Professional Documents
Culture Documents
i. introduction
A familiar realist principle holds that legal processes do not just influence social
events or attitudes, but vice versa as well.1 As a “contextualist” (Nourse and Shaffer
2009, 79), “pragmatist” (Suchman and Mertz 2010) contribution to contemporary
New Legal Realism, this chapter employs the linguistic branch of legal anthropology
that has shown that this back-and-forth occurs through what people say (semantics)
and how they say it (pragmatics) during inexact translations across the filter between
law and society (e.g., Conley and O’Barr 2005; Ng 2009). In particular, it builds upon
research that has explicitly extended pragmatist philosopher Charles Peirce’s semio-
tic theory to legal reasoning – especially, but not only, in court.2 This approach
elucidates the realist insight by connecting the micro-linguistic aspects of something
like courtroom interaction to the macro-discursive level of law as an institution.
The specific connection I pinpoint is a moment in legal interaction that harbors
the joint possibility of coordinated argumentation and professional legitimization.
Even the most disputatious participants in legal argumentation must coordinate
some framework to govern what and how they dispute. I argue that the ephemeral
gap between two speakers’ turns is a moment of interpretive possibility as to knowl-
edge about law and a moment of interpersonal (or “intersubjective”) possibility as to
the experience of doing law. That simultaneity makes this moment also a source of
professional legitimization, such as through the potential for persuasion; potential,
because it rests on continually reshaping a shared institutional framework as much
as on convincing interlocutors of a propositional argument.
* I thank Lara Deeb, Elizabeth Mertz, Elinor Ochs, Frances Tung, the National Science Foundation
(Grant No. DGE-0707424), the Wenner-Gren Foundation, and the University of California, Los
Angeles Graduate Division.
1
For a recent restatement of the realist project, see Erlanger, Garth, Larson, Mertz, Nourse, and Wilkins
(2005).
2
In particular, this chapter looks to Kevelson (1990) and Richland (2008). Peirce was a friend of Oliver
Wendell Holmes, Jr., and an influence upon the original legal realists as well, e.g., Kevelson (1987,
70–82).
3
Directed by Henry Joost and Ariel Schulman (Rogue/Universal Pictures, 2010).
4
Both that chapter and this one were developed from a broader anthropological research project based
on my ethnographic fieldwork in Hollywood in 2011 and 2012.
5
I define new media as the assimilation of electronic technology and the tools to use it into everyday
practices of cultural production and communication; in other words, technology and practice
together.
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Some New Legal Realism about a “Reality Thriller” Case 247
Megan herself – are real, the film as an artistic product also played on that anxiety.
Catfish thoroughly merges a plot about the disruption, techniques that employ the
disruption, and a message that posits the disruption. That amalgam unsettled viewers’
expectations of how authors and audiences connect through a cinematic work, not
least because it was delivered otherwise through a conventional, linear narrative form.
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248 Deeb
makes it a reality thriller. The chronological aspects of what happened and what the
film’s narrators did align, as do the unified aspects evidenced by the revelations that
shake Nev and the audience at the same time and ultimately provide catharsis.
Critics divided over this absence, or erasure, of the marks that typically allow
audiences to tell apart the narrated and narrating layers of a film. A reviewer disposed
to accept the claim found that “Catfish actually feels like a natural product of media
sharing culture” (Longworth 2010). Although the filmmakers might have “faked a
life-changing experience in order to make a movie about the blurriness of contem-
porary reality,” she rationalized that “it’s probably counterproductive to worry about
which possibility is closer to the truth, being that Catfish takes the very mutability of
truth as its primary subject.” She effectively sublimated the narrated events into
whatever the filmmakers did in narrating them.
The reviewer projected that temporal fusion to a historical scale. She went on:
In that sense, the film transcends the obvious, easy indictment of the “so close, yet so
distant!” paradox of social networking to explore something much more . . . uh, real.
For all the modern technological mutations that made it possible, at the core of
Catfish is the age-old pain and confusion that comes from suddenly becoming
aware that someone you love isn’t the person they presented themselves to be. It’s
just an all-digital cover version of an old analog tune.
The film’s novelty felt all the more timeless for exemplifying a contemporary
permutation of a long familiar source of disillusionment. Catfish resonated with
her by matching her experience of living in a new media world that is at once
chronologically unique and existentially abiding.
By contrast, one skeptical reviewer perceived Catfish as an unsuccessful attempt,
if not necessarily deliberately deceptive. He averred:
But when you tell a story that’s about false identity and self-delusion and the
shape-shifting magic of the modern media – a story that strongly evokes both
real-life hoaxes and works of fiction – and you do not command the boundaries
of your story with confidence, you can’t be shocked when people think you’re
bullshitting. (O’Hehir 2010)
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Some New Legal Realism about a “Reality Thriller” Case 249
the characters. Because the story “evokes . . . real-life hoaxes,” however, it draws
those two existential times close enough together that only confident command of
the boundaries preserves the distinction. That command requires chronological
interventions from the time of narrating that mark separation from the action being
narrated, which the reviewer found lacking.
While his words like “hoax,” “boundary,” and “bullshit” emphasize the existen-
tial, unified aspect of temporal experience, another skeptic homed in on the film’s
chronology. In an online posting, the self-described documentary filmmaker did
write of his existential unease while watching the film, reporting that:
Throughout the entire film it all felt fake to me, but after the movie was over and talking
with my other film critic friends they were all baffled how I could think it was fake. That
got me to thinking . . . “maybe it is real?!” but then logic sat [sic] in and I realized that all
of this is based on the internet, so I will just do the research myself. (Hutcheson 2010)
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250 Deeb
aesthetic and cultural level, Catfish’s makers blended old and new to remix the
traditional temporality of film and how author and audience dialogue through it.
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Some New Legal Realism about a “Reality Thriller” Case 251
terms that place it inside or outside the scope of liability. SJ is thus a fruitful setting to
observe contests over meaning during litigation because it is like a concentrated
minitrial among legal professionals who are translating between society and law as
they formulate and test theories of the case.
Some things were not in dispute. A musical recording qualifies expressly for
copyright protection under the statute (an independent copyright may exist in the
written score and lyrics). The defendants did not claim to have written, recorded, or
covered the song, or to have permission to use the recordings of “All Downhill from
Here” sung by one of its actual co-writers. And the issue at hand was not wholesale
inclusion in the soundtrack; an allegation that the song was played over the end
credits was litigated separately.
Rather, the issue was whether the use of portions of the song was illegal or instead
fell under an exception to the copyright monopoly. That partial incorporation is akin
to sampling, a time-honored musical practice – and source of copyright disputes –
taken to a new level by remixers. Although Catfish is not a recording that samples
another, it does repurpose “All Downhill from Here.” The song is part of the plot.
The audience hears it because, and as, the characters introduce and investigate it
through new media. It was this novel use of the song that challenged the application
of copyright doctrine, because of changing expectations about media practices.
Either it was part of a holistic remix of realness, or it was piracy that undermined
the pretense. The specific infringement allegation thus connects the cultural con-
troversy and the legal dispute.
The latter turned on a distinction between “derivative” use and “transformative”
use. On the one hand, a derivative work infringes because it borrows too much – the
law often requires very little – from an original. A derivative use is neither indepen-
dently created nor minimally creative. In short, it copies. On the other hand, fair use
rests on a policy decision to grant educational, journalistic, and social commentary
activities wider latitude to use copyrighted material without liability (17 U.S.C.
§107). The fair use exception gives judges four factors to guide their evaluations;
one of the factors concerns the “purpose and character of the use,” and includes
whether or not the use is commercial.
The Supreme Court has determined that the purpose and character factor speaks
to how transformative the appropriating use is (Campbell v. Acuff Rose Music, 510
U.S. 569 (1994)). Transformative means the new work “adds something new, with a
further purpose or different character, altering the first with new expression, mean-
ing, or message” – precisely what new media afford in unprecedented ways or render
inchoate, depending on one’s perspective. A finding of transformation increases the
likelihood that the new work falls under fair use protection. Whereas a derivative
work is unoriginal by definition, a transformative work often is deemed effectively
original in its own right.
The parties’ briefs on the SJ motion linked realness to this legal distinction. The
defense papers argued that “the fragments of Downhill used in Catfish are
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252 Deeb
Whether the story in the film is real or fake remains disputed. The movie is filmed in
documentary style, but the actors find themselves in overly serendipitous situations
and critical elements are missing from the film all of which casts doubt on the film’s
“reality” aspect. . .. The film was not advertised as a documentary or as a Michael
Moore-type social commentary, but as a “reality thriller.” (Memorandum in
Opposition of the Motion for Summary Judgment (RSJ), 3)14
That marketing, according to the plaintiffs, gives away its purpose to “entertain (as
opposed to educate),” an imprecise contrast probably intended to invoke the fair use
provision’s distinction between commercial use (not protected) versus non-
13
The defendants filed it on December 16, 2011.
14
The plaintiffs filed it on December 16, 2011.
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Some New Legal Realism about a “Reality Thriller” Case 253
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254 Deeb
the clause about Catfish’s purpose (“that . . . ”) makes the argument possible. The
complete sentence makes that sequence argumentative.17 Together, they constitute
a time of narrating acts that comments on what happened and what the filmmakers
did. The present-tense evidential marks that distinction.
The interweaving is even more apparent in the transcript of the SJ hearing, which
took place for approximately half an hour before U.S. District Judge Dolly M. Gee
in the federal courthouse in downtown Los Angeles on January 13, 2012.
Representing the moving party, the defendants’ lawyer spoke first and also had
rebuttal time after the plaintiffs’ lawyer spoke. To win, the defendants had to
convince the judge that fair use was an inevitable conclusion. The plaintiffs only
had to sow doubt.
Example 1, shown in Table 12.1, reproduces a small portion of the exchange
between the judge and the plaintiffs’ attorney. I examine the excerpt using the
method of conversation analysis, which investigates how participants in an
unfolding interaction construct context and meaning as they go along, through
the combination of what they say (semantics) and how they say it (pragmatics)
(Schegloff 2007). Interactions in institutional settings follow the same principle
as ordinary conversation, but have built-in constraints with simultaneously
linguistic and social ramifications, such as the norm that a judge ask questions
from a position of neutrality and a lawyer assert statements from a position of
advocacy (Heritage and Clayman 2011). Although a full analysis addresses
everything from words and sentences to nonlexical utterances (ums, ohs, etc.)
and silences to corrections and norm violations, I have streamlined mine here
to focus on the stances that the participants constructed toward Catfish’s
originality and, in particular, the temporality of those stances. Each turn that
one person takes in a conversation draws upon some shared (or conflicting)
expectations of its appropriate format, but even more so upon the preceding
turn(s) – and shapes what another person does in the next turn. This depen-
dent trajectory provides an up-close perspective on the narrative braiding I have
been describing. This observable compactness of the face-to-face interaction
therefore illuminates brightly how time works in legal argumentation.
The attorney’s first turn displays the pattern in which an evidential phrase frames an
account of what happened and what the filmmakers did. The first sentence is in that
order: my understanding is – the song was sent – the scene was shot (Lines 10.09–10.11).
The next is not, but the conjunctions he uses make the clauses amount to: this is –
“Tennessee Stud” was sent first – they talked to construct/the scene was put together
(Lines 10.11–10.15).18 (“Tennessee Stud” (Driftwood 2008) is another song Megan
17
For the linguistic “temporal juncture” (Labov) whereby one clause “affords the possible occurrence of”
(Ochs) the other to construct narrative, see Labov (1972, 361) and Ochs (2004, 271).
18
The move from “my understanding is” to “there is” is one instance where a participant shifts between a
claim of subjective knowledge to one of objective fact in employing evidential language. For more on
that observation, see Deeb (2015).
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Some New Legal Realism about a “Reality Thriller” Case 255
supposedly sang.) The pattern continues with: You see/there is – they went back/they
edited/they added (Lines 10.16–10.20). The attorney concludes by summarizing his
narrative with a non-context-dependent declarative: it is not – they turned the camera
on – that’s what happened (Lines 10.21–10.22). These lines contain the essence of the
plaintiffs’ argument that the evidence showed divergence between what the filmmakers
did and what actually happened. By manipulating the chronology of the plot events, the
filmmakers destroyed the possibility of experiencing those two times as a merged event.
The judge does the same thing, but, following institutional convention,20 uses
the interrogative form to propose an alternative: is there (dispute) – was pre-
conceived/they were going to use (Lines 10.23–10.25). Her task requires ascer-
taining the lines of dispute, one of which she draws as a question of a
preconceived plan to use “All Downhill from Here.” She specifies that by
preconceived, she means prior collaboration between the filmmakers and
19
“10.09,” etc., means page 10, line 9 of the official transcript. See Transcript of the Hearing on the
Motion for Summary Judgment (TSJ). For simplicity, I have substituted “ATT” for attorney and
“JUD” for judge.
20
For a discussion of how the principles of neutrality and rule of law translate into the linguistic
convention that judges ask questions and avoid (not entirely) making arguments, see Deeb (2013, 45).
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256 Deeb
Angela (Lines 10.25–11.02). She then rephrases her proposed alternative to empha-
size what happened (i.e., imputing no prior planning to the filmmakers) rather
than what the filmmakers did: did it – just happen to be the song sent (Lines 11.02–
11.03). Like “it is not,” “did it” – or “it did” – is a non-context-dependent declara-
tive. Like the attorney’s declarative statements, this formulation is the judge’s way of
weaving in the present-tense, evidential strand of the narrative relevant to adjudica-
tion (but absent, at least in this way, from the social debate). Using it in her
question suggests the judge’s preference to interpret the events as happenstance,
rather than premeditation.21 In other words, preconceived manipulation would
corrupt the chronology, whereas merely taking advantage of chronological coin-
cidence would not disrupt the confluence of what happened and what the film-
makers did into a unified experience. This alternative lies between the parties’
positions. The preferential pull of “did it” is borne out by the attorney’s response, in
which he begins to agree, “It apparently just happened to be,” before rejecting the
judge’s line for evaluating fair use (Lines 11.04–11.07).22
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Some New Legal Realism about a “Reality Thriller” Case 257
23
Silverstein (e.g., 1998) introduced the notion of linguistic ideologies, which Richland reads together
with Peirce (Richland 2008, 95). See also Woolard (1998).
24
Notably, she remarks that Peirce is arguing against “Dewey’s later evolutionary logic,” Dewey being
another pragmatist who greatly influenced legal realist thought (Kevelson 1987, 102).
25
The semiotic term for the organizing logic is metapragmatics, discussed earlier in relation to the time
of narrating produced by the evidential layer of language (see Silverstein 1993, 39).
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258 Deeb
T0 T1
Metapragmatic Metapragmatic
26
Conversation analysts typically transcribe such that silences that clearly occur between two indivi-
duals’ turns are assigned a separate line and are not considered part of either. They also use brackets to
precisely align and indicate overlapping talk – a kind of vertical rather than horizontal representation
of the temporal gap (e.g., Clayman and Heritage 2002).
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Some New Legal Realism about a “Reality Thriller” Case 259
ATT JUD
The person hearing the cry “Ouch!” will typically think that an injury caused another
person to cry out in pain. Absent an interpretant or cognition of this kind through
which a signal is interpreted, there is no meaning. This semantic meaning (“someone
was just injured and is in pain”) is the product of how these elements (sign, object,
interpretant) work together, so their combination also tells us how that meaning is
produced – its pragmatics (where and when the cry originated, where and when the
hearer was located, how the cry sounded – many aspects of the context). The double
arrow between pragmatics and “metapragmatics” simply refers to how pragmatics is
always organized by the background assumptions about language behind any linguis-
tic choice (as noted, these are linguistic ideologies, which are a type of metalanguage
that relies on context for meaning – also known as metapragmatics).
Stepping back from the micro-structure, I also noted earlier another way to put
that last point, namely, as the causal logic of narrative. In the Catfish proceeding,
that logic played out through the conversational time of the narration in court.27
Figure 12.2 shows the same idea as Figure 12.1 on that narrative level. It zeroes in on
the moment from Example 1 between the plaintiffs’ attorney’s summary (that the
filmmakers did not simply turn on the camera and film what happened), and the
judge’s challenge (positing the distinction between preconceived manipulation and
happenstantial inclusion of “All Downhill from Here”).
Recall, for example, that the attorney fortified his position within his own
turn, moving from subjective to objective evidentials before concluding with a
declarative statement about what happened. The moment of interpretive possi-
bility follows. The judge could have accepted, if not yet explicitly agreed with,
the proffered account and ended her questions. Or she might have ridiculed the
attorney’s argument. She chose an in-between stance. She combined several
27
Thus, the narrative drive coincides with conversation in another organizing way: the framework of
conversation is “of a piece” with the devices employed within it (compare Schegloff (1992, 1340)).
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260 Deeb
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Some New Legal Realism about a “Reality Thriller” Case 261
iv. conclusion
I have argued that legal reasoning includes moments that harbor the joint possibility
of coordinated argumentation and professional legitimization. Each moment is
composed dually of chronology and unified “now-ness,” which combine into tem-
poral experience. That temporality plays out through language use on parallel
semiotic, grammatical, and narrative levels. In a social controversy over the realness
of the film Catfish, critics reacted by comparing the time of narrated acts, or what
happened, to the time of narrating acts, or what the filmmakers did. When the
holders of the copyright to a song used in the film sued for infringement, the realness
controversy translated into one about originality. In the legal papers and courtroom
talk, a third strand of narrating acts was imposed, that of legal evidence. The co-
constructed, argumentative narrative proceeded along a chain – or, better, web – of
moments of simultaneously interpretive and intersubjective possibility.
That weblike quality extends the significance of temporality beyond the face-to-
face proximity of courtroom conversation or the less continuous circulation of legal
briefs to even more extended intertextual connections across the institution of law.
In his ethnography of a French court, Bruno Latour does not do detailed linguistic
analysis, but he certainly demonstrates that the connections between what I have
called interpretive talk about law and intersubjective talk as law extend even through
the physical uses of bodies, buildings, and paperwork. In prefacing why he under-
took the project, Latour points out “the immense difference, easy to grasp, between
speaking about law and speaking legally” (Latour 2010, ix). He emphasizes the
distinction because speaking legally often receives too little attention as a constituent
of legal reasoning, especially from legal professionals who consider reasoning to be a
linguistically detached mode of analysis. Yet, as Elizabeth Mertz has shown in her
account of how the Socratic method socializes U.S. law students to “think like a
lawyer,” in at least some societies speaking about law and speaking legally converge
from the start to form a professional habitus (Mertz 2007).
Prying open the continuity of habit is one way to see a temporal underpinning of
the basic legal realist insight into legal reasoning. The intersection of legal dis-
course’s interpretive and intersubjective aspects in a moment of possibles can
stabilize or destabilize, or do both at the same time at different levels of magnitude –
like exceptional cases that prove the rule or uncompromising decisions that catalyze
political reform.
As a matter of quotidian legal practice, the moment harbors the potential for
persuasion. Persuasion is a concept often taken for granted, left amorphous, or
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262 Deeb
elided into one or another preferred basis of decision, but it is undoubtedly a major
goal of juridical activity.28 Success or failure in persuading can enhance or diminish
one’s capital as a lawyer or judge, not to mention a client’s capital or the institutional
equivalent of legitimacy. Any metric of persuasion is inextricable from how it
motivates the quest for capital under the conditions of a given legal setting.
That question of “how” returns to the somewhat tense symbiosis between
chronological and unified time, each of which conditions the other’s contribution
to experience. In legal settings such as a courtroom, this mutual conditioning
undergoes regular reframing through the language of evidence. The motivation to
make the two kinds of time converge drives persuasive reasoning toward each
moment of possibles, which paradoxically, but productively, drives the process on
again, forming evidential narratives. The relentless pressure to persuade means
that interlocutors must continually build and reorganize the framework for under-
standing each other as much as array arguments within that framework. This open-
ended (con)test – a both cooperative and contentious trying out of possibilities – is
one way that social events and attitudes get inside legal reasoning, as realness did
with respect to originality in the Catfish case, reproduced as much as enlisted
while the professionals tried to make persuasive sense of that temporal question:
what happened?
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28
For the insights offered by one scholar who grapples regularly with the problem of persuasion, see
Singer (1989; 2009).
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