Introduction

Across the globe, many countries want to be seen as being democratic. It is a political
arrangement that builds or consolidates an egalitarian society with the full participation of all the
adult citizens in a free and fair periodic election, with at least two political parties. This has been
seamlessly achieved in civilized climes like the USA, UK, France and even Ghana of yesterday.
There are several impediments to this noble concept in Nigeria, hence many political analysts are
of the view that some countries in Africa are practicing civilian rule which is far away from
democracy. Poverty is one of them. A hungry person can mortgage his or her future for a token
commonly referred to as stomach infrastructure to do what is inimical to democracy. Some staff
of the electoral umpire can declare a loser of an election as a winner after receiving gratification.
Security agencies who are supposed to maintain law and order during elections are now
ominously partisan. The jumbo pay for the executive and the legislature in Nigeria has dwarfed
the benefits of democracy. Poor justice delivery due to compromise on the part of judges leads to
the rule of men rather than the rule of law. There can never be democracy without the rule of
law. Electoral violence in some African States, because of the desire to have an undue share of
the national cake is a serious impediment to democracy. Claude Ake (1996) wondered if the
region was democratizing. He noted that politicians are “like mafias, waging a violent struggle
for a lucrative turf’’.

1. Corruption

Corruption has become a culture in Nigeria such that it now looks strange to condemn it.
Many people believe that Nigeria cannot survive without corruption. Some politicians are in
office just for the singular aim of stealing. How does one explain a situation whereby elderly
politicians are still amassing wealth they don’t need? Does it make sense to the masses to come
out to vote in an election that would throw up a cabal of looters? Democracy is supposed to
create strong institutions which discourage wastages and profligacy. According to Anyang
Nyango (1998) democracy ensures a judicious use of resources. But the reverse is the case in
Nigeria. How has the nation been spending her resources since 1999? Why, in the midst of
infrastructural decay, should the nation acquire 11 jets for the presidential fleet? Why should
N1billion be budgeted annually for the presidential kitchen? How come that an oil producing
nation like Nigeria with four refineries has spent over a trillion Naira to subsidize the importation
of fuel while countries not blessed with oil have not spent up to that amount? Why should
billions of naira be spent for the renovation of a mere banquet hall? A democratic regime is
expected to deliver services to the masses and abolish poverty, but this cannot be achieved if
corruption remains a way of life. It is sad that stealing is not corruption in Nigeria, according to
the PDP presidential candidate. This is a serious threat to democracy. We cannot easily forget the
reason for military intervention in Nigeria. During the campaign days, the APC presidential
candidate, Muhammadu Buhari, said that if we didn’t kill corruption, corruption would kill
Nigeria. This clearly underscores the grave consequence of this malaise on the polity. The
predatory elite in the political scene has an unhealthy urge for primitive accumulation of wealth
and this has been responsible for the dilapidated infrastructure, poverty and poor social services.
Partisan Security Agencies and Electoral Umpire

2. Weak Democratic Institutions.

Security agencies are supposed to keep law and order and to remain politically neutral during
elections, but here in Nigeria the opposite is the case. There are political officers and men in the
Nigerian Military, the Police Force and other security agencies. In most cases, they work for the
ruling party. Which work do they do? They give cover to thugs when snatching ballot boxes and
other voting materials, they unlawfully arrest and detain opposition party chieftains that can
mobilize the voters prior to the election, they intimidate the voters sympathetic to the opposition
and stuffing of ballot boxes. In an interview with Channels TV, The APC national publicity
secretary, Lai Mohammed explained how he was arrested along with other party chieftains in
Ekiti State by hood-wearing security men who could not be differentiated from armed robbers.
This is possible because the ruling party controls the security agencies. The ignoble role of the
security agencies in Ekiti State during the governorship election in 2014 and in Rivers and Akwa
Ibom States in 2015 general elections was absurdly bizarre and grotesque. This would not be
forgotten so soon. It was a courageous and patriotic Captain Sagir Ikoli of the Nigerian Army
who revealed the Ekiti Rigging Saga where the security agents allegedly played a dastardly role
in the audio tape he recorded secretly. If not for his courage this would have been replicated in
Osun governorship election (Sahara Reporters, 2014). The Nigerian Army, through the director
of Public Relations denied being in possession of the certificates of the APC Presidential
candidate, Independent National Electoral Commission

3. Poor Justice Delivery

The Nigerian Judiciary is confused and in disarray. It is only the rich that get justice because
they can afford it. While the rich are above the law, the poor are below it. Most of the court
verdicts are conflicting. While a man who stole N23 billion from police pension fund was given
two years behind bars with the option of a fine of N750,000 by Abuja High Court (Vanguard
Newspapers, Jan. 29, 2013), the man who stole a Governor’s GSM phone would spend eight
harrowing years in prison without an option of a fine! With money one can obtain frivolous
injunctions to truncate or impede the wheel of justice, referred to as black market injunctions by
Edo state Governor Oshiomhole. Some injunctions are perpetual, that is, they cannot be vacated.
This is why some high profile criminals such as corrupt state governors and some petroleum
subsidy thieves are freely enjoying their loots. But the poor who cannot afford the services of
senior advocates of Nigeria are languishing in jail over minor offenses. The law is interpreted
and applied in Nigeria based on status differentials. One can now see the level of debauchery
into which the judiciary has sunk. This is anathemic to the rule of law and a negation to
democracy. As observed by Professor Itse Sagay (1996), the rule of law is democracy and
without it there is no democracy. The senior lawyers in Nigeria (SANs) are not helping matters. I
used to see them as role models, people with working conscience.

4. Greediness

Due to the morbid thirst for wealth they can appear in court to defend the undefendable. Why
should a senior advocate wear a wig and go to court to defend a terrorist that kidnapped and
raped married women and later collected ransom before releasing them? Why should a senior
lawyer put on his robe to defend a man who embezzled funds meant for pensioners who have
served their fatherland? Is it morally right to benefit from the proceeds of crime? Why are the
senior lawyers struggling to be chosen as defense lawyers for indicted corrupt governors who
had subjected their people to unnecessary hardship? I, like many Nigerians, am wondering if the
judiciary is really interested in the fight against corruption and terrorism.

5. High Cost of Governance: Jumbo Pay for Legislators and Ministries

One of the cardinal objectives of any serious government is to improve on the living standard
of its citizens. This is achieved when capital projects are executed and social amenities are
provided. In Nigeria since 1999, the federal and state governments have only improved on the
living standard of very few people-the legislators and other appointed public office holders. The
Federal Government has not shown interest in the welfare of the common people. If a senator
earns over N20 million a month as being reported, then the country is not serious. Ministers are
not left out. A former minister was accused of wasting several millions of Naira on bullet proof
cars while another was accused of wasting over N10 billion on flights. As noted earlier, there
were 11 jets in the Presidential Air Fleet (PAF) even when British Prime Minister and US
President are flying commercial jets. The former president visited Kenya on December 12, 2013
with seven jets during the Independence Anniversary, conveying a large entourage that stunned
world leaders. The hotel bills and estacodes can best be imagined (Punch Newspapers, Jan.7th
2014) Why should this happen in a country that pays N18,000 as minimum wage?

6. Insecurity

Insecurity is unarguably the greatest threat to Nigeria nascent democracy. In the southern part
of Nigeria, there is the menace of kidnapping for ransom and armed robbery. Several lives have
been lost in the process. In the northern part of the country, there is the problem of a mindless
sect, Boko Haram! that has wasted several lives and destroyed property worth billions of Naira.
This group defies logic: what is it fighting for? The members of the group are just killing, raping
women and girls and destroying houses. Over 200 secondary school girls were kidnapped by the
sect over a year now. Insecurity is capable of shaking the corporate existence of our nation. A
serious challenge of the 5th republic is how to completely annihilate the sect. Apart from the
sect, there are other ethnic militias in other parts of the country. The group in the South-South
Region, Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND), uses economic sabotage to
draw government attention to its demand for infrastructural development of the region. The
group in the South-East, Movement for the Actualization of the Sovereign State of Biafra
(MASSOB), wants Independence for the region while its counterpart in the South-West, Odua
People Congress (OPC), is mainly concerned with ethnic jingoism. The problem of insecurity
must be addressed holistically by the new administration if the democracy must stay.

7. Poor Supply of Electricity and Petroleum Products

Electricity and fuel are very essential commodities in Nigeria and as such should never have
been left in the hands of those that cannot make them available to the masses. Recently the
country was locked down for some days because there was no power as well as fuel.
Communication firms closed shops, banks were working half day, Television houses were off
the air. This is not healthy for democracy as anything could have happened. The privatization of
the Power Sector has not yielded dividends. It appears that the new investors, mostly cronies of
officials of the immediate past regime, are not ready for business. They are kept afloat with
outrageous estimated bills and the unholy electricity fixed charges paid by Nigerians for staying
in darkness. An important commodity such as fuel should not be left in the hands of profiteers
like the oil marketers. Why do we have the Nigeria National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC)?
Why is it that petroleum products are imported as if Nigeria never owned refineries? Why should
an oil producing nation be importing fuel? A situation whereby oil marketers or an oil workers
union like NUPENG could hold the entire country to ransom is capable of jeopardizing the
nascent democracy.

8. Cross Carpeting and Impeachment

Many politicians in Nigeria are greedy and as such they always want to remain in power at
all cost and coupled with the lack of ideological orientation, they see nothing wrong in defecting
to other political parties that offer them the opportunity to stand for election. They defect from
their parties to the ruling party at the centre. The recent wave of cross carpeting from the
People’s Democratic Party (PDP) to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) is a good
example. Several politicians, used to the spoils of office, defected from PDP to APC as soon as
the latter was declared as the winner of the presidential election (Guardian Newspapers, April 10,
2015). Democracy can only be strengthened if there is a vibrant and credible opposition. But if
members of an opposition party defect to the ruling party in droves, the country will gravitate
towards a one-party state which is even worse than military regime. Without opposition, there
can never be good governance because the ruling party can misbehave without fear of being
unseated in the next election. Manipulation of election proceedings (such as in voters’
registration), rigging, thuggery, nullification and outright falsification of election results as well
as Cynicism are the most crisply analysed variables in the scope and aspects of electoral
malpractice and violence in Nigeria.
 9. Imposition of unpopular candidates through impunity

Muhamadu Buhari, before the elections in response to the affidavit deposed to by the latter.
This was aimed at disqualifying him from contesting the election in favour of the then ruling
PDP (Vanguard Newspapers,January 21,2015) Is the Nigerian Army not supposed to be
politically neutral? Shamefully, after he won the election, the Army announced that it was in
possession of the certificates. Where were the security agents when political thugs were burning
houses and killing people in Rivers State during the campaigns and on Election Day? Why did
the presidency order AIG Tunde Ogusanki out of Rivers State on governorship election day?
Because he wanted to do the right thing expected from a professional police officer. He wanted
to maintain his integrity and he was seen as an OBOTE man (enemy). The AIG refused to do the
bidding of PDP and the presidency ordered him out of the state (The Nation Newspapers, April
11, 2015) As soon as the former speaker of the House of Representatives announced his
defection to APC, the policemen guarding him were promptly withdrawn by the then Inspector
General of Police. To the IG, he ceased to be the speaker as a result of his defection. Is it the duty
of the police to determine who heads the parliament? Is it the duty of the police to interprete the
law? Chief Obafemi Awolowo had complained bitterly about a similar issue in 1983 when the
then Police IG, Sunday Adewusi, delved into a very serious constitutional matter by ordering the
press to stop publishing the election results (Joseph A.R, 1991) For democracy to germinate, the
security agencies must at all times remain politically neutral.

10. Excessive Monetization.

Many Nigerians became disenchanted as the promise of investing the funds freed up from
partial subsidy removal for their benefit was reneged upon by the government. The prodigious
and reckless spending of tax payers’ money is unacceptable and it would be a hard sell to
convince the masses to make further sacrifices. The former CBN governor, Sanusi Lamido, had
said that 25% of the national budget was gulped by the national assembly. Prof Itse Sagay
condemned the Nigeria situation as a breach of public trust, adding that the jumbo pay for the
legislators could endanger the nascent democracy. According to him, a senator earns N240
million in salaries and allowances while a member of the House of Representatives earns N204
million per annum. This is far above what obtains in the US and UK (Vanguard Newspapers,
July 27, 2010). A Nigerian federal lawmaker even earns more than US president and UK prime
minister. This is madness in a country where hospitals, described as mere consulting clinics over
30 years ago by Sanni Abacha, are increasingly becoming abattoirs and other critical
infrastructures terribly dilapidated.

11. lawmakers

The lawmakers are too many for the economy. The ministers in the past regime were also too
many. We had two ministers in one ministry and a large retinue of idle special advisers and
assistants, making the government unnecessarily bloated. This was why recurrent expenditure
had always been higher than the capital expenditure. This cannot be sustained as a result of the
dwindling national resources occasioned by drop in oil prices. We don’t need a motley crowd in
government houses any longer if Nigerians are poised to establish a democracy that guarantees
the greatest happiness for the greatest number of people, not a selected few. In a stratified society
of misery, poverty, agony, hunger, unemployment, comatose social amenities, democracy cannot
survive. Poverty and Illiteracy/Electoral ViolencThe challenges of poverty and illiteracy to
Nigeria democracy cannot be over-emphasized. 80% of the population is poor and uneducated.
The hungry and uninformed people are easily bought over by irresponsible politicians with ill-
gotten wealth. This makes it difficult for good people to win election as we play money politics.
Again, thugs are easily recruited from among the poor and uneducated to cause electoral
violence. Can a renegade politician recruit the son of a successful businessman as a thug? There
is no doubt that an educated person can vote against his conscience because of little sum of
money. How many well-informed people show interest in voting? This contributes to the
nation’s poor leadership recruitment process.

12. Education/literacy

Some educated young men who are in the labour market can be easily recruited as thugs
during elections. There were many reported cases of electoral violence in Rivers State in the last
general elections. People were killed and several houses burnt. So the issue of job creation is
important here. Democracy cannot flourish in a docile society. The electorate must be capable of
asking questions, taking their representatives to task, criticizing anti-people policies of the
government, asking public officials how the resources are being allocated, making demands on
the government. By this, the masses partake in the agenda setting and this is what democracy is
all about. When we have a vibrant and well informed electorate, job opportunity, the problem of
electoral violence will disappear and democracy will become everybody’s bride.

13. Bad governance

What is democracy without good governance? The stability and good governance being
experienced in the US, UK, France and other countries are as a result of vibrant, serious and
purposeful opposition parties with strong ideological orientation. Political parties in Nigeria must
imitate the political parties in the US and UK. Another issue negating the Nigeria democracy is
the spate of childish impeachments. Impeachment is a legislative tool inappropriately used in
Nigeria. To impeach does not mean to remove somebody from office. It means to level charges
against an office holder which he or she is allowed to defend. If a deputy governor disagrees with
his principal, the next thing is threat of removal from office on spurious charges. These are made
easy with the conspiratorial assistance of the largely ineffectual state lawmakers or are they
lawbreakers? Many deputy governors and speakers of houses of assembly have been removed on
spurious charges. The deputy governor of Enugu State, Sunday Onyebuchi, was removed from
office in 2014 because he ran poultry at the state house (Thisday Newspapers, August 3, 2014).
Is it an offense for a man to be a farmer and a deputy governor the same time? A governor who
does not meet the unlawful demands of the greedy legislators faces their wrath. After
inaugurating the state houses of assembly, what some governors do is to throw largesse of about
N100 million at each of the legislators at the expense of the masses. With this, a governor can do
anything except turning a man to woman or vice versa (Odisu 2015). Democracy cannot be
entrenched in a polity where impeachment is a household word.

14. Political parties

As the contesting political actors, Nigeria’s many political parties are central to the pros-
pects of future electoral and political violence. As noted earlier, at present there appear to be
greater risks of intraparty conflict than the interparty tensions that characterized the 2015
elections. Political party primary and nomination processes may therefore be par-ticularly
contested. Violence has, in fact, already occurred during the primary season (for example, in
Ekiti State, during primaries held in June 2018). Many respondents are concerned about parties,
and particularly the ruling APC, inef-fectively resolving internal rivalries and contests,
potentially leaving the parties open to fragmentation, defections to other parties, and violence as
both candidates and party officials struggle for positions. There is much uncertainty about how
these disputes will be resolved. One respondent from Adamawa State noted that parties were
“supposed to have resolved these conflicts much earlier than now.” And while the APC has
initiated several reconciliation efforts, both party members and other Nigerians are not optimistic
that these processes will succeed. As one respondent from Lagos observed, “There are no major
conflict resolution mechanisms amongst political parties. Reconciliatory committees exist in the
parties, but they are hardly able to reconcile aggrieved members.” Others pointed to a limited
culture of internal party democracy as being a destabiliz-ing factor, exacerbated by the rematch
of old allies and adversaries across the country. For example, the current governor of Kano State,
Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, and his predecessor as governor, current senator Rabiu Kwankwaso—
both members of the APC, and once allies

15. States at Risk

The eight state profiles that follow illustrate the distinct combination of risks faced in
different parts of Nigeria across the country’s various political zones. While not intended to be
exhaustive, these profiles demonstrate the diversity of challenges across the country. They
clearly show the limitations of pursuing a single strategy to mitigate electoral violence and argue
for adaption, and innovation, on a state-by-state basis. From insurgency to pastoralist-farmer
insecurity and party conflict as a case study, Adamawa State, in northeast Nigeria, was seriously
affected by the Boko Haram insurgency from 2012 onwards. Because the insurgency was
ongoing during the 2015 elections, voting for citizens in the state’s hardest hit local government
areas (LGAs) was held in the state capital, Yola, more than 125 miles (200 kilometers) away. 16
This limited the credibility and inclusiveness of the elections. While Boko Haram remains
particularly active in neighboring Borno State, most respon-dents felt the security situation in
Adamawa to be much improved, although attacks continue to occur in parts of Adamawa. 17
INEC expects to be able to organize elections throughout the state, including in the LGAs
excluded in 2015. The military response to Boko Haram helped unify Adamawans behind the
government’s authority. But, in 2018, most respondents identified a more pressing narrative of
insecurity for the state: pastoralist-farmer clashes.

16. Postponed local elections damage trust in state institutions

Though the middle-belt state of Plateau has a long history of violent intercommunal con-flict,
great ethnic and socioeconomic diversity, and susceptibility to violence in neighboring states
spilling over, the state has not usually witnessed conflict linked to the conduct of INEC-managed
national elections. Although concerns persist in Plateau (as elsewhere in the country) that its
poor economy and pervasive communal conflicts remain insufficiently addressed, local
government elections have historically presented greater risks for violence. The delay of planned
local elections in 2018 hurt public confidence in the state authorities, particularly the Plateau
State Independent Electoral Commission (PLASIEC). Plateau State has witnessed election-
related violence on three occasions, all centered on the Jos North LGA. In 2002, violence
occurred in Eto Baba during the PDP’s ward congress for Jos North; in 2008, violence erupted in
Jos North after local government elections; and, as in other northern areas of the country, Plateau
suffered postelection violence in 2011 after Goodluck Jonathan was declared winner of the
presidential elections.37 Local government elections were scheduled to take place in Plateau in
February 2018. Acting on the advice of the state government, PLASIEC indefinitely postponed
the elections at the last minute for unspecified reasons of security.38 Such action was seen as a
pretext for the state government to avoid putting in place local democratic structures. Attacks
attributed to pastoralists in the Bassa and Bokkos LGAs have aggravated ten-sions along ethnic
and religious lines. Respondents outside the government perceive that neither the federal nor
state governments are taking steps to address these security chal-lenges. In 2015, citizens
displaced from the Barkin Ladi and Riyom LGAs who attempted to return to their places of
registration to vote were forcibly prevented from doing so by those now occupying those areas.
There are fears that this may recur in 2019.

17. Rematching old rivals, while militarizing the state

Rivers State, in the country’s far south, is best known for its oil wealth. Previous election
cycles in Rivers have been closely contested and marred by violence, especially during
gubernatorial and local elections. In 2015, Rivers saw the most election violence fatalities of any
state, largely due to increasing competition between the ruling PDP and the APC, which ruled
the state previously.The state is affected by the zero-sum relationship of the APC and PDP
nationally, and the personal rivalry between Ezenwo Nyesom Wike of the PDP, who defeated
then governor Rotimi Amaechi of the APC in 2015. Amaechi had left the PDP in 2013 while
governor. Now the federal transport minister and chair of President Buhari’s reelection
campaign, Amaechi is strongly motivated to win back the governorship and to demonstrate to the
federal APC that he can carry the state.

18. Insurgency underground

Anambra, in southeast Nigeria, is a so-called “off-cycle” state, where gubernatorial elections

are held out of sequence with the general elections.19 Consequently, since 2006, the gover-nor’s
term has not corresponded to that of the federal president or legislature. As the only state where
three political parties are competitive, Anambra is politically unique in Nigeria: the All
Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA), in power since 2007; the PDP, now led by former APGA
governor Peter Obi; and the ruling party in the country, the APC. The off-cycle gubernatorial
elections were held in November 2017 and won by APGA. These elections were considered
peaceful and well administered by INEC, despite the threat from the secessionist Independent
People of Biafra (IPOB) group, which threatened to dis-rupt the election and demanded citizens
boycott the polls.20 Voter turnout was low. Some feel that the federal government’s heavy
military and police deployment intimi-dated voters and contributed to poor turnout. One
respondent stated that the military operation “Python Dance was not the main threat. The
partisan nature of the police was our fear. The federal government wanted to use the police to
impose the APC in our state as a way of deepening its marginalization of the Igbo and the
southeast in general.”

19. Bad electoral equipment

There is no doubt that some officials of the Independent National Electoral Commission
(INEC) are corrupt and partisan. Some actually worked for some candidates. There were bribery
allegations against some Resident Electoral Commissioners in almost all the elections. Some
INEC officials have been arrested in the past with thumb printed ballot papers. Again, there were
allegations of falsifying results after collation. INEC chairman, Prof Atahiru Jega confirmed the
presence of corrupt officials who connived with politicians to carry out rigging and other
electoral malpractices in the commission and stated that those indicted have been dismissed from
the commission (Vanguard Newspapers, June 27, 2013). Until all the partisan and corrupt
officials of the electoral umpire are removed from office, credible elections will remain a wild
goose chase in Nigeria

20. Delay of electoral candidate

Divisions were exacerbated during the gubernatorial race in 2015. The personal rivalry has
continued with combative media rhetoric and a violent alter-cation in November 2017, when
Amaechi visited Rivers State. As one respondent described, Rivers “is just a rematch of the
federal level on a smaller scale but will likely be much more violent than anything that happens
in Abuja.” There are also perceptions that the current “zoning” and nomination system is biased
toward candidates from larger communities or ethnic groups, marginalizing rural communi-ties.
In the Ogoniland territory, for instance, some are aggrieved that there has not been a governor
from that part of the state in recent memory and feel the area’s political splits could be
exacerbated along ethnic lines during this election. Riverine and rural communities are
particularly vulnerable to violence due to porous borders and a limited policing presence. Most
security agencies do not have the resources to patrol the water, and those that do are sometimes
paid by politicians to “look the other way,” as one respondent described. As these communities
are difficult to reach, there are concerns that they will not be sufficiently informed or sensitized
ahead of elections

Conclusion and Recommendation

An attempt has been made to identify the threats facing Nigerian nascent democracy. They
include corruption, high cost of governance as a result of prodigious and reckless spending as
well as the jumbo salaries of legislators and other public officials, insecurity, poverty and
illiteracy, poor justice delivery, partisan security agencies and electoral umpire, and poor supply
of power and fuel as well as cross carpeting and impeachment. All these are capable of
endangering the democracy. The first and second republics fell due to corruption, electoral
violence in the western region (the wild wild west) and several other factors. So the challenge
now is how the new regime can surmount these problems as soon as possible.

It is recommended that:

- Citizenship or civic education is made a compulsory subject in all Nigerian schools and the
National Orientation Agency be strengthened to change the avaricious attitude of Nigerians.

- Any person found guilty of corruption, economic sabotage, electoral violence and malpractice,
and terrorism be executed without death warrant.

- Elected or appointed public office holders be taken to mortuaries of general hospitals as part of
orientation. The gory sight of poorly kept corpses could checkmate their unhealthy desire for
material acquisition.

- The head of the electoral body be allowed to appoint his commissioners and also be given the
power to discipline any of them that commits infractions. This would enable him to pick trusted
Nigerians that will not bring shame to the electoral body.

- Nigeria should adopt a unicameral legislature of only the senate to be made up of 36 senators
on a part time basis. The 36 states should have six regional assemblies to be made up of 36
members each on a part time basis. The president can work with 12 ministers and 6 special
advisers. The governors can work with 10 commissioners and 4 special advisers. This will
reduce the high cost of governance.

- Even though the government has no business in business, essential services should not be in the
hands of greedy profiteers. So the federal government must urgently review the privatization of
the power sector with a view to revoking the licenses of investors that are not ready for business
and ascertaining the real owners of the distribution companies. The fraudulent and ungodly
electricity fixed charge be abolished immediately. The NNPC be overhauled to refine enough
fuel for local consumption and the fuel subsidy be abolished. This will prevent a situation
whereby the nation could be held to ransom by a cabal of oil marketers/importers.

- A single term of five years be adopted for the president and the governors to ensure a level
playing field for all politicians.

- The salaries and allowances of public office holders be drastically reviewed downward for the
benefit of the masses from whom political power is derived.

- Judges and security agents found guilty of corruption and partisanship be dismissed without
gratuity and be prosecuted. The Ekiti State Rigging Saga be investigated and the culprits dealt
with to deter others.

- The appointments of all the service chiefs be tenured so that they won’t play partisan politics to
keep their jobs.
References

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2. Anyang Nyango, Political Instability and the Prospects of Democracy in Africa. Africa
Development, Vol X111, No 1, 1998.

3. Captain Sagir Ikoli, How the Army was used to Rig Ekiti State GovernorshipElection. An
Interview with Sahara Reporters on 7th Feb, 2015.

4. Joseph A. R, Democracy and Prebendal Politics In Nigeria: The Rise and Fallof the 2nd
Republic, London, Cambridge University Press, 1991.

5. Itse Sagay, Nigeria: The Travails of Democracy and the Rule of Law, Ibadan, Spectrum
books, 1996.

6. Itse Sagay, Legislating for the Common Good : Contemporary Issues andPerspectives,
Vanguard Newspapers, July 27TH 2010.

7. Odisu Terry Andrews, Corruption and Insecurity in Nigeria: A Comparative Analysis of

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Issue 1. 2015

8. Lai Mohammed Interview with Channels TV, 2014.

9. 11 Jets in The Presidential Air Fleet & the Visit to Kenya with 7 Jets, Punch Newspapers,
January 7th 2014

10. Corrupt and partisan staff of INEC, Vanguard Newspapers, June 27th 2013.

11. Verdict for theft of N23 billion Police Pension Fund, Vanguard Newspapers,January 29,
2013

12. Impeachment of Enugu State Deputy Governor, Thisday Newspapers, August 3, 2014

13. Defection to APC after winning Presidential election, Guardian Newspapers, April 10, 2015

14. Missing Buhari Certificates, Vanguard Newspapers,January 21,2015