Social Work and Social Welfare

SOCIAL WORK
AND
SOCIAL WELFARE
SHANKAR PATHAK
Shankar Pathak, of the Department of
Social Work, Delhi University has
made a commendable innovative
attempt to study the growth and
development of social welfare in India
from the lowest rung of the ladder of
civilization to its present plans of
attainment….
Pathak comes out with great courage and individuality in his

analysis of the contribution of social reformers like Ram
Mohun Roy, Vidyasagar, Sasipada Banerjee, Jyotiba Phule
and others…
Extracts from the Review of Social Welfare-An Evolutionary and

Developmental Perspective. Macmillan-India 1981: Indian Express. N.
Delhi
Your paper on social work manpower demand

presented at the conference of social workers.....
I need it for a course I am giving
-M.S. Gore
You have done well in providing concise and lucid

clarification of some of the ‘foggy’ areas of social
policy....
It would be worthwhile continuing your scholarly and
insightful writings on social policy in India.
- P.D. Kulkarni
Price-`695/-
NIRUTA PUBLICATIONS
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MPM Layout, Mallathahalli, Bangalore-560056
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Shankar Pathak is a retired Professor of Social Work, Delhi University.
He studied at Karnatak and Lucknow Universities with economics as a
major subject, and also political science, sociology and social
anthropology. He obtained the post-graduate diploma in social work at
the Tata Institute of Social Sciences and M.A at the Indiana University,
U.S.A. He has widely read in social sciences, and social work, and
uses this knowledge in all his writings. He has authored five books on
social work, contributed articles to the Encyclopaedia of Social Work in
India (1966 and 1987) and to several anthologies on social work. He is
a founder member of I.A.T.S.W, its first President of the Delhi Branch
and Editor of its quarterly journal-Social Work Forum (1969-71).
He was U.N.ECAFE (now ESCAP) Senior Lecturer at the Philippine
School of Social Work, Manila and the International Association of
Schools of Social Work Consultant on Family Planning, at the Faculty
of Social Administration, Thammasat University, Bangkok, during
1973-74.
The book traces the changing concepts and contours of social welfare
and social work practice in India from the Vedic times to the present
day. Divided into two parts, the first part begins with a theoretical
framework in a sociological perspective and then proceeds to trace the
historical development of social policy and social welfare in India until
the end of the colonial rule. Part two of the book begins with the evolu-
tion of social welfare in India since independence. It then proceeds to
discuss the quest for professional status and the practice of social work
in a cultural perspective. It is also a critique of contemporary social work
practice in India with suggestions for a new approach in a developmen-
tal perspective.
The treatment is authoritative and perhaps the first book to study
social work and social welfare in a cross-cultural perspective drawing
upon the Indian history, tradition and practice. It is well annotated with a
comprehensive bibliography.
SOME PAGES INTENTIONALLY
LEFT BLANK
FOR THE COMPLETE BOOK
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SOCIAL WORK
AND
SOCIAL WELFARE
A Historical- Cultural Perspective
SHANKAR PATHAK
SOCIAL WORK AND SOCIAL WELFARE
A HISTORICAL -CULTURAL PERSPECTIVE
By: Shankar Pathak, Rtd. Professor, Department of Social Work, Delhi University,
Delhi.
Publisher: Ramesha M.H. for Niruta Publications, 244, 3rd Main, Poornachandra
Road,MPM Layout, Mallathahalli, Bangalore-560056. Ph: 080-23212309,
Mob: 9980066890, Email: ramesha.mh@gmail.com, www.niratanaka.org
Printed at: Niruta Print Solutions, 244, 3rd Main, Poornachandra Road, MPM
Layout, Mallathahalli, Bangalore-560056 Ph: 080-23212309, Mob: 9980066890,
Email: ramesha.mh@gmail.com, www.niratanaka.org
© Shankar Pathak, 2012

ISBN : 978192342412
Pages : 374+xii
First Impression : 1000 copies
Paper : NS Maplitho 80 gsm
Price : `695/-
Size : 1/8 Demy
Cover Page : T.F. Hadimani
The views and opinions expressed in this book are the authors’ own and the facts are
as reported by him which have been verified to the extent possible, and the publishers
are not in any way liable for the same.
This book is sold subject to the condition that it shall not, by way of trade or
otherwise, be lent, resold, hired out, or otherwise circulated without the publisher’s
prior written consent in any form of binding or cover other than that in which it is
published and without a similar condition including this condition being imposed on
the subsequent purchaser and without limiting the rights under copyright reserved
above, no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in or introduced into a
retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means (electronic, mechanical,
photocopying, recording or otherwise), without the prior written permission of both
the copyright owner and the above-mentioned publisher of this book.
To
M. Vasudeva Moorthy
and
G.R. Banerjee
Pioneers of Social Work
Literature in India
vii
Contents
PART ONE
Social Policy And Social Welfare
A Social Historical Perspective
A Few Words About This Book xi
1. Introduction 1
2. Towards a Theoretical Framework for the Study of
Social Welfare 5
3. Social Change and Social Welfare in Ancient India 24
4. Social Policy and Social Welfare in Medieval India

(1206-1706) 43
5. Christian Missionaries and Social Reform in India 68

6. Social Reform During the Colonial Era 80
7. Social Policy and Social Welfare During the Colonial

Period (1800-1947) 129
8. Social Welfare: A Comparative Historical Perspective 154
viii
Contents
PART TWO
Social Work – Profession And Practice.
A Cultural Perspective
9. Evolution of Social Welfare in India 171
10. Professionalization of Social Work 186
11. Professional Social Work in India-1975 to 2012 207
12. Social Work Profession - A Provocation by S.S.Iyer 213
13. Voluntary Organizations and Social Welfare 227
14. An Indian Perspective of Social Work 244
15. Counselling in the Indian Culture 252
16. Helping Process in the Bhagawadgita 261
17. Sarvodaya Methods of Social Work 270
18. Developmental Perspective of Social Welfare 275
19. Roles and Functions of Social Welfare 280
20. Bhakti- Concept, Ideology And Spread 301
Appendix
I. Gandhiji’s Views on Social Work-B.N.Ganguli 332
II. Social Workers' Pledge: A Gift to Gandhiji on his Last 336

Birthday
Notes and References. 343

A FEW WORDS ABOUT THIS BOOK
At this stage of my life (82 years), I had thought, I would not take any
trouble, make any effort regarding my published work – collection of
papers, books and subsequently published articles in academic
journals. But certain events that took place about fifteen months
back, prompted (tempted?) me to reconsider my earlier decision. The
result is a selection of my published writings, mainly from two books
and addition of four chapters specially written for this selection, and
arranging them in one volume, grouped under a common theme.
The entire part one of my book, Social Welfare-An Evolutionary And
Developmental Perspective, Macmillan-India (1981) is included here
as part one. In the second part, I have included selected writings from
my other book – Social Welfare, Health and Family Planning in India,
Marwah Publications, Delhi, 1979. I have also added four chapters
especially written for this book recently (March, April 2012) namely,
Helping Process in the Bhagavadgita, Bhakti: Concept, Ideology And
Spread, Professionalisation of Social Work 1975-2012 and Develop-
mental Social Welfare. The notes and reference have been retained,
with appropriate deletions and renumbering, following the chapter
numbers in this book.
All my books are out of print. There may be a demand for these
books because the number of institutions providing social work
education at the under-graduate and post-graduate levels has
increased, and may be close to 200.
Having made the selection about a year ago, I had given up the
idea of publishing it, mainly due to some practical difficulties. M.H
Ramesha of Niruta Publications succeeded in persuading me in
publishing this book, by offering the necessary help for revising and
updating the previously published writings and in writing the new
chapters.
Though I retired in 1990, I was professionally active until 2000,
x
and so I was in touch with the developments in the field of social

work. I have tried to revise and update the previously published
writings, by taking note of the relevant literature which I was aware
of and which was available to me. In particular, I should mention the
major academic project-Review of Fifty Years of Social Work Litera-
ture, special issue of the Indian Journal of Social Work, April, 1997.
Given my personal circumstances such as my location, age and
related problems, computer illiteracy etc, I have done my best to
improve the quality of the manuscript while revising and updating
it. I am aware that there may be some deficiencies and I hope the
readers will be indulgent and ignore them.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I am grateful to Nirmala .L, for her help in computer printings of
drafts; struggling patiently with my handwriting, T.F. Hadimani for
preparing a very attractive design for the cover of the book and M H
Ramesha for daring to publish it. Ponnaswamy .N, Venkatesh .K,
K.Anantha Murthy and Nayana M.K have also done computer
printing of some parts of the manuscript and I thank them. Pamela
Singla of the Department of Social Work, Delhi University, has taken
much trouble in securing for me the copies of the printed versions of
the talk, by B.N. Ganguli and Elmina Lucke which appear as Appen-
dix I&II and I greatly appreciate her help. Ms. Zakia S. Pathak had
gone through some of the chapters in the second part of this book and
made editorial improvement of the manuscripts when they were first
published; she also provided me with two books for my reading
which I appreciate. K.S. Ramesha has done the final typesetting of the
computer-script of this book very competently and I thank him.
M.A. Boratti translated a few lines of the vachana by
Chennabasavanna and I am greateful to him.
August 15, 2012 Shankar Pathak
Bangalore
PART ONE
A Social Historical Perspective
CHAPTER-1
Introduction
In this brief opening chapter I propose to explain my approach in

studying the evolution of social welfare in India and the rationale for
it. In the process, I hope to alert the reader to the value-orientation
behind this approach, which is vitally important, because I strongly
believe that all intellectual endeavors are influenced by ideology.1
It is helpful to start with the definition of the terms 'social welfare'
and 'social work'. The task is not easy. There have been several
unsuccessful attempts to define these terms so that a uniform mean-
ing is attributed to them, both nationally and internationally. Social
welfare is used here as a term which is broader in scope than social
work. It may be defined as the organised provision of resources and
services by the society to deal with social problems. These services
may be provided by the state or by voluntary organisations, with a
view to ameliorating the conditions of the people affected by the
problems as well as to protect others who are likely to be affected in
the future. This definition is wide enough to include the traditional
and modern views of social welfare, i.e. the residual and develop-
mental concepts of social welfare. It also includes social work. The
term 'social work' refers to the work of voluntary social workers,
professional social workers and other social work personnel
employed in the field of social welfare.
The first part of this book deals with the history of social welfare
in India. The subject matter of history is not the frozen and mummi-
fied past, but the change and evolution of society. History 'is a
2 SOCIAL WORK AND SOCIAL WELFARE
continuous process of interaction between the historian and his facts,

an unending dialogue between the present and the past'.2 The study
of any history poses a serious problem because we look at past events
3
through contemporary concepts and mental framework. This
tendency cannot altogether be avoided (though it could be kept under
check by our awareness of its existence) because 'we can view the past
and achieve our understanding of the past, only through the eyes of
the present'.
Ahistoricity, both in a literal and a Marxist sense, is characteristic
of social welfare literature. It may be asked why one should study
history, which is concerned with the 'dead past'. It may even be
argued that such an endeavour is undesirable for two reasons: it may
lead to nationalistic chauvinism by glorification (even
mythologisation) of the past; and it may reinforce the existing
orientation to the past when we need an orientation to the future to
bring about planned social change. These questions raise very
pertinent issues because the dangers referred to are real and not
imaginary. Yet, it is both necessary and desirable that we study
aspects of Indian history because it provides us 'the key to the under-
standing of the present'. As pointed out by E.H. Carr, 'The past is
intelligible to us only in the light of the present; and we can fully
understand the present only in the light of the past. To enable man to
understand the society of the past, and to increase his mastery over
the society of the present, is the dual function of history.’4
There is a special reason why one should study the history of
social welfare, 'even if the past does not provide easy and clear
lessons'. Clarke Chambers has observed:
Historical study may, for example, remind us of experiments in social welfare or
in the delivery of social services which we have forgotten or never fully under-
stand. It may provide educators, administrators, and practitioners with profes-
sional models drawn from the past. Apprentice social workers especially, I
imagine, need to know that social concern did not begin with themselves ... it is
important to sense in both heart and mind that others have gone before, that one
Introduction 3
stands in a long and honourable tradition of both social service and social
prophecy, for many early social workers laboured to serve those in need while, at
the same time, they moved to elaborate public policies which might alleviate and
perhaps even resolve [and prevent] the complex social problems which were the
source of human need.5
In studying the evolution of social welfare in India from ancient

times to the present, I have broadly adopted the approach and
method of social history. According to Hobsbawm 'social history is at
present in fashion', and 'it is a good moment to be a social historian'.6
But it is not for these reasons that I have tried to follow the approach
of social history. An aspect of the tradition of social history is that 'it
referred to the history of the poor or lower classes, and more specifi-
cally to the history of the movements of the poor ["social move-
7
ments"]’. In recent years it is also concerned with the study of social
structure and its transformation, i.e. the history of societies rather
than the dynastic history of rulers, their conquest of new territory
and their exploits in war. It is based on the conviction that 'the social
or societal aspects of man's being cannot be separated from the other
aspects of his being. They cannot, for more than a moment, be
separated from the ways in which men get their living and their
material environment. They cannot, even for a moment, be separated
from their ideas since their relations with one another are expressed
and formulated in a language which implies concepts as soon as they
open their mouths.’8
The study of social structure in its totality is the essence of social
history. This is elaborated in the next chapter, which provides the
theoretical framework for the remaining chapters (Chapters 3 to 7)
which cover the evolution of social welfare in India. If the reader is
disappointed in the application of the approach, it is not only due to
the lack of time and space, and my intellectual limitations, but also
because of the extreme paucity of historical evidence which enable
the historian to write reliable social history of the life and movements
of the poor. This deficiency is especially marked in relation to the

ancient period and to a lesser extent to the medieval period.9
An evolutionary and developmental perspective, is another major
aspect of the theoretical approach. Hoogvelt mentions three focal
elements of the concept of development:
Development as Process, i.e. as an evolutionary process of growth

and change of man's social and cultural organisation (that is of
society).
Development as Interaction, i.e. as a process of growth and
change of societies under conditions of interaction with other
societies; and
Development as Action, i.e. as a consciously planned and monitored
10
process of growth and change.
The theoretical framework as presented in Chapter 2 is based on

Hoogvelt's ideas of development as a process, i.e. as an evolutionary
process of development, and development as interaction. I believe
that the integration of these two theoretical aspects of development is
both appropriate and necessary for the study of the evolution of
social welfare in a society which has undergone the process of
colonisation. Hoogvelt's concept of development as action forms the
basis of the theoretical discussion in Part II.
CHAPTER-2
Towards A Theoretical Frame Work For

The Study Of Social Welfare
INTRODUCTION
A survey, whether in India or abroad, reveals the relative absence of

theoretical and analytical literature dealing with social welfare-its
1
nature, goal, function and evolution. This is more so with regard to
the Indian situation. A limited attempt at the theoretical analysis of
social welfare in the Indian social context has been made by only
Gore. Explaining his approach to social welfare, Gore makes refer-
ence to the relationship between social welfare and social structure in
some of his writings.2 He also states that his approach is sociological.
The main problem in these brief discussions on social structure
and social welfare is the lack of a definition of the concept of social
structure. Blau writes:
The concept of social structure is used widely in sociology, often

broadly, and with a variety of meanings. It may refer to social
differentiation, relations of production, forms of associations,
value integration, functional interdependence, status and roles,
institutions, or combination of these and other factors. A generic
difference is whether social structure is conceived explicitly as
being composed of different elements and their interrelations or
abstractly as a theoretical construct or model.3
We shall view social structure in concrete terms and not as an abstract

concept only. In other words, social structure has its parameters.4 A
study of Gore's writings reveals slightly varying views of social
structure at different places. In one of his later writings he has used
5
cultural themes in Indian social work as the basis of his discussions.
One gets the impression that social structure is conceived in func-
tional terms and that too with great emphasis on norms and norma-
tive behavior in society. This is broadly in keeping with the Parsonian
functionalist view of social structure.
LIMITATIONS OF FUNCTIONAL APPROACH
In our opinion, the Parsonian view of social structure with its

emphasis on the normative system is inadequate for the analysis of
social welfare. Firstly, this view of social structure excludes from its
considerations the political and economic components which in our
view are the most important and dynamic elements. Also, its concern
has been with social equilibrium and social order which introduce an
implicit and continuing bias towards stability and order as against
6
conflict and change.
The concept of culture is equally, perhaps more, inadequate as an
analytical tool for the study of social welfare. In the words of Mills,
7
culture is a spongy concept. What is more, culture as a concept
originated in a certain historical context which has influenced its
subsequent evolution considerably.
The concept of culture, as used in the parlance of the human science, arose from
a great human confrontation. The idea of culture was one of the principle
intellectual outgrowths of the worldwide meeting between the expansionist
West and exotic non-Western peoples. The configuration began with the
contacts of exploration and matured into the relationships of empire. From this
experience the West derived a growing need to find order in its increasing
knowledge of immensely varied human lifeways. As the emerging science of
anthropology developed the culture concept, it thereby provided an important
means to this end of discovering order in variation.8
CHAPTER -3
Social Change And Social

Welfare In Ancient India
In Indian literature on social reform and social work it is customary

to trace the heritage of modern social welfare to the beginning of the
nineteenth century, especially to the time of Rammohun Roy. If at all
any reference is made to an earlier period, it is by way of stray
remarks in passing about the social reform activities of some Muslim
or Maratha ruler.1 Occasionally one comes across, however, vague,
global reference to social welfare in ancient India-mostly as a glorifi-
cation of the past.2
Periodisation of Indian history is a complicated and controversial
issue. The popular classification is based on the religion of the rulers.
Accordingly, 2500 B.C. to A.D. 1000 is treated as the ancient period,
A.D. 1100 or 1200 to A.D. 1800 as the medieval period and the period
from A.D. 1800 onwards as the modern period. Thapar is of the view
that the end of the ancient period should be roughly eighth century
3
A.D. or possibly a little earlier. There is however, a rather more
specific problem in studying ancient Indian history. It covers a vast
period of more than three thousand years for most of which there is
little historical evidence, especially about the social structure.
Precisely for this reason, the approach here is chronological only in a
very broad sense and rather like a frog-leap through history, skipping
periods and details either because of the absence of adequate mate-
rial or their relative unimportance for our purpose.
Social Change And Social Welfare In Ancient India 25
INDUS VALLEY-THE FIRST URBANISATION
The earliest of the Indian civilisations is the Indus valley culture of

Harappa and Mohen-jo-daro (now in Pakistan) which was in exis-
tence roughly about 3000 to 2000 B.C. It ended about 1750 B.C. The
Indus civilisation is characterised by a high level of urbanisation and
affluence. Kosambi writes:
The Indus cities show town planning of a truly amazing nature. Besides the
straight streets meeting at right-angles, there was a superb drainage system for
carrying away rainwater and cesspools for clearing the sewage. No Indian city
possessed anything of the sort till modern times, far too many still lack these
amenities. There were enormous granaries far too large to be in private posses-
sion. They were accompanied by small tenement houses in regular blocks which
must have accommodated the special class of workers or slaves who pounded
and stored the grain. There was evidence of considerable trade, some of it across
the ocean.4
This indicates a well-developed agricultural system which could

support the population of large cities with surplus food, the presence
of a state, a system of government and the existence of a class-based
society where there was the rule of a few over many. Some kind of
slavery seems to have been practised. When we consider that the
Indus people were essentially peaceful and not violent, we can
assume that some type of social welfare was in existence which took
care of the minimum needs of the slaves and other lower classes.
Unfortunately, we know very little of their social structure, so that
any more conjecture will be historical fiction of little relevance.
THE VEDIC PERIOD (1700 TO 600 B.C.)
Sometime toward the end of the second millenium came from the
north-west, perhaps from Persia, a hymn-singing, pastoral nomadic
tribe, speaking an Indo-European language, and known in history as
the Aryans. From the first wave of the Aryans to the Buddhist period-
approximately one thousand years-we can observe the progress of
CHAPTER-4

In Medieval India (1206-1706)
Historical literature on the evolution of social welfare generally deals

with the modern period from the time of Rammohun Roy and
occasionally with the ancient period before the advent of Muslim
1
rule in India. This is a sad commentary both on the secularism of
modern, post-independent era of Indian society and in particular on
the tradition of scholarship among writers on social welfare. It is well
known that the British colonial administration was based on the
administration as it had evolved during the Mughal rule and that in
turn was influenced by the contributions of the Sultanate period. For
a proper understanding of the present social policy, a historical
perspective is necessary and desirable because it would reveal a
thread of continuity in social policy as a response to the prevalent
social structure.
This chapter deals with social welfare from the early thirteenth
century to the beginning of the eighteenth century, covering the
Sultanate and Mughal periods. The approach to the study of the
period is according to the method of social history. The focus is not
on individual kings and their achievements except to the extent they
contributed significantly to the changes in social institutions and
social policy. It is, for this reason, not strictly chronological, but
sequential. The institutional approach is also justified for another
practical reason. 'Chronologically, the Sultanate does not possess
continuity; geographically it lacks territorial definition, for its

boundaries constantly changed. It is only in the smooth evolution of
2
institutions that the Sultanate is revealed as a political entity.’ These
observations hold good equally for the Mughal rule which is inter-
rupted by the brief rule of Sher Shah and his son Islam Shah Suri.
And the territorial boundaries kept changing even after the long reign
of Akbar.
The Turkish and Afghan invasions of India and the establishment
of the Sultanate introduced a major new element in Indian society-
foreign conquerors with a new religion, which was so different from
the then prevalent Brahmanism as to be called by one eminent
historian as 'a complete antithesis of their whole system.’3
SOCIAL STRUCTURE AND SOCIAL WELFARE

DURING THE SULTANATE
The political structure was characterised by the autocratic rule of the

Sultan, whose word was law. This is best illustrated in the statement
of Muhammad Tughlak that 'He who obeys the Sultan, obeys the
Lord Merciful'. Though the Islamic tradition of polity was essentially
a republican system of government, in theory at least, the character
of the state during the Sultanate was contrary to the teachings of
4
Islam. Legally, the society was divided into two classes, i.e. the king
or the ruler and the subjects (riayya). In reality, there were many
classes such as the theologians (ulamas), the nobility (umrahs), the
slaves, the artisans and the peasants, the last two constituting the
mass of the people.
Very early during the Sultanate, the practical needs of consolidat-
ing conquered territory and providing effective administration in a
foreign country, where the mass of population followed the native
religions, impressed upon the rulers the wisdom of introducing
certain changes in the roles and functions of the king. These were
divided into two broad categories-one in his traditional capacity as
CHAPTER-5
Christian Missionaries And

Social Reform In India
The official religious policy of the East India Company was one of
neutrality towards the native religions. This was a continuation of the
policy followed by the Muslim rulers during the medieval period.
Their reason for continuing this policy was the belief that the earlier
Portuguese rule had come to an end because of attempts to forcibly
convert the Indian people to Christianity. As a result of this concern,
the Company government prohibited both the entry of missionaries
into the territories under their control and any attempts at conversion
1
of their subjects to Christianity. However, in 1793 two English
missionaries, William Carey and John Thomas, both Baptists, set out
to India with the clear intention of starting a mission. In view of the
ban on missionary activity they settled down in the Danish Colony of
Serampore, north of Calcutta. William Carey, along with two other
missionaries, Joshua Marshman and William Ward established the
Serampore mission in 1799.2 These three missionaries who were to
play a major role in the renaissance of Bengal were known as the
'Serampore Trio'.
The Serampore missionaries were the first evangelical Baptist
missionaries in India. They were followed later by other missionary
groups belonging to different Protestant denominations. Before the
arrival of the Serampore missionaries, several centuries earlier, there
were Christian missions in the Portuguese territory of Goa, and also
Christian Missionaries And Social Reform In India 69
on the Malabar coast. The work of the earlier missionaries was

limited both geographically and in terms of the number of conver-
sions to Christianity. Thus the major attempt at proselytisation began
during the nineteenth century with the establishment of the first
Baptist mission in Serampore.
The main aim of the missionaries was converting the native
heathans to Christianity, which they considered as the nobler object.
It was as an adjunct to this major activity that the missionaries began
their work of social reform and social service. The main missionary
attack against the native religions of Islam and Hinduism was aimed
at a variety of superstitious religious practices. The criticism of the
missionaries was particularly directed against the Hindus who
believed in idol worship and in several gods and observed a variety of
practices, some of which like the sati created a moral revulsion in the
minds of the missionaries. The proselytisation work of the mission-
aries did not succeed much. Firstly, the preaching of Christianity was
based on a negative approach. It involved crude and harsh criticism
of the religious convictions, superstitions and practices of the local
people. Secondly, the age-old resilience of Hinduism to adapt itself to
changing times by first permitting protestant sects to emerge and then
later absorbing these also, was a major factor.
A direct result of the proselytisation activities of the Serampore
missionaries was the birth of the Brahmo Samaj under the leadership
of Rammohun Roy. The Brahmo Samaj absorbed the best of Chris-
tian ethics and shed the earlier orthodox religious practices such as
idol worship and caste discriminations, which were the main targets
of the missionary attacks. While the Serampore and other mission-
ary groups who spread out in different parts of the then Bengal
province and southern India failed in their evangelical work, they
achieved great success in the spheres of social reform and social
work. In these two areas they made a lasting contribution, which is
acknowledged even today by discriminating and fairminded histori-
3
ans.
CHAPTER-6
Social Reform During The Colonial Era
The long period of Mughal rule which is described as the golden era
of medieval India came to an end in 1757 with the victory of the
British army under Robert Clive at the Battle of Plassey in Bengal.
This event marks the beginning of colonial rule, though it took
another sixty years before the process of conquest could reach a
decisive phase following the defeat of the Peshwa army at Panipat in
1818. The colonial period represents an altogether new phase in the
life of the country. There had been invaders and conquerors before,
but they soon settled down as the natives of the country. The govern-
ments changed at the political centre of the time without disturbing
the continuing features of society, especially in the countryside. The
colonial rulers were different in this respect and with them came a
variety of new social forces like religion, technology, education, a
system of law and judicial administration, etc.
INTRODUCTION
Contact with the new culture (which was linked to politically power-
ful rulers) initiated a series of wide-ranging changes in Indian society
which began around the beginning of the nineteenth century,
gradually gained momentum and culminated in the achievement of
Independence by about the middle of the next century. While the
colonial rule lasted for practically two centuries, it is the nineteenth
century and the first three or four decades of the twentieth century
Social Reform During The Colonial Era 81
which have been the favourite periods of study for scholars from
India and abroad. Also, it has been studied by scholars from a variety
of disciplines. In the process, there has been a fragmentary analysis
of what in effect was an interlinked series of social changes. This
brings to mind the parable of the six blind men and the elephant.
Thus, for example, certain social movements have been labelled as
religious reform movements by some, social reform movements by
others and social changes associated with or part of national move-
ment by yet another group of scholars.
An attempt is made here to study these social movements, which
are more often described as social reform movements, in a wider
holistic perspective by a social structural approach. In other words,
these movements are studied by viewing them in their total social
structural context. To borrow a phrase from Smelser, this is applica-
tion of a fragment of social theory to a period in history. The period
covered is a long one, from 1800 to 1947. Emphasis is given to the
years 1815 to 1920. The social reform movements of this period can
be divided into three phases: The first phase covers 1815 to 1860,
during which the reform 'movements' originated as a response to or
as a result of interaction of several social changes. This may be called
as the individual reform phase.1 The second phase, which covers 1860
to 1920, may be described as the associational or organisational
phase. The last phase which encompasses nearly a quarter century
from 1918-1920 to 1947-48 may be designated as the independence
movement or the Gandhian phase. This three-fold classification of
the total period is based on a set of major criteria which are relevant
for the study of the social reform movement. Each phase is character-
ised by significant political, economic and other social events.
It was during the first phase that the Christian missionaries began
their attack on native religions as part of their proselytising work and
along with it, or as part of it, initiated their social reform campaign
and social service. The period also witnessed the birth of indigenous
CHAPTER-7
Social Policy And Social Welfare During

The Colonial Period (1800-1947)
The East India Company was established in 1600 and began its
trading activities in the southern part of India soon after wards. With
the acquisition of Diwani rights in Bengal in 1765, the Company
took on a new role as the colonial ruler of a part of the country. But
the Company had little interest in framing a social policy towards its
subjects, because of its preoccupation with maintaining and expand-
ing colonial territory. It was only by the beginning of the nineteenth
century that it was compelled to devote some attention to the other
aspects of administration, apart from the collection of revenue and
the maintenance of law and order. In this chapter we will discuss the
colonial government's social policy in broad outline from the begin-
ning of the nineteenth century. Social policy, in the final analysis,
pertains to governmental policy. When we take into account the
nature of colonial society and the government, it includes the policies
of the government in such areas as religion, social welfare and social
legislation, education and medical care.
Perhaps the most prominent area where a social policy existed
was in the field of education. No other social policy was subjected to
such detailed debate as the educational policy. Also, from the middle
of the nineteenth century onwards education claimed the lion's share
of the governmental expenditure as compared to other social sectors
like medical relief, famine relief and social work. Before the Charter
Act of 1813, the Company administration took hardly any interest in

providing education to its subjects. Until then what little was done in
this area was mostly due to the work of Christian missionaries. By
this Act, the Company had to accept responsibility for the education
of Indians and 'this was the beginning of the state system of educa-
tion in India under the British rule'. During the period 1813-54, very
little was in fact done by the colonial government to discharge this
responsibility. So the missionaries continued to be the main agency to
provide education to the people. This period, however, was character-
ised by many violent controversies which centred around the object
of the educational policy, medium of instruction and the method and
agency for the spread of education. The participants in the debate
included the emerging Indian leaders, Christian missionaries, and
officials of the government. Wood's Education Despatch of 1854 set
the controversies at rest, at least for some time, by declaring that the
main object of the educational system was to spread western knowl-
edge and science, and by acknowledging the inability of the govern-
ment to provide for all the educational needs of the country. So it
ernphasised that the bulk of the country's educational institutions
would have to be organised by private bodies and instead of the
education of the minority elite by the government, the education of
the masses should be the duty of the state.
Until 1854, the Company did not accept direct responsibility for
the education of the masses and its educational policy was influenced
by what is known as the Downward Filtration Theory. According to
this, the Company was expected to give a good education to only a
few persons and they were in turn expected to educate the masses.
The choice of the Downward Filtration Theory was dictated more by
the limitation of funds at the disposal of the government than by any
ideology.
Wood's Despatch stated that the education of the masses was the
duty of the state, and both English and vernacular languages should
CHAPTER -8
Social Welfare: A Comparative

Historical Perspective
In recent years there has been an increasing interest in social change

in many countries of the world. This interest is not confined to
developing countries engaged in the task of national development
(the socalled Third World) which are characterised by mass problems
of poverty, disease, illiteracy, etc. It is also evident in the affluent,
industrially advanced countries which are discovering problems of
persistent poverty amidst national affluence. The field of social
welfare is not unaffected by this resurgence of interest in social
change. Is this, then, an unthought of response to a currently popular
international trend or is this the result of certain developments that
have been taking place over the years? This is the question that merits
discussion.
EVOLUTION OF SOCIAL WELFARE IN THE U.S.A.
Social welfare which began as a religious, humanitarian activity to

provide relief to the poor, under-privileged and handicapped sections
of society, gradually emerged as a systematic organised service by
society to some of its unfortunate members. In this process, later
emerged a group of people who took to social welfare as full time
work, characterised by 'scientific' knowledge and methods of work-
ing with people. The latter development, briefly stated, is what is
Social Welfare: A Comparative Historical Perspective 155
called professionalisation of social work and the emergence of social

work as a profession. Though the seeds of professionalisation of
social work were to be found in the activities of the Charity Organisa-
tion Society in the U.K., the conscious attempt in developing it as a
profession started in the U.S.A. in the early twenties of the last
century.
The social welfare model, including the professional model of
social work as evolved in the U.S.A., has been influenced by a variety
of factors. These include early Judaeo-Christian ethics, particularly
the puritan ethic which emphasised individualism, self-help and the
moral character of the individuals; the liberal social and political
philosophy which advocated laissez faire approach by the state;
unexploited natural resources which seemed to provide plenty of
opportunities for anyone to make 'good' in life; a buoyant and
expanding industrial economy which made full use of the new
scientific discoveries by developing industrial technology, and a mass
consumption society which provided a demand for the products of
the growing industrial economy as well as benefited by the mass-
produced goods, which in turn led to a progressive increase in the
standard of living of the people. The great economic depression of
the 1930s came as a jolt which shook the very foundations of the
American society and led to some rethinking of the social and
political philosophy in that country. In the field of social welfare, this
led to the growing involvement of the government, particularly in
initiating legislative measures for social security. Yet, curiously, the
field continued to be dominated by the philosophy of individualism.1
This may be explained in some detail.
Due to a variety of factors which need not detain us here,
collectivistic political and economic theories did not emerge as strong
forces in the U.S.A. to shape the minds of the population as they had
done in the U.K. The political and economic philosophy continued to
be conservative-liberal in outlook rather than radical. This meant
PART TWO
Social Work – Profession And Practice.
A Cultural Perspective
A human being is like all human beings,
Like some human beings and,
Like no other human being.
Clyde Klukhon and Henry A. Murray

CHAPTER-9
Evolution Of Social Welfare In India
In the evolution of social welfare in India, like in many countries,

two broad trends can be noticed: reform of the society and the
provision of specific services to the handicapped and disadvantaged
individuals and groups. Much before the beginning of social reform
during the nineteenth century, there were several religious reform
movements by the saints. They were revolting against the religious
inequality and in some cases against social inequality as well. They
fought against the prevalent practice of excluding the lower groups in
society from opportunities to worship God, and their access to
religious knowledge. Some of them attempted to remove the social
discrimination by preaching that all human beings were equal before
God.
The social reformers from Ram Mohun Roy to Gandhi also aimed
at reforming the Hindu society. They focussed their attention on the
abolition of some religious or social practices which were detrimen-
tal to the welfare of certain segments of the Hindu society, such as
sati, prohibition of widow remarriage, child marriage, idol-worship
and some features of the caste system. They approached their task of
reform, which concerned mostly women and children, from a
rational and critical analysis of the social system of the day. To
achieve their goal they relied heavily on state intervention and the
instrument of social legislation. The reform activities which began in
Bengal spread to several parts of the country. It was an elitist reform
movement confined mainly to the western educated, urban middle

class. It did not become a mass movement until the entry of Gandhi
on the social reform arena. The point to note here is the fact that
many of these social reformers who began their work with a broad
orientation to social problems and the need to change society in
certain respects, very soon found it necessary to provide specific
services to individuals affected by the harsh features of the society.
Thus institutions were established to provide shelter and education
for widows, orphans, and destitutes.
With the entry of Gandhi on the political and social scene of
India, we see the beginning of a new phase in social reform. For
Gandhi, the struggle against social inequality could not be separated
from the fight for political freedom. At the same time, he felt that the
fight for freedom and political equality has no meaning without
fighting for social equality. Gandhi was not content with his efforts
to change the society. He also established organizations to provide
services and to work for the welfare of the weaker sections of the
society. Unlike the social reformers before him, Gandhi's field of
action was not limited to urban areas. His analysis of rural poverty
led him to initiate measures for rural development through self-
sufficiency of the villages. While not agreeing with all the Gandhian
ideas and programmes, it must be pointed out that there was none
before him (and none after him so far) who had his breadth of vision,
the integral view of society (social and political, rural and urban) and
who had realised the value of' people's participation in the struggle
for social and political reform. For the first time social reform became
a mass movement drawing in its fold large number of men and
women from all strata of society.
I. Evoluation of the Role of Government in Social Welfare

Before India came under the British rule, social welfare activities
such as care of the handicapped and the destitutes, were the respon-
CHAPTER-10
Professionalization Of Social Work
There is a widespread belief among professional social workers that

social work in India had attained the status of a profession on the eve
of the Independence of the country. The assumption that social work
in India became a profession many years ago, deserves to be carefully
tested. This chapter attempts to discuss the professionalization of
social work in India, particularly during the past thirty years, in
historical perspective. The label 'professional social workers' is used
here in a broad sense to distinguish a group of social workers from
other types of social workers, such as sarvodaya social workers,
voluntary social workers and paid social workers who have had no
education in schools of social work. The analysis will focus on the
group of social workers who have completed their education at the
post-graduate schools of social work and have worked or are cur-
rently working in the field of social work in India; their impact on the
field of social work; and their achievements and failures in their quest
for professional status.
The terms 'profession' and 'professionalization' are used in a
specific sense in sociological literature. Professionalization is defined
as "the dynamic process whereby many occupations can be observed
to change certain crucial characteristics in the direction of a 'profes-
sion' and profession is defined as 'an ideal type' of occupational
organization which does not exist in reality, but which provides the
model of the form of occupational organization that would result if
Professionalization Of Social Work 187
1
any occupational group became completely professionalized".
These crucial characteristics are variously stated by different authors.
The most commonly stated characteristics include a specific area of
operation, a specialized body of knowledge and techniques, the
establishment of educational programmes usually in the universities,
development of a code of ethics, establishment of a professional
organization, ideal of service, and public recognition of the profes-
sional status of the occupation.
Goode has stated that there are some characteristics which are
core or generating traits and the rest derive from these. According to
him, a basic body of abstract knowledge and the ideal of service are
2
the two generating traits. As Parsons and others have pointed out, it
is not helpful to differentiate occupations and professions on the basis
of the criterion of service, because both self-interest and the ideal of
service interpenetrate whether in the commercial occupations or
professions. In any case, the ideal of service has always been the hall-
mark of social work and in fact, the over-emphasis on this ideal has
proved to be a serious barrier to the professionalization of social work
in India. In our view, the three core traits of a profession are: (1) a
specific area of operation, (2) a basic body of knowledge and skills,
(3) and public recognition of the claim of the occupation for profes-
sional status. Other characteristics are derived from these core traits.
The public recognition is the most important of the three traits.
Because in the final analysis it is a political process. If an occupa-
tional group somehow succeeds in persuading or pressurizing the
government to act in favour of its claim, irrespective of the presence
or absence of the other two traits, it will achieve professional status.
Some sociologists have identified a sequence of steps in the
professionalization of occupations. As Goode has commented, this
is neither empirically correct, nor theoretically convincing.3 Because
most of these processes are going on simultaneously and it is difficult
to state whether one actually began before another.
CHAPTER-11
Professional Social Work In India

-1975 To 2012
After reviewing the literature for fifty years, pertaining to social

welfare, social work and development it was observed that
some key concepts like social change, macro-micro levels and structures, and
problem of inter-linkages between them, empowerment and so on, have neither
been adequately and clearly conceptualized nor discussed in operational
terms”….and the literature failed to provide guidelines for practice or testable
propositions which can be the basis for the further development of usable
theory, discovery of operational procedures and techniques for practice”. There
has been very little research on the theory building and practice of social
development and social welfare “(Pathak, 1997)
Reviewing the literature on group work Joseph observed that

“the written contribution of Indian authors to the literature of group work has
been extremely sparse or limited ….. There has very rarely been any addition or
challenge to the western literature on group work from the experience of social
work in India, though the reality in India is significantly different in many
ways”(Joseph, 1997).
Reviewing the literature on social action as a method, the author
concluded that
The changing social characteristics of social work, together with the reorganiza-
tion of the work and the market situation of social work, seem to suggest that the
scale of militancy in the profession will decrease rather than increase…. Social
action as a method, therefore will remain on the periphery rather than become a
central mode of intervention in India”(Siddiqui, 1997).
In her overview of all the reviews of social work literature during

the period of fifty years (1940-1996). Desai noted a declining ten-
dency in the articles published by social work writers in the Indian
Journal of Social Work. She concludes “one still comes across
masters and doctoral dissertations, which state that these are explor-
atory studies because no previous literature exists in that area!”
(Desai, 1997). If they are not exploratory studies, they may be survey
type of research of a field of social work, though this is also rare. A
study of medical social work in Bombay by Gita Shah and a study of
psychiatric social work in India by Ratna Verma are worth mention-
ing here. There has not been a single experimental research or
evaluative research of the quality and impact of social work interven-
tion. Even in U.K and U.S.A. this is very rare. There has been one
modest experimental research in the mental health field as part of an
M.Phil dissertation by an Iranian student (!) at the Tata Institute of
Social Sciences and it has not been published. Practice wisdom has
been talked about for a long time, both in the West and in India, but
remains elusive or even invisible to the eyes of the academic research-
ers. The need for documentation of the field experience and experi-
ment, and to attempt at conceptualization and testing has been
advocated (Joseph, 1997; Pathak 1997). Both of them have lamented
the loss of such valuable knowledge. Practitioners rarely write and
when they do, they tend to be either descriptive or recycle what has
been written and published before, mostly by the western academics.
One exceptional piece of publication of a very high quality of an
experiment of social work intervention in field practice, with a family
of a schizophrenic patient by Rima Balachandran, perhaps, remains
unnoticed and unutilized by social work educators. And the author,
alas passed away at a very young age, thus depriving us a possible
future contribution to knowledge based on social work practice in
India.
Finally, about the professional associations. The I.A.T.S.W went
CHAPTER-12
Social Work Profession -A Provocation

By S.S.Iyer
The profession of social work in India is more than thirty years old.*
Yet, I am afraid, it does not seem to have come of age. Mature
thinking, broad perspective, sobriety born of the felt responsibilities
of work in a problem-ridden society, a sense of identification with
progressive thought, of belongingness to the community and the
culture of which it is a part, and a sense of mission and creative
innovation in the realm of thought and action-all these are the hall-
marks of a mature profession where clients are human beings as
individuals and as collectivities. We may scan the social work
horizon to discern the evidence of these, but we see a disappointing
and depressing picture. Professional social workers have not shown
themselves to be vitally concerned with the serious issues of our time
and our society. They are in a state of peace and contentment; they
have no right to be, given the living conditions of people in our
country today.
What are those conditions? A vast expanse of poverty and depri-
vation, millions on the verge of starvation, economic exploitation
and social degradation for the many, and power and luxury for a
small group, ranging from pedlars of potatoes to pedlars of the
intellect. This inhuman situation of apocalyptic contradiction will
* in 1967
confront the social worker, wherever he may choose to work. Here, in

brief, we give an idea of the character and size of the human prob-
lems social worker have to deal with.
At the outset, let me say a few words about the nature of a profes-
sion. The words are provoked by the constant emphasis laid by the
majority of professionals as well as non-professional social workers,
on one aspect of a profession, which is least important and not
unique; the question of remuneration. It is very tragic and unfortu-
nate that whenever social workers start discussing the nature of the
profession, this aspect is brought to the fore, to the exclusion of many
other vital issues pertinent to the discussion. I think it needs no
serious discussion to see that the social worker, like any other human
being, has certain natural, therefore, normal animal and human
urges and needs, which call for satisfaction and so he should have a
minimum of material well-being. Whatever may be said in theory, I
can say, with all the authority of my personal experience of twelve
years in the company of social workers of all types, Sadhus,
Sarvodayites, Quakers, Christian missionaries, professionals per se
and so on, that, whether formally drawing a salary or not, one and all
without exception, make a call on the resources of the community in
return for the services they render. If anybody, anywhere, at any time,
has made or still makes a statement to the contrary, a little searching
of his conscience is the only prescription for this malady!
Here, I would like to record a discussion I had recently with Shri
Dhiren Majumdar, the veteran Sarvodaya thinker, who, in spite of his
old age, continues to be a field worker. I requested him to throw some
light on the question of a social worker's standard of living. On this
issue, there is as much enervating confusion and contradiction
among Sarvodayites as among profesional social workers, because of
the religious insistence of the former on austerity in principle, most
often violated in actual practice. Dhiren Da, as he is affectionately
called, declared without reservation:
CHAPTER-13
Voluntary Organizations And Social Welfare
There has been considerable discussion in recent years regarding the

role of voluntary organizations in social welfare in India. An indica-
tion of the rethinking that is going on in the field is a recent spurt in
the publication of articles in the popular press and the discussion
following these publications. The debate seems to centre around the
roles of voluntary organizations in the changing social context, and
the national goal of the welfare state. There is also a feeling of
dissatisfaction about the role played by voluntary organizations since
Independence. Disappointment is expressed that inspite of consider-
able financial support by the government, the performance of
voluntary organizations in social welfare has been far from satisfac-
tory.
Before proceeding to discuss the new roles of voluntary organisa-
tions in social welfare, it is appropriate to define a voluntary organi-
zation. A voluntary organisation is an association of people orga-
nized to meet the needs of a section or the whole of that community.
In other words, the voluntary organizations originate in the sponta-
neous, altruistic, humanitarian feelings of a few leaders in the
community, who are concerned for the welfare of the disadvantaged
among their fellow human beings. A corollary to this definition is the
support extended to the voluntary organizations by the local commu-
nity. The financial resources that are necessary for the existence of
voluntary organizations and for the services rendered by them are to
be collected from within the local community. The reference to the
local community need not exclude large-scale state or national level

organizations. Such large-scale organizations may result through a
process of federation or affiliation of a number of local level volun-
tary organizations working in a particular area of welfare. It is also
possible that a national or state level voluntary organization may be
first established with a clear intention to work for the welfare of a
certain group of people, and this may be followed by the opening of
branches or local units of these large-scale organizations in different
parts of the country.
The voluntary organizations as defined above needs to be distin-
guished from the non-official organizations. As the Study Team
Report has rightly pointed out, a voluntary organization is spontane-
ous in its origin, while a non-official organization is sponsored by the
government.1 A sponsored non-official organization may not have
roots in a local community as a voluntary organization would. As a
result, the non-official organization may fail to arouse popular
support. In other words, the non-official organization is an instance
of induced voluntarism by the state which may or may not secure
popular support.
Historically, the origin of voluntary organizations in India may be
traced to the period when the Indian society started to undergo
certain significant changes coincident with the establishment of the
rule of the East India Company towards the end of the 18th century.
In a feudal society where primary group ties are very strong, such
groups predominate in the life of the people. The family, the kinship
group, the caste and the village community have been powerful and
familiar primary groups in the Indian society. In the past they have
generally performed the functions which we now define as social
welfare functions. Following the establishment of the East India
Company rule, certain changes took place in the political and
economic life of the country.
Broadly speaking, there were three major factors which led to a
CHAPTER-14
An Indian Perspective Of Social Work
During the past two or three decades, there has been much talk of
the need for developing an indigenous model of social welfare. Very
rarely this idea has been pursued seriously to the point of making a
beginning in that direction. The reason for this is obvious; it is easy to
criticise but difficult to create. G.R. Banerjee is one of those very few
Indians who has tried patiently and persistently to be creative by
continually thinking and writing on an Indian perspective of social
work. Her contributions have been brought together in a book of
essays-Papers on Social Work-An Indian Perspective. In the first
thirteen papers, she propounds the basic concepts which form part of
Indian social work. They are: concepts of social welfare as kalyan or
mangal; concepts of love, duty or Dharma and Ahimsa; Concept of
detachment or Nishkama Karma; concepts of self, professional self,
self-help, and Karma theory; concept of social functioning and social
consciousness. According to Banerjee, the ancient Indian concept of
social welfare was broader in scope than the western concept. It
included not only remedial but also preventive measures. It was not
restricted to a particular group or class but was meant for all, rich, or
poor, normal or handicapped. The goal of human activity was the
welfare of all human beings; i.e. loka sangraha. It was the duty of
human beings, particularly the leaders to work for the welfare of
society.
Banerjee is critical of the overemphasis on the rights of an individ-
ual in western societies. She equates rights with concern for material
An Indian Perspective Of Social Work 245
comforts, though it implies obligations or duty, which is neglected.

She asks whether this extreme craving for material comforts based on
conviction of individual rights, can bring about human happiness.
An individual cannot be made to love another person by emphasizing
the right or by legislation. The Indian concept of duty or dharma is
superior to the concept of right. While right makes people selfish and
thus divides them, the concept of duty with its emphasis on obliga-
tion, unites people. But the concept of duty is not based on social
pressures. In that case it will be bitter. It becomes sweet when "love
greases its wheels". Duty also implies self-denial.1
Self is an indivisible whole which provides continuity to the
otherwise changing personality. It includes body, mind, intellect and
awareness or consciousness. It has a spiritual element, the soul,
which is immortal. Dichotomy of self, as professional self which
operates in one's work life from the 'other' self is not valid. It is the
same self whether in private life or professional sphere. When we
speak of professional self we refer to the manifestation of self in our
work life. Self cannot have a different set of values and behaviour in
private life and in professional work. Love is not a quantity or a thing
to be bargained or negotiated. It is a quality of the self developed on
the basis of awareness of its identity with the whole of humanity. It
implies imaginative emphathy. Ahimsa is an aspect of love. It does
not mean non-killing or avoidance of physical violence. It has a
positive meaning. Ahimsa is not possible without love. It is akin to the
western social work concept of acceptance.
Banerjee's description of the concept of rights is too narrow. It is
not correct to say that the rights emphasize only the privileges and
comforts of the individual. The concept of rights of man originated
in the context of a social philosophy based on man as a rational being,
capable of taking decisions in his best interests. It implied freedom of
action consistent with the rights of other men. As noted by Banerjee,
it implies obligations or duty. Such rights as freedom of speech and
CHAPTER-15
Counselling In The Indian Culture
Counselling is a form of psychological help provided by profes-

sional persons to people who need it in order to cope with their
problems. Such help is offered in a face-to-face relationship through
discussion between the counsellor and the counsellee. There is no
agreement on what constitutes counselling and how it is different
from case work and psychotherapy. And there are different types of
counselling based on a large number of psychological theories. The
term counselling has been in use in social work literature since the
early thirties. Almost all authors on case work consider counselling
as a part of case work. It was classified as one of the techniques of
direct treatment (psychological help) by Hamilton.1
Aptekar, however, refers to case work, counselling and psycho-
therapy as three distinct independent forms of helping. According to
him counselling is and could be practised by social workers. But it is
different from both case work and psychotherapy. Case work is
geared to the provision of a concrete service such as financial relief,
adoption and foster placement. Psychological knowledge and skills
may be necessary for administering a concrete service. But it is
different from counselling which is discussion of personal or inter-
personal problems of individuals. On the other hand, psychotherapy
which is also a form of psychological service, and has personality
2
change as its goal. Rogers who propounded 'non-directive counsel-
ling', does not make any distinction between psychotherapy and
Counselling In The Indian Culture 253
counselling, and uses these two terms synonymously. He considers

environmental help as outside the scope of counselling and thus takes
the same position as Aptekar.3 It is generally accepted that counsel-
ling requires psychological knowledge and skills. Depending on one's
preference,a counsellor may choose anyone of the major psychologi-
cal theories: Freudian, Neo-Freudian, Adlerian, Jungian, Rankian
etc. or he may be an eclectic choosing concepts and skills useful from
any of these. In addition, a counsellor needs knowledge pertaining to
the problems characteristic of a field e.g. educational problems,
problems of employees in industry, vocational problems, marital
problems etc. There are two broad types of counselling- directive and
non-directive counselling. A prominent advocate of non-directive
counselling is Carl Rogers. Most Freudians and other psychoanalyti-
cally oriented counsellors also believe in non- directive counselling.
The objective of counselling is stated variously as personality
growth, developing self-knowledge and self-awareness, strengthen-
ing the capacity to perceive the problem realistically and deal with it,
enabling the person to learn to exercise the choice wisely etc. This is
to be achieved by discussion between the person and the counsellor.
The discussion is focussed on the feelings and attitudes of the person.
There is greater emphasis on emotions and comparatively less
attention to the need for providing knowledge through information
and explanation. The establishment of rapport or relationship is
considered as an essential and vital element. Self-determination is a
cardinal principle for most writers on counselling. The counsellee
should be left free to select his own goal in relation to the solution of
the problem. The non-directive group takes an extreme position on
this point. In fact, if we have to select one single characteristic that
distinguishes non-directive counselling from directive counselling, it
is the great value attached to this principle. Other distinctive features
of non-directive counselling include: the emphasis on minimal
activity by the counsellor; authority as incompatible with counsel-
Chapter-16
Helping Process In The

Bhagawadgita
It should be made very clear at the beginning that this paper does not
deal with the religious issues raised in Bhagavadgita. I am not
competent to do it nor am I interested in that exercise. There is a vast
literature published in English and most Indian languages, which
should be referred to by those interested in Bhagavadgita as a reli-
gious text. My purpose is non-religious and limited to exploring the
model of the helping process in the Bhagavadgita. In other words, I
take the problem faced by Arjuna at the battlefront as an eternal
human problem – what is one’s duty when faced with a critical
situation? Self-interest? Interest of “others”? Who are these “others”?
What are the guiding principles to make the correct or the right
choice?
The Context
Most people in India know the story of Mahabharata in some

form or the other. While the details may vary, the main features of the
context, the dilemma faced by Arjuna while both the armies of
Kauravas and Pandavas are facing each other, ready to fight to the
finish at the battlefield of Kurukshetra would be the same. At that
time –a short while before the actual beginning of the war, Srikrishna,
the charioteer of Arjuna (Parthasarathy) takes the chariot in the
middle of the battlefield –between the two army formations and asks
Arjuna to look in front of him, the Kauravas – the enemy. Shriranga
states that Krishna did this deliberately. He asks Arjuna to look in
front and not at the back-his own army and then in front-the
Kauravas. Why? Perhaps Krishna is aware with his superior knowl-
edge and ability to look ahead in future, what might happen. He does
not want that to happen which would be a catastrophe i.e after the
war has begun Arjuna to say that he did not wish to fight and in the
process kill his own people (swajana) and commit a serious sin which
would surely drive him to hell after his death. He wants Arjuna to face
it now and deal with it, get it over with, so that he is fully determined
to fight the Kauravas – without wavering in his mind by the feelings
of “swajana” (my people).
So, Krishna says take a look in front of you and see all the people
ranged against you-the patriarch of the Kuru dynasty, highly revered
Bheeshma Pitamaha, the great teacher Drona, who taught archery to
both Kauravas and Pandavas, the other teacher before him
Kripacharya, and then his cousin Duryodhana and his brothers,
hundred of them. When Arjuna looks at all of them, suddenly there
is a panic reaction. The feelings of “swajana” is so overpowering that
his reasoning faculty fails. And he reacts by saying I will not fight and
kill these people, they are my own kith and kin. It is at this crucial
point that Krishna intervenes and his exposition of the great message
follows, at the end of which Arjuna with his emotions in control,
retrieving his sense of reasoning, knowing what is right and wrong in
a proper perspective, unhesitatingly decides to fight and lead his army
to victory. Rest is history.
Shreeranga says Arjuna had faced a similar situation before, at the
time of Gograhana battle (seizure of cattle) as Brihannale (neither
man nor woman) as part of forest-dwelling incognito (Ajnatawasa).
But, he was then in the employment of the king Virata as the chief of
the army (Senapati), fighting for his employer, the king. His mind was
Chapter-17
Sarvodaya Methods Of Social Work
In September 1964 the Gandhian Institute of Studies, Varanasi,

appointed a Working Group consisting of Gandhian constructive
workers and professional social workers with the purpose of develop-
ing a bridge between the two which might ultimately lead to the
"fusion of the traditional concepts of social work as visualised by
Mahatma Gandhi and the professional concepts of social work
developed in the Western countries". The Report of the Working
Group has already been published. The Gandhian Institute organ-
ised another seminar at Varanasi from March 20 to 22, 1967, to
continue the dialogue between the two groups of social workers. The
purpose of this seminar was to develop a greater insight in the
sarvodaya methods of social work by making "a comparative analy-
sis of some of the important techniques as practiced by a few out-
standing leaders of the sarvodaya field".
During the seminar a sentence in Prof. Dasgupta's paper led to a
lively discussion. He had said that "the end of social work is the end
of social work". This, Shri Dhirendra Mazumdar queried. “Is it
possible, he asked, to conceive of a society at any point of time where
there will be no need for social work?” He felt that whereas there
could be an "end" of social workers in a particular community, he
believed that in any society, however wellorganised and developed,
there would always be a need for social work.
Acharya Ram Murti addressed a question to the professional
Sarvodaya Methods Of Social Work 271
group. He explained that the Sarvodaya group makes a difference

between welfare work and liberation work. Welfare work is in the
nature of providing relief to people suffering from various problems.
Liberation work refers to the total, fundamental change in social
relationship and the institutional structure of society; it implies
mobilising the people's power and leading a movement to break
deadlocks created by powerful vested interests in a community. The
Acharya asked: Are the professional social workers willing to lead or
participate in such a people's movement? In reply, some pointed out
that social action is a method of social work and the professional
social worker is supposed to participate in a programme of social
action. Dr. Ruby Pernell answered the question: Theoretically a
professional social worker believes in participating and leading a
movement or direct action programme. However, in practice,
professional social workers are unable to do this because they are
employees of government or government-aided organisations The
service rules and their own concern for job security prevent them
from participating. in such direct action programmes.
Dr. Chatterjee's paper attempted to analyse the Gandhian concept
of change of heart by comparing it with the theories of different
schools of psychology. He pointed out that "to Gandhian logic, the
change of heart was a total, revolutionary, cataclysmic event, encom-
passing the entire 'philosophy of life', so that all actions subsequent to
the change of heart are in conformity with the radical change that has
taken place at the core", Like professional social workers, Gandhians
also believe that "mere intellectual acceptance, on grounds of logic, is
not enough; the change has to be at the levels of emotions and
feelings too-the involvement has to be total, at the cognitive, conative
as well as the affective levels." According to Dr. Chaterjee, there is
one essential difference between the Gandhian and the Freudian
concept of personality change. In Gandhian technique, change of
heart is sought through strengthening the" control of the super-ego.
Chapter-18
Developmental Perspective Of
Social Welfare
Two models of social welfare are usually mentioned in historical

reviews of social welfare. The dominant and popular model is usually
referred to as the remedial or residual model which is contrasted with
the other model described variously as the institutional-redistributive
or developmental model of social welfare. It is frequently argued by
some wellknown western and Indian writers that the latter model is
more suited to the developing countries which include India.
Social work education in India has been based on the traditional
model of social welfare and social work practice with some modifica-
tions to suit the Indian situation. At the beginning of the decade of
1970's a few social work educators in India (including this writer)
began to advocate developmental orientation to social welfare and
social work education which was also the emerging new trend both
regionally and internationally. The factors responsible for this have
been discussed elsewhere. An official committee endorsed this new
orientation to social work practice and education by recommending
that social work education should be in tune with social reality and it
should have a rural bias in contrast to the prevalent urban-industrial-
metropolis model (UGC 1980). While almost all social work educa-
tors publicly seem to be committed to the developmental model of
social welfare and social work education, there is very little evidence
of the implementation of this commitment either in social work
practice or social work education. We need not go into the reasons for
this here.
A brief explanation of developmental social welfare, a convenient
shorthand term for the new model, will be made before illustrating
some of its features in a few selected areas of social work practice.
The term ‘development' and 'social development' are frequently used
in the literature dealing with this model. There are no widely
accepted definitions of these concepts in the disciplines concerned
such as economics, sociology and social welfare. The economist's
perception of development is based on his own discipline's bias and
expansiveness which has been described as economism by
Nieuwenhuize, a wellknown Dutch sociologist. Conceptually the
economists have moved from economic growth and later economic
development as the central objective of planned nation-building by
the newly independent countries of the world to a broader but not
significantly different concept of development. They include in it
some non-economic variables which together are referred to in a
residual meaning of the term ‘social’ as social development. It may
mean either or both of the following: social prerequisites to economic
development and social consequences of development (considered
as undesirable). In U.N literature it tends to be stated as economic
development plus institutional change without clearly defining
institutional change, but with occasional references to family plan-
ning and land reforms as programmes or to the objective of social
justice, sometimes also referred to as redistribution or distributive
justice. Gradual elimination of the mass problems of illiteracy,
unemployment and poverty are included in this view of develop-
ment.
The sociologists tend to take a holistic view of the term social
development which includes economic development as one of the
many components rather than as the dominant feature of it. In a
major treatise on development a western sociologist defines social
Chapter -19
Roles And Functions Of

Social Welfare
The historical evolution of social welfare, which was presented in the

previous chapters pointed out the changing emphasis on social
welfare at different periods of history. In India, the earliest concep-
tion of what has now come to be known as social welfare, was dana,
and the philosophy underlying it was known as dana dharma or
dhamma. Dana literally meant sharing, and Dharma had a variety of
1
meanings, ranging from duty or obligation to charity or equity.
During the medieval period when Muslim kings ruled the country,
charity was known as khairat. The goal of social welfare has been
described at different times in Indian history as lokasangraha, loka
sreya and sarvodaya.2
In the west, it was known as charity or philanthropy before the
industrial revolution and even after, until about the second decade of
the nineteenth century. After the middle of the nineteenth century,
during the Charity Organisation Movement in England, the term
'scientific charity' gradually gained currency. As late as 1897 in the
U.S.A., Mary Richmond was saying that the new profession had no
name and for want of a better name she called it ‘the profession of
3
applied philanthropy’. The term 'social work' was introduced in the
4
U.K. by about the 1920s. We do not know when the term 'social
welfare' came to be used.
Roles And Functions Of Social Welfare 281
Recently there have been several attempts in the west to identify

the different conceptions of social welfare and sometimes these are
also referred to as models of social welfare. Wilensky and Lebaux
referred to the antithetical conceptions of social welfare:
Two conceptions of social welfare seem to be dominant in the United States
today: the residual and the institutional. The first holds that social welfare
institutions should come into play when the normal structures of supply, the
family and the market break down. The second, in contrast, sees the welfare
services as normal 'first line' functions of modern industrial society.5
Somewhat similar to the institutional view of social welfare is the

developmental concept of social welfare which was defined as:
'Welfare activities as a frontline function of modern industrial
society, in a positive collaborative role with other major social
institutions working toward a better society.6 Later, Richard Titmuss
formulated the wellknown three models of social policy which
incorporated the two previously mentioned concepts of social
welfare.
The Residual Welfare Model is based on the premise that there are
two 'natural' (or socially given) channels through which an individ-
ual's needs are properly met; the private market and the family. Only
when these break down should social welfare institutions come into
play and then only temporarily ....’
The Industrial Achievement Performance Model incorporates a
significant role for social welfare institutions as adjuncts of economy.
It holds that social needs should be met on the basis of merit, work
performance and productivity ....’
'The Institutional Redistributive Model sees social welfare as a
major integrated institution in society, providing universalist services
outside the market on the principle of need. It is based on theories
about the multiple effects of social change and the economic system,
and in part on the principle' of social equality ....’7
Chapter -20
Bhakti- Concept, Ideology And Spread
The title of this chapter has been carefully chosen, after much
deliberation. Bhakti as a religious concept is said to be present in
rudimentary form even during the vedic period, while it is widely
believed to have its origin in the Agamas and post-Agamic religious
literature, culminating as BhaktiYoga in Bhagavadgita. Here we are
concerned with its manifestation during a period of almost thousand
years from the seventh century, originating in Tamil territory' (Tamil
Nadu) moving upwards to Kannada speaking territory (Karnataka)
from there to Marathi (Maharashtra) and Gujarati (Gujarat) speak-
ing territories. It also erupted in the north-eastern U.P., spread
towards the eastern India (Assam, Bengal, Bihar and Odisha) and
downwards to the central parts of the country (Rajasthan, M.P). A
religious concept developing into a religious ideology, modifying in
major respects the earlier version of Bhakti, with mass appeal,
attracting in significant numbers the middle and lower strata of
society, cutting across all barriers of jati (caste), gender, occupation,
social status, and even religion. This phenomenon has been
described, debated, eulogized and critically assessed by scholars from
different parts of the country over a period of several decades. It has
been labelled as an "event", socio-religious, socio-political and social
protest movement, etc. Some writers have gone so far as to call it a
revolution'.* So some preliminary clarifications and observations

seem to be necessary on the choice of title, before proceeding further.
Bhakti as a concept refers to devotee’s love for God, a personal
God who may be formless, Nirguna or Saguna, a supreme reality or
power to whom he surrenders himself, a total surrender based on
unconditional and intense love. This may take the form of marital
love as in the case of Andal for Krishna, Meera Bai for Girdhar Gopal
and Mahadeviakka for Chennamallikarjuna (Shiva). These
instances, incidentally illustrate the Saguna form of Bhakti. In
Saguna Bhakti, the God may be one of the two- Shiva or Vishnu in
human form as Rama or Krishna. Sometimes one may notice the
blend of both Nirguna and Saguna Bhakti as witnessed in Narasimh
Mehta and Kabir, though in Kabir Nirguna Bhakti is dominant.
.Bhakti becomes an ideology when it attempts to convert the masses
to the particular concept of Bhakti with prescribed rules of conduct
and forms of worship. We notice this in the Warkari saints of
Maharashtra and Veerashaiva saints of Karnataka. As a result sects
emerge, forming their own community of fellow worshippers,
providing mutual support, solidifying the bond of kinship among the
followers. The emergence of sects may be a spontaneous process or a
byproduct of the teachings of the leaders of the particular type of or
form of devotion as in the case of Kabir and Warkari saints or a
deliberately organised collective or group as in the case of Sikhs or
Shivasharanas (Veerashaiva saints) of the medieval Karnataka.
The word "movement" widely and popularly used to refer to the
emergence of Bhakti ideology and the establishment of new sects or
*. D.P.Mukerji, my teacher at Lucknow University, was a great scholar and he was

one of the founders of the discipline of sociology in India. He stated that “their
(Bhakti movements) larger number much about the same period would entitle us to
include them in one broad movement” and “the movement had the spirit of a
revolution”. Later, he called it a “mirror revolution”. Indian Culture, 1946, reprint
Roopa and Co. Delhi 2006.
Notes and References
CHAPTER -1
1. Cf. Romila Thapar's paper 'Interpretations of Ancient Indian History', in
Ancient Indian Social History,1 (New Delhi: Orient Longman, 1978) in which
she explains how historical writing on India was influenced by the dominant
ideology of the period.
For the problem of objectivity see E.H. Carr, What is History? (London:
Penguin, 1976) (especially Chapter 1, The Historian and His Facts). See also
Peter Leonard, 'Explanation and Education in Social Work', The British
Journal of Social Work, Vol. 5 (Autumn 1975), p.325.
2. E.H. Carr, What is History?, p. 30.
3. Louis Dumont, 'On the Comparative Understanding of Non-Modern
Civilizations', Daedalus, Vol. 104, (Spring 1975), pp. 153-8.
4. E.H. Carr, What is History?, p. 55.
5. Clark A. Chambers (ed.), A Century of Concern, National Conference of Social
Welfare, Columbus, n.d., pp. 1 and 2.
6. E.J. Hobsbawm, 'From Social History to the History of Society', in Essays in
Social History, (eds.) M.W. Flinn and T.C. Smout (Oxford: Clarendon Press,
1974), pp, 1 and 20.
7. Ibid., p. 2.
8. Ibid., p. 5.
9. 'Much of our ancient source material refers comparatively more fully to the
upper sections of society; the study of the lower sections has to be far more
deductive.' Romila Thapar, Ancient Indian Social History, p.122.
10. Ankie M.M. Hoogvelt, The Sociology of Developing Societies (London:
Macmillan, 1976), p. 5.
CHAPTER -2
1. Among the few earlier attempts, mention must be made of Helen Witmer,
Gordon Hearn and Harriett Bartlett in the U.S.A., and recently Zophia
Buttrym, Peter Leonard, Robert Pinker and Ramesh Mishra in the U.K.
2. M.S. Gore, Social Work and Social Work Education (Bombay: Asia Publishing
House, 1965), p. 6.
3. Peter M. Blau, Presidential Address: ‘Parameters of Social Structure',
American Sociological Review, Vol. 39 (October, 1974), pp. 615-35.

4. Ibid.
5. M.S. Gore, 'The Cultural Perspective in Social Work in India', International
Social Work, Vol. 9 (July, 1966). p. 6.
6. There is a vast amount of literature which critically examines the Parsonian
theory of social system and social change. For a selection of these see Anthony
D. Smith, The Concept of Social Change (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul.
1973) and P.S. Cohen, Modern Social Theory (London: Heinemann Educational
Books, 1968).
7. C. Wright Mills, The Sociological Imagination (New York: Oxford University
Press, 1959).
8. Charles A. Valentine, Culture and Poverty (Chicago: University of Chicago
Press, 1968), p. 1.
9. A comprehensive anthropological definition has been recently given by
Edmund Leach: 'The sum of culture at a particular place and time is a totality,
a way of living, a system'. According to Leach the key word is system and the
most fundamental fact that we learn from anthropology is that 'our affairs are
organised in systems, that our institutions hang together'. Cf. Edmund Leach,
'Anthropology', in The Social Sciences Today, (ed.) Paul Barker (London:
Edward Arnold, 1975), p. 12.
10. 'This social system encloses, besides the so-called economic factors, all non-
economic factors of relevance for the movement of the system, including, for
instance, educational and health facilities, but also more fundamentally the
distribution of power in society, more generally economic, social and political
stratification, and broadly institutions and attitudes to which we have to add,
as an exogenous set of factors, intentionally induced policy measures applied
in order to change one or several of these endogenous factors.' Gunnar
Myrdal, 'The Unity of the Social Sciences', Human Organization, Vol. 34
(Winter 1975), p. 328.
11. As early as 1942, Helen Witmer in a classic study, Social Work (New York:
Rinehart and Co., 1942) had defined social welfare as a social institution par
excellence.
12. For a critical discussion of these views, cf. G. van Benthem van den Bergh, 'Is a
Marxist Theory of the State Possible?', Occasional Papers, No. 61 (The Hague:
Institute of Social Studies, 1977); Paul Corrigan and Peter Leonard, Social
Work Practice under Capitalism-A Marxist Approach (London: Macmillan, 1978).
See especially Ch.9, 'The State'; and Anthony Giddens, The Class Structure of
the Advanced Societies (London: Hutchinson, 1973).
13. R. M. MacIver and Charles H. Page, Society-An Introductory Analysis (New
York: Rinehart and Co., 1957).
14. Neil J. Smelser, 'Sociological History: The Industrial Revolution and the
British Working-Class Family', in The Essays in Social History, (eds.) M.W. Flinn
and T.C. Smout (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1974), p.24.
15. Ibid., p. 24.
16. Ibid., p. 25.
17. Anthony Smith criticises this concept of structural differentiation because it
fails to explain what acts as a motivating force towards differentiation. In his
view it is only a descriptive concept. But even he concedes some explanatory
power to the concept. Cf. Anthony D. Smith, The Concept of Social Change.
18. Cf. for example the concept of metropolitan and satellite relationship. Andre
Gunder Frank, On Capitalist Underdevelopment (Bombay: Oxford University
Press, 1975).
19. Indian social anthropologists 'sometimes relabelled as sociologists' generally
tend to view Indian society as homogeneous. This idea is more implicit than
explicit. Cf. M.N. Srinivas, Social Change in Modern India (New Delhi: Orient
Longman) [Indian Edition], 1966. Srinivas hardly takes note of the Muslim
segment of the Indian society. An exception to this approach is Yogendra
Singh, Modernization of Indian Tradition (New Delhi: Thomson Press, 1973).
Singh also treats Indian society as homogeneous society, because of his
reliance on the modernisation theory which does not permit recognition of the
disruptive role of conflict and change. He tries to synthesise a number of
theoretical approaches which are not easily reconcilable. As a result, what we
find is, in the words of Mills, a paste-book eclecticism.
Both Srinivas and Singh explicitly exclude from consideration the
economic institutions and forces, which cause considerable problems for them
in their analysis of Indian society and social change. Whereas Srinivas
completely ignores the political institutions, Singh makes a perfunctory
reference to this by discussing electoral behaviour. From our point of view,
both these books are unsatisfactory for the study of Indian society and social
change. For a lucid criticism of Srinivas's homogeneous view of Indian society
cf. Imitiaz Ahmed, 'For a Sociology of India', Contributions to Indian Sociology
(New Series), No. 6 (1972). P. 172. To quote briefly; 'Indian society comprises
not only Hindus, who constitute the dominant majority, but also Muslims,
Christians, Parsees, Jews and the adherents of the three major offshoots of
Hinduism, namely, Buddhism, Jainism and Sikhism. Each of these groups
claims inheritance from a distinctive socio-cultural and religious tradition.
Ideally, a sociology of India should encompass all these groups and their
traditions. It is, however, one of the characteristics of the discipline today that
it has tended to emphasise the study of Hindus and their religious tradition; the
study of non-Hindus and of their traditions has been sadly neglected by both
Indians and foreigners.'
20. Harold S. Wilensky and C.N. Lebeaux, Industrial Society and Social Welfare
(New York: The Free Press, 1965).
21. Romila Thapar, 'Ethics, Religion, and Social Protest in the First Millenium
B.C.' in Northern India', Daedalus, Vol. 104 (Spring 1975), p. 119; see also Raja
Ram Shastri, Social Work Tradition in India (Varanasi: Welfare Forum and
Research Organisation, 1966).
22. Cf. Readings in Social Evolution and Development, (ed.) S.N. Eisenstadt (Oxford:
Pergamon Press, 1970); also Industrialization and Society, (eds.) Bert F. Hoselitz
and Wilbert E. Moore (Paris: Mouton, UNESCO, 1963).
23. Daniel Bell, The Coming of Post-Industrial Society (Delhi: Arnold Heinemann)
[Indian Edition], 1974.
24. Cf. Smith, The Concept of Social Change; S. Chodak, Societal Development (New
York: Oxford University Press, 1971); and Giddens, The Class Structure of the
Advanced Societies.
25. Bernice Q. Madison, Social Welfare in the Soviet Union (Stanford: Stanford
University Press, 1968).
26. Ibid.
Some elements of professional social work such as employment and training
of labour welfare workers are found in Czechoslovakia. Interestingly, the
nature of labour welfare programmes and tasks performed by welfare workers
in industry are in many respects similar to those found in the field of labour
welfare in India, which is a developing country with a small but significant
industrial sector. There are some important differences also and one of these is
the influential role of the trade unions in the formulation of social policy for
the welfare of industrial workers and in directly implementing some of the
labour welfare programmes. This once again highlights the impact of the
political-economic structure of the Czechoslovak society. See, Vladimir Tesar,
'Social Welfare Programmes in Czechoslovak Enterprises', International
Labour Review, Vol. 117 (July-August, 1978), p. 441.
27. For this view cf. Roy Bailey and Mike Brake (eds.), Radical Social Work
(London: Edward Arnold, 1975) and Ramesh Mishra, Society and Social Policy
Notes and References 347
(London: Macmillan, 1977) for an excellent discussion of Marxist approach to

social welfare. Even the functionalists like Smelser have stated that social
welfare is part of the social control processes of society. Cf. Neil J. Smelser,
Theory of Collective Behaviour (New York: Free Press, 1962). However, Corrigan
and Leonard while presenting a Marxist approach take a different view of the
nature of the state and the social control function of social welfare. They argue
that the welfare state in advanced capitalist countries like U.K. contains an
element of autonomy and so it reflects the class struggle and the contradictions
of that society. According to them, it is possible for social workers to work for
the radical transformation of the society, even when they are part of state
apparatus. Cf. Corrigan and Leonard, Social Work Practice under Capitalism.
28. Paul Halmos, The Faith of the Counsellors (London: Constable, 1966).
29. Cf. Alvin Gouldner, 'The Importance of Something for Nothing' in For
Sociology (Hammondsworth: Penguin, 1975), p. 266.
30. For a brief statement of Marxist theory of social change cf. Cohen, Modem
Social Theory, pp. 180-6; and J.A. Banks, Marxist Sociology in Action (London:
Faber and Faber, 1970).
31. Peter Leonard, 'Towards a Paradigm for Radical Practice', in Radical Social
Work, (eds.) Roy Bailey and Mike Brake, p. 46.
32. Cf. for a similar criticism, book review by Arthur Maglin, 'Role of Radical
Therapy', Monthly Review, Vol. 28 (April, 1977). He says: "the question of the
active oppositional strategy that might build a movement is talked around in
Radical Social Work, but is never directly confronted. The book recognizes the
interface of therapy and politics, but ultimately leaves unresolved the problem
of how they are to be combined. The vaguely implied solution is that psycho-
therapy has to be augmented by a more important 'social therapy', but this just
serves to indicate the problem without solving the riddle" [p.55]Very recently
Corrigan and Leonard in their book, Social Work Practice Under Capitalism, have
made a further attempt to meet some of these criticisms by pointing out how to
link up the Marxist practice of social work to the political movement. The
authors acknowledge the limitations of their work.
33. Cf. John Rawls, A Theory of Justice (London: Oxford University Press, 1972),
pp. 48-50. My idea of reflective analysis is adapted from Rawls' concept of
reflective equilibrium.
34. Giddens, The Class Structure of the Advanced Societies; J.A. Banks, Marxist
Sociology in Action; Irfan Habib, 'Problem of Marxist Historical Analysis in
India' in India-State and Society, (ed.) K. Mathew Kurian (New Delhi: Orient
Longman, 1975), p. 20.
35. Paul D. Wiebe, Social Life in an Indian Slum (Delhi: Vikas Publishing House,
1975).
36 J. H. Boeke, Economies and Economic Policy of Dual Societies (New York:
Institute of Pacific Relations, 1953).
36. Lloyd I. Rudolph and Susanne H. Rudolph, The Modernity of Tradition
(Bombay: Orient Longman) [Indian Edition], 1969.
CHAPTER 3
1 Cf. S. Natarajan, A Century of Social Reform in India (Bombay: Asia Publishing
House, 1962).
In fairness to Natarajan, it should be stated that he was commissioned to
write the history of social reform movement during the nineteenth and
twentieth centuries in India, and so he was not concerned with reform
movements before that period.
2. Cf. G.R. Banerjee, 'Social Welfare in Ancient India' in Papers on Social Work: An
Indian Perspective (Bombay: Tata Institute of Social Sciences), n.d. (1972?),
p.59; Sugata Dasgupta, 'Asoka's Concept of Social Welfare', The Indian Journal
of Social Work, Vol. 19 (December, 1958), p. 197; and Raja Ram Shastri, Social
Work Tradition in India (Varanasi: Welfare Forum and Research Organisa-
tion, 1966).
Dasgupta gives a fairly detailed and accurate description of social welfare
programmes during the period of Asoka, though at times he tends to exagger-
ate the positive aspects. The monograph by Shastri has several merits. Unlike
most social welfare literature, it is not confined to the discussion of social work
in Hindu tradition; he also uses, though in a loose and vague manner, the social
structural approach; and what is more significant is his explicit recognition of
the role of ideology in social work tradition in India. On the other hand,
Shastri does not clearly spell out the chronology of the period he is discussing,
which may create considerable confusion for the reader. Also the latter part of
the monograph which deals with Islamic and Parsee traditions is very
superficial and inadequate. Banerjee's account is essentially a glorification of
the past and it has the same weakness as in the case of Shastri, namely, non-
specification of the period dealt with. None of these books gives the historical
source material.
3. Romila Thapar, Ancient Indian Social History (New Delhi: Orient Longman,
1978), p. 22.
For a recent comment on this point cf. Barun De, 'A Historiographical
Critique of Renaissance Analogues for Nineteenth Century India', in
Perspective in Social Sciences, l, (ed.) Barun De (Calcutta: Oxford University
Press, 1977), p. 178.
4. D.D. Kosambi, The Culture and Civilisation of Ancient India in Historical Outline
(London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1965), p. 54.
5. Georges Dumezil, quoted in Louis Dumont, 'On the Comparative Under-
standing of Non-Modern Civilizations', Daedalus, Vol. 104, (Spring 1975), p.
162.
6. Raja Ram Shastri, Social Work Tradition in India, pp. 2-5.
7. Ibid., p. 4.
8. Romila Thapar, 'Ethics, Religion, and Social Protest in the First 'Millenium
B.C. in Northern India', Daedalus, Vol. 104 (Spring 1975), p. 120.
9. This point has been made before by a well-known author. The published work
could not be traced.
10. Dumont, 'On the Comparative Understanding of Non-Modern Civilizations',
p. 167.
11. Romila Thapar, 'Ethics, Religion, and Social Protest', p. 126.
12. Ibid., p. 127.
13. Ibid., p. 129.
14. Ibid., p. 130.
15. Raja Ram Shastri, Social Work Tradition in India, p. 6.
16. Romila Thapar, 'Dana and Daksina as Forms of Exchange', Ancient Indian
Social History, p. 105. According to her Dana 'refers to the act of giving,
bestowing, granting, yielding and presentation, irrespective of what is being
given and when', p. 106.
17. Ibid., p. 110.
18. Ibid., p. 111.
19. Ibid., p. 115.
20. Ibid.
21. B. Tirumalachar, 'Economic Organisation in Ancient India', Indian Journal of
Economics, Vol. 22 (1941-42), p. 380.
22. Kautilya's Arthasastra, Translation by R. Shamasastry (Mysore: Wesleyan
Mission Press, 1929), p. 38.
23. Ibid.
24. Ibid., p. 47.
25. Ibid.
26. B.P. Sinha, Readings in Kautilya's Arthasastra (Delhi: Agam Prakashan, 1976),
pp. 1-18.
27. Kautilya's Arthasastra. p. 350.
28. Ibid., pp. 305-6.
29. B.P. Sinha, Readings in Kautilya's Arthasastra, pp . 64 and 146-7.
30. Ibid., p, 144.
31. Kautilya's Arthasastra, p. 125.
32. B.P. Sinha, Readings in Kautilya's Arthasastra, p. 81.
33. Kautilya's Arthasastra, p. 161.
There is a reference to managers of charitable institutions. It is my guess
that those who could not be employed by the state and who could not provide
for themselves, were kept in these institutions.
34. B.P. Sinha, Readings in Kautilya's Arthasastra, p. 17.
35. D.D. Kosambi, The Culture and Civilisation of Ancient India, p.150.
36. Romila Thapar, Asoka and the Decline of the Mauryas, (Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 1963), p. 1.
37. Sugata Dasgupta, 'Asoka's Concept of Social Welfare', p. 197.
38. Romila Thapar, Asoka and the Decline of the Mauryas, p. 212.
39. D.D. Kosambi, The Culture and Civilisation of Ancient India, p.162.
40. Romila Thapar, Asoka and the Decline of the Mauryas, p. 118.
41. Romila Thapar translates it as virtue and Kosambi as principle of equity.
42. Romila Thapar, Asoka and the Decline of the Mauryas , p. 140.
43. The introduction of social security by Bismark in nineteenth century Prussia
was in somewhat similar conditions for the integration of the new working
class with the rest of the society, when Germany was struggling to emerge as a
new nation in Europe.
CHAPTER 4
1. Cf. S. Natarajan, A Century of Social Reform in India (Bombay: Asia Publishing
House, 1962).
2. I.H. Qureshi, The Administration of the Sultanate of Delhi (Lahore: Sh. Muham-
mad Ashraf, 1944), p. 2.
3. K.M. Ashraf, Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan (Delhi: Jivan
Prakashan, 1959) p. v.
4. Ibid., p. 14; and M. Mujeeb, Social Reform among Indian Muslims (Delhi: Delhi
School of Social Work, 1968), p. 2.
5. S.A.A. Rizvi, Religious and Intellectual History of the Muslims in Akbar's Reign
(Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, 1975), p. 17.
6. I.H. Qureshi calls it a theocentric state cf. Qureshi, The Administration of the
Sultanate of Delhi, p. 44; and A.L. Srivastava calls it a theocratic state cf. Akbar
the Great, Vol. II (Agra: Shiva Lal Agarwala and co., 1973), p. 5.
7. S.A.A. Rizvi, Religious and Intellectual History of the Muslims in Akbar's Reign, p.
17.
8. A.L. Srivastava, Akbar the Great, Vol. 1 (Agra: Shiva Lal Agarwala and Co.,
1962), p. 82.
9. S.A.A. Rizvi, Religious and Intellectual History of the Muslims in Akbar's Reign,
p. 18.
10. K.M. Ashraf, Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan, p. 94.
11. Ibid., Part 1, Political Condition.
12. Ibid., p. 94.
13. Ibid., pp. 214-21.
14. Ibid., p. 120.
15. Ibid., n. 4, pp. 120-1.
16. A.R. Fuller and A. Khallaque, The Reign of Alauddin Khilji, translated from
Zia-ud-din Barani's Tarikh- I-Firuz Shahi (Calcutta: Pilgrim Publishers, 1967).
17. For cases of individual charity cf. K. M. Ashraf, Life and Conditions of the People
of Hindustan, p. 222; and I.H. Qureshi, The Administration of the Sultanate of
Delhi, p. 192.
18. M. Mujeeb, The Indian Muslims (London: George Allen and Unwin, 1967),
p. 61.
19. For this section I am relying mainly on M. Mujeeb, The Indian Muslims, Chs. VI
and VII.
20. M. Mujeeb, The Indian Muslims, p. 120.
21. Ibid., p. 144.
22. Ibid.
23. I.H. Qureshi, The Administration of the Sultanate of Delhi, p. 192.
24. Quoted in K.M. Ashraf, Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan, pp. 74-5.
A slightly different version of this well-known saying is attributed to
Mirza Aziz, who was very close to Akbar. Differing with Akbar on his
advocacy of monogamy, Aziz stated his opinion that a man needed at least
four wives. When pressed for giving his reasons, he replied: 'A man must
marry one woman of Hindustan to rear up children; one wife from Khurasan
to do the household work; one woman from Iran to keep company and talk.'
And what about the fourth? Mirza Aziz submitted, 'Why? One woman from
Trans-Oxiana to whip the other three and keep peace.' Mohammad Yasin, A
Social History of Islamic India (Lucknow: The Upper India Publishing House
Ltd., 1958), p. 125.
25. K.M. Ashraf, Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan, p. 224.
26. Ibid., p. 228.
p. 18.
28. Afif, quoted in I.H. Qureshi, The Administration of the Sultanate of Delhi, p. 193.
29. S.A.A. Rizvi, Religious and Intellectual History of the Muslims in Akbar's Reign.
30. The Ain-I Akbari, Vol. 1, (Blochmann's translation) (New Delhi: Oriental
Books Reprint Corporation) [Third Edition], 1977, p. 279.
p. 416.
32. The Ain-I-Akbari, p. 278.
p.p68.
34. A.L. Srivastava, Akbar the Great, Vol. 2, p. 82.
35. Ibid.
36. Ibid., pp, 278-9.
37. Ibid., p. 281.
38. H. Beveridge, translator of Akbar Nama says that Akbar was both ruthless and
self-indulgent, and gives an example of his cruelty. Cf. Introduction, Akbar
Nama of Abu-L Fazl, Vol. 3 (New Delhi: Ess Ess Publications, 1977), reprint,
pp. xiii-xiv; Also cf. Iqtidar Alam Khan, 'The Middle Classes in the Mughal
Empire', Social Scientist, Vol. 5 (August, 1976) pp. 36-7.
39. The Ain-I Akbari, pp. 288-9.
40. Yusuf Husain, Glimpses of Medieval Indian Culture (Bombay: Asia Publishing
House, 1957), p. 91.
41. W.H. Moreland, India at the Death of Akbar (Delhi: Atma Ram and Sons, 1962,
p. 260.
42. Ibid.
43. Alam Khan, 'The Middle Classes in the Mughal Empire', p. 38.
44. Ibid., p. 39.
45. W.H. Moreland, India at the Death of Akbar, p. 260.
46. The Ain-I- Akbari, pp. 287-8.
47. Akbar Nama, Vol. 2 (New Delhi: Ess Ess Publications, 1979), reprint, p. 45, .
48. Bisheshwar Prasad, Bondage and Freedom, Vol. 1 (New Delhi: Rajesh Publica-
tion, 1977), p. 451; K.M. Ashraf, Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan,
p. 146; and Tara Chand, Society and State in the Mughal Period, Sardar
Vallabbhai Patel Lectures (Delhi: The Publications Division, Government of
India, 1961),p.51.
49. M. Mujeeb, The Indian Muslims, p. 95.
50. I am grateful to Mr. Rifaqat Ali Khan for this point. He drew my attention to
the role of Banjaras, especially about the supply of the essential goods during
Akbar's Kashmir campaign. Ashraf says ‘Until the last century, the old class of
grain-carriers, known as Banjaras of Rajputana, still employed hundreds of
thousands of oxen in their trade. Some of their caravans amounted to as many
as 40,000 head of oxen.' Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan, p. 106.
51. Akbar Nama, Vol. 3, p. 1087.
52. The Ain-I -Akbari, pp. 276-7.
53. Ibid., pp. 285-6.
54. Ibid., p. 278.
55. Ibid., p. 210.
56. Akbar Nama Vol. 3, p. 354.
57. W.H. Moreland, India at the Death of Akbar, p. 260.
58. Ibid., pp. 261 and 278-80.
59. Bisheshwar Prasad, Bondage and Freedom, p, 442.
60. For a favourable account of Aurangzeb, see Sheikh Mohammad Iqbal, The
Mission of Islam (Delhi: Vikas Publishing House, 1977).
CHAPTER 5
1. While the East India Company took the official posture of neutrality, many of
its officers were sympathetic to the cause of the missionaries; and these
officials helped the missionaries covertly, if not overtly, especially in their
social reform work. The Company's officials in south India did not strictly
follow any particular principle or policy in religious matters. They were more
pragmatic in their approach and were operating on the basis of a quid pro quo
arrangement with the missionaries. This approach, coupled with the social
conditions prevailing there, accounts for the widespread missionary activity
and their greater success in religious conversion in the south.
For an illuminating discussion of the Company's religious policy see
Chapters, 1 to 3, Arthur Mayhew, Christianity and the Government of India
(London: Faber and Gwyer, 1929). For a comparison of the Portugese, Dutch
and Danish policy with the British policy, see Chapter 2.
2. For a historical account and the role of Serampore missionaries cf. E. Daniel
Potts, British Baptist Missionaries in India 1793-1837 (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1967).
3. N.S. Bose, The Indian Awakening and Bengal (Calcutta: Firma K.L.
Mukhopadhyaya, 1960).
4. Bisheshwar Prasad, Bondage and Freedom, Vol. I (New Delhi: Rajesh Publica-
tion, 1977), p. 441.
5. Arthur Mayhew, Christianity and the Government of India, p. 39.
6. N.S. Bose, The Indian Awakening and Bengal, p. 127.
7. Bisheshwar Prasad, Bondage and Freedom, Vol. 1, p. 435.
8. There was a mutiny of Indian soldiers in 1806 at Vellore which was attributed
to the orders against wearing caste-marks and the turban.
9. E. Daniel Potts, British Baptist Missionaries in India, p. 146; Bisheshwar Prasad
says "that 275 widows were burnt in Calcutta in 1803 and the monthly average
of cases of sati was 20 in 1804, Bondage and Freedom, Vol. 1, p. 435.
10. Quoted in Kenneth Ingham, Reformers in India 1793-1833 (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1956), p. 47.
11. Interestingly, while Ingham feels that the estimate of 10,000 cases of sati in a
year is an exaggeration, Bisheshwar Prasad states that Grant's estimate of
15,000 cases is not an exaggeration, cf. Bisheshwar Prasad, Bondage and
Freedom, Vol. 1, p. 435; Ingham, Reformers in India, p.47.
12. Bimanbehari Majumdar, History of Indian Social and Political Ideas (Calcutta:
Bookland Private Ltd., 1967), pp. 7-8.
13. According to Bisheshwar Prasad, 'many of these Brahmins could count their
wives in scores or sometimes into hundreds as well', Bondage and Freedom,
Vol. 1, p. 432.
14. E. Daniel Potts, British Baptist Missionaries in India, p. 142.
15. Ibid., William Ward quoted, p. 143.
16. Benoy Ghosh, 'Calcutta: The City of Renaissance', Frontier, Vol. 8 (October 4,
1975), p. 34.
17. Robin Jeffrey, The Decline of Nayar Dominance (Delhi: Vikas Publishing House,
1976), p. 48. The role of missionaries in Travancore is discussed in Chapter 2,
and the following paragraphs are based on it.
18. Kenneth Ingham, Reformers in India, Chapter 5, 'The Status of Indian Women';
and N.S. Bose,The Indian Awakening and Bengal, pp. 143-6.
19. Kenneth Ingham, Reformers in India, p. 86.
20. Ibid., p. 55.
21. E. Daniel Potts, British Baptist Missionaries in India, p. 244.
22. Dumont, 'On the Comparative Understanding of Non-Modern Civilizations',
Daedelus , Vo1. 104 (Spring 1975), 167; see also, Romila Thapar, 'Ethics,
Religion, and Social Protest', pp. 125-6.
CHAPTER 6
1. Charles H. Heimsath, Indian Nationalism and Hindu Social Reform (Bombay:
Oxford University Press, 1964), pp. 6-7.
2. B,M. Bhatia, History and Social Development, Vol. 1, 'Elites in Modern India'
(Delhi: Vikas Publishing House, 1974), pp. 86-7.
3. Debendra Bijoy Mitra, The Cotton Weavers of Bengal, (Calcutta: Firma KLM,
1978), especially Chapter 5.
4. V.C. Joshi (ed.), Rammohun Roy and the Process of Modernization in India (Delhi:
Vikas Publishing House, 1975).
5. Charles H. Heimsath, 'Rammohun Roy and Social Reform' in V.C. Joshi (ed.),
Rammohun Roy and the Process of Modernization in India, p.149.
6. Ibid., David Kopf, 'Rammohun Roy and the Bengal Renaissance', p.37.
7. Ibid., Ashis Nandy, 'Sati-A Nineteenth Century Tale of Women, Violence and
Protest', pp. 190-1.
8. Ibid., Charles H. Heimsath, p. 156.
9. Benoy Ghosh, 'Calcutta: The City of Renaissance', Frontier, Vol. 8 (October 4,
1975), p. 34.
10. Ibid.
11. B.N. Ganguli, Concept of Equality: The Nineteenth Century Indian Debate (Simla:
Indian Institute of Advanced Study, 1975), p, 45.
12. Y.D. Phadke, Social Reformers of Maharastra (New Delhi: Maharashtra
Information Centre, 1975), p. 3.
13. Ibid., pp. 5-10.
14. Anil Seal, The Emergence of Indian Nationalism: Competition and Collaboration in
the Late Nineteenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1968),
p. 9.
15. Ibid.,; and J.C. Masselos, Towards Nationalism (Bombay: Popular Prakashan,
1974).
16. Sukomal Sen, Working Class of India (Calcutta: K.P. Bagchi & Co., 1977).
17. Dipesh Chakrabarty, 'Sasipada Banerjee: A Study in the Nature of the First
Contact of the Bengali Bhadralok with the Working Classes of Bengal', The
Indian Historical Review, Vol. 2 (January, 1976) p. 339.
18. Charles H. Heimsath, Indian Nationalism and Hindu Social Reform.
19. Cf. Appendix IV, Memorial of the National Muhammadan Association 1882',
in Bimanbehari Majumdar, History of Indian :Social and Political Ideas: From
Rammohun to Dayananda (Calcutta: Bookland Pvt. Ltd. 1967).
20. M. Mujeeb, Social Reform Among Indian Muslims (Delhi: Delhi School of Social
Work, 1968), p. 18.
21. Ibid., p. 22.
22. Ibid., p. 20.
23. Cf. Anil Seal, The Emergence of Indian Nationalism, see especially Chapter 5,
'The Politics of the Associations'.
24. B.N. Ganguli, Gandhi's Social Philosophy: Perspective and Relevance (Delhi: Vikas,
Publishing House, 1973), p. 123.
25. B.N. Ganguli, Ideal Social Order-Gandhiji's Vision (Hyderabad: Andhra Mahila
Sabha, 1972), p. 37.
26. Ibid., pp. 37-8.
27. S. Natarajan, A Century of Social Reform in India (Bombay: Asia Publishing
House, 1962), pp. 152-61.
28. Ammu Menon Mazumdar, Social Welfare in India: Mahatma Gandhi's Contribu-
tions (Bombay: Asia Publishing House, 1964), p. 155.
29. Ibid., pp. 162-3.
30. B.N. Ganguli, Ideal Social Order, pp. 29-30.
31. Ibid., pp. 34-6.
32. Ibid., p. 40.
33. B.N. Ganguli, Concept of Equality, Op.cit, p. 1.
34. Ibid., p, 2.
35. Ibid., p. 17.

36. Ibid., p. 45.
37. Gunnar Myrdal, 'The Secret Vice', Ceres, Vol. 10 (July-August, 1977).
38. Ganguli, who is sympathetic in his assessment of the social reformers of the
nineteenth century, states that they had deep sympathy for the poor and the
down-trodden. 'But their contact with the masses and the numerically
significant minorities was not as wide and effective as the circumstances
required.' Cf. B.N, Ganguli, Concept of Equality, p.55.
39. Ibid., p. 46.
CHAPTER 7
1. J.P. Naik and Syed Nurullah, A Student's History of Education in India (Delhi:
Macmillan, 1974), 6th Edition.
2. John W.D. Megaw, 'Medicine and Public Health', in Social Services in India,
(ed.) Edward Blunt (London: His Majesty's Stationery Office, 1938), p. 185.
3. Report of the Health Survey and Development Committee, Vol.1 (Delhi: Manager
of Publications, Government of India, 1946), p. 24.
4. Ibid., Vol. 2, p. 42.
5. Ibid., p. 44.
6. Edward Thompson and G.T. Garratt, Rise and Fulfilment of British Rule in India
(Allahabad: Central Book Depot, 1966), p. 491.
7. B.M. Bhatia, 'Famine and Agricultural Labour in India: A Historical
Perspective', 'Indian Journal of Industrial Relations, Vol. 10 (April, 1975), p. 575.
8. J.K. Samel, Orissa Under the British Crown (New Delhi: S. Chand and Co.,
1977). Cf. Ch. I, 'Famine of 1866'.
9. B.M. Bhatia, 'Famine and Agricultural Labour in India'. pp. 583-4.
10. Edward Thompson and G.T. Garratt, Rise and Fulfilment of British Rule in India.
11. B.M. Bhatia, Famines in India (Bombay: Asia Publishing House, 1967), p.185.
12. Ibid., p. 289.
13. Arthur Mayhew, Christianity and the Government of India (London: Faber and
Gwyer, 1929).
14. E. Daniel Potts, British Baptist Missionaries in India (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1967), p. 140.
15. T.G.P. Spear, 'Stern Daughter of the Voice of God: Ideas of Duty among the
British in India', in The Concept of Duty in South Asia, (eds.) Wendy
D.O'Flaherty and J.D.M. Derrett (New Delhi: Vikas Publishing House, 1978),
p. 173.
16. Ibid., p. 176.
17. Ibid., p. 180.
18. Government of India, Report of the National Commission on Labour, (Delhi:
Manager of Publications, 1969).
19. Tove Stang Dahl, 'State Intervention and Social Control in Nineteenth
Century Europe', Contemporary Crises, Vol. 1 (April, 1977).
20. Jyotsna Shah, Probation Services in India (Bombay: N.M. Tripathi, 1973), p. 8.
21. C.F. Strickland, 'Voluntary Effort and Social Welfare', in Edward Blunt (ed.),
Social Services in India, p. 391.
22. Ibid., p. 390.
23. Cf. 'Introduction' in J.T. Ward (ed.), Popular Movements 1830-1850 (London:
Macmillan, 1970).
24. John Rosselli, Lord William Bentinck: Making of a Liberal Imperialist, 1774-1839
(Delhi: Thompson Press, 1974).
25. E. Thompson and G.T. Garratt, Rise and Fulfilment of British Rule in India,
p. 495.
26. Christopher Baker, 'Figures and Facts: Madras Government Statistics' in South
India: Political Institutions and Political Change 1880-1940, (eds.) C.J. Baker and
D.A. Washbrook (Delhi: Macmillan, 1975). pp.205-6.
27. Ibid., p. 207.
CHAPTER 8
1. For a brief introduction of the evolution of social welfare in U.S.A. cf. Clark
Chambers (ed.), A Century of Concern: 1873-1973 (Columbus: National
Conference of Social Welfare),n.d. (1973 ?); Steven J. Diner, 'Scholarship in
the Quest for Social Welfare: A Fifty-year History of the Social Service
Review', Social Service Review, Vol. 51 (March, 1977), p. 1. For a detailed
account cf. Nathan Cohen, Social Work in the American Tradition (New York:
The Dryden Press, 1958).
2. Cf. C. Wright Mills, 'The Professional Ideology of Social Pathologists', in (ed.)
Irwing Louis Horrowitz, Power, Politics and People- Collected Essays of C. Wright
Mills (New York: Oxford University Press, 1967 p. 525; and Paul Halmos, The
Faith of the Counsellors (London: Constable and Co., 1966).
3. Dick Atkinson has argued that Freudian theory permits revolutionary change
of society. Cf. his book, Orthodox Consensus and Radical Alternative (London:
Heinemann, 1971).
4. Cf. Steven J. Diner, 'Scholarship in the Quest for Social Welfare'; for the
concept of cyclical change, cf. Wilbert E. Moore, Order and Change: Essays in
Comparative Sociology (New York: John Wiley, 1967), pp. 12-13.
5. G.R. Banerjee, 'Social Welfare in Ancient India' in her book, Papers on Social
Work (Bombay: Tata Institute of Social Sciences), n.d. (1972 ?), p. 59.
Banerjee's approach is uncritical and it is a glorification of the past. Also see
Chapter 3 of this book.
6. Yogendra Singh, 'Political Modernization in India: Concepts and Processes' in
A.R. Desai (ed.), Essays on Modernization of Underdeveloped Societies (Bombay:
Thacker and Co., 1971), Vol. 2, p. 591.
7. M.M. Desai, 'Social Case Work and Cultural Problems', 'The Indian Journal of
Social Work, Vol. 17 (December, 1956), p. 189.
8. G.R. Banerjee, Papers on Social Work.
9. Anita Herlekar, 'The Articles on Social Work in the Indian Journal of Social
Work', Indian Journal of Social Work, Vol. 25 (January, 1965), p.299.
10. For a documentation of this dialogue, cf. Sugata Dasgupta (ed.), Towards a
Philosophy of Social Work in India (New Delhi: Popular Book Services), n.d.
(1967?)
11. Frances M. Yasas, 'Gandhian Values and Professional Social Work Values', in
S.K. Khinduka (ed.), Social Work in India (Allahabad: Kitab Mahal, 1965),
p. 75. Also cf. Jayaprakash Narayan, 'Social Sciences and the Gandhian
Movement', Social Work Forum, Vol. 3 (October, 1965), pp. 53-4.
CHAPTER-9
1. The Report of the Committee on Labour Welfare, Vol. I, Government of
India, New Delhi, 1969, Chapter III.
2. M. Y. Pylee, India's Constitution, Asia Publishing House, Bombay, 1962,
p-144.
3. First Five-Year Plan, Planning Commission, Government of India, New
Delhi, 1951, p.616.
4. Training for Social' Work : Fifth International Survey, United Nations, 1970,
(Mimeographed) p.1.
5. M.S. Gore, Social Work and Social Work Education, Asia Publishing House,
London, 1965, p. 26.
6. Ibid, pp. 26-27.
7. Ibid, p. 26.
8. Ibid, p. 66.
9. Ibid, p. 67.
10. Sugata Dasgupta, 'Role of the Profession In Social Reconstruction' Social Work
Forum, Jan. 1967, p. 1.
11. Ibid, p. 2.
12. P.D. Kulkarni, 'The Role of the Social Work Profession in Social Reconstruc-
tion', Social Work Forum, April. 1967, pp. 2-3
13. First Five Year Plan, Govt. of India Planning Commission, New Delhi
14. (i) P.Ramachandran and A.Padmanabha, Professional Social Workers in
India, United Asia Publications, Bombay, 1969.
(ii) Shankar Pathak, Social Welfare Manpower-A Regional Study, Suruchi
Publications, Delhi, 1983.
15. (i) K.N. Vaid, The Labour Welfare Officer, Delhi School of Social Work, 1962.
(ii) K.K. Jacob, Personnel Management in India, SJC Publications, Udaipur,
1973.
16. (i) S.H. Pathak, Family Planning in Schools of Social Work in India.
(ii) 'Social Welfare and Family Planning in Maharastra State, India', Social
Welfare and Family Planning, United Nations, New York, 1976, pp. 129-148.
17. (i) Neera Dave, A Study of Medical Social Work in Bombay, Delhi School of
Social Work, 1972 (Unpublished).
(ii) Ratna Sen, Medical Social Work in Calcutta, Delhi School of Social
Work, 1965 (Unpublished).
(iii) Veena Goyal, Medical Social Work in Delhi, Social Work Forum, July,
1969.
(iv) Aiyar, S.P. & Rao, Malathi K. Medical Social Work in Bombay, Indian
Journal of Social Work, Vol. 25. No.3. October, 1964.
18. I.E. Soares, The Evolution of the Department of Social Welfare of the
Government of India, Delhi School of Social Work, Delhi, 1969, pp. 3-4.
19. (i) ibid
(ii) A.B. Bose, Social Welfare Planning in India, United Nations, Bangkok,
1970.
20. A.B. Bose, Social Welfare at the Cross-Roads
Hearsey-Saiyaddin Memorial Lecture, Dept. of Social Work, Delhi Univer-
sity, 1995
CHAPTER-10
1. H.M. Vollmer and D.L. Mills quoted in John C. Baird, 'Issues in the Selection
of Growth Goals for Social Work', Journal of Education For Social Work, Vol. 8,
No.1, 1972. p.9.
The sociologists of the functional School in U.S.A. have provided a highly
idealised conception of a profession. Reacting to it, Everett C. Hughes who is a
leading sociologist of the Chicago group gave the following definition to
"expose the puffery" of the other group: "Profession is nothing but an
accolade, which the members of an occupation seek to have bestowed upon
themselves by the public in order to enhance their own role dominance,
honorific standing and market punch."
Robert W. Habenstein has argued that, ' ''Profession' is basically an
ideology, a set of rationalizations about the worth and necessity of certain
areas of work which, when internalized, gives the practitioner a moral
justification for privilege, if not licence and which, when recognised by society,
legitimates their penetration into the personal or social relations of people who
need or believe they need help." Quoted in Walter P. Metzger, "The American
Academic Profession in Hard Times," Daedaulus, Winter, 1975.
2. William Goode, 'Theoretical Limits of Professionalization' in A. Etzioni (Ed.)
Semi-Professions, The Free Press, New York, 1969.
3. William Goode, op. cit.
4. J.M. Kumarappa, 'Education for Professional Social Work', Indian Journal of
Social Work, June 1952.
5. A. Etzioni, Ed. Semi-Professions, op. cit.
6. Harold, L. Wilensky and Charles N. Lebaux, Industrial Society and Social
Welfare, Free Press, New York, 1958.
7. (i) William Goode, op. cit.
(ii) Harriett. M. Bartlett, Common Base of Social Work Practice, National
Association of Social Workers, New York, 1970.
8. Clifford Manshardt, Pioneering on the Social Frontiers of India, Lalwani
Publishing House, Bombay, 1967.
9. M.C. Nanavatty, "Development of Social Work Profession in India', Indian
Journal of Social Work, December, 1952.
10. S.N. Ranade, 'Social Work as a Profession', Indian Journal of Social Work,
December, 1954.
11. N. Nanjan, 'Professional Social Work', Indian Journal of Social Work, Septem-
ber, 1955.
12. This writer was one of the speakers at the Symposium. He then took an
optimistic view. His view has changed since then as is evident from this chapter
13. This writer was the first participant from India to go to U.S.A. under this
programme.
14. M.S. Gore, Social Work and Social Work Education in India, Asia Publishing
House, Bombay, 1965, p. 94.
15. Brian J. Harraud, 'British Social Work: A Profession in Process', Social Case
Work, June, 1971,p. 350.
16. Indian Express, New Delhi, dated 27.1 0.1972 carried a news report of a
seminar held at the Indian Instititute of Advanced Study, which was attended
by 50 experts representing different social sciences. According to it the
participants "felt that the Indian social sciences had been influenced by foreign
concepts and models and consequently their own contributions lacked
relevance. The concensus was that it was essential to develop concepts and
theoretical frames of analysis more suited to Indian ethos." They also felt that
"the subject had not yet developed in the country so as to claim the status of
science of social engineering."
17. K. Mukunda Rao, 'Social Work in India: Indigenous Cultural Bases and the
Process of Modernization', International Social Work, Vol. XII, No.3 (1969).
18. M.S. Gore, op. cit.
19. cf Anita Herlekar, 'Articles on Social Work,' Indian Journal of Social Work,
Vol. 15, No.1 (April, 1964).
20. A survey of articles published in Social Work Forum, during the past nine years
shows that, approximately 40 per cent of the articles were from social work
educators, 22 per cent from social workers at the field level, 8 per cent from
social workers who are administrators and policy makers at the national or
state level. The rest of the articles were from foreign social scientists and
others. These statistics are based on an analysis made by the author for this
paper. It covered the nine volumes of Social Work Forum from 1963 to 1971.
21. See, Social Work Forum, January, 1970 for a list of topics for doctoral disserta-
tion in four universities, and also, The Social Work Educator, Vol. III, No.2, July,
1978.
22. P. Ramachandran and A. Padmanabba, op. cit. and Shankar Pathak, Social
Welfare Manpower-A Regional Study, Suruchi Publications, Delhi, 1983.
23. cf. P. Ramachandran and A. Padmanabha, op. cit. and 'Students' Perception
of Social Work' by a Research Team, Indian Journal of Social Work, October,
1971.
24. An indication of the popular image of social work is provided by the Republic
Day awards to honour citizens who had distinguished themselves in various
fields of public activities including social work.
25. P.D. Kulkarni, Key Note Address, Seminar on 'The Role of Professional
Organizations in Development of Social Work Profession', Social Work Forum,
April, 1963. Nava Arad, 'The Role of Professional Association of Social
Workers in Influencing Social Policy, International Social Work, Vol. XV, No.1,
1972.
26. Figures taken from the I.A.T.S.W. Secretary's Report published in Social Work
Forum, January, 1964, and P. Ramachandran and A. Padmanabha, op. cit.
The 40 p.c. rate of attrition is calculated on the basis of the percentage of
'women among trained social workers which was 29 p.c. in 1964. cf. P.
Ramachandran, and A. Padmanabha; the percentage of women at present
may be higher which may be 30 p.c. at least. Most of the women either do not
work or leave work after a short period of employment for domestic reasons.
The same source mentions that 15 p.c. of the trained social workers were
working outside social work.
27. cf. M.C. Nanavatty, 'Growth and Problems of the Profession of Social Work in
India' Indian Journal of Social Work, April, 1967; K.N. Vaid, A Note from a
Branch President, Social Work Forum, October, 1969; Editorial, Social Work
Forum, January, 1968.
28. P.D. Kulkarni, ibid.
29. Richard.A. Cloward and Irwin Epstein, 'Private Social Welfare's Disengage-
ment from the Poor' in Social Welfare Institutions, Mayer .N. Zald (Ed.) John
Wiley & Sons, New York, 1965.
30. P. Ramachandran, and A. Padmanabha, op. cit,
31. J.M. Kumarappa, op. cit.
32. Harry Specht, "The Deprofessionalization of Social Work," Social Work,
Vol. 17, No.2 (March, 1972).
Postscript: Professionalization of the client is the reverse side of the
process of professionalization of an occupation or human activity. This
neglected aspect of professionalization process has been discussed recently by
Dewar. He states that the professionalization of the client is a form of
voluntary socialization which is"typically undergone, willingly, gradually, and
optimistically." It is a 'process whereby persons being helped take on as their
own some of their helpers' theories, assumptions and explanations" and "it
actually extends the dominance and control exercised by professionals ... in
effect, the key to a successful help experience becomes the extent to which
persons being helped come to understand themselves and their problems from
the perspective of the helper. This is as true for personal helping as it is for
technical helping, except that in the case of personal helping there is less to
learn." cf. Thomas R. Dewar, 'The Professionalization of Client', Social Policy,
January, 1978, p. 4.
CHAPTER - 11
1. Bose .A.B: Social Welfare at the Cross-Roads, Hearsey-Saiyaddin Memorial
Lecture, Delhi School of Social Work, Delhi, 1995.
2. Desai, Murali : Overview-50 Years of Social Work Literature, Indian Journal
of Social Work. April, 1997.
3. Gore .M.S, Profession of Social Work in India - A Perspective, Indian Journal
of Social Work, July, 1997.
4. Indian Professional Social Worker’s Association, Secretary’s Report,
Souvenir, 2012.
5. Joseph, Helen: Social Group Work, 50 Years of Social Work Literature , op.cit
6. Pathak Shankar, Social Work and Social Development-Some Unresolved
Issues, in Social Work and Social Development ed. R.K. Nayak and
H.Y. Siddique, Gitanjali Publications, New Delhi, 1989.
7. Payne Malcom, Modern Social Work Theory, Macmillan-Palgrave, New
York, 2005.
CHAPTER-12
Note: The author had not provided any references, when this article was
published first in Social Work Forum in 1967.
CHAPTER-13
1. Report of the Study Team on Social Welfare And Welfare of Backward
Classes, Committee on Plan Projects, New Delhi, 1959, p. 23.
2. (i) Ibid, p. 39.
(ii) Study of the Working of Voluntary Agencies in Social Welfare
Programmes, Programme Evaluation Organization, Planning Commission,
New Delhi, 1974.
3. D.P. Chowdhry, Voluntary Social Welfare in India, Sterling Publishers, New
Delhi,1971, p. 252.
4. P.D. Kulkarni, The Central Social Welfare Board, Asia Publishing House,
Bombay, 1961, p. 3.
5. D.P. Chowdhry, op. cit, pp. 284-285.
6. For a summary of various roles for voluntary organizations advocated in the
past, cf. R.M. Varma, 'Voluntary Agencies and Government', Voluntary Action,
Vol. 18, No.3 and 4, (March-April 1976) and for a symposium on this theme,
articles by M.V. Sastri, Devaki Jain and Gunanda Mazumdar in the same
issue. Also cf. V.M. Kulkarni, Voluntary Action in a Developing Society,
'Indian Institute of Public Administration, New Delhi, 1969; and S.N.
Ranade, 'Voluntary Action and Social Welfare', David Horton Smith, Ed.,
Voluntary Action And Research, D.C. Heath & Co., Lexington, 1974.
7. Devaki Jain, op. cit.
8. In 1888 the new educational policy proclaimed that the government 'pioneers
the way, but having shown the way, it recognises no responsibility to do for the
people what it can do for itself,' cf. Anil Seal, The Emergence of Indian
Nationalism, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1968, p. 20.
9. Adrian Webb, Legley Day and Douglas Weller, Voluntary Social Service:
Manpower Resources, Personal Social Services Council, London, 1976, Book
Review by Diana Leat Social Work Today Vol. 8, No.7 (16, November 1976).
10. Richard Crossman, 'The Role of the Volunteer in the Modern Social Services,'
in Traditions of Social Policy, A.H. Halsey, Ed, Basil Blackwell, Oxford, 1976.
He explained that the availability theory was based on the assumption that, "in
a free democratic community with mass poverty abolished, all that was
required was the provision of social services available to everyone who needs
them," p. 267.
Hans Daudt defines the welfare state as "that phase of a Presidential or
Parliamentary democracy in which the large mass of citizens chooses, through
the free exercise of the general suffrage, to empower the government to
intervene on its behalf in the economic processes in order to secure advantages
which, without such intervention, it would be impossible to realize", p. 89.
For a lucid discussion of the concept of welfare state, its implications and
problems in practice cf. Hans Daudt, 'The Political Future of the Welfare
State', The Netherlands Journal of Sociology, Vol. 13, No.2, (Dec. 1977). For a
detailed and critical discussion of the subject see, William A. Robson, Welfare
State and Welfare Society, George Allen and Unwin; London, 1976.
11. Crossman, op. cit., pp. 268-269 and 276.
12. Jo Grimond's Speech, reported in Social Work Today, Vol. 8, No.5 (2, Nov.
1976) p. 7.
13. Kamla Bhasin and Baljit Malik, 'The Legitimacy of Social Work', Pax India,
Vol. 5, No.1, Feb. 1975.
14. Ibid.
CHAPTER-14
1. For a brief but an excellent critical analysis of the concept of Dharma see,
Arnold Kunst, 'Use and Misuse of Dharma', The Concept of Duty in South
Asia, Wendy D.O' Flaherty and J. Duncan M Derrett, Eds., Vikas Publishing
House, New Delhi, 1978. According to his view, the "Concept of duty is part
of the totality of the idea of Dharma". In other words, the concept of Dharma
is wider in scope than the concept of duty.
2. M. Hiriyanna, Outlines of Indian Philosophy, George Allen and Unwin,
London, 1956, pp. 129-130.
3. Ibid.
4. This point was originally made by William L. Rowe of Duke University in his
paper 'The Values, Ideology and Behaviour of Emerging Indian Elites'
presented at a seminar in 1964. I am not aware if it has been published
subsequently.
5. Louis Dumont, Homo Hierarchicus, Vikas Publications, Delhi, 1970.
6. S. Radhakrishnan, Hindu View of Life, George Allen and Unwin, London,
1949.
7. Bertrand Russell, The Impact of Science on Society, George Allen and Unwin,
London, 1952, pp. 20-22.
8. In a recent book, Martin Seliger has made an interesting revealation: "Marx's
famous remarks on religion convey a wrong impression since for the most part
they are quoted out of context. The full passage reflects not so much disparage-
ment of religion as an explanation of that which requires its opiate effect: The
religious misery is on the one hand the expression of the real misery and on the
other the protest against the real misery. Religion is the sign of the hard-
pressed creature, the feelings of a heartless world, just as it is the spirit of the
spiritless situations. It is the opium of the people". Cf. his book, The Marxist
Conception of Ideology, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1978.
p-186.
CHAPTER-15
1. See, Gordon Hamilton, Theory and Practice of Social Case Work, Columbia
University Press, New York, 1967; and, Florence Hollis, 'The Techniques of
Case Work', Social Case Work, June, 1949.
2. Herbert H. Aptekar, Dynamics of Case Work and Counselling, Houghton
Mifflin Co., Boston, 1955.
3. Carl R. Rogers, Counselling and Psycho-therapy, Houghton Mifflin Co.,
Cambridge, 1942.
4. Ibid, p. 28
5. G. Gurin, J. Veroff, and S. Feld, Americans View Their Mental Health, Basic
Books, New York, 1960.
6. John P. Spegal, 'Some Cultural Aspects of Transference and Counter-
transference', Mayer N. Zald, Ed., Social Welfare Institutions, John Wiley and
Sons, New York, 1965.
7. John E, 'Mayer's review of the book, Kinship and Casework, by Hope J:

Leechter and William E. Mitchell, Social Case Work, June 1968, p. 368-69.
8. John E. Mayer and Noel Timms, The Client Speaks, Routledge and Kegan
Paul, London, 1970 ..
9. William J. Reid and Barnard Shapiro,'Client Reactions to Advice', Social
Service Review, June 1969.
10. Quoted by Milton Singer, The Concept of Culture, International
Encyclopaedia of Social Sciences, The Macmillan & Co. and the Free Press,
p. 528.
11. J. Milton Yinger, 'Contra-culture and Sub-culture,' American Sociological Review,
October, 1960, p. 626.
12. J.F. Bulsara, 'Toward Human Welfare: The Eastern Way', The Survey,
February 1952; S.N. Ranade, 'Training for Social Work', Economic Weekly, 4th
September, 1964; P.T. Thomas, Problems of Social Work Education in India,
Indian Journal of Social Work, April, 1967.
13. P.T. Thomas, op. cit.
14. M. M. Desai, 'Social Case Work and Cultural Problems,' Indian Journal of
Social Work, December 1956; G.R. Banerjee, Papers on Social Work: The
Indian Prespective, Tata Institute of Social Science, Bombay, 1972, K.D.
Gangrade, 'Conflicting Value System and Social Case Work', Indian journal of
Social Work, January, 1964.
15. Clyde Kluckhon and Henry A. Murray, Eds., Personality in Nature, Society
and Culture, Alfred A. Knopf, New York, 1956, p. 53.
Chapter-16
1. Bhagavadgita: (with the commentary of Sri Sankara). Translated by Alladi
Mahadeva Sastry 1897, corrected reprint, Samata Edition Madras, 1981.
2. Mukunda Rao, Vijaya, Bhagavadgita and Social Work Values, (Unpublished
Ph.D, Dissertation), University of Pennysylvania, Pittsburg, U.S.A., 1962
3. Radhakrishnan S, Bhagavadgita, Harper Collins Publishers, 1973
4. Shriranga: Geeta Gambhirya (Kannada)- Social Science of Srikrishna, Revised
2nd edition, Sharada Mandira, Mysore, 1968.
5. Shriranga, Geeta Darpana (Kannada) (Mirror of Gita) Akshara Prakashana,
Sagar, Karnataka (Mysore) 1972.
Chapter -17
1. Dasgupta Sugata Ed . Towards A Philanthropy of Social Work in India. Popular
Publisher, New Delhi, 1968.
2. Ganguli B. N . Gandhiji’s Views on Social Work Appendix I in this book.
3. Parel Authony J, Gandhi: Hind Swaraj and Other Writings, Centenary edition,
Cambridge university press, 2011
4. Yasas, Frances M: Gandhian Values and Professional Social Work Values, in
Social Work in India. Ed S K Kinduka. Kitab Mahal, Allahabad ,1965
Chapter-18
1. Gore, M. S. Some - Aspects of Social Development. University of Hongkong,
Hongkong, 1973.
2. Kendall, Katherine A,. ‘Focus on Prevention and Development'. New Opportu-
nities for Social Work Education, a Developmental Outlook for Social 'Work
Education, International Association of Schools of Social Work, New York,
1974.
3. Kulkarni, P. D., 'Developmental Function 'and Inter-disciplinary Nature of
Social Welfare’ in P.D. Kulkarni, Social Policy and Social 4.D e ve l o p m e n t i n
India, Association of Schools of Social Work in India, Madras, 1979 .
4. Myrdal Gunnar, The Unity of The Social Sciences, Human Organization, Vol.
34, Winter, 1975.
5. Pathak Shankar, Social Welfare- An Evolutionary and Developmental Perspec-
tive; Macmillan India, New Delhi, 1981.
6. Pathak Shankar, Social Development’ in the" Encyclopaedia of Social Work in
India, Ministry of Social Welfare, Government of India, New Delhi, 1987.
7. Sovani, N. V., Whither Social Planners and Social 'Planning ' ? in S, D. Gokhale
ed., Social Welfare-Legend and Legacy, Popular Prakashan, Bombay, 1975.
8. Thomas P.T. Has Social Work Education a Future in India, Samaja Karyada
Hejjegalu, June 2012.
9. University Grants Commission, Review of Social Work Education: The Report
of the Second Review Committee, U.G.C . New Delhi, 1980.
10. Van Nieuwenhuize, C.A.O., Development Begins At Home, Pergamon Press,
London, 1982.
CHAPTER-19
1. Romila Thapar, 'Dana and Daksina as Forms of Exchange', Ancient Indian Social
History (New Delhi: Orient Longman, 1978), p. 105.
2. Lokasangraha which is mentioned in the Bhagwadgita literally means care and
protection of the people. Loka Sreya was the term used by Rammohun Roy,
which means 'welfare of collective humanity' (cf. B.N. ,Ganguli, Concept of
Equality [Simla: Indian Institute of Advanced Study, 1975] p. 17). Ganguli says
that Roy Indianised the Benthamite concept of the greatest good of the greatest
number by using this Indian expression, Loka Sreya-people's welfare (cf. p. 73).
Ganguli has pointed out the distinctive character of Indian social consciousness
in the ancient times as follows: In India, the exaggerated sense of social con-
sciousness rooted in the narrow culture and community had always dimmed the
political sense, the sense of political identity as a wider group. By separating
society from the State, Indians sustained their narrow and artificial social
autonomy at the cost of political servitude. Political consciousness, as distinct
from social consciousness, was more or less undeveloped, prior to the contact
with the west and the conflict with the British rulers, particularly in the arrogant
phase of their hostility to the educated middle-class. According to our old
tradition, it was society, not the nation, which mediated between the individual
and the universal humanity. First came the welfare of the social group and its
distinctiveness and exclusiveness, symbolized by the phrase Go-Brahmana-
hitayacha, the cow and the Brahmana being the emotional symbols of identity.
Next came Jagaddhitaya, the welfare of universal humanity. The nation was
missing in this configuration. Perhaps, the other extreme was found in the west,
the nation not merely mediating as the intermediary, but actually engulfing
society so that social consciousness lost its autonomous character and merged in
national consciousness [pp. 10-11].
3. Mary Richmond quoted in Ralph E. Pumphrey and Muriel W. Pumphrey (eds.),
The Heritage of American Social Work (New York: Columbia University Press,
1961), p. 287.
4. Enid Harrison says that the term was perhaps invented during the early eighteen-
nineties, but it was sparingly used until the 1920s. Cf. 'The Changing Meaning of
Social Work', A.H. Halsey (ed.), Traditions of Social Policy (Oxford: Basil
Blackwell, 1976), p. 83.
5. Harold L. Wilensky and Charles N. Lebeaux, Industrial Society and Social Welfare
(New York: The Free Press, 1965), p. 138.
6. Quoted in John M. Romanyshyn, Social Welfare-Charity to Justice (New York:
Random House, 1971), p. 4.
7. Richard Titmuss, Social Policy (London: George Allen and Unwin, 1974),
pp. 30-1.
8. John M. Romanyshyn, Social Welfare-Charity to Justice, p. 33; see Chapter 2,
'Changing Concepts of Social Welfare', for a good summary and discussion of
various concepts.
9. P.D. Kulkarni, 'Developmental Function and Interdisciplinary Nature of Social
Welfare', Education for Social Change: Human Development and National Progress
(New York: International Association of Schools of Social Work, 1975), p. 24.
10. For an example of cost-benefit analysis used in the traditional type of social
welfare, cf. David W. Young and Brandt Allen, 'Benefit-Cost Analysis in the
Social Services: The Example of Adoption Reimbursement', Social Service
Review, Vol. 51 (June, 1977) p. 249.
11. A.J. Culyer, The Economics of Social Policy (London: Martin Robertson, 1973);
see especially Chapter 2, 'The Fundamental Economics of Social Policy'.
12. Charles K. Rowley and Alan T. Peacock, Welfare Economics: A Liberal Restatement
(London: Martin Robertson, 1975).
13. A.K. Sen and K.A. Naqvi, 'Social Welfare in Relation to Economic Develop-
ment', in Report of the Seminar on Social Welfare in a Developing Economy (Planning
Commission, Government of India), n.d, (1964?), p. 29.
14. Kingsley Davis, 'Social and Demographic Aspects of Economic Development in
India', in Simon Kuznets, Wilbert E. Moore and E. Joseph J. Spengler (eds.),
Economic Growth: Brazil, India, Japan (Durham: Duke University Press, 1955),
p. 263.
15. Lydia Rapoport, 'The Concept of Prevention in Social Work', Social Work, Vol. 6
(January, 1961). p. 3.
16. Katherine Kendall, 'Focus on Prevention and Development: New Opportunities
for Social Work Education', in A Developmental Outlook for Social Work Education
(New York: International Association of Schools of Social Work, 1974), p. 19.
17. This point was originally made by Solidad Fernando during a seminar at
Singapore in November, 1973.
18. Report of the Committee on Local Authority and Allied Personal Social Services
(London: Her Majesty's Stationery Office, 1970), p. 137; see Chapter 14 for a
good discussion of the concept of prevention.
19. David Drucker, An Exploration of the Curricula of Social Work in Some Countries of
Asia with Special Reference to the Relevance of Social Work Education to Social
Developmental Goals (Bangkok: ECAFE, and UNICEF, 1972), Mimeographed,
p. 16.
20. Ibid.
21. Ibid., pp. 16-17.
22. M.S. Gore, Some Aspects of Social Development (Hongkong: University of
Hongkong, 1973), pp. 44-7.
23. Allen Pincus and Anne Minahan, Social Work Practice: Model and Method (Itasca:
F.E. Peacock, Publishers, 1973), p. 15.
24. The Social Work Task-A BASW Working Party Report (Birmingham: British
Association of Social Workers, 1977), pp. 36-42.
25. Ibid., pp. 15-17.
26. S. Boye, 'The Cost of Social Security', International Labour Review, Vol. 115 (May-
June, 1977), p. 308.
27. Peter Kuenstler, 'The Nature of Community Work and Developments in
Training in Different European Countries', Teaching Community Work: A
European Exploration, Thelma Wilson and Eileen Younghusband (eds.) (New
York: International Association of Schools of Social Work, 1976), pp. 17-18.
28. S. Boye, 'The Cost of Social Security', p. 312.
29. Richard Crossman, 'The Role of the Volunteer in the Modern Social Service', in
A.H. Halsey, Traditions of Social Policy (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1976), p. 259.
30. The term 'animator' is commonly used in French and so it is popular among
Francophile nations. Some of the U.N. documents in English also have used it in
place of the term 'catalyst'. For further discussion of the concept cf. Jean-Yves
Calvez, Politics and Society in the Third World (New York: Orbis Books, 1973). Cf.
especially Chapter 21,'Education and Animation'.
31. T.L. Blair, The Poverty of Planning (London: Macdonald, 1973). Cf. especially
Chapter 12, for advocacy planning.
32. Ibid.
33. M.S. Gore, Some Aspects of Social Development, pp. 45-6.
34. T.L. Blair, The Poverty of Planning, p. 153.
35. Richard Crossman, 'The Role of the Volunteer in the Modern Social Service', p.
267.
36. Edgar K. Browning, ‘Welfare-A Reconstruction', The Humanist, Vol. 37 (March-
April, 1977), p. 12.
CHAPTER-20
1. Dharwadker, Vinay, Weaver’s Song-Kabir, Penguin-India, New Delhi, 2003.
2. Fraser Nelson, and Marathe K.B, The Poems of Tukaram. The Christian
Literature Society for India, Madras, 1913.
3. Hoskote, Ranjit, I Lulla, Penguin-India, New Delhi 2011.
4. Kalburgi, M.M. Ed. Basava Vachana Samputa (Kannada), Directorate of
Kannada and Culture, Government of Karnataka, Bangalore, 1993.
5. Karantha, Kota Vasudeva, Dana Maadabeku (Practice Charity), Kannada,
Ananta Prakashana, Bangalore, 1993.
6. Mutalik Keshav, M Songs of Divinity- Songs of Bards (Dasas), Focus, Popular
Prakashan, Bombay, 1995.
7. Pathak, Shankar. Social Development, Encyclopaedia of Social Work,

Government of India, New Delhi, 1987.
8. Pathak, Shankar. Samaja Karyada Parikalpane in H.M.Marulasiddaiah Ed.
Bhakti Panthadalli Samaja Karyada Berugalu, (Kannada) Bangalore, 1994
9. Pathak, Shankar, Social Work and Development. Review of Literature 1936-
1996, Indian Journal of Social Work, 58(2), April 1997.
10. Ramanujan.A.K, Speaking of Siva, Penguin-India, New Delhi, 1973
11. Singh, Khushwant, Social Reform Among the Sikhs, Delhi School of Social
Work Delhi, 1973
12. Shobha R. Women in Sanskrit Literature-A Feminist Perspective (Kannada),
Samaja Karyada Hejjegalu, January 2012.
13. Tagore, Rabindranath, Hundred Poems of Kabir, Macmillan-India, 1915, 19th
reprint 1995.
14. Underhill, Evelyn, Introduction in Rabindranath Tagore, 1915 op.cit
Anthologies
1. Marulasiddaiah H.M Ed: Dimensions of Bhakti Movement in India, Akhila
Bharatha Sharana Sahitya Parishat, Mysore, 1998.
Following papers in this book
Bhagwan, K.S, Bhakti Movement in Karnataka-Sharana Outlook
Gokarn, Niranjan A, Bhakti Movement and Social Development
Manavalan A.A, Bhakti Movement in Tamil Nadu
Mirajkar, Nishikant D, Bhakti Movement in Maharashtra
Murthy, Chidananda, Bhakti-A Protest Movement
2. Sivaramakrishna, M and Roy, Sumita (Eds), Poet Saints of India, Sterling
Publishers, Hyderabad 1996
Following Papers in this Anthology
Deshpande P.S, Tukaram
Nayak, Sujatha, Dadu Dayal
Narayana Prasad K.G, Haridasa Literature in Kannada
Ramachandra Rao B, Purandara Dasa
Ramanan Mohan, Andal’s Tirupavai
Shastri N.R, Kanaka Dasa
Sheela Devi, Ravidas
Subba Rao, Shanta, S, Mirabai

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SOCIAL WORK

Pathak comes out with great courage and individuality in his

Extracts from the Review of Social Welfare-An Evolutionary and

Your paper on social work manpower demand

You have done well in providing concise and lucid

FOR THE COMPLETE BOOK

© Shankar Pathak, 2012

A Few Words About This Book xi

3. Social Change and Social Welfare in Ancient India 24

4. Social Policy and Social Welfare in Medieval India

5. Christian Missionaries and Social Reform in India 68

7. Social Policy and Social Welfare During the Colonial

9. Evolution of Social Welfare in India 171

10. Professionalization of Social Work 186

11. Professional Social Work in India-1975 to 2012 207

12. Social Work Profession - A Provocation by S.S.Iyer 213

13. Voluntary Organizations and Social Welfare 227

14. An Indian Perspective of Social Work 244

15. Counselling in the Indian Culture 252

16. Helping Process in the Bhagawadgita 261

17. Sarvodaya Methods of Social Work 270

18. Developmental Perspective of Social Welfare 275

19. Roles and Functions of Social Welfare 280

20. Bhakti- Concept, Ideology And Spread 301

I. Gandhiji’s Views on Social Work-B.N.Ganguli 332

II. Social Workers' Pledge: A Gift to Gandhiji on his Last 336

Notes and References. 343

and so I was in touch with the developments in the field of social

In this brief opening chapter I propose to explain my approach in

continuous process of interaction between the historian and his facts,

In studying the evolution of social welfare in India from ancient

of the poor. This deficiency is especially marked in relation to the

Development as Process, i.e. as an evolutionary process of growth

The theoretical framework as presented in Chapter 2 is based on

Towards A Theoretical Frame Work For

A survey, whether in India or abroad, reveals the relative absence of

The concept of social structure is used widely in sociology, often

We shall view social structure in concrete terms and not as an abstract

LIMITATIONS OF FUNCTIONAL APPROACH

In our opinion, the Parsonian view of social structure with its

Social Change And Social

In Indian literature on social reform and social work it is customary

INDUS VALLEY-THE FIRST URBANISATION

The earliest of the Indian civilisations is the Indus valley culture of

This indicates a well-developed agricultural system which could

THE VEDIC PERIOD (1700 TO 600 B.C.)

Social Policy And Social Welfare

Historical literature on the evolution of social welfare generally deals

continuity; geographically it lacks territorial definition, for its

SOCIAL STRUCTURE AND SOCIAL WELFARE

The political structure was characterised by the autocratic rule of the

Christian Missionaries And

on the Malabar coast. The work of the earlier missionaries was

Social Reform During The Colonial Era

Social Policy And Social Welfare During

Act of 1813, the Company administration took hardly any interest in

Social Welfare: A Comparative

In recent years there has been an increasing interest in social change

EVOLUTION OF SOCIAL WELFARE IN THE U.S.A.

Social welfare which began as a religious, humanitarian activity to

called professionalisation of social work and the emergence of social

Clyde Klukhon and Henry A. Murray

Evolution Of Social Welfare In India