, both Tubingen and Liege offer
simple intabulations of an ensemble work known otherwise from

21
an ornamented versxon in Turin (Mischiati no. 34).
19 .
Mischxatx, "L'intavolatura d'organo," p. 84 cites Vienna,
Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek: MS 10110, fols. 3v-5, a
highly ornamented intabulation of "Petit Jacquet," as a source
of Merulo's intabulation of the chanson. The arrangement, how
ever, is clearly distinct from the one of Merulo.
20
On Tubingen see J. Wolf, "Neuerwerbungen der Musikabteilung
der Staatsbibliothek Berlin," Acta Musicologica III (1931), 122.
21
On Liege see Lydia Schierning, Die Uberlieferung der deutschen
Qrgel und Klaviermusik aus der 1 Halfte des 17. Jahrhunderts
(Kassel and Basel: Barenreiter, 1961), pp. 60-2. Debes, "Die
Musikalischen Werke," pp. 73-4, cites the source but not the
work.
132
Pelplin offers a simple intabulation of an ensemble work which
appears in Raverii's collection of Canzoni per sonar, Venice,

22
1608, as well as in Turin and the Verona part-books. The
large tablature in Vienna offers copies of Woltz nos. 19 and
23, as well as intabulations of two ensemble works, one of

23
which also appears in Raverii's collection. Finally, the
two volumes compiled by Samuel Mareschall and currently re
siding in Basel contain intabulated incipits of two works, each

24
identified as a "Canzon di Claudio." A thematic index to
this manuscript repertoire is provided in Appendix IV.
The Vocal and Instrumental Models
Having surveyed all the known keyboard canzonas attri
buted to Merulo, we can turn to a consideration of the ensemble
and vocal works upon which the keyboard intabulations were
based. For the twenty-four pieces in the Venetian prints,
fourteen models survive, enough to bear out the claim of the
title-pages as to the pieces being Canzoni d 1Intavolatura.
As outlined in Table I, ten works are based on ensemble can
zonas, while the remainder of the models are popular vocal
chansons of the period.
22
Adam Sutkowski and Oscar Mischiati, "Una preziosa fonte
manoscritta di musica strumentale: 'L'intavolatura di Pelplin,1"
L'Organo II (1961), no. 815.
23
Vienna is described in Schierning, Die Uberlieferung,
pp. 60-2; and indexed in F.W. Riedel, Das Musikarchiv im
Minoritenkonvent zu Wien (Kassel: BSrenreiter, 1963), pp.
47-72.
24
On Basel see Wilhelm Merian, Der Tanz in den deutschen
tabulaturbtichern (Leipzig: Breitkopf and Hdrtel, 1927) , pp. 271-8.
133
Six of the keyboard works are assigned French titles.
However, only four of them, the entire contents of the Libro
terzo, can be traced to extant vocal works. The table of
contents of the 1611 print conveniently identifies the vocal
compositions upon which Merulo based his intabulations: three
five-part chansons by Crecquillon, "En languissant," "Content
ou non il faut," and "Oncques amour me fut," and Lassus'
perennial "Susanne un jour." The opening work, "En languissant,"
was first.published in Susato's Le douziesme livre contenant

25
trente chansons amoureuses a c m c q parties, Antwerp, 1550.
Judging from its failure to appear in other collections, the
work never became popular. The remaining pieces, however,
were immensely successful, especially in northern Italy.
"Content ou non" was first issued in Le Roy and Ballard's
Mellange de chanson tant des vieux autheurs que des modernes,

?6
Parrs, 1572. In Venice, Vincenti included the chanson as
an instrumental piece in his collection of Canzon di diversi
per sonar, Venice, 1588, and Dalla Casa composed an embellish
ment of the cantus in his II vero modo, Venice, 1584. (For
other intabulations see Appendix I.) Of Crecquillon's three
settings of "Oncques amour," Merulo chose the popular version
a 5 which first appeared in Phal&se's Second livre des chansons
25 7
Not RISM 1560 , p. 16, Crecquillon's setting a 3^, as in
Debes, "Die Musikalischen Werke," p. 367.
^ N o t RISM 1549^, fol. lv , Crecquillon's setting a £, as

in Debes, "Die Musikalischen Werke," p. 368. Modern edition
of the correct model by Stephen M. Curtis, "Mellange de Chansons,"
(Ph.D. dissertation, Washington University, 1975), pp. 191-3.
134
a cincq et six parties nouvellement composez, Louvain, 1553.
In Venice, Vincenti included the piece in his instrumental col
lection and both Dalla Casa and Bassano published embellishments
for the cantus. Lassus' "Susanne un jour" was first printed
in the Livre de meslanges, contenant six vingtz chanson, Paris,

27
1560. The plethora of sources in which this piece subsequently
appeared, too numerous to be dealt with here, are given in

28
Appendix I and discussed by Kenneth Levy. The concluding
two works of the print were apparently favorites of Merulo,
for he wrote paraphrase masses on them in his Missarum quinque

29
vocum liber primus, Venice, 1573.
The concluding work of the Libro primo, "Petit Jacquet,"
and the opening selection of the Libro secondo, "Petite
Camusette," are evidently based on vocal works, but neither
title survives as such. A chanson entitled "Petit Jacquet"
was, of course, composed by Courtois, and it is this piece
which Andrea Gabrieli intabulates in his Libro sesto of 1605

30
and Dalla Casa embellishes xn iEl vero modo. It is not,
27
Modern edition m Orlando di Lasso, Samtliche Werke, ed.
by F.X. Haberl and A. Sandberger (Leipzig: Breitkopf and Hartel,
1896-1926), 14:29-32.
28
Kenneth Jay Levy, "'Susanne un Jour:' The History of a 16th
Century Chanson," Annales musicologiques I (1953), pp. 375-9.
29
Modern editions by James Bastian in Corpus mensurabilis
musicae 51 ([Rome]: American Institute of Musicology, 1970),
pp. 28-75. On the paraphrase technique see Bastian, "The
Sacred Music," pp. 258-69.
30
The chanson survives m a bassus part book at Bologna,
Civico museo bibliografico musicale: MS Q26, fol. 71v ; and,
as an instrumental piece, in Angelo Gardano, ed., Musica di
diversi autori (Venice: A. Gardano, 1577), fols. 18v-19.
135
however, the same piece which Merulo intabulates in the Libro

31
primo. Rather, Merulo chose another setting of greater length
and with new melodic material, which survives exclusively as an
instrumental work, ascribed in two sources to Merulo himself.
In Terzi's Intavolatura di liutto ... libro primo, Venice, 1593,
the piece is identified as a "Canzon Francese di Claudio da
Correggio" as it is also, a £ £ 5^ s j l placet, in Raverii's col
lection of 1608. Anonymous and without title, the piece finally
appears in the Verona part books and as the model for a diminution
by Dalla Casa. Transcribed in Volume II, pp. 53-62, the piece
is clearly of vocal origin. Individual lines are reminiscent
of the Parisian chanson. Moreover, the piece maintains a concise
and integrated form typical of vocal works from the period. The
canzona begins with an eight measure section followed by an
immediate and precise repetition. A contrasting section follows
(mm. 17-23) which uses motivic fragments from the opening, while
a third section (mm. 24-36) is followed by an exact repetition.
An important internal cadence in m. 28 (m. 41 in the repetition)
helps to subdivide and clarify the structure of this final section.
The opening title of the Libro secondo is more difficult
to explain. "Petite camusette" existed as a popular monophonic
song throughout the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, and
numerous composers set the tune as multi-voice chansons. Among

32
the most popular versions were Fevin's paraphrase, and
Ockeghem's setting a 4 in which the original tune is presented
31
Contrary to Howard Mayer Brown, Instrumental Music Printed
Before 1600 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1965), p. 382.
32
Cambridge, Magdalene College, MS Pepys 1760, fol. 57v .
136
33
quite simply in the tenor. However, in the middle of the
sixteenth century important settings by Willaert and Crecquillon,
which appeared in Le Roy and Ballard's Mellange of 1572, rivaled

34
all others in popularity. Surprisingly, Merulo's intabulation
adheres neither to any of these settings nor, even, the original
tune. Rather, the canzona appears to be based on yet another
setting of the text which is no longer extant. Merulo's
intabulation, however, is problematic with regard to its model.
Certainly there are sections of the piece which hint of a vocal
origin (see, for example, mm. 43-5 of the piece as transcribed
in Volume II, pp. 66-8). Yet these linear sections, always
reminding of the early Parisian chanson, frequently give way to
an entirely homophonic approach; long, uncharacteristic chords,
not voice parts, support the tune. The absence of imitative
sections and an overall coherent form further cloud the issue of
a model, and hint that the piece might well be a paraphrase com
posed, one might suggest, in the spirit of the original tune.
Unlike the keyboard works, Merulo's ensemble canzonas
were never neatly collected and published. According to Debes,
nineteen pieces are known through two manuscript and two

35
printed collections. Nine of these pieces serve as models
for the Canzoni, while another seven appear as intabulations
in other sources (see Tables 1 and 2 for specific concordances).
33
Modern edition in Martin Picker, The Chanson Albums of
Marguerite of Austria (Berkeley: University of California Press,
1965), pp. 437-9.
■ ^ M o d e r n editions in Curtis, "Mellange de Chansons," pp. 109-
11 and 191-3 respectively.
3^Debes, "Die Musikalischen Werke," pp. 218. The list can be
augmented by five works, however, if one considers pieces which
survive only as unornamented keyboard intabulations.
137
Like the keyboard works, the years in which the ensemble
works appear have little bearing on their actual date of
composition. An early date of composition is suggested by
the fact that one work, "L'Olica," appears in Vincenti's
collection of 1588. Other evidence supports an even earlier
date. Merulo's student Fiorenzo Maschera had already pub
lished a collection of ensemble works in 1584, perhaps as
early as 1582. Dietrich Kamper has logically assumed that
the teacher's compositions in this genre preceded the student's,
but did not appear in collections until much later. 36 The
largest and most important source of ensemble works is the
set of four part-books at Verona, Biblioteca capitolare: Cod.

37
MCXXVIII. On the basis of the appearance of the composer's
name in various titles, Benvenuto Disertori has attributed

3 8
ten canzonas to Merulo (nos. 8, 11, 12, 14-7, 22, 23 arid 26).
However, due to concordances with other sources, four addition
al pieces may be assigned to the composer with certainty
(nos. 1, 9, 19, 21). Of these fourteen works, five are
3 6Dietrich KSmper, Studien zur instrumentalen Ensemblemusik

des 16. Jahrhunderts in Italien (Cologne: Bohlau, 1970), 222-4.
Maschera's edition of 1584 is marked ristampate and its dedi
cation is dated 1582, possibly indicating an earlier edition.
Moreover, some of these works date from at least 1574 when
Paolo Virchi included two of the canzonas in his collection
II primo libro di tabulatura di citthara (Venice: G. Scotto,
1574).
37
Subsequent references to pieces an this manuscript are
based on the numeration established in Appendix III.
38
Benvenuto Disertori, "Le canzoni strumentali da sonar a
quattro di Claudio Merulo," Revista Musicale Italiana XLVIII
(1946), 305-19. A modern edition of Appendix III, nos. 8, 15,
16, 17, 23 and 26 was prepared by Disertori as Sei Canzoni da
Sonar a 4 (Milan: Zerboni, 1950).
138
intabulated in the Libro primo, three in the Libro secondo

.' 39
and four in Mischiati's "Libro quarto." Specific con
cordances with the keyboard works are given in Tables 1 and 2„ .
Six of these ensemble works are given titles in the
manuscript. Composers characteristically used titles to
denote the character of a canzona or, perhaps more typically,
to pay homage to the more prominent persons or families of

40
a city m which they served. With regard to the former
use, two titles from the Libro primo come to mind: "La Gratiosa"
and "La Cortese." The majority of Merulo's titles, however,
appear to be dedications, perhaps to families of Parma or
courtesans at the Farnese palace. Indeed, titles such as
"La Bovia," "La Zambeccara," "La Benvenuta," and "La Rolanda,"
can be easily understood as representing such family names
as Bovio, Zambeccari, Benvenuti and Rolandi. Four of the
dedications in Verona are retained in the keyboard intabula
tions (nos. 15, 17, 23 and 27), while two pieces are rededi
cated for reasons discussed below when intabulated: no. 8,
"La Zerata," and no. 16,"La Jussona," become character-titled
"La Gratiosa" and "La Cortese" respectively when they appear

41
as the third and fourth canzonas of the Libro primo.
39
Appendix III, no. 42, a copy of Crecquillon's "Oncques
amour," is intabulated in the Libro terzo.
40
On the custom of dedications see Claudio Sartori, "Une
pratique des musiciens lombards 1'hommage des chansons instru-
mentales aux families d'une ville," in Jean Jacquot, ed.,
Musique instrumentale de la Renaissance (Paris: Editions du
centre national de la recherche scientifique, 1955), pp. 305-12.
41 .
Similarly, the opening canzona of Vincenti's collection
of 1588, "L'Olica," is renamed "La Radivila" in its intabula
tion in the Libro secondo.
139
Presumably many of these ensemble works existed in
sources other than Verona. At least one piece, no. 15 "La
Baza," survives in another manuscript (Oxford, Library of
Christ Church: Mus. MSS 373-6). Moreover, by reason of
their appearance in different arrangements, several of the
works appear to have enjoyed some measure of fame. Nos. 1
and 22 were arranged by Terzi as lute duets. As exemplified
in his arrangement of no. 1, "Petit Jacquet" (Example 3),
these intabulations were typical of the large repertoire for
two lutes: the first part consists of fast passaggi running
across the range of the instrument, while the second part,
a simple arrangement of the original model, served as an

42
accompaniment to the first. Fifteen years later these same
two works appeared with an optional quinto and basso generale
in Raverii's collection. Finally, no. 16, "La Cortese," was
even arranged as a motet entitled "Gaudent in coelis" for
two choruses, one instrumental a and one vocal a 5^ in
Joseph Gallus1 Sacri operis musici alternis modulis concinendi
partitio, Munich, 1598. In this unlikely appearance of the
piece, sections of the canzona, frequently paraphrased, are
played by instruments while the chorus answers in
42 .
Giovanni Antonio Terzi, Intavolatura di liutto, accomo-
data con diversi passaggi ... libro primo (Venice: R. Amadino,
1593), p. 43: "Canzon francese di Clau. da Correggio per
suonar come di sopra." Appendix III, no. 22 is arranged in
idem, II secondo libro di intavolatura di liuto (Venice:
G. Vincenti, 1599) , p. 911 "Fantasia come di sopra [Vicenzo
Bellaver]."
14 0
Exam ple 3
Lute 1
1¥
Lute 2
- X — +-
ZCL
¥ T
£ £- d— 0-
£
., rrî»-#
u-
141
43
freely composed responses.
In all but three cases, the versions of the ensemble
works presented in Venice appear to be the precise models
upon which Merulo based his intabulations. One of the ex
ceptions involves a minor point: the intabulation of no. 16
in the Libro primo does not preserve the repetition of mm.
29-39 which is suggested m the Verona version. 44 In the
other two situations, the original ensemble work has been
expanded by new material in the intabulation— perhaps giving
impetus to the changes in dedication and title. The first
work of the Libro primo adds eleven measures of new material
after the opening section, while the third intabulation from
the same volume includes ten extra measures and repeats
several measures of the closing material in an effort to

45
extend the work. Measure by measure concordances for these
works are given below:
Libro primo, 1-24 25-36 37-40 41

no. 1
Verona, 1-24 25-38 29-30 31

no. 17
Libro primo 1-11 12-33 23-39 40-48

no. J
Verona, 1-11 13-29 22-29

no. 8
43
Subtitled "Concentus duplex vocum & Instrumentorum, con-
tinens cantionem nuncupatam la Cortesa," the motet appears on
pp. 40-56.
44
Both the intabulation and ensemble work are transcribed
in Volume II, pp. 30-7.
45
Transcribed m Volume II, pp. 6-12 and 23-9 respectively.
142
The remaining ensemble works by Merulo are located in
previously mentioned sources. The part-books at Oxford's
Christ Church Library contain three works attributed to

46
Merulo. As discussed, the opening piece of the collection
is another copy of Verona no. 15, "La Bazza." The third
piece, entitled simply "Claudio Coreggio," also appears in
Vincenti's collection with a different tenor and bassus, and
it is this latter version which appears to be the model for
Merulo's intabulation in the Libro secondo. The final piece
by Merulo in the Oxford collection is intabulated without
ornament in Turin (Mischiati no. 33). Raverii's collection
of 1608 contributes the aforementioned "Petit Jacquet" as
well as two works which are intabulated in Turin and Vienna.
A final source merits more comment.
Gallus' Sacri operis musici begins with three double
motets based on popular canzonas of the period. The opening
works, based on Maschera's "La Magia" and Merulo's "La
Cortesa," are essentially paraphrases of the quoted material
— all similarities to the original canzonas disappear after
the opening measures. However, the third piece, based on
Merulo's "La Benvenuta," appears to give a literal quotation

47
of the entire canzona. By deleting the vocal parts and
recomposing the cadences which Gallus sometimes added to allow
46
On Oxford see G. E. P. Arkwright, Catalogue of Music in
the Library of Christ Church (Oxford: Milford, 1923), p. 79.
47
Gallus, Sacri operis, pp. 57-76: "Veni electa mea.
Concentus duplex vocum, & Instrumentorum, continens cantionem
la Ben venuta nuncupatam."
for choral responses, the entire piece can be reconstructed.
As demonstrated in the transcription given in Volume II,
pp. 38-45, the piece compares favorably to the intabulation
in the Libro primo.
CHAPTER IV
MERULO AND THE ART OF ORNAMENTATION
An impression of the historical place of Merulo's
Canzoni d 1Intavolatura in the development of late sixteenth-
century ornamentation can perhaps best be obtained by
considering several different contemporary versions of a
chanson. Lassus' setting of Gueroult's chanson spirituelle
"Susanne un jour" immediately suggests itself as an example,
not only because of its frequent appearance as a model for
diminution, but because its strict form, simple points of
imitation and polyphonically animated homophony provide a
superb framework from which to evaluate various aspects of
the Ars diminutionis. Example 1 shows the opening sixteen
measures of the piece with its intabulations by Claudio
Merulo, Andrea Gabrieli, Bernhard Schmid and Christoff

Loffelholtz.^
The vocal version is taken from Livre de meslanges,

contenant six vingtz chansons (Paris: Le Roy and Ballard,
1560, fol. 10; modern edition in Orlando di Lasso,
Samtliche Werke, ed. by F. X. Haberl and A. Sandberger
(Leipzig: Breitkopf and Hartel, 1896-1926), 14:29. The
intabulations are transcribed after Merulo, Libro terzo,
pp. 22-30; Andrea Gabrieli, Canzoni alia Francese (Venice:
A. Gardano, 1605), fols. 1-4; Bernhard Schmid, Zwey Bhcher
Einer Neuen kunstlichen Tabulatur auff Orgel und Instrument^
(Strassburg: B. Jobin, 1577), fols. N4-02; and Berlin,
Offentliche Wissenschafftliche Bibliothek, Mus. MS 40034,
fols. 17V-18.
144
1 45
Example 1
Lassus, Susanne un jour
Lassus:
& m -0 0-
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= F
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Loffelholtz:
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146
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148
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159
be associated with the virtuoso. Terzi's elaborate version
for two lutes exemplifies the style: the first lute plays
brilliant and idiomatic passaggi based on a composite of
voices from the original chanson, while the second lute part,
which can also be performed separately, presents a mere
accompaniment to the first. The center of interest is the
first lute, the other performer is entirely subordinate,
representing an anticipation of the role of continuo player.
Merulo follows the outline of the style by applying elaborate
passaggi to one voice while the remaining parts are reduced
to a simple accompaniment, often a bare skeleton of the
original harmonies and part leading. When not being ornamented,
the bassus is usually retained as a series of roots of the
chords dominating the theme; yet, as illustrated in m. 6, even
this part can be omitted if necessary.
Of equal importance in these excerpts is the frequent
transformation of the line being ornamented. At times a
voice begins unadorned, and its strategic notes are placed
into relief with only a simple grace (as in m. 40) or the
sheer absence of embellishment (m. 41). Yet to the extent
passaggi are applied, the modern conception of melody, in
which direction and duration are considered essential components
of its identity, is dropped. The "structural" intabulations
of Example 1 used each note of the original line as a basis
for decoration; the "virtuoso" ornamentations in Example 2, on
the other hand, frequently use the whole note and even the
breve as the time unit being ornamented, resulting in a reduction
160
of the melody to a mere outline of its original self. The
intermittent notes act either as an end to the diminution or,
more often, are eliminated as the passaggio moves from the
beginning of the first whole note to the beginning of the
second by predominantly step-wise motion. In Dalla Casa's
second ornamentation of m. 47, for example, only the interval
from the first D to E-flat is preserved. Similarly the
passaggio in mm. 45-46 of Merulo's intabulation recognizes only
the first C and D of the cantus and the A and F of the altus
respectively. And even when the original melody can be
picked out of the passaggi there is little relation between
the overall effect of the simple voice and the ornamented
line. Bassano's and Merulo's ornamentations of mm. 45-6,
a composite of the cantus and altus, completely misrepresent
the suavity of the original lines. The entrance of the cantus
is disguised by jerky figuration in both arrangements, while
Bassano scrambles the salient pitches of the melody so that
the E-flat appears on a different division of the beat.
Similarly, Merulo's passaggio on the bassus of mm. 38-39
misplaces the original pitches to better facilitate movement
of the ornamentation.
The resemblance between Merulo's style of ornamentation
and that of the diminution tutors gives us confidence that
the composer was not an eccentric, but on the contrary, was
in the mainstream of late-century musical taste. When judged
against the ornamental style of his keyboard contemporaries,
Merulo's works appear flamboyant; when considered with the
161
virtuoso music of the day, however, one is assured that they
are well within the limits of accepted taste. Indeed, Merulo's
diminutions could be, and frequently were, surpassed in sheer
floridity— witness the incessant thirty-second note figuration

4
in the treatise of Rogniono and, m the Neapolitan keyboard
literature, the optional cadenze of Gesualdo's celebrated

5
canzona or, on a somewhat reduced scale, Valente's second
g
arrangement of de Monte's "Sortez mes pleurs." Within
reasonable limits Merulo's ornamentation follows the outlines
of the "virtuoso" style outlined in Chapter I. However, it
also reveals idiosyncracies and distinctive preferences. Just
as the passi and cadenze of Dalla Casa and Bassano's passaggi
diminuiti and cadenze diminuite are distinguishable from one
another, so too do Merulo's intabulations possess a marked
individuality. In these pieces we find a richness and variety
that often is lost in the broadening school of virtuoso
ornamentation. Merulo inherited established tastes and a body
of ornamental procedures, but what he did in the imaginative
development of those tastes and in the creative adaptation of
procedures to the keyboard remain his special contribution.
^RichardoRogniono, Passaggi per potersi essercitare nel di-

minuire (Venice: G. Vincenti, 1592, and especially the diminu-
tions for viola bastarda, fols. H4V-I1; I2v-l3v .
^London, British Museum: Add. MS 30491, fols. 34-38v ; modern

edition by Roland Jackson, Corpus of Early Keyboard Music XXIV
(1967), pp. 37-45.
6
Antonio Valente, Intavolatura de cimbalo (Naples: C. Acquila,
1576), pp. 49-53; modern edition by Charles Jacobs (Oxford:
Clarendon Press, 1973), pp. 76-81.
162
The following outlines Merulo1s development of the "virtuoso"
style and the adaptation of that style to the keyboard.
Even a cursory examination of Merulo*s Canzoni reveals
that the composer did not invariably embellish his models to
the degree shown in "Susanne;" indeed, some intabulations are
closer to a "structural" style and, even, simple transcription.
The change is not a departure from the "virtuoso" style,
however, but an accommodation of the music being embellished.
The canon of taste in the late sixteenth century permitted a
soloist great freedom in ornamenting any music he chose, and,
judging from the published opere passaggiate, all music, with
the possible exception of mass movements, could be, and

7
doubtlessly was, decorated lavishly. Yet these examples are
deceptive: despite the diverse genres represented in various
collections, there is a marked uniformity of style throughout
the selected models, a style eminently suited to the addition
of ornamentation. The absence of structural detail and
rhythmic variety in the voices of these pieces provided the
ideal framework for elaboration. Their slow harmonic rhythm
gave freedom in the selection of the time unit that was to be
7
Adrxano Banchieri, Conclusioni nel suono dell'organo (Bologna:
G. Rossi, 1609), p. 17 states that only at funerals should there
be no diminutions, and, in the cadenza finale to his Cartella
musicale (Venice: G* Vincenti, 1614) , p. 235, implies that even
contrapuntal music was highly ornamented: "si come pure aduiene
a un Organista intelligente, che leggiadramente voglia far sentire
una sua bella & benintesa Ricercata, prima fa sentire un Ripieno
per ingresso, doppo comincia pianpiano una leggiadra fugha di
tutte le parti rispondenti alia Quarta & Quinta, fa sentire
Tirate, Passaggi, Tremoli, Trilli, Leggature, Accenti & vaghi
intrecciamenti alle parte di mezo, & scherzato buona pezza vo-
lendo ridursi all'operatione compita viensene alia Cadenza
finale, con chiuder gli registri."
163
ornamented and a consequent ability to embellish all the more.
The five-voice texture encountered in most examples insured
full harmonies even when passaggi were added. Merulo's orna
mental style occasionally appears different than that of the
tutors because he embellishes a more diverse repertoire. The
chansons Merulo selected were, of course, favorites of the
tutors for their even rhythmic and melodic nature. Slow
harmonic rhythm and five-part texture provided exceptional
latitude with regard to the addition of ornamentation. Merulo's
own ensemble canzonas, however, were not always as conducive
to embellishment.
The nine ensemble works intabulated in the three prints
comprising the Canzoni divide themselves with ease into the
intavolazione and early contrapuntal types of canzonas. As
exemplified in "La Bovia" (transcribed in Volume II, pp. 6-12),
the first type is clearly related to the vocal chanson in form
and style. The piece exhibits a concise and recognizable form.
It is basically chordal in conception with slow harmonic
rhythms and smooth flowing lines devoid of structural or
rhythmic detail. Merulo's intabulation thus betrays the style
of his chanson arrangements. The center of interest is the
passaggi, applied to one part at a time and often resulting
in the complete transformation of the line being ornamented.
As evidenced in mm. 6-8 and 13-5, such coloration frequently
necessitates a free reconstitution of the original part writing.
While tremoletti decorate the opening measures and groppi make
their obligatory appearance at cadences, individual graces do
not figure prominently in the embellishment.
164
The early contrapuntal canzonas are substantially
different than the intavolazione type, and their intabulations
exhibit a marked change in the extent and types of embellishment.
While Merulo's contrapuntal canzonas are not those of the
Neapolitan school, they are, nonetheless, characterized by
vigorous themes treated in a uniform contrapuntal texture.
For example, the canzona "La Pazza" (Volume II, pp. 69-74)
features a motivic inventiveness, rhythmic differentiation
and contrapuntal playfulness which bespeaks of a purely
instrumental conception. Robust thematic material and quick
harmonic rhythms permeate the piece. The opening measures
feature close points of imitation and in mm. 18-24 sharply
contoured motifs in quick note values are thrown back and
forth in imitation and sequence. Such a style makes steadily
moving figuration impossible. Thus, in Merulo's intabulation
passaggi are restricted to the opening measures and cadences
at mm. 9, 15, 26 and 25, where a slower harmonic rhythm and
longer note values exist in the model. When quicker quarter-
note motion asserts itself, however, the intabulation becomes
a literal transcription with the exception of tremoletti which
frequently decorate individual passing tones.
Merulo is not the only composer to adapt a readily
different ornamental style within his embellished works. The
set of embellished madrigals by Dalla Casa is by itself
sufficient to illustrate that a virtuoso could adopt a more
discreet style of embellishment if necessary. Yet such changes
were customarily dictated by performance situations— Dalla Casa
165
wrote the ornamentations for an ensemble and not a soloist
who would be expected to embellish in a more flamboyant manner.
If Merulo had any criterion as to the amount of ornamentation
to be added, it had to do with the style of music he was em
bellishing and not a performance situation. In setting apart
his more "advanced" ensemble canzonas with conspicuously less
ornamentation he presents an individuality not present in
the works of his contemporaries.
Another facet of the practice in which Merulo sets
himself apart from the tutors is his sensitivity toward
continuity. One aspect of Rogniono's, Dalla Casa's and, to
a lesser degree, Bassano's styleis the abruptness with which
it moves from fast diminution to no ornamentation at all.
Dalla Casa's first ornamentation to mm. 38-40 of "Susanne un
jour" is full of runs, but in m. 41 the passaggio breaks into
the simple line being ornamented. The shift is not to
accommodate the style of the chanson, which, in fact, continues
in its own languorous way at this point, but rather, is a
gratuitous gesture. Similarly, Bassano's opening of the same
phrase begins smoothly with the simple pitches, but is
interrupted suddenly by the appearance of a diminution which,
in turn, dissolves in m. 39 into simple pitches again. The
continuity of both these passages is highly unpredictable,
restless and nervous, qualities frequently met in the virtuoso
style of late sixteenth-century diminution and which continue
into Gesualdo's alternate and trilli galliardissimi and the
discontinuous rhythms of the early Baroque. While Merulo
uses a variety of time values in his passaggi, abrupt and
166
rapid changes are for the most part lacking. Rather, the
composer sought a greater continuity and smoothness in his
ornamental additions and hence is, at least in this regard,
closer in technique to the perpetuum mobile intabulations
of his lute and keyboard contemporaries. Yet his continuity
is not the pedantic systematization of the German colorists
or the less inspired Gabrieli and Terzi who used figures in
one rhythmic denomination. Rather, Merulo's continuity is
achieved by a careful, and even subtle, transformation of
rhythmic values and tessitura which avoids relentless
monotomy while maintaining a smooth uniform flow.
A few examples will suffice. The first is the intabu
lation of "La Bovia" which opens the 1592 print (Volume II,
pp. 6-12). In approaching the piece it is wise to remember
that we are dealing with an art where a multiplicity of
solutions was a fundamental character of the style, for
even in the most external matters Merulo observes no rigid
set of conventions. It is impossible to formulate rules to
decide which voice should be graced and which left bare.
The arrangement follows Dalla Casa's advice that the cantus is

O
supplied with the most passaggi. The top voice receives the
greatest amount of embellishment, and both the variety of
note values and extension of melodic range are more consistent
in the cantus than other voices. The configuration is
g
Dalla Casa, II vero modo, 1:2.
167
primarily conjunct: either a division begins on the first
note of the original passage and ends on its final note, or,
more typically, it begins on the first note of the original
and moves directly on to approach by step the note immediately
following. Yet fioriture are not applied exclusively to the
top line, or any other line; all parts get a share of embel
lishment. Interior voices receive decoration, especially the
groppo, when they carry the 4-3 cadential suspension as in
mm. 5 and 31. And the bassus, which several theorists

9
specifically forbid being embellished, is particularly
enhanced, receiving as much attention as the cantus. Yet the
configurations are strikingly simple. In an age when the
bass line was being singled out for special attention, Merulo
exercised special care that the original pitches be
apparent, especially when they function as support for higher
voices. The most common rhythmic value is the eighth note,
and figures such as those in mm. 12 and 15 are careful to begin
on and return to the simple notes being embellished. Even
when a passaggio begins in the cantus and ends in the bassus,
as in mm. 21-2, the figuration changes to eighth notes upon
entering the left-hand. Moreover, consistent conjunct writing
9
For example, Adrian Petit Coclico, Compendium musices
(J. Montani and U. Neuberi: Nuremberg, 1552) , fol. 13v. Late-
century authors permitted ornamentation of the bassus, but
usually with embellishments specifically conceived to provide
harmonic support. Banchieri, Cartella musicale, p. 229,
states that passaggi for the cantus, altus and tenor can be
applied interchangeably, but pointedly fails to mention
the bassus. Lodovico Zacconi, Prattica di musica (Venice:
A. Gardano, 1592), 1:63, prints diminutions specifically for
the bass which, in their rhythmic values and triadic orienta
tion, resemble those of Merulo.
168
is infrequent; rather, the typical form of the bass passaggi
is that of the triadic outline evidenced in mm. 36-7.
A second example, the intabulation of "En languissant"
which opens the Libro terzo (Volume II, pp. 112-120), exhibits
many well-known characteristics of other keyboard and lute
intabulations. Even from the opening measures the emphasis
on a constant flow of ornamentations is evident. Judging
from the suggestions regarding fingering of these passaggi,

and the organ registrations typically associated with their
performance, these divisions were clearly and distinctly
heard-— easily the center of attention."^ Particularly long
Although the rules concerning "good" and "bad" fingers

were considerably relaxed in the playing of diminutions, a
clear articulation of each note was nonetheless evident. For
a discussion of sixteenth-century keyboard fingering see
Julane Rodgers, "Early Keyboard Fingering, ca. 1520-1620"
(D.M.A. thesis, University of Oregon, 1971). Costanzo Anteg-
nati describes several registrations for the playing of
canzoni alia francese in L'arte organica (Brescia: Tebaldino,
1608), fols. 8-9^:
[1] "...quando si vuol sonar il flauto in duodecima,

qual vA suonato in compagnia del Principale, si suono diminuito,
& in fretta come canzoni alia francese, quali Canzoni Stanno
bene, & fanno buona riuscita con l'ottava, & Flauto in ottava,
ma senza tremolante.
[2] II sesto modo l'ottava, & flauto in ottava, &

questi due riescono mirabilmente per diminuire, & far suonar
Canzoni alia francese."
[3] Principale Alio modo:

Ottava Principale
Vigesimaseconda Flauto in ottava
Vigesimasesta
Flauto in ottava
Alio modo: Alio modo:
Principale Principale
Ottava Ottava
Flauto in ottava Flauto in duodecima
169
passaggi, such as those in mm. 50-55, are given to one hand
while the other plays as many of the remaining parts as fall
within its reach. Yet unlike the ornaments of other composers
Merulo1s embellishments are neither restricted to one voice
or to one rhythmic value. In the opening secion (mm. 1-15)
embellishment flows easily from one part to another, never
resting on a voice for more than a measure. Groupings of
eighth and sixteenth-notes alternate, while individual
tremoletti in thirty-second notes decorate ornamental passing
tones. The effect, however, is not restless and unpredictable
forever jumping from whole to sixteenth-notes as in the
manuals. Rather, it is smooth and constant: a steady flow is
maintained together with the infusion of variety. As with
the previous example, no definite rules are evident for the
application of ornament. Long or stressed notes receive
lengthy passaggi, as do cadences, with especially increased
freguency and complexity towards the end. But generally the
form and placement of embellishment seems to depend on
intuition rather than rules. It is important that there be
Cheebenissimo per suonar ogni sorte di cose, massime

Canzoni alia francese, & cose diminuite, & cosi riescono bene
anco con li registri. Ottava, & Flauto in ottava."
The most common registration was therefore the combina

tion of the principal and flute stops of octave pitch. On a
sixteen-foot organ, these stops would be of eight-foot pitch
(registration 2); on an eight-foot organ, they would corres
pondingly be of four-foot pitch (registrations 1 and 3).
Identical registrations are included in L'Antegnata intavola-
tura de ricercari d'organo (Venice: A. Gardano, 1608).
170
a constant yet varied flow of embellishment, not that it
appear in any specific form or shape.
It is reasonable to suggest that Merulo's desire to
maintain a smooth flow, smooth, that is, when compared to
the style of the diminution manuals, was partly motivated by
acoustical considerations. As mentioned, the tutors assumed
that the remaining voices of pieces they embellished would
be sung or played, thereby assuring a continuous sound
despite the spasmodic application of ornament. When these
same pieces were performed on the harpsichord, clavichord or
lute, however, a quick decay in the sound was inevitable
and could be corrected only by additions of the steadily
moving figures commonly associated with intabulations. And
surely much embellishment was influenced simply by the
primitive desire to exhibit a virtuoso technique. However,
the constant flow of ornamentation was little concerned
with establishing obvious structural features of the music.
In fact, Merulo's additions frequently obscure formal elements
rather than make them clear. This aspect of ornamental style
is particularly noteworthy in Merulo's handling of points
of imitation, cadences and structural repetition.
As previously discussed, several theorists warned
against ornamenting the beginnings of phrases and the various
tutors generally heeded their advice. Zacconi, the most
practical advisor, specifically forbids applying passaggi at
the beginning of an imitative composition until after the
second voice has entered on the grounds that the first
171
intervals are the most important thematically because they
establish the identity of the phrase and diminution heard
against slower moving voices affords more pleasure than that
decorating a single line. Similarly, Diruta and Sancta Maria
opposed all ornamentation of imitation. Yet it is hard to
find evidence of this advice among Merulo's own intabulations.
Regular amounts of ornamentation are typically applied to
entire subjects. Some stylistic differentiation can be
observed, however, in the application of this ornamentation.
Occasionally, Merulo treats diminution as an integral
part of the theme, repeating the same ornament in the same
place each time it appears, thus following the qualified
advice of Diruta who insisted that if ornament had to be
used, all entries should be similarly embellished. Such is
the case in the opening of "La Ironica" (Volume II, pp. 101-102).
The head of the theme, incorporating the characteristic
dactylic opening, is left unadorned, while ornamentation is
inserted before the whole of the melodic subject is finished.
This ornamental configuration is then maintained in each of
the four subsequent entries of the theme. A similar treatment
is evident in the intabulation of "La Gratiosa" (Volume II,
pp. 23-29). The head of the opening theme is again left
simple, while the following four beats are embellished with a
passaggio which carefully begins and ends on the simple pitches
being ornamented, thus preserving the identity of the theme.
The note on the following beat is unembellished while the
following decorative passing tone receives a tremoletto.
172
The imitation is not strictly maintained in subsequent
entries, however. The rhythmic configuration of the tremoletto
changes in its next appearance, while small melodic shifts
in the passaggio are apparent in the third and fourth entries.
Yet there are enough rhythmic and melodic similarities between
successive entrances of the voice to give a sense of unity to

the whole.
This style is encountered infrequently among the Canzoni,
however. It is reserved primarily for the opening of pieces.
Indeed, subsequent points of imitation in "La Gratiosa" such
as those in mm. 15 and 40 are completely obscured by ornament.
Moreover, it is associated principally with the more "advanced"
ensemble canzonas whose quick note values and strongly-profiled
thematic materials discouraged long passaggi. More often than
not imitation is completely obscured by embellishment.
Merulo characteristically was uninterested in ornamenting
each entry of a point of imitation in exactly the same way
or, for that matter, ornamenting them at all. The opening
of "Susanne un jour" (Volume II, pp. 146-156) illustrates a
characteristic treatment. The cantus carries a sweeping
passaggio, but when the quinto enters with the theme in the
following measure it is not only unembellished, but is
rendered simply a part of the accompanimental chords of the
left-hand. Similarly, the descending triadic outline of the
altus in mm. 102 is embellished with ornamented passing tones,
yet when the bassus enters with the same figure in m. 3, it's
identity is also obscured in the simple chords of the left-hand.
173
The same destructive attitude is evident when this opening
section is repeated at m. 15. The opening figure in the
cantus enters this time without ornament, but the imitative
entry in the quinto is not even recognizable in Merulo's

intabulation.
Merulo's emphasis on continuity is also noteworthy in
its effect upon cadences. Here again the intabulations
typically obscure rather than clarify the underlying structure
of pieces by blurring demarcation points between musical
members, so that the overall impression is one of a single
musical continuity. Merulo's attitude is partly understandable
the frequent cadences so typical of the intabulated repertoire
virtually invite the performer to devise figuration that keeps
motion going forward between phrases. In this regard, cadences
in the more progressive ensemble works are seldom a source
of anxiety, for points of resolution are typically followed
by an immediate resumption of thematic activity, usually on
the next quarter-beat and sometimes even overlapping with
the cadential arrival itself. Yet the chansons and inta-
volazione type of canzonas, with their slower harmonic
rhythms and longer points of cadential repose, are a potential
problem. A typical example of Merulo's solution occurs in
the intabulation of "En languissant" (Volume II, pp. 114-26).
The approach to the cadence at m. 15 is emphasized with the
obligatory groppo incorporated into a longer passaggio. Yet
rather than emphasizing the arrival with a momentary rest,
the effect of continuity is produced by the persistent
174
passaggi which continue immediately into the bassus. Identi
cal examples occur at mm. 36, 46 and 58 where in each case
the passaggi disappear into the bassus without regard to the
voice carrying the suspension figure.
The final and, in many ways, most drastic effect of
Merulo's tendency to emphasize a constant flow of ornament
and thus obscure the structural elements of compositions has
to do with the handling of structural repetition. The
appearance of block-like repeated sections was, of course, a
conspicuous and important feature of the chanson, intavolazione
canzona, and the early ensemble canzona. Yet Merulo frequently
disguises the repetitions so vital to the formal coherence
of these works by embellishing them in a new way, favoring,
in theory at least, the new canzona style of Macque and Mayone
which featured a continuous unfolding of material. The afore
mentioned intabulation of "Susanne un jour" is exemplary.
Ornamentation disguises not only several points of imitation,
but the repetition of the first section at m. 15 as well. When
embellishing the repetition, Merulo does not repeat the
opening passaggi centered on the cantus, nor, as is common
among mid-century lutenists, add embellishments on to the
ones he supplied earlier. Rather, a completely new ornamen
tation, centered this time on the bassus, effectively dis
guises the repetition.
An even more persuasive example occurs in the intabula
tion of "La Zambeccara" (Volume II, pp. 13-22). Bars 9-16
repeat the opening eight measures of the ensemble work. The
175
melodic outline of the cantus is discernable throughout the
opening as passaggi are concentrated on the bassus and only
ocassionally extend into the middle voices. Upon the
repetition in m. 9, a passaggio beginning in the cantus plunges
downward to the bassus, effectively disguising any recognition
of the opening motive, while the following measures offer an
ornamentation of the cantus, thus continuing to disguise the
repetition of opening material. Similarly, when the last
quarter of m. 30 begins a repeat of the section commencing
at m. 17, the repetition is also masked. Tirate alternate
between the hands in mm. 17 and 18, disguising the opening
cantus as well as its close imitation in the bassus. At the
repetition twelve bars later, passaggi predominate in the bass,
while the upper parts are reduced to simple chordal accompani
ment.
In the examples just discussed two constructive princi
ples are at work simultaneously: imitation, holding together
the texture, and the formal repetition scheme, giving coherence
to the whole and, in the case of vocal works, mirroring the
rhyme scheme of the text as well. Merulo's intabulations,
particularly those based on vocal or vocally-inspired models,
characteristically ignore these principles. In constantly
striving to diversify the embellished surface of the music
in a perpetuum mobile, Merulo effectively obscures the under
lying structure. This attitude is essentially different from
that of the various tutors who, as demonstrated in Chapter I,
maintained a more than casual interest in the structure of
176
of a work. In their examples each line started without,
or with only slight, embellishment.- and only as the line
drew to a close did passaggi build in strength and density.
Moreover, their embellishments were consistently lighter
in the opening lines of the work, and became more and more
complex as the work progressed, especially at the drive to
the final cadence. Thus, as the opening of thematic
material was apparent, both imitative and repetition schemes
could, at least in theory, be recognized. If Merulo was
not normally concerned with clarifying constructive prin
ciples or, for that matter, the overall form of the work
he was embellishing, he does display a concern for the
unification of sections of music by the motivic use of
graces and the emphasis of contrasting polyphonic and
homophonic passages.
As mentioned previously, late sixteenth-century
improvisation often demonstrated not only the technical
skills of a performer but certain compositional skills as
well. Merulo admirably displays interest in the latter by
unifying polyphonic sections of music with ornamental
figurations used motivically to form a network of motives.
A section from "La Cortese" (Volume II, pp. 30-7) shows this
technique in elementary form. A distinctive figure frequently
encountered in the Canzoni is first introduced in the tenore
of m. 13. Crystallized into a fixed pattern, it is repeated
in the following nine bars in connection with the same
ascending line of the model. Through repetition the figure
177
assumes an identity of its own and effectively unifies
the measures in which it occurs. Merulo often uses simple
graces to accomplish the same affect. In the intabulation
of "La Radivila" (Volume II, pp. 75-82), for example,
tremoletti appear in mm. 1-7 and again in mm. 11-19, usually,
though not exclusively, as decorations of the same step-wise
progression. Their predominating presence adds a new
dimension of motivic interplay not evident before in the
model. A more common use of this technique is illustrated
in the intabulation of "La Seula" (Volume II, pp. 92-100).
At m. 45 we encounter the identical figure used in "La Cortese."
However, while the motive was used previously only in
connection with the same line of the model, in "La Seula" it
assumes a variety of functions. In m. 47 it decorates the
distinctive ascending figure in the altus and cantus. Yet
in m. 46 it is identified with the octave leap in the bassus.
Through its repetition the figure gives a distinct unity to
the section at hand; more importantly, through its appearance
in a variety of contexts, it gives a unity not found in the
original.
A final stylistic trait relating to structure is the
care Merulo sometimes takes to accentuate textural contrasts.
Homophonic passages, especially those in quarter-note values,
are more often lighly ornamented or left plain to emphasize
the contrast with more polyphonic passages and thus strengthen
the artistic intention of the original model. Consider once
again the intabulation of "La Zambeccara" (Volume II, pp. 13-22).
178
Continual fioriture beginning in m. 15 drive to the cadence
at m. 19, whereupon all ornament ceases as repeated chords
in quarter-notes effectively contrast with the style of the
preceeding measures. In the following bar the chords
continue, yet a simple bass passaggio and individual tremoletti
are the only forms of ornamentation until an exuberant
passaggio beginning in m. 22 marks the resumption of half-note
motion. Similar examples occur in the following piece,
"La Gratiosa," and "La Seula" from the Libro secondo
(Volume II, pp. 23-29 and 92-100, respectively). In these
cases a more intensely contrapuntal texture is relieved by
interpolated sections of homophony, sections which are con
sistently distinguished by little or no embellishment. It
is important to note, however, that this trait is not a con
sistent feature of Merulo!s style. When the homophonic
passage in "La Zambeccara" reoccurs at m. 33, the chords
are garlanded with a passaggio beginning in the altus and
extending a measure later into the bassus.
In an age characterized by extensive chromatic experi
mentation, Merulo stands along with the tutors as a staunch
proponent of the "additive" style of ornamentation discussed
in Chapter I. The chromaticisms of Macque's eccentric
consonanze stravaganti, clearly rooted in the experimental
chromatic madrigal, are not a part of Merulo's ornamental
language. Indeed, the conception of dissonance in both
passaggi and individual graces is never more advanced than
that of the models he is embellishing. Except for ornamented
179
cadences and suspensions, graces are always consonant with
the note being embellished. Even such a widely accepted
grace as the accento is not part of Merulo's vocabulary.
Passaggi are always written in the keys of the chords they
replace; if the chord is minor, the melodic minor scale is
used; if major, the major scale. When the next chord implies
a key that would introduce a new accidental, this is anti
cipated at the end of the preceeding beat, sometimes resulting
in close cross-relations. But accidentals are never used
for unusual effects in the midst of otherwise conventional
harmonies. Any dissonance that does occur is clearly the
result of what Banchieri refers to as contrapunto commune,
a free style of counterpoint which had not yet formulated
rules to govern quick note values. Thus, dissonance commonly
appears on the second half of the beat as the third of four
eighth's or the fifth of eight sixteenth's. If two eighth's
follow a quarter, or two sixteenth's an eighth, the first
of the pair is then often dissonant.
Merulo's ornamental style is best viewed as part of
the Venetian school of diminution, yet possessing its own
somewhat irreverent personality. Freedom and variety are
two of its main characteristics. Faced with the near im
possibility of finding a common denominator among the various
ornamental additions, we resort to the notion that the place
ment and forms of embellishment were conceived by intuition
rather than by rule. Imagination counted for more than
consistency and conformity; the maintenance of a constant
180
flow was more important than specific forms or shapes. The
variety of repertoire embellished in the Canzoni allows us
to suggest that not all pieces were capable of being treated
in the same manner. The more "advanced" ensemble canzonas
were typically embellished in a "structural" style intended
simply to decorate. On the other hand, vocal or vocally
inspired compositions gave the performer considerable leeway
in altering the character of the music with his more virtuosic
contributions.
Despite the importance placed by theorists on improvi
sation and counterpoint in the make up of a musical education,
there appears to be little interrelationship between the
disciplines in Merulo's intabulations. Merulo was uninterested
in ornamenting each entry of a point of imitation in the same
way. Similarly, cadences were typically disguised and, more
important, repeated sections of music, so necessary to the
formal integrity of the intabulated repertoire, were in
variably disguised by new embellishments. Only in his use
of ornamental configurations as a unifying device and his
setting off of homophonic passages with conspicuously less
ornamentation did Merulo come near to acknowledging the
importance of structural recognition in ornamentation.
The art of improvised ornamentation was both the glory
and the misery of late sixteenth-century music. Its technique
was then the most elaborate and most powerful that Western
music had known, and was not seen again until the vocal
virtuosos of the early eighteenth century, the instrumental
181
virtuosity of the Romantic era and the advent of jazz. The
nature of the art often prevented it from being little more
than a narcissistic and, frequently, conventional exercise,
reflecting the extreme egomania in which musicians frequently
reveled and for which the public presumably stood in awe.
Yet it could also be a winning style. What was missed
in formal recognition and content, was often made up for by
an unparalleled energy and sense of mass. To appreciate the
vigorous and often facile fioriture it is not necessary to
develop different critical standards. Indeed, what makes
Merulo's style so winning, aside from its sheer virtuosity,
is that is was done by a musician who respected the most
basic tenants of composition— uniformity and variety. Rather,
to approach the improvisatory style of the late sixteenth
century it is necessary to develop another set of expectations.
The highest goal of the performer was not a precise reproduc
tion of a composer's original intentions, but the creation
of a personal statement by those improvised contributions
which a performer afforded the original. With this under
standing, one can find a richness and excitement which easily
approaches the best of the late sixteenth-century keyboard
literature.
182
APPENDIX I
CHANSONS USED AS MODELS FOR KEYBOARD CANZONAS

BETWEEN 1570 AND 1640
Titles of chansons in Appendix I are followed by iden
tification of the original vocal and/or instrumental source,
keyboard ornamentations of the chanson, diminution manuals
utilizing the piece as a model for ornamentation, and lute
arrangements of the chanson. When keyboard and lute sources
exist outside the imposed geographical and chronological
limits, they have been included as a matter of interest.
Original vocal sources are identified with standard RISM sigla;
those volumes not appearing in RISM are listed, with specially
devised sigla, below:
1560a Livre de meslanges, contenant six vingtz chansons,

des plus rares, et plus industrieuses qui se
trowent, soit des autheurs antiques, soit des
plus memorables de nostre temps (Paris: Le Roy
and Ballard, 1560).
1560b Cincquiesme livre de chansons compose a troys

parties par M. Adrian Willart nouvellement (Paris:
Le Roy and Ballard, 1560).
1575 Sonetz de P. de Ronsard, mis en musique a 5. 6.

et 7. Parties, par M. Philip de Monte (Paris:
Le Roy and Ballard, 1575).
Instrumental collections containing the chansons are distin
guished by short titles consisting of the publisher’s name.
Keyboard intabulations are identified by titles consisting,
in the case of prints, of the composer and date of publication
183
or, in the case of manuscripts, the present location and an
identifying number. Full titles and bibliographic support
for these collections, prints and manuscripts are found in
Parts One through Three of the Bibliography respectively.
Lute sources are identified by composer or publisher and
sigla corresponding to those found in Brown, Instrumental
Music. When any source contains more than one arrangement
of a title, the number of compositions is noted in parentheses.
CHANSONS USED AS MODELS FOR KEYBOARD CANZONAS

original keyboard lute and other

composer title source intabulations diminutions intabulations
[anonymous] Ces facheuz sotz qui 1529' Attaingnant, 1531 Attaingnant, 1529'
mesdisent d'aymer (a 3) Ammerbach, 1583 Newsider, 15442
Phalese, 1545-3
Heckel, 15623
[anonymous] Ung hu deux bu (a 4) 154412 Ammerbach, 1583
Baston, Josquin Dame parta Rudesse (a 4 ) [1556]17 Ammerbach, 1583
Clemens non Papa, A demy mort (a 4) 154516 Henestrosa, 1557 Fhal§se, [1547]11
Jacobus Ammerbach, 1583 Phalese, 15687
Mareschall, 1640 Phalese, 15716
Frisque et gaillard 1541 Henestrosa, 1557 Casa, 1584(2) Drusina, 15562

(a 4) Gardano Ammerbach, 1583 Bassano, 1591 Phalese, 156312
Bertoldo, 1591 Phalese, 15687
Gabrieli, 1605 Waissel, 15733
Mareschall, 1639 Newsidler, 1574^
Molinaro , 15997
Je prens en gre (a 4) 153915 Henestrosa, 1557 Phalese, 15453

Gardano Schmid, 1577 Phalese, 15479
Cabezon, 1578(2) Drusina, 15562
Ammerbach, 1583 Heckel, 15623
Gabrieli, 1605 Vreedman , 15686
h
Phalese, 15716 o
Jobin, 15721 £
Daza, 15761
Phalese, 15825

Clemens non Papa, Le departir est sans 1536' Ammerbach, 1583 Newsidler, 1544^
Jacobus departement (a 4) Phalese, 15474
Heckel, 1562-3
29
Mais languiray-je 1549 Mareschall, 1639 Casa, 1584 Phalese, 155211
toujours (a 4) Gardano
16
Mourir me fault (a 4) 1545 Ammerbach, 1583 Phalese, 155211
Vreedman, 1568*3
(for cittern)
Courtois, Jean Petit jacquet (a 4) Bologna Q26 Gabrieli, 1605 Casa, 1584 Barbetta, 1582^"
Gardano
16
Crecquillon, Alix avoit aux dens (a 4) 1545 Ammerbach, 1583 Casa, 1584 Phalese, 1571^
Thomas Paix, 1583
Henestrosa, 1557
Amour e moy (a 4) [1556]17 Ammerbach, 1583
Content ou non il faut 15722 Merulo, 1611 Casa, 1584

(a 5) Vincenti
16
Demandez vous (a 4) 1543 Henestrosa, 1557
13
En languissant (a 5) 1550 Merulo, 1611
Mareschall, 1639
14
Je suis aime de la plus 1545 Cabezon, 1578 Phalese, 155310
185
belle (a 4)
L'oeil dit asses (a 3) 1560 Mareschall, 1640

25
Crecquillon, Oncques amour me fut 1553 Paix, 1583 Casa, 1584(2) Phalese, 15716
Thomas (a 5) Vincenti Merulo, 1611 Bassano, 1591 Newsidler, 1566
Verona
Or sous a coup (a 4) 154516 Ammerbach, 1583 Phalese, 15453

Gabrieli, 1605
5
Petite fleur coincte 154929 Bertoldo, 1591 Casa, 1584 Ochsenkun, 1558
(a 4) Gardano
Pis ne me peult venir [1543]15 Valente, 1576 Bonizzi, 1626 Phalese, 155211
(a 5) Verona Schmid, 1577 Jobin, 1572-1-
Cabezon, 1578 Kargel, 1575^
Mareschall, 1639 (for cittern)
Molinaro, 15997
Pour un plaisir qui si 154316 Henestrosa, 1557 Phalese, 154618

peu dure (a 4) Schmid, 1577 Ochsenkvff*, 1558^
Cabezon, 1578 Phalese, 15687 (2)
Loffelholtz, 1585 Phalese, 15716
Gabrieli, 1605
Mareschall, 1640
7
Si me tenez (a 6) 154514 Ammerbach, 1575 Vreedman, 1568
Vincenti Schmid, 1577 (for cittern)
Phalese, 15716
Phalese, 15825
lission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

Crecquillon, Ung gai berger (a 4) 154316 Henestrosa, 1557 Casa, 1584 Phalese, 1545
Thomas Gardano Schmid, 1577 Bassano, 1591 Phalese, 1547®
Cabezon, 1578 Rogniono, 1592(3) Bakfark, 155 3-1-
Bertoldo, 1591 Ochsenkun, 1558®
Gabrieli, 1605 Becchi, 1568-1-
Mareschall, 1639 Waissel, 1573^
London 2088 Newsidler, 1574®
Correa, 1626 Barbetta, 15821
Naples 48 Molinaro, 1599^
Godard, Robert Ce mois de may (a 4) 153813 Schmid, 1577 Phalese, 1563'*'2

Vincenti Ammerbach, 1583 Phalese, 1568^
Verona Mareschall, 1639 Phalese, 15716
Naples 48 Kargel, 1578^
(for cittern)
Barbetta, 1582^-
Phalese, 1582®
Janequin, Clement Escoutez tous gentilz Gardano Paix, 1583 Newsidler, 15442
galloys Loffelholtz, 1585 Phalese, 1545®
Florence 641 Milano, 1546®
Milano, 1546®
Paladin, 154?®
Gorlier, 1551-*-
(for guitar)
Morlage, 1554®
Phalese, 1563"*"2
Phalese, 1571®
187

Janequin, Clement Martin menoit son 15366 Gabrieli, 1605 Casa, 1584 Francesco di Milano,
porceau (a 4) Gardano Munich 2987 15466
Phalese, 154618
Bakfark, 15531
Rippe, 1562
Ruffo, 15648
Phalese, 15747
Barbetta, 1582
17 2
Or vien Qa vien m 1amye 1540 Bertoldo, 1591 Attaingnant, 1533
(a 4) Verona Castell'Arquato XI Bakfark, 1553-*-
Rippe, 1554^
Paladin, 15608
Phalese, 15687
PhalSse, 1574?
Reveillez vous, cueurs [c. 1528]5 Henestrosa, 1557 Casa, 1584 Francesco di Milano,
endormis (a 4) Gardano 15466
Phalese, 1546-*-8
Lasso, Orlando di A ce matin ce seroit 15659 Mareschall, 1640

bonne estreine (a 4)
2
Avec vous mon amour 155519 Schmid, 1577 Newsidler, 1566
finera (a 4) Gardano Mareschall, 1640 Phalese, 15687
Newsidler, 1573^
Adriansen, 1584^
188

Lasso, Orlando di Bon jour mon coeur (a 4) 15658 Schmid, 1577 Phalese, 1568
Paix, 1583 Phalese, 15703
Fitzwilliam Phalese, 15716
Kargel, 15741
Newsidler, 1574^
Phalese, 15747
Kargel, 15753
Kargel, 15784
(for cittern)
Elle s'en va de moy (a 5) 1560a Paix, 1583 Phalese, 15716

Mareschall, 1640 Denss, 1594^
Est il possible a moy 15615 Mareschall, 1640 Phalese, 15716

(a 5) Kargel, 1574’1'
Kargel, 15784
(for cittern)
Denss, 1594^
Et d'ou venez vous (a 5) 15658 Mareschall, 1639 PhalSse, 15716

Adriansen, 1584
Hatez vous de me faire 156711 Mareschall, 1640

grace (a 4)
Je l ’ayme bien et 155912 Mareschall, 1640 Phalese, 1571

l'aymeray (a 4) Gardano Le Roy, 1574
Je ne veux rien (a 4) 156411 Paix, 1583 Phalese, 1571

Mareschall, 1639 Kargel, 1574^
Le Roy, 1574^

Lasso, Orlando di Las voullez vous 155912 Schmid, 1577 Phalese, 1568^
qu'une personne (a 4) Phalese, 1571
Kargel, 15741
Le Roy, 15742
3
Le departir est sans 15659 Paix,1583 Newsidler, 1566
departement (a 5) Phalese, 1571®
Jobin, 15721
Le rossignol plaisant 15616 Mareschall, 1639 Phalese, 1571®

et gracieux (a 5) Fitzwilliam Jobin, 1572^
Adriansen, 1584®
Adriansen, 1592®
Mon cueur se recommande 1560a Mareschall, 1639 PhalSse, 15718

a vous (a 5) Kargel, 15752
Kargel, 1586®
2
Monsieur I'abbe et 15658 Schmid, 1577 Newsidler, 1566
monsieur son varlet Paix, 1583 Phalese, 1571®
(a 4) Mareschall, 1639 Newsidler, 1573^
Petite folle estes vous 15659 Mareschall, 1639 Newsidler, 15662

pas contente (a 4) Phalese, 1571®
Newsidler, 15731
Quand mon mary vient 15658 Mareschall, 1640 Phalese, 1570®

de hors (a 4) Phalese, 1571®
Kargel, 15741
Le Roy, 1574^
Phalese, 1574^
Kargel, 1578^
(for cittern)
Phalese, 1582®

Lasso, Orlando di Soyons joyeux (a 4 ) 1565* Mareschall, 1640 Phalese, 1574
Susanne un jour (a 5) 1560 Ammerbach, 1571 Casa, 1584(2) Phalese, 1563'*’^

Schmid, 1577 Bassano, 1591 Newsidler, 15663
Cabezon, 1578(2) Rognoni, 1620 Phalese, 15687 (3)
Paix, 1583 London 30491 Phalese, 15716 (2)
Loffelholtz, 1585 Jobin, 1572^
Gabrieli, 1605 Drusina, 1573^
Merulo, 1611 Waissel, 15733
Correa, 1626 Barbetta, 1582^-
Coelho, 1617 Adriansen:,- 1592^
London 30491 Terzi, 1593^(2)
Trent Molinaro, 1599 (2)
Florence 641 Francisque, 1600
Oporto Besard, 1603(2)
Burnett Kargel, 1574
London 30485 Kargel, 15753
Vous qui aymez les dames 1565 Mareschall, 1639 Phal&se, 157l6
(a 5)
Vray dieu, disoit une 1561' Schmid, 1577 Phalese, 1563

fillette (a 4) Mareschall, 1640 Newsidler, 15662
Vreedman, 15687
(for cittern)
Phalese, 15716
Jobin, 15721
Newsidler, 15731
Le Roy, 15742
191
Denss, 1594^

composer title source intabulat ions diminutions intabulations
Latre, Jehan de Blanc et clairet sont les 1555 Ammerbach, 1583

couleurs (a 4)
Le Coeur le sprit (a 4) 1555 Ammerbach, 1583
Monte, Philippe de Sortez mes pleurs (a 5) 1575 v Valente, 1576(2)
Moreau Ung jour advint (a 4) [1556]19 Ammerbach, 1583
Morel, Clement Vivous ioy eusement (a 4) 155810 Ammerbach, 1583
Passereau Je n'en diray mot bergere 15331 Gabrieli, 1605

m'amye (a 4)
Pathie, Rogier D'amours me plains (a 4) 153916 Schmid, 1577 Phalese, 1545^

Ammerbach, 1583 Phalese, 1547®
Phalese, 1 5 5 2 ^
Bakfark, 1553
Rippe, 15547
Belin, 1556^
Drusina, 1556^
Heckel, 15623
Rippe, 1562®
Phalese, 1563-1-2
Bakfrak, 1564^
Phalese, 15687
Phalese, 15716
Jobin, 15733
Newsidler, 1574^
192
Phalise, 15825

composer title source intabluations diminution intabulations
Sandrin, Pierre Doulce memoire en plaisir 1538 15 Cabezon, 1578 Ortiz, 1553(4) Phalese, 15479
Regnault consumme (a 4) Gardano Ammerbach, 1583 Casa, 1584 Newsidler, 1549
Loffelholtz, 1585 Phalese, 1549®
Lublin, 1540 Drusina, 15562
Heckel, 15623
Rippe, 15621®
Phalese, 156312
Vreedman, 1568®
(for cittern)
Phalese, 15703
(for cittern)
Waissel, 15733
Willaert, Adrian Qui la dira la peine 1560 Valente, 1576 Gabrieli, 1587^
(a 4) Verona Cabezon, 1578 Valderrabano, 1547
Gabrieli, 1605
193
194
APPENDIX II
ENSEMBLE CANZONAS APPEARING IN KEYBOARD SOURCES

Composer's names in Appendix II are followed by citation
of the earliest printed or manuscript source for their compo
sition (s). Prints are distinguished by abbreviated titles
and sigla corresponding to Sartori, Bibliografia; manuscripts
are noted by present location and an identifying number. The
keyboard sources are similarly identified: location and
identifying number for manuscripts, a short title consisting
of name of composer or publisher and date of publication for
prints. When manuscript sources duplicate previous printed
sources, the former are not included.
Compositions located in manuscripts are identified by
item number, when a study of the manuscript exists, or by
folio number. Compositions located in prints are identified
by the order of the composition in the source. Citation of
manuscript studies, along with full bibliographic information
on all manuscripts and keyboard prints cited in this table
are located in the Bibliography.
ENSEMBLE CANZONAS IN KEYBOARD SOURCES

composer instrumental source item keyboard sources
Ardemanio, Cesare Seconda aggiunta alii concerti 8 Pelplin 308: no. 826
(Milan, 1617d)
Banchieri, Adriano Canzoni alia francese 5 Woltz, 1617: no. 44

(Venice, 1596b)
6 Woltz, 1617: no. 42
10 Woltz, 1617: no. 43
Bariola, Ottavio Capricci, overo Canzoni a 1-20 Turin, Foa 1 : nos. 98-117
quattro...libro terzo
(Milan, 1594a)
Borgo, Cesare [Canzoni alia francese a 1-24 Turin, Foa 1 : nos. 62-85
quattro...libro secondo
(Venice, 1599d)] 1- 5 Pelplin 308: nos. 817-819, 840, 830
7-11 Pelplin 308: nos. 831-835
15-19 Pelplin 308: nos. 836, 841 , 837, 842-3
21 Pelplin 308: no. 838
24 Pelplin 308: no. 839
Bottaccio, Paolo 11 primo libro delle Canzoni 1-12 Pelplin 308: nos. 794-805
da suonare (Venice, 1609a)
14-20 Pelplin 308: nos. 806-812
composer instrumental source keyboard sources
Bottaccio, Paolo Seconda aggiunta alii concerti Pelplin 308: nos. 824-825
(Milan, 1617d)
Cantone, Serafino Ibid. Pelplin 308: no. 821
Cima, Andrea Ibid. Pelplin 308: nos. 822-823
Cima, Giovanni Ibid. Pelplin 308: no. 829

Paolo
Frescobaldi, Canzoni per sonare con ogni Vienna 8 : fol. 123

Girolamo sorte di stromenti
(Venice, 1608f)
Gabrieli, Giovanni Ibid. Diruta II, 1609: p. 14

Woltz, 1617: no. 47
Vienna 10110: fol. 34v
Turin, Foa 3: no. 6
Pelplin 308: no. d66
Turin, Foa 3: no. 89
Vienna 8 : fol. 114
Vienna 8 : fol. 125
Canzoni e sonate per sonar Vienna 8 : fol. 70-71

(Venice, 1615f)
Verona MCXXVII Vienna 10110: fol. 109

Grillo, Giovanni Canzoni per sonare con ogni 14 Vienna 8 : fol. 108
sorte di stromenti
(Venice, 1608f) 15 Vienna 8 : fol. 12 3
16 Vienna 8 : fol. 107
Guami, Gioseffo Canzonette francese per 1 Banchieri, 1596: no. 7

concertare (Antwerp, 1612f) Woltz, 1617: no. 45
Vienna 8 : fol. 12Ov
Canzoni per sonare con ogni 6 Vienna 8 : fol. 75

sorte di stromenti (Venice,1608f)
Canzon di diversi per sonar 3 Woltz, 1617: no. 46

(Venice, 1588b) Vienna 8 : fol. 123v
Ingegnieri, Marc 11 secondo libro de madrigali 20-21 Paix, 1583: nos. 84-85
Antonio (Venice, 1579)
Lapi, Pietro Canzoni per sonare con ogni 11-12 Vienna 8 : fol. 107
sorte di stromenti
(Venice, 1608f)
Luzzaschi, Luzzasco Ibid. 10 Vienna 8 : fol. 124
Maschera, Fiorenzo Libro primo de canzoni da sonare 1-21 Bologna 35

(Brescia, 1584a) Washington
197
Brussels 26660
1-2 Woltz, 1617

Maschera, Fiorenzo Libro primo de canzoni da sonare 4-9 Woltz, 1617

(Brescia, 1584a)
18 Woltz, 1617
4-18 Castel'Arquato 10: fol. 4-49
1 London 2088: fol. 15
5 Gallus, 1598: no. 1
6 Schmid, 1607: no. 67
20 Berlin 40115: fol. 24v

Vienna 8 : fol. 82
Turin, Foa 3: n o . 7
Merula, Tarquinio 11 primo libro delle canzoni 1-12 Pelplin 308: nos. 782-793
per sonare (Venice, 1615d)
Merulo, Claudio Verona MCXVIII 8 Merulo, 1592: no. 3

Woltz, 1617: no. 18
11 Turin, Foa 3: no. 37
14 Turin, Foil 3: no. 39
15 Merulo, 1606: no. 2
16 Merulo, 1593: no. 4
198
Woltz, 1617: no. 21
17 Merulo, 1593: no. 1

Merulo, Claudio Verona MCXVIII 23 Merulo, 1592: no. 2

Woltz, 1617: no. 24
26 Merulo, 1606: no. 5
Oxford 373 1 Merulo, 1606: no. 2
8 Turin, Foa 3: no. 33
Canzon di diversi per sonar 1 Merulo, 1606: no. 3

(Venice, 1588b)
Canzoni per sonare con ogni 36 Turin, Foa 3: no. 35

sorte di stromenti Turin, Foa 3: no. 46
(Venice, 1608f) Pelplin 308: no. 815
[Merulo, Claudio] Verona MXCVIII 9 Turin, Foa 3: no. 31
19 Woltz, 1617: no. 15

Tubingen 40615: fol 241
21 Merulo, 1606: no. 7
Metallo, Gramatico [Canzoni alia neapolitana... 1-13 Basel 43: fol . 129-178
libro quarto (Venice, 1594)]
Mortaro, Antonio Primo libro de canzoni da 1-21 Turin, Foa 3: nos. 6-26
199
sonare (Venice, 1600c)
1 Schmid, 1607: no. 72
Naples 48: fol. 15v

Mortaro, Antonio Primo libro de canzoni da 2 Diruta II, 1609: p. 18

sonare (Venice, 1600c)
9-10 Schmid, 1607: nos. 70-71
Pellegrini, Vicenzo Seconda aggiunta alii concerti 1 Pelplin, 308: no. 820
(Milan, 1617d)
10 Pelplin, 308: no. 827
Porta, Francesco [Canzoniericercari (Milan,1606)] 1-5 Turin, Foa 1: nos. 27031
Prioli, Giovanni Sacrorum concentuum (Venice, 1618ei) 9-12 Vienna 8 : fol. 44-46
Rivolta, Giovanni Seconda aggiunta alii concerti 11 Pelplin 308: no. 828
(Milan, 1617d)
Rovigo, Francesco Partitura delle canzoni da 1-6 Turin, Foa 1: nos 46-51
suonare (Milan, 1600b)
Trofeo, Ruggiero Ibid. 7-16 Turin, Foa 1: nos. 52-61
Valentini, Giovanni Canzoni per sonare...libro primo 1-4 Vienna 8 : fol. 46-48
(Venice, 16091)
Viadana, Lodovico Canzonette per sonare...libro 21 Vienna 8: fol. 103

primo (Venice, 1590c)
200
201
APPENDIX III
VERONA, BIBLIOTECA CAPITOLARE MS. MCXXVIII:

INDEX AND CONCORDANCES
In the index presented here, pieces are marked off
with progressive numeration established by the present
writer, followed by the page number from the cantus
part-book. Deviations from this pagination in other part
books are described in footnotes. Titles, when available,
were taken from the cantus score unless otherwise noted.
Concordances established with other printed or manuscript
sources are preceded by the sign of equality; ornamented
versions of the compositions are presented below. Vocal
sources are identified with standard RISM sigla, instrumental
collections are distinguished by short titles consisting of
the publisher's or composer's name and the date of publication,
and manuscripts are listed with the present location and an
identifying number. Full titles and bibliographic support
for these sources are found in the Bibliography.
202
VERONA, BIBLIOTECA CAPITOLARE: COD. MCXXVIII
Number: Page:
1 1 [Canzona without title]
=Raverii 1608, no. 18: "Claudio Merula da Coreggio a 4.

& 5. si placet" (altus and basso generale added)
Merulo 1592, no. 9: "Canzon a 4 ditta Petit Iacquet"
Terzi 1593, no. 14: "Petit Jacquet. Canzon Francese di
Claudio da Correggio a 4 per suonar solo & a doi liutti"
Woltz 1617, no. 19: "Petit Iacquet," Merulo
Vienna 714, fol. 118: "Conzon Clau. Meru."
Turin Foa 3, fol. 120: "Canzon di Ms. Claudio"
Dalla Casa II 1584, no. 14: "Petit Jacquet D'incerto"
2 2 [Canzona a £ without title]
Cf. Maschera 1584, no. 16 for similar opening
4 4 [Canzona a^ £ without title]

17
=RISM 1540 , fol. 17: "Or vien ga vien mamie Perreth,"
Janequin
Sperindio 1591, no. 12: "Or vien za vien"
Castel1Arquato, fac. 12, no. 13: "Or vien a vien"
(opening nine measures only)
6 6 Tomaso Crequilon
Cf. Maschera 1584, no. 9 for similar opening
Vienna 714, fol. 117v: "Canzon"
7 7 [Canzon ei £ without title]

13
=RISM 1538 , fol. 3: "Ce mois de may," Godard
=Vincenti 1588, fol. 2: "Claudio da Coreggio. A 4 " (new altus)
8 7 Canzon dita la zerata di Claudio da Coreio
=Woltz 1617, no. 18: "Dita La Gratiosa," Merulo

Merulo 1592, no. 3: "Canzon a 4 Dita La Gratiosa"
Turin Foa 3, fol. 108: "Canzon Claud. Meru."
Turin Foa 3, fol. 43: "Canzon Claud. Meru."
10 9 [Canzona a 4 without title]
203
11 10 Canzon a 4 di Claudio da Coreio
Turin Foa 3, fol. 41v: "Canzon del Ms. Claudio"
12 11 di Claudio da Coreio a 4
13 12 [Canzona .a £ without title]
14 13^ Canzon di Chlaudio da Coreio a4
Turin Foa 3, fol. 54: "Canzon del Ms. Claudio"
13 Canzon la baza a 4 di Claudio da Coreio
=Oxford 373, no. 1: "Claudio Coreggio"

Merulo 1606, no. 2: "La Pazza"
Turin Foa 3, fol. 125v: "Canzon di Ms. Claud."
16 14 Canzon la Jussona di Chlaudio da Coreio a 4
Gallus 1598, no. 3: "Veni electa mea"

Merulo 1592, no. 4: "La Cortese"
Woltz 1617, no. 21: "Dita La Cortese," Merulo
Turin Foa 3, fol. 109v: "Canzon di Ms. Claudio"
17 15 Canzon la bovia di Claudio da Coreizo a 4
Merulo 1592, no. 1: "La Bovia"
18 16 [Canzona £ without title]
Woltz 1617, no. 15: "Canzoni alia Francese di Claudio

Meruli da Corregio"
Turin Foa 3, fol. 64v: "Canzon J.L.H. [assler]"
Tubingen 40 615, fol. 241: "Can: 8 : Ton: Eius: Auth:"
20 18 [Canzona a^ £ without title]
Merulo 1606, no. 7: "La Seula"

Turin Foa 3, fol. 132: "Canzon di Ms. Claudio"
Tubingen 40 615, fol. 241v: "Can: 7: Ton: Eiusdem: Authoris:"
■*"The cantus appears on pp. 12-3 and 38.

2
The cantus appears on pp. 13 and 27, altus and bassus on p. 15 and
tenor on pp. 12-3.
204
22 20-21 [Bassus:] Chanzon di Claudio da coreio
=Raverii 1608, no. 36: "Claudio Merulo da Correggio"

(altus and basso generale added)
Terzi 1599, no. 91: "Fantasia come di sopra do Vicenzo
Bellaver"
Pelplin 308, fol. 815: "Canzon a 4 Incerti"
Turin Foa 3, fol. 49: "Canzon di Ms. Claud."
Turin Foa 3, fol. 65v: "Canzon J.L.H."
23 21 Canzon a 4 di Chlaudio da Choreio la ssambechara
Merulo 1592, no. 2: "La Zambeccara"

Woltz 1617, no. 24: "Dita La Zambeccara," Merulo
24 22 Del Guami. a 4.
=Banchieri 1596, no. 7: "Di Gioseffo Guami. La Guamina."

Woltz 1617, no. 45: "La Guamina"
Vienna 714, fol. 120v: "Conzon"
25 23 [Canzona a^ 4^ without title]
26 24 La Rosa di Claudio da Coreio
Merulo 1606, no. 4: "La Rosa"

Turin Foa 3, fol. 130v: "Canzon di Ms. Claudio"
27 25 Canzon di Alesandro Sfoi a 4.
29 27 [Canzona a 4_ without title]
30 28 [Canzona a without title]
33 31 [Canzona a_ 4_ without title]
Cf. Vincenti 1588, no. 3: "Giosefo Guami a 4" for another

version which also appears in:
Raverii 1608, no. 17: "Gioseppe Guami a 4"

Woltz 1617, no. 46: "Canzoni di Gioseff. Guami"
Vienna 714, fol. 123v: "Conzon"
Turin FoS 3, fol. 30: "Canzon Francese a 4: voc:"
Terzi 1599, no. 12: "Un'altra Fantasia del detto [Guami]"
205
36 34 [Bassus:] del Cabril a 4.
=RISM 1560b, fol. 10: "Qui la dira," Willaert

Gabrieli 1605, no. 1: "Canzon detta Qui la dira"
Tubingen 40 615, fol. 201v: "Can: 7: Aut: Gabri:"
Vienna 714, fol. 117: "Canzon"
37 35 [Bassus:] del Cabril a 4
39 36-7 Canzon. a 4.
Terzi 1599, no. 48: "Gio. Gabrielli Fantasia in modo di

Canzon Francese"
Vienna 714, fol. 109 "Conzon"
40 44 a 5.
41 45 a 5.
0
=RISM 1560 , fol. 6 : "Pis ne me peut venir," Crecauillon

25
=RISM 1553 , fol. 19v: "Oncques amour," Crecquillon
=Vincenti 1588, no. 5: "Oncques amour a 5"
Merulo 1611, no. 3: "Crequillon Oncques Amour a 5"
Turin Foa 3, fol. 95v: "Crequillon a 5"
43 47 [Canzona £ 5_ without title]
46 50 [Canzona 5_ without title]
47 50-1 Canzon a 6.
206
APPENDIX IV
THEMATIC INDEX OF KEYBOARD CANZONAS ATTRIBUTED TO MERULO
Sources identified in Chapter III.
1. Source: Tu, fols. 432-45i: "Canzon Claud. Meru."

Model: Ve, p. 9: [without title]
A —a <=**? !
^PC ,— i- a t -
---- ~~~
1i-i-f r f . . f v
r frdT' T ~ =
i ,- -
I v 1 = 1
2. Source: Tu, fols. 45-^-45v3: "Canzon di Ms. Claudio."
M
j=y= iil 11 -j
im
3. Source: Tu, fols. 45v3-473: " Canzon 2da di Ms. Claudio."

Model: Ox, p. 8 : "Del Claudio Correggio"
----
Im 4 i ’
TT
tm
207
4. Sources: Tu, fols. 47-J-492: "Canzon di Ms. Claudio."

Li, fols. 10vg-13: "Fantasie."
Tu, fols. 196v i -197v 4 : "Can:2 :To:Auth:Chr:Er:"
'r j* f f 11 T.-r-f U
rnj-
!■ I t i f f ',r .
1 11
r .
5. Sources: Tu, fols. 492-49^ : "Canzon di Ms. Claud."

Tu, fols. 65V4~674: "Canzon. J.L.H."
Pe: fols. 52v -53q : "Canzon a 4 Incerti 3US"
Models: 1608, p. 36: "Canzon Trigesimaesta"
Ve, pp. 20-1: "Chanzon di Claudio da Coreio"
, if
> j i
.»
JA J
• =3 1 1- i ! J ] - ■;
i
t IT
±
m .
6. Source: Tu, fols. 49V4~51V3 : ""Caiizon di Ms. Claudio."
7. Source: Tu, fols. 51V3~54^: "Canzon del Ms. Claudio."

Model: Ve, p. 10: "Canzon a 4 di Claudio da Coreio"
- u p L U m 0
f i V H — J-J- JJ-JJliJ4 t J f -"0 / ‘j 0 0
(bp - - T
r i 1 I L 1 LUiYtLl I !'
- f = J ---------- 1-------------- ,
h
ill = r =---f
j f
208
8. Source: Tu, fols. 54^-55g: "Canzon di Ms. Claudio."

Model: Ve, pp. 12-3: "Canzon di Chlaudio da Coreio a 4"
9. Sources: Tu, fols. 64V^-65V4: "Canzon J.L.H."

1617, n. 15: "Canzoni alia Francese di Claudio Meruli da Corregio. 1"
Tu, fols. 24l4-241v3: "Can: 8 : Ton: Eius: Auth:"
H i~i
£J.=^=|
r r f n r r f i 1 i r i H f 7
j. * " T ™ f -1— '"\ --------
!3 * = - ■ -■ ^ _1__a--------
10. Source: 1617, n. 22: "2."
<fi ::f |'l Jl j J | j - j - 11 AT], i - U - i p p J

---=j
— ,V * f » J ---- !1
fe-1!J— 3-- «i-»---------
r rr
fi il i r r r T K u ; i "
. — jj... _... r ..t .
jv■ 1 ■ - ---
t=-:~ i., L=t=l
11. Source: Ba, p. 19: "Claudio da Corregio"
209
12. Source: Vi, fol. 121: "Conzon. Cla :Meru."
( i JJJ J J i■fh-----------------
\ f f f 1f 1 f :f f f " f + r-f"f- =
< L
/■'v— P------- 1----------
f — r
i------- \
----1 —
i— ~n H -----
—
13. Source: Vi, fol. 124: "Conzon"

Model: 16C)8 , p. 5: "Claudio da, Cc
p r f ' ] ] I M M J- 1 =q
fe-M*---------------- *- — -J--8— a-----
< :--i u ' i ? f f r 'ki. ' ! J1
(1 ^ - f 1E l T-------------
f f 1---- *---------- p—
----------- 1 —
= f .t.....f
- V y fr '.
210
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THE CANZONI D 1INTAVOLATURA OF CLAUDIO MERULO:
A GUIDE TO THE ART OF IMPROVISED ORNAMENTATION
Volume II
by
CO NTENTS
Page
PREFACE iii
LIBRO P R I M O ....................................... 1
1. La B o v i a .................................. 6
2. La Z a m b e c c a r a . ........................... 13
3. La G r a t i o s a .............................. 23
4. La C o r t e s e .............................. 30
5. La Benvenuta ........................... 38
6. La L e o n o r a .............................. 46
7. L ' A l b e r g a t a .............................. 48
8. La R o l a n d a .............................. 51
9. Petit J a c q u e t ........................... 53
LIBRO S E C O N D O ................................... 63
1. Petite Camusette ..................... 66

2. La Pazza 69
3. La R a d i v i l a .............................. 75
4. La Palma 83
5. La Rosa 85
6. La P a r g o l e t t a ........................... 90
7. La Seula 92
8. La I r o n i c a ........................... 101
9. La I o l e t t e ........................... 103
10. La S c a r a m p a ........................... 106
11. L ' A r c o n a d i a ........................... 109
LIBRO TERZO ................................. 112
1. L a n g u i s s a n s ........................... 114
2. Content ........................... 126
3. Oncques a m o u r ........................ 137
4. Susanne un jour ..................... 14 6
CRITICAL NOTES .............................. 15 7
ii
PREFACE
Merulo1s complete Canzoni d 1Intavolatura, together
with their instrumental or vocal models, are presented here
in a modern edition. Pierre Pidoux's edition of the Libro
Primo is used as the basis of the 1592 print by permission
of its publishers, Barenreiter-Verlag of Kassel; changes
necessitated by comparison with manuscript sources and the
critical policy outlined below are made directly on this
edition without comment.
The basic musical text of the edition is that of the
original prints. All sources have been collated, but manu
script variants are noted only if they offer clarifications,
omissions or wholly different readings of passages. Such
variants are indicated in the Critical Notes. Obvious minor
inconsistencies have not been indicated, since doing so
would involve an unnecessary and confusing amount of annota
tion. This applies to rests, barlines, wrong octave indications
in tablature, and minor discrepancies in note values. The
vocal or instrumental models have been used to clarify
dubious passages, especially rhythmic readings and voice
leading. Significant departures from these models are cited
in the Critical Notes.
In attempting to offer an accurate representation of the
prints there has been no reduction of note values and the
distribution of notes on the two staves is precisely maintained
iii
since it seems to have been an indication of right-hand and
left-hand. Similarly, there has been no attempt to improve
voice leading where it was not a consideration in the prints.
With the exception of bracketed rests to clarify voice
entries, the minimal use of rests is consistent with the
sources. The original barring and stemming is retained. In
those cases where modern barring is at variance with the
original, the former is indicated by broken bar lines.
Two matters of editorial policy merit special attention.
A problem common to all keyboard sources of the period is the
length of time an accidental should be considered effective.
In the present edition, the problem is made potentially acute
by the publisher's often erratic use of accidentals— consistent
with neither modern practice nor the usual sixteenth-century
custom which assumed an accidental to be valid through the
length of a chord without regard to bar lines. Despite this
situation, the number of doubtful cases in the prints is small,
and can be successfully dealt with individually. In this
edition the modern custom has, therefore, been adopted:
accidentals remain in effect throughout the measure and are
signed only once, regardless of how many times they appear in
the original. Accidentals in brackets are editorial emendations
used to clarify the continuation of an accidental over a bar
line or, in isolated cases, to suggest the possibility of a
cancellation of an accidental earlier than the bar line, when
this has not been expressly indicated but may have been implied
in the original. Accidentals without brackets, above or below
iv
a note represent a reading of the Turin tablature. Because
of the precise nature of its notation, this source brings an
unequivocal and noteworthy reading; the reader is reminded,
however, that it remains a single interpretation, transcribed
and conceived some thirty years after the publication of the
original prints, and that seventeenth-century scribes were as
prone to making mistakes as their modern counterparts.
A second problem in the prints arises from the use of
ties applied often to all voices of repeated chords, sometimes
to only the outer voices of chords and on occasion to only one
member of a chord. Modern editorial procedure commonly
replaces these tied chords or notes with single values.
However, as noted in Chapter I, several performance manuals
suggest a significance for the original tied notation. Given
the sixteenth-century option of performing canzonas on the
harpsichord and clavichord, as well as the organ, several
writers instruct their students how best to transfer a piece
from one instrument to another. Diruta, for example, advises
that on a harpsichord it is necessary to realize the same
effect that the wind of the organ gives in sustaining harmonies.
To compensate for the harpsichord's deficiency in sound, the
author maintains it is necessary to strike the key more often
in a "graceful" manner. Similarly, Frescobaldi advises
restriking the key of a harpsichord in order not to leave
the instrument "empty." That the presence of tied notes
suggests such a restriking of notes to the harpsichord and
clavichord player is eminently possible. The present examples,
therefore, retain the original tied notation, and no consolida
tion of tied values into composite values has been attempted.
Texts of vocal models are given only for the cantus.
When measure numbers differ between the model and intabulation
numbers for the former are set off in parenthesis.
vi
CANZONI
D 'INTAVOLATURA D 1ORGANO
Novamente da lui date in luce, & con ogni diligencia corrette.
LIBRO PRIMO
AL SERENISSIMO PRENCIPE DI PARMA, ET PIACENZA
IL SIGNOR RANUCCIO FARNESE.
In Venetia Appresso Angelo Gardano.
M.D.LXXXXII.
2
AL SERENISSIMO PRENCIPE
DI PARMA, ET PIACENZA,
IL. SIG. RANUCCIO FARNESE.
CLAUDIO MERULO DA CORREGGIO DEVOTISSIMO SERVO.
Dovendo io; Serenissimo Signore; dare alia stampa il
Primo Libro delle mie Canzoni alia Francese, da me pur di
nuovo intavolate, ho deliberato, ch'egli non sia per uscir
sotto altra protettione, & sotto altro auspicio, che quello
di V. A. Sereniss. Perd che essendo esso uno de'miei primi
parti, da me uscito, dapoi che io sono al serv.itio della
Serenissima Casa sua, non fe conveniente, ch'egli esca se non
con la guida di quel nome di Signore & Prencipe, che e tra
miei primi Padroni, come e V. A. Sereniss. Il dono veggo che
e per se di poca importanza, in rispetto della grandezza sua:
ma s'io misuro quest1effetto con la cagione, che me persuade
ad appresentarlo,non e quasi valore, a ch'egli non possa ardir
di giungere. So che la Musica piace in universale a V. A.
Sereniss.ma la Musica composta da me, mi e piu volte partuto
di vedere, che anco a lei non dispiaccia. Dimodo, che'l dono,
da chi e donato, & a chi si dona, hanno in molte parti fin qui
atta rispondenza tra di loro. Supplico dunque V. A. Sereniss.
a degnarsi d'accettare quests mie fatiche con quella serenita
di volto, con laquale [sic] ha spesso mostrato d'udirmi a sonare
le Canzoni stesse con ogni sua benignissima attentione: Che si
come queste se ne veranno a lei con quella allegria, della
quale mi sono sforzato, che me siano rendute piene, con ogni
speranza mia, ch'umanamente saranno accettate da lei; cosi
3
prenderanno animo d'invitar certe altre sorelle loro ad
ornarsi in maniera, che possino col tempo arditamente comparire
nella luce del mondo; poi che anco saranno state gradite da
V. A Sereniss. alia quale con ogni humilissima riverenza
m'inchino, & bacio le mani.
Di Parma il di 27. Maggio 1592.
4
TO HIS SERENE PRINCE
OF PARMA AND PIACENZA,
RANUCCIO FARNESE.
CLAUDIO MERULO OF CORREGGIO, HIS MOST DEVOTED SERVANT
Because, most esteemed sir, I have given this First Book
of my newly intabulated Canzoni alia Francese to the press, I
have wondered whether it might possibly come out under the
protection of someone else or under auspices other than that
of Your most Elevated Lordship. However, given the fact that
this is one of my first attempts since I have been in the
service of Your most illustrious house, it is not fitting that
it be published without the guidance of the name of that Serene
Prince who is among my first patrons as is Your most Serene
Lordship. I admit that this gift is of little importance with
respect to your great achievements: but if I measure the outcome
with the reason that convinces me to present it to you, it is
not of so little value that it might not interest you to
associate yourself with it. I know that music always pleases
Your most Serene Lordship, and often I have had occasion to
see that even my music also does not displease you. Given
this, the gift, he from whom it is given, and the one to whom
it is given have in many ways until now had a just affinity.
I implore then that Your most elevated Lordship deign to accept
these my labors with the serenity of visage which he has so
often shown in hearing these same Canzoni with his most gracious
attention, since these songs will come to you with that same
joy with which they emerged from me, and since they were
rendered with the fullest hope that they would be accepted
by you. In like manner they will be strong enough to invite
certain of their sister songs to come and join them in such
a way that they may with equal joy come before the light of
the world; furthermore that they also will have been accepted
by Your most Serene Lordship, to whom I kneel in most humble
reverence and kiss your hand.
In Parma the 27th of May 1592.
6
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LIBRO SECONDO
DI CANZONI
D'INTAVOLATURA D'ORGANO
Da Lui reviste, in tempo di sua vita, & date in Luce da Giacinto
SUO NEPOTE.
In Venetia Appresso Angelo Gardano & Fratelli.
MDCVI.
64
A L L 1ILLUSTRE SIGNORE
ET PATRON MIO OSSERVANDISSIMO.
IL SIGNOR TULLIO HOSTILIO A LBRICO.
Hiacinto Merulo.
Essendomi noto l'amore che V. S. portava alia felice
memoria di mio Zio, che hora sia in Cielo, & parimente
l'affettione paterna, ch'egli & lei portava mi parerebbe
mancar del debito mio, se io non ne fossi in qualche parte
ricordevole, & pero havendo io da mettere in luce, il Secondo
Libro delle Canzoni da lui gia composte a commune beneficio
de virtuosi non posso dedicarlo a persona piu cara che a
V. S. si come hora fo con ogni affetto dell'animo, con ferma
speranza, che quella affettione, che ella portava, alle virtu
(si pud dire sopranaturali) di mio Zio, la rivolga nella
persona mia ancor che di niun merto ma ben desideroso di
servirla, ma perche spero che chi abonda di cortesia, & de
nobili costumi non habbia bisogno d'inuito negli atti cortesi
& gentil, non m'estendero nel raccomandarle la protettione
dell'opera, ne la mia servitu & devotione, verso V. S. con
qual fine a lei desidero perpetua felicita.
Di Venetia, il Primo di Novembre, 1606.
65
TO THE ILLUSTRIOUS SIR
AND MY MOST OBSERVING PATRON
TULLIO HOSTILIO ALBRICO.
From Giacinto Merulo.
Since that love which your Lordship had of the sweet
memory of my Uncle, who is now in Heaven, is known to me,
and equally also that paternal affection which he bore for
you, I would be derelict in my duty if I were not mindful of
it in some way. Since I have to bring forth this Second Book
of canzonas composed by him for the common benefit of virtuosos,
I cannot dedicate it to any person more dear than Your Lordship,
especially since I know now wholeheartedly that affection which
you bore for my uncle's virtues (which one may call extra
ordinary). You may now turn to my person, a person of no merit
who desires to serve you, who hopefully overflows with courtesy
and noble customs. This person may not need introduction to
chivalrous and noble ways, so I will not go beyond myself in
recommending to you the protection of this work, in my service
and devotion towards Your Lordship, to which end I wish for you
eternal happiness.
In Venice, the first of November, 1606.
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LIBRO TERZO
DE CANZONI
D 1INTAVOLATURA D'ORGANO
DI CLAUDIO MERULO DA CORREGGIO.
A CINQUE VOCI FATTE ALLA FRANCESE.
Et date in Luci da Giacinto Merulo suo Nepote.
Appresso Angelo Gardano.
MDCXI.
112
A L L 1ILLUSTRISS. S. CONTE
MIO S. ET PATRONE COLENDISSIMO
IL CONTE FORTUNATO CESIS.
Per molti mezi io potevo darmi a conoscere servitore
di V. S. Illustrissima come realmente pretendo d'esserle
almeno di buona affettione non potendo d'opere: ma nessuno
piu m'e piaciuto eleggere, che la dedicatione, hora fatta
da me a V. S. Illustrissima del presento Libro, componimento
del Sig. Claudio Merulo antichissimo servitore suo, & mio Zio
di buona memoria, poscia che in questo l'estinta servitu del
defunto ella vede nella mia Verde pianta renovarsi, & farsi
maggiore. Supplico V. S. Ilustriss., a non isdegnare questo
dono qualunque egli si sia, quale le viene offerto da
eccesciva [sic] devotione come la prego ad sgradirlo [sic] di
vero cuore come venuto da straordinario desiderio di
corrisponder poi in altre occasioni, all'obligo che le tengo,
del che non minore gusto io sentiro che d'intendere l'utilita
che questa compositone [sic] havera apportato a i virtuosi.
Di Venetia II Primo de Marxo MDCXI.
Di V. S. Illustrissima,
Servitore affettionatissimo:
Iacinto Merulo.
113
TO THE MOST ILLUSTRIOUS COUNT
MY SIR AND MOST ESTEEMED PATRON
COUNT FORTUNATO CESIS
In many ways I could have given myself to be known as
a servant of Your most Illustrious Lordship, and now I really
know myself to be one at least in real affection if not in
position. But nothing has pleased me more than to bring forth
this dedication, made now by me to Your most Illustrious
Lordship, of this present book composed by Mister Claudio
Merulo, your most long-standing servant and my uncle of recent
memory; and it may be that you see his now extinct service
renewed again and growing greater in this, my verdant plant.
I implore Your Illustrious Lordship not to disdain this gift,
whatsoever it may be, which is offered to you with great
devotion. I pray with a sincere heart that it may please you,
as it comes from the extraordinary desire to fulfill, as on so
many other occasions, the duty I owe to you— a duty which I
feel no less than that understanding of the usefulness which
this composition will have brought the virtuosos.
In Venice, the first of March, 1611.
The most affectionate servant of Your Illustrious Lordship,
Giacinto Merulo.
114
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CRITICAL NOTES
The following provides the sources and critical commentary for

each of the preceding pieces. Reading left to right, notes
assume the form measure number, quarter beat, voice, source and
variant. The following siglia are employed:
1588 Canzon di diversi per sonar con ogni sorte di stromenti

a quatro, cinque, & sei v o c i ...libro primo (Venice: G.
Vincenti, 1588).
1592 Canzoni d 1Intavolatura d'organo di Claudio Merulo da

Correggio a quattro voci, fatte alia francese...libro
primo (Venice: A. Gardano, 1592).
1598 Totius Libri primi. Sacri operis musici alternis

modulis Concinendi partitio. Autore M. R. D. Josepho
Gallo. (Munich: F. & S. Tini, 1598).
1606 Libro secondo di canzoni d 1Intavolatura d'organo di

Claudio Merulo da Correggio a quattro voci, fatte alia
francese (Venice: A. Gardano, 1606).
1608 Canzoni per sonare con ogni sorte di stromenti a quattro,

cinque, & otto, con il suo basso generale per l'organo di
Alesandro Rauerij...libro primo (Venice: A. Raverii, 1608).
1611 Libro Terzo di canzoni d 1Intavolatura d'organo di Claudio

Merulo da Correggio a cinque voci, fatte alia francese
(Venice: A. Gardano, 1611).
Ox Oxford, Christ Church Library: Mus.ms. 373-6.
Tu Turin, Biblioteca nazionale: Ms. Fo& 3.
Ve Verona, Biblioteca capitolare: Cod. MCXXVIII.
C Cantus
A Altus
T Tenore
B Bassus
Q Quinta pars
158
LIBRO PRIMO
1. La Bovia
v
Source: 1592, fols . 1-6 : "Canzon A 4 Dita La Bovia"
Model: Ve, p. 15: "Canzon la bovia di Claudio da Coreizo a 4"
La Zambeccara
Source: 1592, fols . 7-12: "Canzon A 4 Dita La Zambeccara"
Model: Ve, p. 21: "Canzon a 4 di Chlaudio da Choreio la ssambechara
4 7 ATB 1592 reads a third too low

20 3 A Ve reads g'
35 5-8 T Ve reads a third too high
36 1-3 T Ve reads a third too high
La Gratiosa
Sources: 1592, fols. 12V-17: "Canzon A 4 Dita La Gratiosa"

Tu, fols. 1082“109V4 : "Canzon di Ms. Claudio."
Model: Ve, p. 8 : "Canzon dita la zerata di Claudio da Coreio"
15 1 A 1592 reads J J jJ t corrected after Tu
La Cortese
Sources: 1592, fols. 17V-21: "Canzon A 4 Dita La Cortese"

Tu, fols. 107v4-112^: "Canzon di Ms. Claudio"
Model: Ve, p. 8 : "Canzon dita la zerata di Claudio da Coreio"
39 1 Ve sign indicates a repetition from m. 29
La Benvenuta
Sources: 1592, fols. 21V-25: "Canzon A 4 Dita La Benvenuta"

Tu, fols. 107^ - 1124: "Canzon di Ms. Claudio"
Model: Ve, p. 14: "Canzon la Jussona di Claudio da Coreio a 4"
16 7 T 1592 reads a', corrected after Tu

17 5 T 1592 reads g', corrected after Tu
6. La Leonora
Sources: 1592, fols. 25v-28: "Canzon A 4 Dita La Leonora"

Tu, fols. 113V4-1162: "Canzon di Ms. Claudio:
159
7. L 1Albergata
Sources: 1592, fols. 28V-32V : "Canzon A 4 Dita L'Albergata"

Tu, fols. 1162- 1183: "Canzon di Ms. Claudio"
8. La Rolanda
Sources: 1592, fols. 33-35V : "Canzon A 4 Dita La Rolanda"

Tu, fols. 1183-120^: "Canzon di Ms. Claudio"
4 1-2 C 1592 readsJ. J j . F J , corrected after Tu
9. Petit Jacquet
Sources: 1592, fols. 36-43: "Canzon A 4 Dita Petit Iacquet"

Tu, fols. 120^-121v^: "Canzon di Ms. Claudio"

1608, p. 18: "Claudio Merulo da Coreggio a 4. & 5. si placet"
(additional altus and basso generale herein deleted)
1 3 C Ve reads b-flat’
4 1-3 C Ve reads d'
9 1592 deletes first four quarter-beats of the model
12 1-2 C Ve reads d'
LIBRO SECONDO
1. Petite Camusette
Sources: 1606 , fols . 204: "Petit Camusette."

Tu, fols. 124^-125^: "Canzon di Ms Claudio"
1 8 A Tu reads d', e'

9 1 C Tu quarter-note<t_ i ,
13 2-4 C 1606 reads Jl , corrected after
13 3-4 B Tu reads A s"'
17 5-8 A Tu reads whole-note d'
18 6 C 1606 reads g 1, a', b-natural', c
20 3-4 C Tu wanting
24 5-6 B 1606 reads J. JJJ J533 , corrected after
25 1 BAT 1606 read g, b-flat, d
34 5-6 B Tu reads 3-flat, g
39 8 CA 1606 wanting, supplied from Tu
41 8 C Tu reads a ', g ', f ', e '
43 1 AT 1606 read 3-flat1 and c' respectively
47 1 C 1606 reads a", corrected after Tu
48 1 T 1606 reads e 1
48 8 C 1606 reads e"
160
2. La Pazza
Sources: 1606, fols. 4V-5V : "La Pazza"

Tu, fols.
Model: Ve, p. 13:

Ox, p. 1 :
2 6 A 1606 wantinq, supplied from Tu

3 1-4 T Ox reads J. J
3 6 C Ox reads ie'
4 1 C Ox reads a' t
4 5-8 T Ox reads »
6 5-7 B Tu reads
7 1-4 A Tu reads
9 1 C Ox
10 5 A SL i - O S I
1606 r e a d s j 3 3 H f l /w 1 ' corrected after Tu
10 7 A Tu reads T O
13 5-6 C Ox reads d', b-flat'
16 4 A Tu reads d 1, e 1
24 4 C Ve reads b-flat'
24 6 T Tu reads c, d
30 2 TB 1606 missing, supplied from Tu
32 8 C Ve reads b-flat'
3. La Radivila
Sources: 1606, fols. 6-7 : "La Radivila"

Tu, fols. 127Vj-129V2: "Canzon di Ms. Claud."
Model: 1588, p. 1: "L'Olica di Claudio da Coreggio. A 4."

Ox, p. 3: "Claudio Corregio"
5 8 B 1606 reads •'f , corrected by Tu

5 7 T Ox newly W i i L U C l i M O through m. 12
15 3-4 C 1606 reads , corrected after Tu
17 5-8 C 1606 reads , corrected after Tu
19 5-6 A 1588 reads , corrected after Tu
22 6 A 1588 reads e'
33 5 A 1606 reads corrected after Tu
34 6 A 1588 reads
44 6 A 1588 reads
161
4. La Palma
Sources: 1606, fols. 8-9 : "La Palma"

Tu, fols. 129V2~130V3: "Canzon di Ms. Claudio"
3 7 A Tu reads d ’
5 1-2 A Tu reads f1, g'
10 5-6 B Tu reads
tn 3-4 B Tu reads g. ,
12 4-5 C Tu reads
15 7-8 B 1606 reads F, D, E, F
16 4 B 1606 reads A, G, F, G, corrected after Tu
23 3-5 A 1606 missing, supplied
24 5-8 TB 1606 unclear, supplied
La Rosa
Sources: 1606, fols. 92-10^: "La Rosa"

Tu, fols. 130v3-1323: "Canzon di Ms.Claudio"
Model: Ve, p. 24:

24 "La rosa a 4 di Claudio da Coreio"
9 3-4 B Tu reads s'< J » conforming to Ve^

11 3 A 1606 reads f , corrected after Tu and Ve
16 5-8 T 1606 reads a, a, b-flat, c", corrected after Tu and Ve
19 5-8 T 1606 missing, supplied from Tu and Ve
22 1 B Ve reads E-flat
28 8 T Tu reads i
31 3 B Tu reads F
34 1-4 T 1606 reads f
La Pargoletta
Sources: 1606 , fols

Tu, fols. 1323-133V4:
; "Canzon di Ms, Claud"
2 7 B 1606 reads ^ j* corrected after Tu

8 1 B 1606 reads J &£?• corrected after Tu
11 8 C Tu
13 6-7
reaf M t i n „ „ ^
A 1606 reads JHa , corrected a,fter Tu
25 1-4 A 1606 tie added after m, 25
28 2 C 1606 reads g, corrected after m. 38
37 6 A Tu reads j
40 3-4 C Tu reads:
n §
La Seula
Sources: 1606, fols. 12-14: "La Seula"

Tu, fols. 133V4~1372: "Canzon di Ms. Claudio"
162
8 3-4 A Tu reads a', f1

8 7-8 R Tu wanting
14 8 A Tu reads g', e'
16 5 CAT Tu reads °
17 1-4 CAT Tu reads C, E, G o
22 7 A Tu reads d'
33 5-8 C Tu reads o
35 4 5 Tu wanting
38 Tu deletes this and the following
38 6 CA 1606 wanting, supplied from Ve
53 Tu supplies new ending:
8. La Ironica
Sources: 1606 , fols . 14v -16t : "La Ironica"

Tu, fols. 1372~138V]_: "Canzon di Ms. Claudio"
3
7
7-8
6-8
A
T
1606
Tu
reaas I.J*JJJ] , c o r n e a a£tsr a
reads e, f-sharp, g
11 7-8 A Tu reads f
12 2 T Tu reads E
14 6-8 T 1606 reads a third too high, corrected after
17 1-2 T 1606 reads a third too high, corrected after
25 7 A Tu reads c"
26 1-4 B Tu wanting
28 7 A 1606 reads b 1, corrected after Tu
29 7 A 1606 reads g, corrected after Tu
35 2 C 1606 reads g", corrected after Tu
9. La Iolette
Sources: 1606, fols. 162~17v : "La Iolette"

Tu, fols. 138v i ~141]l: "Canzon di Ms. Claudio"
14 6 T 1606 reads e, 1corrected after Tu

18 8 B 1606 E reads ,1
51 5 B 1606 reads B, corrected after Tu
163
10. La Scarampa
Sources: 1606,. fols. 18-19: "La Scarampa"

Tu, fols. 141^-121V2: "Canzon di Ms. Claud"
8 4 T 1606 flat misplaced, corrected after Tu

12 7 A 1606 g 1, f-sharp1 wanting, corrected after m.
15 3 C 1606 reads d, corrected after Tu and m. 6
19 Tu deletes this and the following 11 m.
21 5 C 1606 reads J
29 7 C 1606 reads j
36 3 T 1606 missing, supplied from Tu
41 4 T 1606 reads f, corrected after Tu and m. 35
44 3 A 1606/Tu read f
11. L'Arconadia
Sources: 1606, fol. 19V-20V : "L'Arconadia"

Tu, fol. 141V2-142V3: "Canzon di Ms. Claud."
8 2 C 1606/Tu read g 1 1
21 1-3 B 1606 reads 9 $
24 7 A 1606 reads e
LIBRO TERZO
1. Lanquissans
Sources: 1611, pp. 1-8: "Crequillon Languissans a 5.”

Tu, fols. 884-923: "Crequillon a. 5."
13
Model: RISM 1550 , fol. 13: "En languissant je consumme"
3 4 C 1611 reads
4 8 C Tu reads g', f', d', e'
4 7-8 T Tu reads J
8 6 A 1611 reads g-sharp, corrected after Tu
00
1
21 T Tu reads:
-* r *
31 4 B Tu reads
42 4 C 1611 reads corrected after m. 31
45 3 C 1611 reads , corrected after Tu
48 5-6 B 1611 rhythm"unclear, given as per Tu
52 5 B 1611 reads A, corrected after Tu
57 7 B 1611 reads G-flat. corrected after Tu
65 3-4 T 1611 reads T
• 1 1 1
69 5-6 T Tu reads:
I
70 8 T 1611 reads , corrected after Tu
164
2. Content
Sources: 1611, pp. 9-15: "Crequillon Content a 5.,"

Tu, fols. 922~95V2 : "Crequillon Content a. 5. voc:"
2
Model: RISM 1572 , fol. 8 : "Contentement"
1588, p. 9: "Content. A Cinque Voci."
7 5 CA 1611 clef change misplaced, should begin m. 8

11 7-8 T 1611 reads ' corrected after Tu
12 5-8 T Tu reads f, e, d, f
16 5 A Tu reads b-flat
22 2-3 A 1611 ties a, b-flat
28 1 T 1611 reads f
29 7 C Tu reads e-flat
30 5 B Tu reads G
30 7 B 1611 accidental misplaced
31 5 T Tu reads e-natural
36 7-8 B Tu reads: ,
38 3 A 1611 reads b-flat, corrected after Tu

38 8 C Tu reads a^ f j
43 5 B 1611 reads b-flat, corrected after Tu
46 5-6 C 1611 rhythm unclear, given as per Tu
49
50
3-6
1-4
A
T
Tu
1611
rsûjJH
reads J JHJJ
57 3-6 T 1611 reads 1JT7
59 3 T 1611 reads
60 5 C 1611 tied d is deleted, supplied from Tu
3. Oncques amour
Sources: 1611, pp. 16-21: "Crequillon. Oncques amour a 5."

Tu, fols. 95v2-984 : "Crequillon a 5."
Models: RISM 1553' fol. 19v : "Oncques amour."

1588 , p. 6:
1 "Oncques amour, a Cinque voci1
Ve, ;
p. 46 : [without title], less altus
2 7 C 1611 g 1 reads J*
3 5-6 A Tu read i M r l
5 1 T 1611 reads J
7 3 T 1611 reads J
9 3-4 C 1611 reads corrected after Tu
15 2-3 T 1611 reads j ~ ' corrected after Tu
21 5-8 TB 1611 reads a third too high, corrected after 1588-Ve
24 1-2 C Tu
reads t T c ■A *
24 7 B Tu reads
A‘ 1 »< ,—

The Canzoni D Intravolatura of Claudio Merulo - A Guide To The Art of Improvised Ornamentation

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The Canzoni D Intravolatura of Claudio Merulo - A Guide To The Art of Improvised Ornamentation

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INFORMATION TO USERS

The following explanation o f techniques is provided to help you understand

2. When an image on the film is obliterated with a round black mark it is an

4. For any illustrations that cannot be reproduced satisfactorily by

McDERMOTT, CHARLES MICHAEL

THE "CANZONI D 'INTAVOLATURA" OF CLAUDIO MERULO: A GUIDE

University of California, Berkeley PH.D. 1979

In a ll cases this material has been filmed in the best possible

1. Glossy photographs _______

'4. Illustrations are poor copy_______

5. °rin t shows through as there is text on both sides of page _________

6. Indistinct, broken or small print on several pages_________throughout

7. Tightly bound copy with print lost in spine _______

8. Computer printout pages with indistinct print _______

9. Page(s) lacking when material received, and not available

10. Page(s) _______ seem to be missing in numbering only as text

11. Poor carbon copy _______

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U. Original copy with light type ________

15. Curling and wrinkled pages _ _ _ _ _ _

Charles Michael McDermott

Submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of

UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, BERKELEY

Charles Michael McDermott

It is a pleasure to express gratitude to the advisors

who have guided this project. Professor Alan Curtis aided in

the conception of the topic and lent his special expertise to

its development. Professor Thomas Barnes read through the final

drafts and shared his excitement for Venice of the cinquecento.

Lastly, Professor Lawrence Moe, through his long-standing support

and encouragement, was responsible not only for the beginnings

of my doctoral studies, but for their completion as well.

An Alfred Hertz Memorial Fellowship made possible a trip

to Europe in 1976 which was devoted, in part, to research on

the music of Merulo. The special encouragement of Luigi

Tagliavini during this year will long be remembered. Librarians

were equally helpful, and it is to Doctor Oscar Mischiati of the

Civico museo bibliografico musicale, Bologna, and Hans Peter

Schanzlin of the Universitatsbibliothek, Basel, that I wish

to record particular gratitude.

Thanks are due also to several people who participated

in the final stages of the project. Cleve Johnson provided

beautifully copied examples for several chapters; Walker

Cunningham lent me several transcriptions he made in the course

of a research project on Merulo's keyboard music; and Mark

Staebler readily assisted with translations and the thankless

task of proofreading. Marilyn Mathers was a patient and

untiring typist. And a final note of gratitude to my mother,

who first taught me to love music, for without her support

this project could not have been completed.

I. IMPROVISED KEYBOARD ORNAMENTATION IN THE

II. THE INTABULATED KEYBOARD CANZONA ............ 54

III. THE CANZONI D 1INTAVOLATURA OF CLAUDIO MERULO . 107

IV. MERULO AND THE ART OF ORNAMENTATION . . .144

I. Chansons Used as Models for Keyboard Canzonas

II. Ensemble Canzonas Appearing in Keyboard Sources

III. Verona, Biblioteca Capitolare Cod. MCXXVIII:

IV. A Thematic Index to Keyboard Canzonas Attributed

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . 210

PREFACE .................................... . iii

LIBRO PRIMO ........................ 1

CRITICAL NOTES .................................... 157

IMPROVISED KEYBOARD ORNAMENTATION

their own performers, and, often, their own audience. Through

study with precision the aesthetics and mechanics of improvisa

The significant trend toward improvisation in poetry, for ex

improvisers who prospered toward the end of the fifteenth cen

There was scarcely a single field in music that remained un

That great emphasis was placed on the skill at improvisa

became so adept at the skill as the keyboard player. The in