Gender Inclusion in Urban Consumption Spaces

Gender inclusion in urban consumption spaces
A study of gender-space relations in urban consumption spaces

____________________________________________________________
DISSERTATION 2020
Lakshmi B (A/2936/2016)
5th year, section A | 2020-21
Department of Architecture | School of Planning and Architecture, New Delhi
____________________________________________________________
Guide: Ar. Nishant Gautam
Coordinator: Ar. Mekhla Parihar
Word count: 12,548
December 02, 2020

DECLARATION
The research work embodied in this dissertation titled “Gender inclusion in urban
consumption spaces” has been carried out by the undersigned as part of the
undergraduate Dissertation programme in the Department of Architecture, School of
Planning and Architecture, New Delhi, under the supervision of Ar. Nishant Gautam.
The undersigned hereby declares that this is her original work and has not been
plagiarised in part or full form from any source.
______________________________________________________________________
Name: LAKSHMI B.
Roll No.: A/2936/2016
Year and Section: Vth year, Section A
Date: 02-12-2020
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CERTIFICATE
This dissertation, titled “Gender inclusion in urban consumption spaces” by Lakshmi B,

A/2936/2016, was carried out during the Fifth Year, Ninth Semester (2020) B.Arch.
Program in the Department of Architecture, under our guidance during September -
December 2020. On completion of the report in all aspects and based on the
declaration by the candidate above, we provisionally accept this dissertation report and
forward the same to the Department of Architecture, School of Planning and
Architecture, New Delhi, India.
______________________________________________________________________
Ar. NISHANT GAUTAM
______________________________________________________________________
Ar. MEKHLA PARIHAR
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to take this opportunity to thank everyone who supported me during the
course of this research project.
I specially thank my guide Ar. Nishant Gautam for the encouragement and patience
throughout the semester. His constant involvement and valuable suggestions are the
main reason for the progress of this dissertation. I am grateful to the coordinators Ar.
Mekhla Parihar, Prof. Dr. Jaya Kumar, Ar. Prabhjot Singh Sugga and Ar. Arpita Dayal
for weekly lectures and discussions. Ar. Tanuj Biyani, professor at School of Planning
and Architecture had taken time out of his busy schedule to talk to me and share their
insights on the topic.
Finally I’d like to thank my family and friends like Revathi M, Harun Vignesh, Vignesh S
Pillai, G Sai Manaswini, Amala Babu for bearing with me.
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ABSTRACT
Given the economic and social marginalization of women and gender variants,
architects and planners need to develop a holistic understanding of gender to design
inclusive spaces as space has a dialectical relationship with social settings. In the
contemporary postmodern society, consumption is equated with leisure, and leisure by
consumption is associated with women as shopping is seen as a part of domestic
labour and the hard work associated with it, and hence, ‘feminine’ and gendered. Hence
the central concern of this study is the interrelationship between space and gender,
focusing on the everyday lives of women in urban consumption spaces. Presented as a
comprehensive research on how women access and use consumption spaces in urban
everyday life, it studies how they perceive and relate to the public as the outside world
in its most inclusive sense. The research progresses through an extensive literature
review followed by analysis of case studies from tier 1 cities of India where qualitative
aspects of gender-space relation are analysed. A primary online survey explores the
level of inclusivity and spatial accessibility by a gender to understand the spatial
attributes which provide for that. The results reiterate women’s restricted spatial
accessibility, even in consumption spaces which are equated with women. Although
new consumption spaces like shopping malls have provided women with ‘safe’ and
‘civil’ environs, the reproduction of existential gendered realities and social inequalities
can be observed there too. Even so, the built-environment can substantially contribute
to the degree of gender inclusion in urban consumption spaces.
Keywords: Gender, gender inclusion, public space, urban consumption space Page | 5

Table of Contents
DECLARATION 2 CERTIFICATE 3 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 4 ABSTRACT 5
1. INTRODUCTION 17 1.1. Research questions 18 1.2. Need for study 18 1.3. Aim 18
1.4. Objectives 18 1.5. Scope 19 1.6. Limitations 19 1.7. Research framework 20 1.8.
Chapter outline 21
2. LITERATURE REVIEW 24 2.1. Understanding Gender 24 2.1.1. What is gender?

24 2.1.2. Gender roles 25 2.1.3. Feminist movements 25 2.2. Gender and space 27 2.2.1.
Social production of space 27 2.2.1.1. Lefebvrian’s ‘spatial illusions’ 27 2.2.1.2. Social
dimensions of space 27 2.2.2. Manifestation of gender in space 28 2.2.2.1. The
public-private dichotomy: Gendered spaces in everyday urban life 28 2.2.2.2. Gender
inclusion in urban planning 29 Page | 6

2.2.3. Gender-inclusion initiatives 31 2.3. Gender and consumption 33 2.3.1. Separation of
consumption from production 33 2.3.1.1. Gender perceptions of consumption 33 2.3.1.2.
Gendered consumption and leisure 34 2.3.2. Perception of consumption spaces based on
gender 34
3. RESEARCH METHODOLOGY 36 3.1. Selection criteria for case studies 36 3.2.

Identification of case studies 36 3.3. Primary survey study 37 3.4. Parameters of study 37
3.5. Framework for analysis 37
4. CASE STUDIES 41 4.1. Consumption spaces, Mumbai, India 42 4.2. Consumption
spaces of Delhi, India 43 4.3. Consumption spaces of Kolkata, India 45
5. PRIMARY SURVEY STUDY 46 5.1. Categories of study 46
6. ANALYSIS 47 6.1. Case studies 47 6.1.1. Consumption spaces, Mumbai, India 47

6.1.2. Consumption spaces, Delhi, India 51 6.1.3. Consumption spaces, Kolkata, India 57
6.2. Primary survey study 61
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6.2.1. Context 61 6.2.2. Accessibility 62 6.2.3. Social influence 62 6.2.4. Dynamics with
time 63 6.2.5. Safety 64 6.2.6. Built-environment 66
7. FINDINGS 73 7.1. Case studies 73 7.1.1. Case study- Consumption spaces of

Mumbai (2003-2006) 73 7.1.2. Case study- Consumption spaces of Delhi (2007) 75 7.1.3.
Case study- Consumption spaces of Kolkata (2017) 76 7.2. Primary survey study 76 7.3.
Drawing parallels from studies 78
8. CONCLUSIONS 79 8.1. Spatial accessibility in consumption spaces 79

8.2. Answering the research question: How are gender relations manifest in urban
consumption spaces? 79
8.3. Answering the research question: How are spatial relations manifest in the idea of
gender? 80
REFERENCES/CITED WORK 83 BIBLIOGRAPHY 86 APPENDIX 89
Appendix 1: Online survey- Gender and shopping spaces (in English) 89 Appendix 2:
Online survey- Gender and shopping spaces (in regional language) 94
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List of Figures
INTRODUCTION 27 Figure 1. Research framework (Source: Author) 30 Figure 2. Key concepts
of research (Source: Author) 31 Figure 3. Literature review framework (Source: Author) 32
CASE STUDIES 51 Figure 4. Mapping at Connaught Place (2007) (JAGORI team, 2007) 54
Figure 5. Mapping at India Gate (2007) (JAGORI team, 2007) 54 ANALYSIS 57 Figure 6.
‘Putting people in place’ map (Ranade, 2007) 57 Figure 7. ‘Tracing people’s path’ map- Typical
path by a woman (Ranade, 2007) 58 Figure 8. Activity mapping at India Gate. (JAGORI team,
2007) 61 Figure 8. Activity mapping at Connaught Place. (JAGORI team, 2007) 62 Figure 9.
Activity mapping at Nehru Place. (JAGORI team, 2007) 62 Figure 10. Major regions (Source:
Author) 71 Figure 11. Mode of transportation - Men (Source: Author) 72 Figure 12. Mode of
transportation -Women (Source: Author) 72 Figure 13. Responses for spatial accessibility by
specific gender (Source: Author) 74 Figure 14. Average values of influencing factors (Source:
Author) 75 Figure 15. Response for Situation 1 (Source: Author) 77 Figure 16. Respondents of
option 1 (Source: Author) 77 Figure 17. Respondents of option 2 (Source: Author) 78 Figure 18.
Respondents of option 3 (Source: Author) 78 Figure 19. Respondents of option 4 (Source:
Author) 79 Figure 20. Response for Situation 2 (Source: Author) 80 Figure 21. Respondents of
option 1 (Source: Author) 80 Figure 22. Respondents of option 2 (Source: Author) 81 Figure 23.
Respondents of option 3 (Source: Author) 81
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FINDINGS 83 Figure 25. Factors of inclusion (Base drawing by (Ranade, 2007)) 84 Figure 26.
Factors of exclusion (Base drawing by (Ranade, 2007)) 84 Figure 27.Tracing women’s path-
positive factors (Base drawing by (Ranade, 2007)) 85 Figure 28.Tracing women’s path- negative
factors (Base drawing by (Ranade, 2007)) 85

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List of illustrations
ANALYSIS 53
Illustration 1. Women engaged in leisurely chat in the shopping malls during the day (Paul,
2017). 66
Illustration 2. Women engaged in leisurely chat in the shopping malls during the day (Paul,
2017). 66
Illustration 3. Leisure in the shopping mall with the family in the evening
(Paul, 2017) 66
Illustration 4. Leisure in the shopping mall with the family in the evening
(Paul, 2017) 66 Illustration 5. Roadside tea stalls exclusively occupied by men (Paul, 2017) 66
Illustration 6. Option 1 (Source: MATT WICKS / GREATDISTANCES) 73 Illustration 7. Option 2
(Source: Chandradeep Kumar) 74 Illustration 8. Option 3 (Source: Sanjit Das/Bloomberg) 74
Illustration 9. Option 4 (Source: David Gee / Alamy Stock Photo) 75 Illustration 10. Option 1
(Source: Economy Decoded/ED Times) 76 Illustration 11. Option 2 (Source: FoodFunia) 77
Illustration 12. Option 3 (Source: Greg Balfour Evans / Alamy) 77
Illustration 13. Option 4 (Source:Hk Rajashekar/The The India Today Group) 77
CONCLUSIONS 85
Illustration 14. Poorly designed Toilet blocks at Delhi, India (Viswanath et al., 2015). 86
Illustration 15. At night, the dark and deserted spaces are rendered unsafe for an
unaccompanied woman (Bhasu, 2017). 87
Illustration 16. Open public park which is occupied by many groups of

women, with children (Bhasu, 2017). 88 Page | 11
List of tables
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY 51 Table 1. Criteria of study and possible analysis

(Source: Author) 55 CASE STUDIES 56 Table 2. Case studies (Source: Author) 56
PRIMARY SURVEY STUDY 61 Table 3. General information of survey sample (Source:
Author) 61 ANALYSIS 62 Table 4. Analysis of Case study- Consumption spaces,
Mumbai (Source: Author) 65 Table 5. Analysis of Case study- Consumption spaces,
Delhi (Source: Author) 71 Table 6. Analysis of Case study- Consumption spaces,
Kolkata (Source: Author) 74 Table 7. Average values of influencing factors- Time of
return (Source: Author) 78 Table 8. Analysis situation 1 (Source: Author) 84 Table 9.
Analysis situation 2 (Source: Author) 86
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List of abbreviations
1) NCS- New Consumption Space

2) IT- Information Technology
3) OR- Other Retail
4) TS- Tradition Sector
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1. INTRODUCTION
In the light of shifts in theoretical, historical and critical debates, particularly with
respect to feminism, understanding architecture in relation to gender demands an
urgent contextualisation. Although the ‘right to the city’ is mediated by existing social
inequities of class, religion, race, ethnicity, and caste in the Indian context, above all
these equities is a layer of gender inequality (Mahadevia and Lathia, 2019). This study
is presented as comprehensive research exploring how urban consumption spaces are
perceived and experienced by women, and the kinds of social relations they produce in
terms of gender.
A plethora of studies linking women and urban spaces can be found over the past
decades since the new wave of feminist thinking in the 1970s, but even so, urban
environments continue to be more suited to men and heteronormative families (Ranade,
2007; Weisman, 1999). According to UN Women and ICRW, 95% of women aged 16-49
report feeling unsafe in public spaces of Delhi (“ICRW Survey,” 2013). The
internationalized economy exacerbates the vulnerability of women, who continue to
undertake the bulk of unpaid domestic work (Kabeer, 1994). Given the economic and
social marginalization of women and gender variants, architects and planners need to
develop a holistic understanding of gender to design inclusive spaces as space has a
dialectical relationship with social setting, rather than being a ‘neutral backdrop to social
setting’ (Ranade, 2007). Moreover, as socially responsible architects, it is imperative to
design inclusive spaces as it is proven that societal structure is constructed and altered
by the behaviours of sections of society, spaces created and their continued use
(Mahimkar, 2013).
Replacement of the term ‘women's studies’ with ‘gender studies’ in the recent years as
‘Gender’ seems to fit within the scientific terminology of social science and thus
dissociates itself from the (supposedly strident) politics of feminism (Borden et al.,
1999; Scott, 1986). While there has been much discussion on ‘Gender’ in relation to
planning practice, few researchers have taken into account the non binary gender and
gender variant community (Doan, 2010). The lack of resources for the same has limited
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the scope of the study to only one oppressed gender, cis-women, and the nature of their
perceptions of urban spaces of consumption.
1.1. Research questions
How are gender relations manifest in urban consumption spaces? How are
spatial relations manifest in the idea of gender?
1.2. Need for study

Public spaces act as a shared resource of communication, connectivity, and foundation
for the community it lives among. Gender-inclusive design is required to guarantee
public spaces and designs don't depict a space on the basis of one’s gender identity
which does not constrain the society's rigid gender roles on individuals. As a diverse
and developing nation, acknowledgment of the cutting edge world is difficult when the
mentality of the people is still on delay. But as architects, it is our responsibility to follow
requirements of our evolving community This research is to define a solid concept of
how space can be changed to achieve a balanced and more impartial atmosphere to
eliminate gender dominance and the issues confronted by the minority on a day-by-day
premise.
1.3. Aim
The dissertation aims to understand the spatial relations of gender and urban
environment to deduce the spatial attributes which influence accessibility and inclusion.
1.4. Objectives
1. Understand the spatial accessibility by a specific gender.
2. Understand the level of inclusivity in various consumption spaces and the
perceptions of these spaces.
3. Critically analyze the usage and experience of urban consumption spaces by
different genders.
4. Analyze the factors in an urban consumption space in which women are
comfortable in, to understand the spatial attributes which provide for
that.
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5. To examine the extent of cultural, regional and socio-economic influences of a

city on its gender-space relations.
1.5. Scope
The scope of the study is restricted to urban consumption spaces in India's Tier 1 and
Tier 2 cities. Within the public spaces of consumption, only the typologies of shopping
malls and informal shopping streets will be studied. Target audience of the study are the
users of urban consumption spaces from all genders, but the study will primarily focus
on the usage and experience of cis-women, from ages 12-60 years old.
1.6. Limitations
1. The dissertation is limited to the experiences of binary genders due to the lack of
literature and studies on non-binary gender variants with respect to gender-space
relationships of urban consumption spaces.
2. Since the onset of the global pandemic has imposed restrictions on movement
and accessibility, it would be beyond the scope of the study to conduct extensive site
studies, activity mappings, participant observation, interact with real-time users of
the shopping malls/market streets. Hence these shall be studied through analysis of
case studies and primary study will rely majorly on online surveys.
3. It studies only one typology, consumption spaces, within urban built-environment
in only a few cities of the country. Hence it is not a comprehensive study on
Indian urban spaces.
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1.7. Research framework
The dissertation follows a linear framework starting with literature review divided into
three parts, an introduction to Gender, Space, and Consumption, to understand the key
concepts and interrelations between them. This helped to formulate research questions
by establishing the gaps between existing information and current study. Defining aim,
objectives, research scope and limitations with literature review helped in criteria for
selecting case studies. The structure of case studies were identified and is to be
critically analyzed to define the primary study framework for collecting empirical data
through both quantitative and qualitative methods.
Figure 1. Research framework (Source: Author)
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1.8. Chapter outline

Figure 2. Key concepts of research (Source: Author)
Chapter 1: Introduction is an introductory section which clearly defines the aim,

objectives, scope, limitations, research questions, need of the study, and research
framework of the dissertation.
Chapter 2: Literature review has been divided into three part which discusses
gender, space and consumption. ‘Gender’ discusses the key concepts of gender, firstly
by defining the idea of gender, social attributes of gender and the distinction from
biological sex, and later exploring the evolution of gender roles and the prevalent
condition of society. ‘Gender and space’ explores manifestation of gender roles and
relations in space by through Lefebvrian concepts of social spaces, early feminist
literature on the interrelations of gender and space. With a brief on the theoretical and
daily experience of urban planning, the second half of this section studies the macro
level studies of land by gender sensitive planning to explain how gender biases have
been integrated into the urban sphere. ‘Gender and consumption defines the concept
of consumption and leisure, and how these very acts are gendered. The act of
consumption itself is seen as ‘feminine’ and gendered. The evolution of gender
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perception of consumption and perception of consumption as leisure as a result

of capitalism has been discussed in this chapter.
Figure 3. Literature review framework (Source: Author)
Chapter 3: Research methodology Identification of case studies, study

parameters for primary study from the same and framework for analysis have been
mentioned in this chapter.
Chapter 4: Case studies introduces three case studies based in Mumbai,

Delhi and Kolkata.
Chapter 5: Primary survey study introduces the primary online survey study
conducted by the author.
Chapter 6: Analysis attempts to understand the different spatial perceptions and

specific needs of women while traversing through the urban consumption spaces of the
city through three case studies and primary survey.
Chapter 6: Findings The key findings from the analysis of case studies and
survey study has been mentioned in this chapter.
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Chapter 7: Conclusions The author discusses the key points from the research
and answers the research question from the data collected and analysed from literature
review, case studies and survey study.
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2. LITERATURE REVIEW
2.1. Understanding Gender
2.1.1. What is gender?
According to the American Psychological Association:

In a human context, the distinction between ‘gender’ and ‘sex’ reflects the usage
of these terms: ‘Sex’ usually refers to the biological aspects of maleness or
femaleness, whereas ‘gender’ implies the psychological, behavioral, social, and
cultural aspects of being male or female (i.e., masculinity or femininity)
(VandenBos, 2015, p. 450)
Gender is a social construct which cannot be used interchangeably with the

biological term ‘sex’ (Butler, 2006; Ranade, 2007; Rendell, 1999; Scott, 1986b;
VandenBos, 2015). Sex is the biological traits that societies use to assign people into
the category of either male or female, whether it be through a focus on chromosomes,
genitalia or some other physical ascription, while gender is more fluid, biological
characteristics may or may not rely on it (“Sociology of Gender,” 2014). More precisely,
it is a definition that explains how communities define and handle categories of sex; the
cultural meanings associated with the roles of men and women; and how people
perceive their identities, including, but not limited to, being a male, woman, transgender
, intersex, queer gender and other positions of gender (Beauvoir, 1949). The word
denoted a denial of biological determinism, which is implied in the use of terms as ‘sex’
or ‘sexual differences’ (Scott, 1986a).
In Chapter 3, Subversive Bodily Acts, of Gender Trouble, Judith Butler (2006)

challenges the ideas of the way society views sex, gender, and sexuality by stating
‘various ideas of gender create the idea of gender’, and without those acts there would
be no gender at all. Rather than the manifestation of an unchanging and cohesive
essence, Butler believes that gender identity is unfixed, provisional, and delicate, rather
than the expression of an unchanging and coherent nature:
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Gender ought not to be construed as a stable identity or locus of agency from

which various acts follow; rather, gender is an identity tenuously constituted in
time, instituted in an exterior space through a stylized repetition of acts. (Butler,
2006, p. 179)
Nonetheless, gender variance exists throughout the human and natural world
and has real consequences for people in their daily lives (Doan, 2010). Being socially
constructed does not diminish the power of the concept (Beauvoir, 1949).
2.1.2. Gender roles
According to Gender in World History (2000a) and Modern Gender Roles and
Agricultural History: The Neolithic Inheritance (2015a), gender inequality was less
prevalent in the prehistoric society even though the division of ‘men hunted and women
gathered fruits’ existed. In this primitive division of labour, the two sexes already
constitute two classes in a way; but there is equality between these classes as women’s
domestic work was seen as productive (Beauvoir, 1949; Hansen et al., 2015a; Stearns,
2000a). When agriculture was introduced around 10,000 BCE, the nomadic human
society, the hunters and gatherers slowly shifted to a sedentary lifestyle. By the fourth
millennium BCE, in a patriarchal structure, with husbands and fathers dominant, most
agricultural communities had developed new patterns of discrimination between men
and women. The higher fertility rates due to a reliant source of food, secondary
processing of crops, and tedious physical labour mainly dependent on men etc. paved
the way for patriarchal civilizations (Hansen et al., 2015; Stearns, 2000).
2.1.3. Feminist movements
Even though they claim to offer 'multicultural' or 'world' viewpoints on women's studies,
readers of feminist theory are still influenced by Western debates and taxonomies
(Ghosh, 2005). In India the feminist movement has affected both activism and
scholarship in several fields such as health, literature, law, art, theatre and human
development (Desai, 2007). Pande in The History of Feminism and Doing Gender in
India (2018) gives a history of feminism in the Indian context. The rise of feminism and
the women’s movement can be seen in two distinct phases, the pre-independence era
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and the post-independence era. We can divide the women’s movement into three
phases:
1. First Phase (1850-1915)

2. Second Phase (1915-1947)
3. Third Phase (1947-Present)
First Phase (1850-1915) of feminism which began as a social reform movement

in the 19th century primarily concerned with gaining equal rights for women, particularly
the rights to suffrage. The second wave of feminism saw political and cultural inequality
as intrinsically tied. During this period struggle against colonial rule intensified. This was
perhaps the first time in Indian history that a significant number of women were
organized in a mass organization for political purposes. It was largely due to women's
sacrifices and their role in the fight for independence that women in India had the right
to vote and full equality in the constitution (Pande, 2018; INDIA, 1949). Article 15 states
that ‘The State shall not discriminate against any citizen on grounds only of religion,
race, sex, place of birth or any of them’ and Article 15(3) states that, ‘Nothing in this
article shall prevent the State from making any special provision for women and
children’ (INDIA, 1949).
Family arrangements, domestic institutions and lifestyles have all begun to evolve and
all this has impacted women: a drop in the number of girls, the gradual acceptance of
women's roles outside the home, the rise of nuclear families, all of which have begun to
make a difference. Education has fueled women's desire to change their conditions,
enter the mainstream and gain recognition. But these were not widespread changes. By
and large, women continued to be seen as caretakers of children (Desai, 2007).
Industrialization, technological transition, illiteracy, lack of mobility, lack of
representation and acknowledgement of position in ‘productive’ labour market,
secondary position in the family, all of which contributed to oppression of women in
post-independent India (Pande, 2018).
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2.2. Gender and space

2.2.1. Social production of space
2.2.1.1. Lefebvrian’s ‘spatial illusions’

According to French Marxist philosopher Lefebvre (1991), the concept of space can be
said to operate under two ‘illusions’:
1. ‘Illusion of transparency’: where space is viewed as being innocent and

completely transparent to human comprehension.
2. ‘Realistic illusion’: where space is accorded a reality that is purely defined by its
materiality - what is seen is what it is.
Because of these illusions, space is either seen as a neutral passive background for
social life, or as a reflection of society. In the latter, although space is stratified, space
has a one-way relationship with a relatively stable society. But, space is never neutral
but always ‘discursively constructed’, ‘ideologically marked’, and ‘shaped by the
dominant power structures and forms of knowledge’ (Wrede, 2015). Which implies,
when the user publicly articulates the social relationships of a certain time and place,
the space in which the articulation occurs becomes the site of cultural imprint.
2.2.1.2. Social dimensions of space

Social, political and economic forces and values shape the built environment and its
form as space is socially built and its appropriation is a political act, gender, race and
class ties are expressed and reinforced by spatial properties (Desai, 2007). According
to Lefebvre (1991), space can be perceived as consisting of three dimensions:
‘Perceived space’, ‘Representations of space’, and ‘Representational spaces’. The
observable, material, and measurable, ‘Perceived space’ describes a society’s patterns
of ‘spatial practice’ as they are linked. ‘Representations of Spaces’, also known as
conceived space is the conceptualized space, or the physical form of the space. The
‘Representational Spaces’, these spaces are lived spaces, space of users and
inhabitants.
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2.2.2. Manifestation of gender in space
Human purpose and action from which we can derive the priorities and beliefs of the
decision-makers in our society, forms the built environment. Both the process by which
we build and the forms themselves reflect cultural ideals and suggest behavioural
norms that influence us all (Weisman, 1999). These aspects of spaces can be used to
understand the production of space which lacks women's presence in them.
In Theorizing Space and Gender in the 21st Century, Wrede observes that both
gender and space, as social constructs, not only share common traits but are also used
to reinforce each other (2015). The types of spaces to which we have, do not have or
are refused access will inspire us or make us powerless. The built environment is
largely the creation of white, masculine subjectivity and is neither value-free nor
inclusively human (Weisman, 1999).
In addition to facing multiple obstacles in daily life, urban women face India's obstinacy
and inequality (Mahimkar and Gokhale, 2015). Not only physical planning but also
inculcating gender sensitivity and awareness in the citizens can address this issue.
2.2.2.1. The public-private dichotomy: Gendered spaces in everyday

urban life
Since the public-private divisions are also inherently gendered, they are of particular
importance for understanding the women’s experience of urban everyday public spaces
(Desai, 2007; Weisman, 1999). Women’s usage and experience of urban spaces occurs
at different levels as women associate with the city at different levels. Each level reflects
various activities and functions in urban daily life, comprising distinct social and spatial
characteristics. The symbolic form and social dynamics present in spaces may also vary
since the built environment is closely intertwined with society (Desai, 2007). More
significantly, the various spatial scales and social relations they contain contribute to
distinct degrees of publicness and privateness; and the divisions between the public and
private spheres are at the centre of urban daily life organisation (McDowell, 1983).
These divisions are constructed not only spatially, but across the entire variety of
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places, people, activities and relationships that constitute public and private dimensions
of urban everyday life (Tuncer, 2014).
Each urban public space (categorized into home, neighbourhood, city) involves
different levels and forms of publicness and privateness in everyday life, and can be
arranged in a spectrum (Tuncer, 2014). In broader terms, the home can be defined as a
private space, separated and protected from the outside world. The neighborhood can
be considered as a space that is both semi-public and semi/private. It is, in a sense,
mediating between the home and the city. With a certain degree of familiarity, the
neighborhood represents familial or communal practices and interpersonal relations. As
the last category, the city serves as a space for public and impersonal relations, and is
used for a range of activities and functions, such as leisure, entertainment, shopping
and meeting.
In the use of the built environment, women face direct and indirect restrictions in
terms of availability and access to space. Though space may be physically available
and may not have distinct barriers for women, it is still not socially or psychologically
available to them (Desai, 2007).
2.2.2.2. Gender inclusion in urban planning

Public spaces should be truly ‘public’; they must be accessible to everyone throughout
the day. Translated into public space terms, this means that the right of every
citizen—across class, caste, gender, religion, and sexual orientation must be protected.
The city can only belong to the women, when it belongs to everyone (Phadke, 2007).
The feminist waves in Western society, from the early 20th century onward, and the
drastic changes in women’s work and home roles have spurred a massive, extensive
studies on gender, and various domains associated, which extended to architecture
and planning also (Borden et al., 1999). Despite the spate of research on women and
urban environment, theory in planning remains the most male dominated and least
influenced by any awareness of the importance of gender (Sandercock and Forsyth,
1992). A Gender Agenda studies gender in planning theory, while Gender,
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urban space, and the right to everyday life explores urban planning through a
practical approach, it explores gendered mediation of space in everyday life.
A Gender Agenda gives an introduction to the key concepts of feminist

methodology of research, planning theory, feminist theory, and the application of
feminist theory on planning theory in arenas of (i)spatial, economic, social relationships,
(ii)language and communication, (iii)epistemology and methodology, (iv)ethics,
(v)nature of public domain, and gender sensitive theory on urban planning research
(Sandercock and Forsyth, 1992). Gender, urban space, and the right to everyday life
focuses on everyday life to understand the gendered mediation of space. In order to
explain the gendered mediation of space, gender, urban space and the right to normal
life are based on daily life. The study suggests that a broader variety of urban
environments are deserving of consideration, and daily spaces are often ignored when
debating gender inclusion (Beebeejaun, 2017).
The above studies give theory and praxis of gender in urban spaces with its roots
in feminist theory. Both the studies narrow down the feminist political struggles
associated with urban planning into three components. According to Gender, urban
space, and the right to everyday life, the reasons for women’s unequal position in
society are rooted in:
Firstly, there is women’s economic inequality in the labor market, along with the
continuing burden of unpaid labor disproportionately falling on women; secondly
there is women’s underrepresentation across a range of political and leadership
roles; and thirdly, there is the persistence of widespread violence against women.
(Beebeejaun, 2017, p. 323)
The solutions for the same points are discussed by Sandercock and Forsyth (1992),
(i)women’s participation in public domain and spaces,

(ii)create and protect public space for women,
(iii)redefining nature and extent of public domain.
However, both the studies reinforced cisnormativity by failing to mention other

non-binary groups oppressed by gender. The tyranny of gendered spaces – reflections
Page | 27
from beyond the gender dichotomy is an autoethnographic study of gendered division of

spaces centered on gender variants. The autoethnographic methodology of the paper
challenges the norm of objectivity that assumes that the subject and object of research
can be separated and that personal experiences are unscientific, and thereby follows a
basic principle of feminist methodology (Butler, 2006; VandenBos, 2015). According to
Doan (2010), the tyranny of gender operates in public spaces because people are
empowered to act as heteronormatively structured gender enforcers in public spaces.
The meaning of these implications is discussed by the author's living experience of this
tyranny across a spectrum of public to private environments, including: parking lots,
public bathrooms, shopping centres, the office and the home. Her personal experiences
of harassment in public transport, elevators draw attention to the vulnerability of
congested public spaces, in contrast to the known insecurity of isolated spaces. This
suggests the severity of ubiquitous nature of the heteronormative gender tyranny. Yet,
the number of studies done on spatial relations and non-binary gender is very limited
(Doan, 2010).
2.2.3. Gender-inclusion initiatives
● UN SDG goals - Goal 5(gender equality), Goal 11(sustainable cities):
Goal number 11 of UN SDG aims to make cities and human settlements inclusive,
safe, resilient and sustainable. In goal 11, different targets aim to achieve adequate,
safe and affordable housing and basic services and upgrade slums, provide access to
safe, affordable, accessible and sustainable transport systems to all, sustainable
urbanization, sustainable human settlement planning and management in all countries,
provide universal access to safe, inclusive and accessible, green and public spaces, in
particular for women and children, rural areas by strengthening national and regional
development planning, and, to support least developed countries in building
sustainable and resilient buildings (UNITED NATIONS, 2016).
UN SDG Target 5 seeks to achieve gender inequality and encourage all women
and girls through the provision of public facilities, infrastructure and social security
Page | 28
policies to consider and respect unpaid care and domestic labour (UNITED NATIONS,
2016).
● Some of the initiatives in India for gender-inclusive planning,

1. UNICEF, UN-Habitat and UN Women in 2011 launched ‘Safe and Friendly Cities
for All,’ in few Indian cities such as Delhi, Mumbai, Thiruvananthapuram; a five
year program that aims at making women and children feel safer in their local
neighbourhoods, while improving their quality of life (“UN Launches Initiative to
Make Cities Safer for Women and Children,” 2011).
2. JNNURM (Jawaharlal Nehru National Urban Renewal Mission) dealing with reform
and good governance suggests guidelines for gender mainstreaming into
planning and decision making process, transportation and crime prevention
through environmental design. Urban development focused on gender is about
promoting cities which respond to men and women equally. Nevertheless,
because women experience cities differently, addressing the needs of women is
key to fostering sustainable/equitable urban growth. Women's interests have
conventionally been under-represented in politics and projected growth in
patriarchal economies such as India. In building inclusive communities, improving
the role and involvement of women in urban government is crucial and will be a
key indicator of JNNURM 's progress. (Mahimkar and Gokhale, 2015)
3. To attain equitable development, Indian government has initiated various policies
for economic and political development with the aim of inclusion of women in the
development process as per the 11th Five year Plan of 2007-12. 11th Five year
Plan of 2007-12 created mechanisms for safe and sensitive support services,
shelter homes for women and girls; free legal aid cells counselling centres, and
trauma units for victims and survivors of violence, in collaboration with NGOs in
every district and many other actions supporting gender inclusiveness in
planning, was implemented (Government of India, 2007).
Page | 29
2.3. Gender and consumption

2.3.1. Separation of consumption from production
How do these economists who formulated the contemporary definitions of the terms
define consumption? It is ‘consumption proper’ when nothing of value is created in a
process and ‘productive consumption’ if something of value is created while some value
is used, devoured, destroyed (Sandercock and Forsyth, 1992). Was consumption of
food at home, at that point, a productive demonstration? According to Marx, in
capitalism such consumption would not be accounted as production because
exchange-value for labor-power entered the capital equation merely as a cost and
therefore the capitalist could not afford any surplus value to the realization and
production of wealth (Marx and Nicolaus, 1973).
While we have consistently consumed since the beginning of time, the idea of
consumption isolated from production is rooted in separations: separation of home from
the working environment, separation of time for (work) from time for leisure, separation
of the public from the private. The distinction of consumption from output in concept
arrived with these separations. Progressively, acts at home, leisure, in the private space
came to be viewed as considered consumptive and production was done in the public
area, office, workplace. (Flrat, 1991).
2.3.1.1. Gender perceptions of consumption

In societies which later formed the western civilizations women came to primarily
occupy the private domain and men the public domain (Flrat, 1991). As explained in
earlier section, Sex identified biological features, but in short, gender gave them their
definitions, positions and status, their society. Feminine (female) was the consumer, in
the home, the private domain. The producer, in the workplace, the offices, the political
realm, the public sphere, was masculine (male). Given this mentality, masculine
activities in the public domain were worthwhile, therefore, meriting payment. Feminine
activity at home did not contribute to national income, therefore, did not merit to be paid.
A paradoxical circumstance in the private domain was that while women were
praised for undertaking their important social tasks of childrearing and taking care of
Page | 30
men, they were belittled for being such consumers. Consuming, after all, was valueless;
a profane and banal act (Flrat, 1991).
Another explanation comes from the concept that if women influence financial
decisions, households would be more secure is based on data from several different
contexts, showing that women invest more carefully than men, spend more on
household security and less on personal products (Raju and Lahiri-Dutt, 2012). The
whole family is more likely to benefit from credit targeted at women, compared with
credit targeted at men (Kabeer, 1998; Khandker, 1998; Nations, 1995; Raju and
Lahiri-Dutt, 2012). Kelkar (2005) explained the reason behind this trend in the following
words:
Perhaps because of women’s gender responsibility of provisioning the household

(acquiring and processing food) women tend to spend more of the income they
control for household consumption goods. This is in contrast to the behaviour of
men who tend to spend more of the income they control, on themselves, alcohol,
entertainment, etc, and consequently neglect the consumption needs of children
and others in the household. (Kelkar, 2005, p. 4695)
2.3.1.2. Gendered consumption and leisure

In the contemporary postmodern society, consumption is equated with leisure, and
leisure by consumption is associated with women as shopping is seen as a part of
domestic labour and the hard work associated with it, and hence, ‘feminine’ and
gendered (2017). Leisure spaces act as ‘third spaces’ between home and work, where
women interact for sociability and are free to stroll around in public (Paul, 2017). The
pertaining to the male domination of public leisure space, differences among women in
relation to their access to leisure, and control of public leisure space has been
discussed in Mapping gendered spatialities in leisure.
2.3.2. Perception of consumption spaces based on gender
Within the public spaces of consumption in a city, ‘urban consumption spaces’ in the
scope of the study shall consist of shopping malls and retail shops in informal shopping
streets.
Page | 31
Consumption lies at the ideological core of the contemporary city, central in the
economy, politics and culture (Marskamp, 2012; Miles, 2010). It bridges the communal
and the individual, and the city represents the foremost visible and uncovering
expression of this process. In the contemporary postmodern society, consumption is
equated with leisure, and leisure by consumption is associated with women as shopping
is seen as a part of domestic labour and the hard work associated with it, and hence,
‘feminine’ and gendered (Paul, 2017).
‘A department store, which is an interiorized public street transformed into a
private space’, becomes an acceptable space for women to enter alone (Paul, 2017).
This perhaps clarifies why the regular gendered limitations to practicing leisure proceed
to apply. One key observation by Paul:
Women’s access to leisure even within NCSs continues to be linked to factors

sustaining gender inequalities in society such as domestic work, reproductive and
care roles, the engendered labour market, gender relations in the household, and
public/private and unsafe/safe dichotomies (2017).
Modern consumption spaces appeal to ‘feminine’ sensibilities, and provide

‘safe’ hang out locations for women and in this way, the public life is contained in
private spaces. But, accessibility to the modern consumption spaces, which offer a
safe environment compared to crowded markets, are limited by the dependence on
purchasing power and socio-economic backgrounds.
Page | 32
3. RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
3.1. Selection criteria for case studies
Through the initial literature review and examples of studies, it was found that qualitative
aspects of space can be studied better with participant observations, activity mapping,
on-site interviews with users, substantial emphasis has been given on the identification
and analysis of case studies. Case studies which have mapped the above mentioned
aspects in relation to gender were selected based on the following criteria,
● Location- Consumption spaces of Tier 1 cities of India

● Time period of study- To analyze (any possible) differences and similarities in
patterns of usage, studies conducted in different time periods from early 2000s to
present shall be selected.
● Data collection method(s)-
a. Mapping of details of built-environment, other users of space, dynamics of
space with time, any other influences using drawings.
b. Photo documentation
c. Survey method
● Both usage and experience by different genders should be clearly marked. ●
Sample size- Minimum 50 women. Majority or all of the respondents/subjects of
study should be women.
3.2. Identification of case studies

4.2.1. Gender and Space project by PUKAR- study of public spaces of
Mumbai, India (2003)
4.2.2. Safety audits by Jagori- study of public spaces of Delhi, India (2007)
4.2.3. Safety audits by Jagori- study of public spaces of Delhi, India (2013)
4.2.4. Mapping gendered spatialities in leisure- study of new urban
consumption spaces of Kolkata, India by Tanusree Paul (2017)
Page | 33
3.3. Primary survey study
The primary study is based on an online survey to understand the spatial accessibility
by a specific gender, level of inclusion of urban consumption spaces and spatial
attributes which provides for that.
3.4. Parameters of study
Parameters for the study and criteria for analysis was arrived at through literature
review and preliminary analysis of case studies. It has been divided into,
1. User background
2. Context
3. Accessibility
4. Dynamics with time
5. Social influence
6. Safety
7. Built-environment- Walkability, Openness, Visibility, Lighting, Physical
infrastructure, Common amenities
3.5. Framework for analysis

Criteria of Questions Possible analysis
study
User Age How user background
background affects the usage,
Marital status perception and experience
No. of children of urban
consumption spaces
Gender of children
Socio-economic conditions as
Average amount spent a differentiating factor
on consumption
Average leisure hours/day
Page | 34
Context Location of city/town Regional and cultural

influence, if any
Type of consumption Comparative analysis of

different typologies
space within the city/town
Accessibility Mode of transportation to Analyze gendered

consumption space constraints on mobility, if
any
Usage hours and timings
of public transport
Avoidance of certain
spaces primarily because
of one’s gender- travel
options
Dynamics of Usage hours and timings Analyze participation by

time of public transport different gender with
dynamics of time;
Usage hours and social Spatial accessibility of
constraints consumption spaces by
each gender
Social influence Location of city/town Regional and cultural

influence, if any
Usage hours and social Spatial accessibility of

constraints consumption spaces by
each gender
Avoidance of certain spaces
due to social constraints
No., gender and relation

to accompanier(s)
Judgements towards Social perception of women

outfit/actions as legitimate users of public
space;
Page | 35
Usage and experience due Study the extent of influence

to presence/absence of of other users of space on
one’s gender usage and experience of
urban
consumption spaces by
Usage and experience due
to the no. of other users of each gender
space

to the gender of other users
of space
Safety Judgements towards Social perception of women

outfit/actions as legitimate users of public
space;
Usage and experience due Perceived safety of

to the no. of other users of consumption spaces by
space each gender;
Usage and experience due Perceived safety for women

to the gender of other users in consumption spaces by
of space each gender;
Influence of perceived safety

Avoidance of certain spaces on the usage and experience
due to one’s gender- lack of of urban consumption spaces
people from same gender by each gender

to perception of safety
Perception of safety for women
Experience of harassment Experienced safety of

Avoidance of certain spaces each gender
due to one’s gender- lighting
Built-environ Usage/Avoidance of Analysis of the influence of

me nt spaces amenities like built environment on the
washrooms, ATMs, etc. usage and experience of
urban
each gender;
Page | 36
Avoidance of certain spaces To replace participant

due to one’s gender- lighting observation and on-site
activity mapping
Visibility of space
Type of consumption
space within the city/town
Usage/Avoidance of
certain spaces due to
one’s gender hygiene
Usage of consumptions
space Overall
ambience/atmosphere
Table 1. Criteria of study and possible analysis (Source: Author)

Page | 37
4. CASE STUDIES
Gender and Safety audits by Mapping gendered
Space project Jagori spatialities in
by PUKAR leisure
Location Mumbai, India Delhi, India Kolkata, India
Year 2003 2007 2017
Source PUKAR (Partners Jagori- a women's Independent

for Urban training, research by
Knowledge, Action communication Tanusree Paul
and Research), an and research
independent center
research collective,
and urban
knowledge
production center
Data Primary survey Mapping of details Primary survey,
collecti of
on built-environment, Activity mapping
method activities of other through photo
users of space, documentation
dynamics of space
with time, any other
influences using
drawings.
Categori Context Context Context

es of
study NA Accessibility NA
NA Dynamics of time Dynamics of time
Social influence Social influence Social influence
Safety Safety Safety
Built- environment Built- environment Built- environment
Table 2. Case studies (Source: Author)
Page | 38
4.1. Consumption spaces, Mumbai, India

● Location- Public spaces of Mumbai, India
● Year of study- 2003-2006
● Method of data collection- Mapping of activities and physical details through
drawings
● Source- Gender and Space project by PUKAR
● Sample size- 86 (11 men, 75 women)
In order to analyse the order and experience of the city and its diverse spaces,
particularly public spaces, PUKAR focused on gender as a category. The project
discussed problems relating to gendered spaces with regard to the state, the market,
cultural standards and activities and, ultimately, with regard to the aesthetics of the
architecture of urban public spaces and the visions of urban planners for urban
structures. At a macro stage, this was a reaction to the ways in which various
ideologies, cultural practices and narratives imagine and create public spaces.
Four public spaces in Mumbai were mapped with subtle features of the environment,
detailed land use patterns, informal structures, amenities, street furniture, trees, light
posts, transportation hubs to document the dynamics of space. Gender and Space
project primarily uses two methods to study the patterns of inhabitation of space,
(i) ‘Putting people in place’ which maps the location and number of people,
(ii) ‘Tracing peoples paths’ which maps the patterns of movement in space.
Page | 39
4.2. Consumption spaces of Delhi, India

● Location- India Gate, Nehru Place, Connaught Place
● Year of study- 2007
● Method of data collection- Participant observation, Mapping of details as
drawings
● Source- Jagori, Delhi
● Sample size- 500 women
In order to understand the gendered nature of access to public spaces and its effect on
women’s mobility, Jagori conducted over 30 “safety audits” around the city. These
audits, along with the findings from a survey of 500 women across the city and several
group discussions, provide the data which this paper uses to explore the ways in which
public spaces are viewed and accessed by men and women.
As a first step, safety audits aimed at identifying factors that cause safety and
unsafety for women were conducted in different parts of the city. The following were
mapped in the areas of Nehru Place, Connaught Place and India Gate,
1. Physical infrastructure or the built environment – streetlights, the state of

pavements, bus stops, how tall the trees are, whether they cover the streetlights,
the maintenance of parks, dark/abandoned buildings or areas, the state of car
parking areas.
2. Location of amenities- police booths, public telephones, shops and other
vendors. In the case of shops, we also noted the kind of shops as certain shops
such as auto parts or liquor have primarily male customers.
3. Spatial accessibility according to gender.
4. Women users’ perceptions of safety.
Page | 40
Figure 4. Mapping at Connaught Place (2007) (JAGORI team, 2007)
Figure 5. Mapping at India Gate (2007) (JAGORI team, 2007)
Page | 41
4.3. Consumption spaces of Kolkata, India

● Location- New Consumption Spaces of Kolkata, India
● Year of study- 2017
● Method of data collection- Primary survey, participant observation, photography
documentation
● Source- Mapping gendered spatialities in leisure: the case of new consumption
spaces in the city of Kolkata by Tanusree Paul
● Sample size- 270 women, 100 men
The study follows a mixed method of study with participant observation in a variety of
shopping malls, departmental stores, and coffee and tea shops, and a primary survey to
understand their experiences and perceptions of the new urban consumption spaces
(NCS) of Kolkata. to understand the spatial attributes of the new urban consumption
spaces (NCS) which gives a perceived safety to women.
Respondents of survey:
From Information Technology (IT) sector- About 100 women, 30 men.
From Other Retail (OR) sector- About 100 women, 30 men.
From traditional sectors (TS) sector- About 70 women, 30 men.
Total sample size-370
Although the sample thus drawn is not a representative one, it does offer valuable
insight into perceptions of leisure and consumption spaces.
Page | 42
5. PRIMARY SURVEY STUDY

Since the onset of the global pandemic has imposed restrictions on movement and
accessibility, it would be beyond the scope of the study to conduct extensive site
studies, activity mappings, participant observation, interact with real-time users of the
shopping malls/market streets. Hence, a primary study was conducted based on an
online survey to provide for similar data on usage and experience of urban consumption
spaces.
Respondents have been identified by referral from friends of theirs who are known to
the author, and then by snowballing from one referral to another. Although the sample
thus drawn is not a representative one, it does offer valuable insight into perceptions
and leisure behaviour.
Type of respondent Nos. (%)
Unmarried men 39 29.10%
Married men 9 6.72%
Total men 48 35.82%
Unmarried women 59 44.03%
Married women 27 20.15%
Total women 86 64.18%
Non-binary/Gender variants 0 0.00%
Total sample size 134
Table 3. General information of survey sample (Source: Author)
The questionnaires for Online survey in English and Online survey in regional language
are attached under Annexure.
5.1. Categories of study
The categories of the study are: User background, Context, Accessibility, Social
influence, Dynamics with time, Safety, Built-environment.
Page | 43
6. ANALYSIS
6.1. Case studies

6.1.1. Consumption spaces, Mumbai, India
In a drawing showing a mixed use urban street (residences, shopping, restaurant, park,
industries) participants of the survey were asked to mark,
1. the possible position of women and men in that space
2. the path they would take from point A to B considering all the built-unbuilt factors
The image below shows the most likely positions and activities of users of space at
about 6.30-7.00 PM on a pleasant spring weekday
Figure 6. ‘Putting people in place’ map (Ranade, 2007)
The image below shows the typical response to ‘path taken by women to traverse from
Page |
44
point A to B on a weekday evening’.

Figure 7. ‘Tracing people’s path’ map- Typical path by a woman (Ranade, 2007)
Page | 45
Category of study Analysis
User background Areas of study are not starkly contrasting in

socio-cultural composition.
Context A typical mixed use urban street with residences,
retail, public park, industry.
Accessibility Transport When asked to separately locate a woman and a man

hubs in their mid-20s, waiting to meet a friend, in most of
the cases, the woman is located on the bus-stop; the
man on the other hand most often is either standing at
the street corner or in the tea-shop.
Parking for No proper provisions for parking;

private
vehicles Trucks, and cars parked on the road reduced
the walkability of the space.
Social Other Men were located sitting and hanging out on low walls
influence users of adjoining the playground, standing near the paan
space shops, newspaper stands or just sitting around in the
middle of the playground. Women tend to consistently
Safety Other avoid these male-dominated spaces esp. next to
users of lottery shops and paan shops (Figure. 7).
space
More women were located near hawkers and
Perception informal vendors.
of safety
Built Lighting NA
environment
Visibility Visibility of the street was enhanced by residences
in between the commercial area.
Visibility of the street was enhanced by hawkers

and informal vendors.
Openness Women chose the route next to the edge of the park,
but not the space between parked trucks and dead,
high wall adjacent to the factory.
Page | 46
Walkability Broken footpath, trucks and cars parked on the

road reduced the walkability of the space.
Physical Typically, women chose to cross the road to avoid

infrastructure the paan shop.
Amenities Women were found to choose routes which
have essentials like grocery shops, chemists
etc. in comparison to wine shops, paan shops
and lottery shops.
No available data on other amenities.
Landscape Periphery of the park was dominated by men resting

in groups.
Women were found next to the vendors in the park.
Table 4. Analysis of Case study- Consumption spaces, Mumbai (Source: Author) Page | 47
6.1.2. Consumption spaces, Delhi, India
For analysing the gender-space relations, the survey studied the state of the built
environment, such as the location and condition of streetlights, the state of pavements,
bus stops, the availability and condition of public toilets, the maintenance of parks,
obstructions caused by overgrown trees and bushes, the presence of empty lots and
waste dumps, abandoned or demolished buildings, dark lanes and the location and
condition of car parking areas and common spaces. The location of amenities-police
booths, public telephones, shops and other vendors. The predominant users of space
and their perceptions of safety and patterns of usage of the space was also noted.
Figure 8. Activity mapping at India Gate. (JAGORI team, 2007)
Page | 48
Figure 8.
Activity mapping at Connaught Place. (JAGORI team, 2007)
Figure 9. Activity mapping at Nehru Place. (JAGORI team, 2007)
Page | 49
Comparative analysis of India Gate, Connaught place and Nehru Place:

Category of study India Gate Connaught place Nehru Place
Context Location High security Several Busy
within the zone because approaches to commercial
city of its proximity Parliament complex, with
to Street, Baba a large number
Rashtrapati Kharak of multistoried
Bhawan/other Singh Marg, buildings with
important Connaught offices,
buildings Place Janpath, informal
Chelmsford commercial
Road, activities.
Panchkuian
Accessibility Transport Auto-stand, Road, There are
hubs bus stops in Barakhamba crowded bus
walking Road, Minto stops with
distance; Road, and heavy traffic
Kasturba on the
Gandhi Marg. Outer Ring
Road and on
Autos, taxi Lala
stands, and Lajpat Rai Path;
subway are
available in
walking
distance
(radial roads
and along the
outer
circle).
Parking Parking Compounded Surrounded

for options in by paid
private provided underground parking
vehicles car parks; areas;
2 to 3
attendants in
all car parks;
Compounded
in
underground
car parks;
Men drinking
alcohol in cars;
Ramp leading
to parking
dimly lit.
Page | 50
Dynamics Usage Women are After 8 p m, all Being a
of time hours seen mostly women were commercial
with either area, the area
family/male accompanied by is
members after a man or were crowded
dark. in a group. during the
day and
relatively
deserted early
in the mornings
and late in the
evenings
Social Usage Hardly came

influence hours across
and women,
social especially on
constraints their own,
after late
No. and evening.
gender of
accomp
ani er(s)
Other Street More women Vendors and

users of vendors, were present in service-provide
space family, other comparison to rs such as
women other markets cobbler;
(Nehru place).
Tea and food
stall run by
women.
Women tend Few homeless Men drinking

to avoid men alcohol in cars.
spaces
within park
where men are
lying/sleeping
Safety Other Street Hardly came

users of vendors, across
Hardly came
space family, other women,
across women
women especially on
in the office
their own,
areas,
after late
especially on
evening.
their own, after
late
evening.
Page | 51
Percepti Police patrol Closest Police The Nehru

on of area, Presence Station is on Place Police
safety of police Baba Kharak Station is
personnels Singh across the
Marg, in road from the
walking main
distance. commercial
complex.
Interaction with Guards are Men drinking

women present at all alcohol in cars.
confirmed the entrances of
perceived Palika bazar. Compounded
safety level
in
underground
car parks;
Large numbers Shops in the

of vendors in subway
the remain open
subway. as long as the
subway is
open.
Built Lighting Well-lit, Area lit by Yes

environment pedestrian lights from
zone with shops and
large parks lamps of
(including a vendors
children's park)
on either side Well lit
of Rajpath underground
provides visual market.
connectivity
Visibility and improves Yes Yes
the
perceived
Openness safety of the Yes Yes
space.
Not in case of
Palika bazar
underground
market
Walkability Yes Mostly

pedestrianized
; Some
sections of
Page | 52
the pavement
are broken.
Physical Benches, Dark entrance Some sections

infrastruc proper and exit points of the
tu re pedestrian at pavement is
pathways some subways broken
Amenities Police patrol Public toilets, Dhabas and

area, Mobile Mobile phone food stalls,
phone booths. booths, ATMs ATMs
Few public
toilets (few are
locked and
dimly lit)
Landscape Large park on Central park in Mostly

either side of the centre of the pedestrianized;
Rajpath, site
proper Some sections
pedestrian of the
pathways pavement are
broken.
Table 5. Analysis of Case study- Consumption spaces, Delhi (Source: Author)

Page | 53
6.1.3. Consumption spaces, Kolkata, India

Category of study Analysis
User Profession The study notes that profession is also a significant

backgroun factor among respondents. Although about 54
d percent of women employed in NGSs only
participate in leisure and chores with NCSs (New
Consumption Spaces), only about 24 percent of
those working in TS have done so, regardless of
age.
Age Around 46% of those working in NGSs who only

visited NCSs were over 41 years of age, while only
about 17% of those working in TS who visited
NCSs were over 41 years of age. On the other
hand, about 54% of the younger respondents (<30
years) working in NGSs and only about 35% of
those working in the TS are regularly associated
with NCSs.
Context During colonial rule, the division of Indian space

into public and private was exacerbated and
postcolonial urban public space in India (also in
Kolkata) became an ongoing competition between
'civil society'-an elite
public domain that serves the bourgeois collective
interest in promoting the colonial legacy-and'
democratic society 'developed around the
framework of modern political association. Civil
society, which has increasingly been marginalised
from the public domain, first by European rulers
and, subsequently, by political society in
post-independent India, is now attempting to
regain its control over the urban public
Page | 54
sphere through urban regeneration and

gentrification programmes, which often involve the
creation of new enclaves and rustic consumption
spaces (Paul, 2017).
Dynamics Usage hours These areas are overwhelmingly populated during

of time the day by groups of young people, as well as old
ladies, often with male friends, only hanging out and
Social Usage enjoying their spare time. But women claim the
influence hours and nights at consumption spaces almost exclusively
social with families (see Illustrations 3, 4), contrary to the
constraints occupancy patterns at daytime (see Illustrations
1,2).
No. and
gender of
accompani
er (s)
Other Participant observation in the stores within
users of shopping malls indicates that these places are
space mostly frequented by women in comparison to
roadside open tea stalls (see Illustration 5) which
Safety Other
are exclusively occupied by men.
users of
space
Perception NCSs do provide a new setting for social interaction

of safety for shaping lifestyles and needs for consumption, a
space for the youth and the new professionals, but
they operate as rather private spaces, by being
surveilled and regulated by socially accepted codes
of behaviour. As discussed in the section ‘Dynamics
with time’, inclusivity, access, and safety are
Page | 55
dynamically produced through space and are

not equally inclusive at all times.
NCSs are deemed by most respondents to be safe

to hang out even alone, as they are normally
placed in safe areas and frequented by advanced
society and so-called bhadrolok or civil crowds.
Participant observation in the department stores
further shows that these sites are mostly
frequented by women.
Built Visibility Participant observation in the stores within shopping

environment malls indicates that NCSs are mostly frequented by
Openness women in comparison to roadside open tea stalls
(see Illustration 5) which are exclusively occupied
by men.
Physical In the study, more than 65% of women suggested
infrastructure that NCSs are convenient because all items of use
are under one roof and therefore safe.
Consequently, these specialty shops give them a
convenient and healthier environment compared to
the dusty and chaotic markets, as well as making
repetitive tasks a liberating leisure experience, albeit
at the cost of rising their burden of doing domestic
chores.
Table 6. Analysis of Case study- Consumption spaces, Kolkata (Source: Author) Page | 56
Illustration 1. Women engaged in leisurely chat in t Illustration 2. Women engaged in leisurely chat
malls during the day (Paul, 2017). in the shopping malls during the day (Paul,
2017).
Illustration 3. Leisure in the shopping mall with
the family in the evening (Paul, 2017)
4. Leisure in the shopping mall with the family in the

evening (Paul, 2017)
Illustration 5. Roadside tea stalls exclusively occupied by men (Paul, 2017)
Page | 57

6.2.1. Context
Figure 10. Major regions (Source: Author)
Major regions of study:
1. Kochi, Kerala
2. Delhi NCR
3. Trivandrum, Kerala
The respondents of the survey majorly reside in Tier 1 and Tier 2 cities of India. From
the survey data, not much disparity in purchasing power was observed between women
consumers at local markets/streets and NCSs. 46.1% of women at local markets/streets
and 52.5% women at NCSs spent less than Rs. 5000/month. But in comparison, 58.4%
of men spent less than Rs.5000/month at local markets/streets, and 37% at NCSs. Men
tend to spend more at NCSs than local markets/streets, while women’s expenditure is
similar in both cases.
Page | 58
6.2.2. Accessibility
Connectivity to the public transport system: Lack of safety and security in public
transport affects women‘s human rights and their ability to participate equally in the city.
From the survey, it was observed that women are more dependent on the public
transport system than men. Only 17.3% of men used the public transport system to
commute to consumption spaces, while double of that, 35.3%, women relied on public
transport. It also affects the time of usage of consumption spaces (mostly by women)
because 64.37% of women align their time of return to the public transport timings. It
should be noted that 48.39% of these women shop alone.
Figure 11. Mode of transportation - Figure 12. Mode of transportation

Men (Source: Author) -Women (Source: Author)
Out of the 79.3% of women who admitted to avoiding certain consumption spaces
because of their gender, 42.03% chose unavailability of reliable transport options as
one of the reasons. A right to everyday life which is built up from ordinary practices
and experiences of life seem to be harder for women to achieve than men.
6.2.3. Social influence
Out of the 86 women surveyed across classes, occupations and places of residences,
79.3% of women reported to avoid certain parts of consumption spaces because of their
gender. 15.94% of them chose social constraints as the reason for the same.
Women avoided crowded (35.63%), isolated (57.47%), unhygienic (48.28%)

spaces more than men. When 35.63% women and 20.75% men avoided crowded
Page | 59
spaces, a contrast was seen in the case of isolated spaces. Only 9.43% of men would
avoid isolated spaces was reported to be the biggest contributor to why women avoid
spaces due to gender (57.47% women said they would avoid isolated spaces). It is to
be noted that, comparatively, women felt safer in crowded places than in isolated
places.
Most women in this study perceived NCSs as secure for hanging out, even
alone, in comparison to local markets/streets. 48.33% of women shop alone at NCSs,
whereas only 37.04% of women shop alone at local markets/streets. This difference
was not seen in the case of men, who shopped alone both at local markets/streets and
NCSs around 50% of the time. This does not mean NCSs remain accessible to women
all throughout the day. In 74.71% cases, time of nightfall determines the usage hours of
women, even in case of NCSs.
6.2.4. Dynamics with time
In the survey, respondents were asked to indicate the factors influencing their time of
return on a five-point Likert scale (5 – most influential, and 1 –least influential).
No Hostel/Home Night fall Public Others

restriction curfew transport
Unmarried 2.87 2.95 3.12 2.59 0.29

women
Married women 3.54 0.89 2.74 1.81 0.41
Women 3.04 2.28 3.02 2.32 0.32
Unmarried men 3.37 1.03 2.00 1.59 0.03
Married men 3.74 1.31 2.62 1.92 0.54
Men 3.47 1.10 2.15 1.67 0.15
Table 7. Average values of influencing factors- Time of return (Source: Author)
It was observed that the most influential factor of women’s usage hours remains
nightfall. Even though work/class hours and weather influence the usage hours of both
men and women almost equally (men- 61.54%, 38.46% respectively; women- 67.82%,
39.08% respectively), it should be noted that only 1 woman who was generally
accompanied by husband/male partner and son shopped (generally) at night. In
Page | 60
comparison, all 13.5% of the men who responded to shopping at night were alone. Men,
especially married men enjoy the freedom of not being restricted by other social factors.
‘No restrictions’ scored the highest (average point of 3.47). Unmarried women were the
group most restricted by all the factors, Hostel/home curfew, Nightfall, and timings of
public transport. Although the sample thus drawn is not a representative one, it does
offer valuable insight into perceptions and leisure behaviour.
As seen in the table below, out of the 79.3% of women who reported to avoid
certain parts of consumption spaces because of their gender (41.51% of men in
comparison), 37.68% found lack of proper lighting as a reason for the same. It is to be
noted that this was only 13.64% in case of men, the least chosen option.
Figure 13. Responses for spatial accessibility by specific gender (Source: Author)
6.2.5. Safety
In the survey, respondents were asked to indicate the factors influencing their choice of
consumption space on a ten-point Likert scale (10 – most influential, and 1 –least
influential). See Figure 12 for average values of the responses.
Page | 61
Figure 14. Average values of influencing factors (Source: Author)
The study found that perceived safety was the most influential factor while choosing a
consumption space for women. On a scale of 1 to 10, average point women gave for
perception of safety was 7.24, while it remained 5.63 in case of men (after location,
variety of stores and affordability). New Consumption Spaces (NCSs), especially
shopping malls, have developed the profile of being ‘safe’ hanging out locations (Paul,
2017). In comparison to local markets/streets, women felt safer in shopping malls and
department stores. While men in both local markets and new consumption spaces never
faced harassment 83.3%, 88.9% of the times respectively, and never perceived
judgement 66.7%, 55.6% of the times respectively, there is a disparity between women’s
experienced safety in these places. Even though only a small fraction of women (15.3%
in case of local markets/streets, 6.8% in case of NCSs) agreed that the shopping
spaces they visit were not safe and comfortable for women, 46.2% of women surveyed
in local markets/streets, and 30.5% of women surveyed in NCSs have faced
harassment at some point. Perceived safety and experienced safety for women remains
better (still a worrisome figure) in case of shopping malls and department stores in
comparison to local markets/streets.
Page | 62
As discussed earlier, out of the 86 women surveyed across classes, occupations
and places of residences, 79.3% of women reported to avoid certain parts of
consumption spaces because of their gender. This is 81.48% in cases of local
markets/streets and 78.33% in cases of NCSs.
6.2.6. Built-environment
● Presence of amenities (washrooms, feeding rooms, ATMs, food joints etc.), mixed
variety of stores influenced women’s choice of consumption space more than
men’s (See Figure 11). Parking facilities influenced men’s choice more than
women’s, this is not surprising as men were said to use private vehicles more
frequently than women (See Figure 12).
● Physical infrastructure- Lighting, benches, pathways (walkability)- The influence
of physical infrastructure on women’s experience of consumption spaces can be
inferred from the section below, where women’s choice of consumption space
while they’re alone and with family is analyzed. It was found that the state of
physical infrastructure had more impact on women’s experience than men’s.
Figure 11 reiterates this result.
● Openness, visual connectivity- It was observed that women avoided crowded
(35.63%), isolated (57.47%), unhygienic (48.28%) spaces more than men. When
35.63% women and 20.75% men avoided crowded spaces, a contrast was seen
in the case of isolated spaces. Only 9.43% of men would avoid isolated spaces
was reported to be the biggest contributor to why women avoid spaces due to
gender (57.47% women said they would avoid isolated spaces). It is to be noted
that, comparatively, women felt safer in crowded places than in isolated places.
This was reinforced by the responses in the section below.
● To analyze the influence of built-environment and social factors on the
experience of users of urban consumption space, respondents were asked to
choose the most preferred option for a small snack/beverage in two situations-
(1) when they are alone,

(2) when they are with family/group of friends.
Page | 63
Situation 1
- most preferred option for a small snack/beverage when they are alone: Figure 15. Response for
Situation 1 (Source: Author)
Option Social/Spatial Response Response
attributes
A typical Least
roadside preferred
tea-stall almost by women
exclusively (9.2%) and
occupied by men, most
with only one preferred Figure 16.
foreigner woman in by men Respondents
the scene. Not (50%). of option 1
Illustration 6. Option 1 (Source:
crowded. (Source: Author)
MATT WICKS / The overall
GREATDISTANCES) atmosphe
Proper seating re
facilities. (57.69%),
and price
range
(42.31%)
were the
reasons for
this choice.
Page | 64
Open and
visually
connected to
the
street.
Economically
viable.
A crowded food Least

stall dominated by preferred
men in a busy option by
market street. both men
(7.7%) and
Lacks proper women Figure 17.
seating facilities (5.7%). Respondents
Illustration 7. Option 2 (Source: and a space of its of option 2
Chandradeep Kumar) own. (Source: Author)
Open and
visually
connected to
the
street.
Economically
viable.
Coffee shop with and the

an upscale reasons
appearance and stated
enclosed were
ambience, mostly
dominated by the Figure 18.
women users. overall Respondents
Illustration 8. Option 3 (Source: atmospher of option 3
Sanjit Das/Bloomberg) Proper seating (Source: Author)
e and the
facilities. types of
users.
Enclosed space
but has visibility
within the space
Hygienic and
well-maintained
Most expensive
option
Page | 65
A crowded food Most
chain outlet which preferred
was used by users option by
of all genders women
(48.3%)
Proper seating and their Figure 19.
facilities. reason Respondents
being, the of option 4
Illustration 9. Option 4 (Source: Most enclosed (Source: Author)
David Gee / Alamy Stock Photo) overall
option but has
atmosphe
visibility
re
within the space
(54.76%),
Hygienic and hygiene of
well-maintained space
(28.57%),
More expensive type of
than options 1 and users
2, but less than (14.29%)
option 3 and price
range
(2.38%).
But, only
23.6%
men chose
this option.
Table 8. Analysis situation 1 (Source: Author)

Page | 66
Situation 2- most preferred option for a small snack/beverage when they are with
family/group of friends:
Figure 20. Response for Situation 2 (Source: Author)
Option Social/Spatial Response Compositi

attributes on of
preferred
A crowded food Least

joint with multiple preferred
stores, accessed after option
by men, women 2. But
and children. 15.12% of
women Figure 21.
chose this Respondents
Lacks proper in of option 1
Illustration 10. Option 1 (Source:
seating facilities compariso (Source: Author)
Economy Decoded/ED Times)
n to 5.77%
men.
Among
Open and these,
visually most
connected to women
the chose this
street. due to
price
Economically
range.
viable.
Page | 67
An open street Least
food joint preferred
dominated by option by
men. all. More
women
Lacks proper (5.81%)
seating facilities Figure 22.
chose this Respondents
and a space of its in of option 2
Illustration 11. Option 2 (Source: own. compariso (Source: Author)
FoodFunia)
n to men
Open and
(1.92%).
visually
Reasons
connected to
stated
the
were
street.
price
Economically range
viable. and overall
atmosphere.
Food court in a Most

shopping mall preferred
used by by both
upper-middle men
class users of all (50%) and
genders women Figure 23.
(28.26%). Respondents
Proper seating Hygiene of of option 3
Illustration 12. Option 3 (Source: facilities. (Source: Author)
space and
Greg Balfour Evans / Alamy)
overall
Enclosed space
atmosphe
but has visibility
re
within the space
influence
Hygienic and d
well-maintained this choice
in both
Most expensive genders.
option
A crowded Both men

restaurant which (21.01%)
is used by users and women
of all genders (42.31%)p
ref erred
Proper seating this Figure 24.
facilities. almost as Respondents
Illustration 13. Option 4 of option 4
much as (Source: Author)
(Source:Hk Rajashekar/The The Enclosed but has
option 3. All
India Today Group) visibility within
4 factors-
the space
type of
users,
hygiene of
space,
Page | 68
Hygienic and overall

well-maintained atmosphe
re, price
More expensive range
than options 1 and influenced
2, but less than this choice.
option 3
Table 9. Analysis situation 2 (Source: Author)

Page | 69
7. FINDINGS
7.1. Case studies

7.1.1. Case study- Consumption spaces of Mumbai (2003-2006)
Accessing public space even in a ‘safe city’ like Mumbai means a subtle dance around
multiple defined and undefined borders and boundaries. In this case study, visibility was
found to be the most important factor for women’s spatial accessibility and comfort. In
figure . and figure ., the positive factors have been marked-
● Visibility- Presence of hawkers

● Visibility- Presence of residences
● Visibility and openness- Public park
● Amenities- Presence of grocery shops, chemists, vegetable shops, bus stop
The study found that the following added to further exclusion of women from public
space,
● Lack of visibility and openness- Dead, dingy spaces

● Social factors: For cases like wine shops, paan shops and bars, there were no
physical barriers- they were in open areas, visually connected to the street. But,
women avoided these spaces because of the social restrictions imposed on them
by themself and society. Same applies for why women were not found loitering
and resting in public.
Page | 70
inclusion (Base drawing by (Ranade, 2007))
Figure 26. Factors of exclusion (Base drawing by (Ranade, 2007)) Page | 71
Figure 27.Tracing women’s path- positive factors (Bas Figure 28.Tracing women’s path- negative factor
drawing by (Ranade, 2007)) drawing by (Ranade, 2007))
7.1.2. Case study- Consumption spaces of Delhi (2007)
In a comparative analysis of Nehru Place, Connaught Place and India Gate, it was
observed that the nightfall affected women’s spatial accessibility in all three cases. Even
though comparatively more women were found after dark at India Gate than Connaught
Place and Nehru Place, it should be noted that they were mostly accompanied by men.
But, the presence of police and security personnels, well-lit open spaces with visual
connection to surroundings, amenities, physical infrastructure favoured gender inclusion
in all three areas.
Open spaces with adequate visibility and direct vision reduce blind corners and boost
women's feelings of safety. Women recorded having said that there is a feeling of Page |
72
security rather than in an isolated location when they know that they can be seen. For
the same reason, vendors often play an important role in improving visibility in public
spaces by being 'eyes on the street'.
7.1.3. Case study- Consumption spaces of Kolkata (2017)
The most recent case study of Kolkata focused on NCSs (New locations for sales, such
as shopping centres and department stores) in comparison to the market streets in
earlier studies. In the last decade, the newly opened malls and department stores also
approximate a ‘new’ private space for the middle and upper class woman. It is true that
NCSs give women new freedoms to stroll around the area, to discover new incursions
by items and individuals that were culturally odd on their native grounds. But even within
NCSs, women's accessibility continues to operate within specific socio-cultural
encodings. NCSs also prefer affluent, more mobile, demographic portions that dominate
new or gentrified areas. Such identities focused on consumption unite individuals with
different purchasing powers in search of common patterns of consumption; on the other
hand, they establish social distances between people with different lifestyles belonging
to the same class positions. In such a scenario, consumption becomes an instrument for
differentiating certain divisions of the new middle class with the cultural capital required.
A right to everyday life which is built up from ordinary practices and experiences of life
seem to be harder for women to achieve than men.
● Connectivity to the public transport system: Lack of safety and security in public
transport affects women‘s human rights and their ability to participate equally in
the city. From the survey, it was observed that women are more dependent on
the public transport system than men.
● Visibility and openness/Social influences: While space may be physically
accessible and may not have distinct barriers for women, it is still not open to them
socially or psychologically (Desai, 2007). Even though the responses indicate that
women generally avoided crowded, isolated and unhygienic spaces Page | 73
more than men, It is to be noted that, comparatively, women felt safer in crowded
places than in isolated places.
● Drastic shift in usage with dynamics of time: Women’s accessibility of urban
consumption spaces are still restricted by nightfall. As observed in the case
studies, the lack of lighting and maintenance leads to dead and dingy spaces,
unsafe for (especially) women. These, with the existing moral encodings of
society, sadly, the attempts to restore women's nights remain a far-cry. To quote
Phadke, Khan, and Ranade (Phadke et al., 2011, p. 145), ‘the temporal
boundaries of day and night are imposed as rigidly as those of private-public and
are irrevocably linked to the duality of being respectable-unrespectable’.
● Fear of conceivable violence shapes women’s ability to utilize public spaces,
defines their comfort levels, and compromises their sense of freedom and
inclusion within the city (Viswanath & Basu, 2015). The study found that
perceived safety was the most influential factor while choosing a consumption
space for women.
● NCSs vs informal markets: Perceived safety and experienced safety for women
remains better (still a worrisome figure) in case of shopping malls and department
stores in comparison to local markets/streets. The presence of CCTV cameras
and security personnels in NCSs might have influenced their perception and
experience of safety. NCSs generally have well maintained, well-lit spaces with
amenities such as public toilets, feeding rooms etc. Even so, NCSs operate
within the entrenched moral encodings of society.
● Other factors: Age and marital status were found to be important factors in
determining spatial accessibility. Unmarried women were found to have least
accessibility and married men enjoy the most of urban consumption spaces.
While accessing urban consumption spaces, women were more ‘free’ to choose
options with less visibility, openness, physical infrastructure etc. (factors of
exclusion) if they are in groups or accompanied by family. A similar trend was
seen when men’s choices while accessing with family/group of friends vs when
they visit alone. All of these pinpoint the fact that women’s access to urban
consumption spaces remains restricted.
Page | 74
7.3. Drawing parallels from studies
The studies reiterated space and social structure are not mutually exclusive, rather has
a dialectical, interactive relationship. Different bodies experience space differently
depending on, amongst many other things, their gender, class, caste, age, sexuality,
physical ability because access to space is socio-culturally determined by these
differences (Desai, 2007; Ranade, 2007). In illustrating the gender-space relations in
the consumption spaces of the city, some key points of the study reiterated that women
have lesser spatial accessibility at all times of the day than men, but this is heightened
after nightfall. Comparing the results of primary study with the case studies done at
different points of time in tier 1 cities of India indicate that, NCSs have improved
women’s accessibility to urban consumption spaces, but they operate within the moral
encodings of society.
Page | 75
8. CONCLUSIONS
8.1. Spatial accessibility in consumption spaces
A true public space is when it allows the people inhabiting it to occupy it and do nothing
regardless of their gender or class. People should be able to exercise their right to the
city; their rights include the freedom to move freely, facilities should be available to all,
right to safety and free from fear of violence. Unfortunately, women face direct and
indirect constraints in terms of spatial accessibility in the use of the built environment.
From the literature review, it was established that spaces of consumption has been
associated with ‘femininity’ and spaces of consumption are dominated by women. But,
the case studies and survey revealed that even within consumption spaces, women’s
accessibility operates within the strict moral encodings of the society. The ambiguous
denial of public space to women at tea and paan shops and usage hours dependent on
nightfall even in modern cities reflect the patriarchal values in built spaces constructed
in society.
8.2. Answering the research question:

How are gender relations manifest in urban consumption
spaces?
Urban consumption areas demonstrated visibly gendered use trends in all 4

instances-ambiguous denial of public space to women in tea and paan shops, local
markets with visibly absent women in automotive, alcohol, electrical or machine shops,
etc. regions. Even within NCSs, women's accessibility continues to be related to
variables that perpetuate gender inequalities in society, such as domestic work and care
roles, the generated labour market, household gender relations, and public/private and
unsafe/safe dichotomies. It may also be claimed that while middle and upper class
women are 'permitted' to enjoy restricted leisure within NCSs, they have not been
assigned greater freedom of choice by the 'protection' of these spaces.
Page | 76
8.3. Answering the research question:

How are spatial relations manifest in the idea of gender?
The spatial and architectural structures in a gendered space that control and reduce the
access of women to certain spaces that contribute to the development of influence and
power(Desai, 2007). Through the analysis of case studies, the spatial attributes which
result in inclusion and exclusion of women from urban consumption spaces were
studied.
Exclusion of women:
● Where other consumers of space are occupied by homogeneous communities of

men, physical mobility for women is adversely affected, even when there is
visibility and transparency (cigarette stores, dhabas, taxi stands, some street
corners, helmet stands in car parks, liquor shops, and some particular parks).
Women not only refuse to use all of these rooms, but, for fear of violence, they
also stop going near them.
● Amenities- It was found that the toilets for women were seldom due to poor
physical conditions and close proximity to men's toilets. Illustration 14 shows a
poorly designed public toilet located on the walk path which is also encroached
by vendors. The location of toilet makes pedestrians especially women
uncomfortable.
Illustration 14. Poorly designed Toilet
blocks
at Delhi,
India
(Viswan
ath et
al.,
2015).
Page |
77
● Isolated spaces- It was observed that women felt safer in crowded places than in
isolated places.
● Poor walkability- A typical sight in Delhi, broken or dug up pavements, has
emerged as another big risk factor, reducing the routes women can take when
travelling around and making it difficult if not impossible to get away from a
harasser quickly. The lack of pavement causes them to walk on the road in many
places, dealing not only with fast moving traffic, but also resisting men on two
wheelers and trucks who physically threaten her or even touch her and kick her.
● Poorly lit spaces- Most women felt unsafe going into public spaces alone or after
dark unless they were in groups or accompanied by men. The lack of street
lighting in commercial areas emerged as a major impediment to women's ability
to work late. For eg. they mostly perceived car parks with dark
corners/entrances/sections were perceived as unsafe. Usually attendants are
present only at the entry/exit points of these spaces.
Illustration 15. At night, the dark and deserted spaces are rendered unsafe for an unaccompanied woman
(Bhasu, 2017).
Inclusion of women:
● Women have less access to private or own transport and hence tend to depend
largely upon public transport. Accessibility to the site through public transport
systems can be advantageous in gender inclusion.
Page | 78
● It was found that in contrast to the pattern in formal commercial areas, more
unaccompanied women had accessibility to the streets even after dark in areas
where vendors, especially those selling vegetables, fruits, and other items of
household needs, were present in large numbers.
● The presence of security guards and police enhances women's feeling of safety.
Guards were usually present in most office buildings, women's hostels, and
public utilities such as ATMs.
● It was found that well-lit, open spaces which are visually connected to the
surrounding environment enhance the perception of safety.
Illustration 16. Open public park which is occupied by many groups of women, with children (Bhasu,
2017).
Page | 79
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Gender Inclusion in Urban Consumption Spaces

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Gender inclusion in urban consumption spaces

A study of gender-space relations in urban consumption spaces

5th year, section A | 2020-21

Department of Architecture | School of Planning and Architecture, New Delhi

Guide: Ar. Nishant Gautam

Coordinator: Ar. Mekhla Parihar

Word count: 12,548

December 02, 2020