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HermanE. Daly
Federal Universityof Ceard, and Louisiana State University
I. Introduction
The purpose of thisessay is to bringtogethersome of the more salient
similaritiesbetweenbiologyand economicsand to argue that,far from
beingsuperficial,theseanalogiesare profoundly rootedin thefactthatthe
ultimatesubject matterof biology and economics is one, viz., the life
process.Most ofbiologyconcentrates on the" withinskin" lifeprocess,the
exceptionbeingecology,whichfocuseson the"outside skin" lifeprocess
(Bates, 1960,pp. 12-13). Economicsis the part of ecologywhichstudies
theoutside-skin lifeprocessinsofaras it is dominatedby commodities and
In whatfollowsthetraditionaleconomic(outsideskin)
theirinterrelations.
and the traditionalbiological(withinskin) viewsof the total lifeprocess
will be considered,both in theirsteady-state aspect and in theirevolu-
tionaryaspect. Finallyan approach to a more general"general equilib-
rium" model will be suggestedby consideringthehumaneconomyfrom
an ecologicalperspective.
whosoever will save his life shall lose it: and whosoever will lose his life for My sake
shall findit. For what is a man profited,if he shall gain the whole world and lose his
own soul? Or what shall a man give in exchange forhis soul?" (Matt. 16:25, 26). On
the commonsense infinitudeof total utility,see Bohm-Bawerk (1891, Book III, pp.
147-53).
METABOLISM ECONOMICS
ANABOLISM CATAbOLISM PRODUCTION | CONSUMPTION
USEFUL DEGRADED USEFUL TOTALLY
DEGRADED
MATTER MATTER MATTER MATTER
DISTR18UTION DISTRIEUTION
USEFUL DEGRADED USEFUL TOTALLY
DEGRADED
ENERGY ENERGY ENERGY ENERGY
TIME
FRG. 1
Analogy
IV. The Evolutionary
The materialbasis of the lifeprocessgrowswhenthe rate of production
(anabolism)exceedstherateof consumption(catabolism).Growthmerges
into developmentas alterationsin the ratesof increaseof different parts
give rise to new proportions,new qualitativerelations,and new tech-
nologies.Althoughdevelopmentis not well understoodby eitherscience,
the subtleinfluenceof size on organizationhas led both biologistsand
economiststo the concept of a proper or optimumscale for a given
organizationalplan. That Marx, who emphasizedthisdialecticinterplay
of quantityand quality,also tendedto vieweconomicsas a partof natural
historyis evidentin the followingquotation(1967, I, 372):
"Darwin has interestedus in the historyof Nature'sTechnology,that
is, in theformation oftheorgansofplantsand animals,whichorgansserve
as instruments of productionforsustaininglife.Does not the historyof
the productiveorgansof man, of organsthatare thematerialbasis of all
social organization,deserveequal attention?"
The same idea has beenexpressedby Lotka (1956, p. 208), viz.,"Man's
industrialactivitiesare merelya highlyspecializedand greatlydeveloped
formof thegeneralbiologicalstruggleforexistence,"and further in a pas-
sage (1956, p. 369) thatwould have pleased Marx:
The most singularfeatureof the artificialextensionsof our
naturalbody is thattheyare sharedin commonby a numberof
individuals.When the sick man consultsthe physician,who, we
will say, makes a microscopicexamination,for example, the
patientis virtuallyhiringa pair of highpowereyes. When you
drop a nickelintoa telephonebox, you are hiringthe use of an
ear to listento yourfriend'svoicefiveor tenmilesdistant.When
the workingmanaccepts a wage of fortydollars for his weekly
labor, he is in fact payingto his employersan undetermined
amount for the privilegeof using his machines as artificial
membersto manufacture marketablewares.
The moderndevelopmentof artificialaids to our organsand
facultieshas exertedtwo opposinginfluences.
On the one hand, it has in a most real way bound men to-
getherintoone body: so veryreal and materialis the bond that
societymightaptly be describedas one huge multipleSiamese
twin.
On the otherhand, since the controlover certainportionsof
this common body is unevenlydistributedamong the separate
individuals,
certainofthemmaybe said in a measureto ownparts
of thebodies of others,holdingthema speciesof refinedslavery,
and thoughneitherof the two partiesconcernedmay be clearly
consciousof thefact,it is oftenresentedin a moreor less vague
way by the one less favored.
In biological evolution genes transmitthe "knowledge" of organic
formsover time,and gene mutationsintroduceoccasional modifications,
resultingin the success of the formsbest suitedto the environment.
In
economicevolution,culturetransmits knowledgeovertime,and newideas
produce mutantorganizationsfromwhichcompetitionagain determines
the fittest.Indeed, Teilhard de Chardin (1959) argues that "cultural
evolution" is simplya new evolutionarymechanismthat supersededthe
old mechanismin importance.
A naturalhistoryofeconomicevolutionmightbe builtaroundthetheme
of "economic surplus" and its progressivegrowthand cultivation.The
originalsurpluswas produced by plants,since theycapturemore solar
energythanthatnecessaryfortheirown maintenance.Animallifedepends
on thissurplus,and perhapsman's greatestdiscoverywas thathe could
cultivateand expand that upon which his existencedepended, thus
"exploitingniggardlynature."4
As soon as thisprimaryactivitybecame efficient enoughto producea
surplusabove the maintenanceneeds of those engagedin primarypro-
duction,it became possibleto evolve secondaryeconomicactivities,etc.
Althougheconomic activitymoves far away fromdirectcontact with
nature,the "biophysicalfoundationsof economics" remaineverpresent
in the background,and it is to thesefoundationsthatwe now directour
attention.
TABLE I
To
FROM Human Non-Human
Human . . . . . (2) (1)
Non-human . . . (3) (4)
=C
I)t too>>
_t
. .
- *.I
.
. . ..
.-~ . ~ 0 - - - C
C)Cs a| >O:::
0 ;c
oa
?~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
ei =6 _
_
,
.- . . . ....
References
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