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Embedded journalism - more than a conflictreporting issue

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Embedded journalism – more than a

conflictreporting issue

J. D. Froneman & Thalyta Swanepoel

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 24 COMMUNICATIO Volume 30(2) 2004 pp. 24-35
Copyright: Unisa Press

Embedded journalism - more than a

conflictreporting issue
J. D. Froneman and Thalyta Swanepoel*

• Abstract
One of the outstanding features of the recent war in Iraq was the prominent media coverage given
to so-called embedded journalists, that is, reporters travelling with, and under, the protection of
coalition forces. This practice was severely criticised for compromising the independence of
journalists. Editors nevertheless defended it on practical grounds. In this article it is argued that
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embedded journalism is part and parcel of the way South African media operate, albeit in a
somewhat different form from what is prevalent in Iraq and that it includes far more than issues
relating to conflict reporting. The issue of conflict of interests while gathering news is well
documented and routinely addressed in handbooks on media ethics as well as ethical codes. But
the South African media usually tend to shun open discussion of this and other ethical issues.
Whatever the reason, the lack of debate on these and other media ethical issues prevents media
users from seeing journalism for what it is: a value-laden activity more often than not determined by
commercial considerations. These issues are addressed within the South African context and some
pertinent questions are posed on the political and commercial embeddedness of journalists, that is,
how conflict of interest permeates South African media. It is concluded that owners, managers and
individual journalists all have some responsibility for the embeddedness of South African journalists.
Given the focus on profits, it is suggested that the way forward would be for journalists to start
speaking out and applying their specific ethical codes.

1 Introduction
One of the outstanding features of the recent war in Iraq was the prominent media coverage
given to so-called embedded journalists, that is, some 500 reporters travelling with, and under,
the protection of the coalition forces (Shaw 2003). According to Gormly (2003), the
embedding programme was put together because American leaders agreed that press coverage
procedures should be part of war planning. These procedures were, according to a Pentagon
spokesperson, aimed at giving the media as much access as possible - especially after
complaints from reporters that they were denied access to battles during the Gulf War (Wilcox
2003). Allowing journalists to travel with the coalition forces was therefore, in the words of Lt
Com. Jeff Davis, an opportunity for 'independent, unbiased third parties [to] tell us the true
stories about what was happening' (as quoted by Gormly 2003).
Ironically, this practice was severely criticised for compromising the independence of
journalists (Kupe 2003; Willemse 2003; Du Toit 2003). However editors defended it on
practical grounds (Linnebank 2003). Some fellow journalists even went so far as to say the
embedded reporters make for good journalism, although they did concede that embedded

J. D. Froneman is professor in Communication, School of Communication Studies, University of North-West

(Potchefstroom Campus), South Africa. E-mail: KOMJDF@puknet.puk.ac.za
Thalyta Swanepoel is a lecturer in the same school.
 Embedded journalism - more than a conflictreporting issue 25

journalists may abandon their 'professional detachment and be co-opted into reporting more
favourably - and less sceptically - than the facts may warrant' (Shaw 2003).
As in the overseas media, major South African newspapers such as the Sunday Times (30
March 2003), Rapport (30 March 2003) and Beeld (25 March 2003) carried articles on the
issue, while Special Assignment, SABC3's investigative programme, featured the manage-
ment of news by the United States of America (US) during the Iraqi war (8 June 2003). The
coverage was in itself noteworthy, as South African media seldom give prominence to ethical
issues (Froneman 1994). However, the issue of ethics within the newsroom is now receiving
attention from the profession (Sanef 2002). But the issue of embedded war journalism, in
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which South African journalists hardly featured, was at least partially instrumental in putting
media ethics in the spotlight in the local media.

2 Redefining embeddedness
Conflict of interest could be defined as 'a clash between professional loyalties and outside
interests that undermines the credibility of the moral agent' (Day 1991:156). To avoid
conflicts of interest, newspapers (and journalists) should be free from obligations to any
groups and should be committed to offering the public the truth. Journalists should not accept
any gifts, free travel, special treatment or any privileges which could compromise their
integrity. It boils down to independence, responsibility and accountability - the very words
that come to mind when discussing embeddedness.
The key question addressed in this article is whether embedded journalism has not become
part and parcel of the South African news media scene, albeit in a somewhat different form
from what we saw in Iraq (cf. Froneman 2003). The key to our line of argument is equating
embeddedness with conflicts of interest. This argument has only recently come to the fore.
Gary Tuchman, a correspondent for CNN who 'embedded' with the American Air Force in
Iraq, acknowleged that 'embedding happens on a regular basis. Reporters are routinely
"embedded" with everything from sports teams to city councils' (Haines 2003).
The issue of conflicts of interest is well documented and routinely addressed in textbooks on
media ethics as well as ethical codes (e.g. Retief 2002:133-150; Froneman & de Beer
1998:289-320; Patterson & Wilkens 1991:99, 100; Day 1991:156-177; Rivers & Mathews
1988:93). Where conflict of interest is equated with embeddedness, the latter is also very
much a South African issue.
Given the South African media's record of exposing corruptive conduct in society, one would
expect the same kind of reaction and harsh criticism of similar practices within its own ranks.
The lack of ongoing, vigorous debate on these and other issues relating to media ethics
prevents media users from seeing journalism for what it is: a value-laden activity more often
than not determined rather by commercial considerations than good professional ones. The
fact is that journalism is a morally ambiguous business and has to be recognised as such. Only
then can we start debating the issues and attempt to redress what is wrong.
 26 J. D. Froneman and Thalyta Swanepoel

Why then does it seem as though the media in general shun an open debate on these and other
ethical issues within their own profession? It is an issue that is often only whispered about in
the newsroom, but not always tackled head-on. Could it be because they feel it could
compromise their credibility? Or could it be that some journalists have become so used to this
embeddedness that they regard it as normal?
For the sake of intellectual honesty, we need to confront these issues within the South African
context and continually pose pertinent questions on the political, intellectual and commercial
embeddedness of our journalists. In doing so we have to transcend the usual complaints of
reporters not being 'patriotic' enough, or being 'too critical', 'uninformed', 'poorly trained',
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'only interested in sensation' and downright 'liars'. These accusations may sometimes have
merit, but the problem is more fundamental, even structural. It is grounded in owners',
managers' and journalists' view of what the junctions of journalism are and how it ought to
be practised - especially in a country such as South Africa which may be relatively media-
rich, but is still developing in many respects and searching for an acceptable role (or roles)
within a young, sometimes fragile democracy.

3 The issues and ethical codes

Conflicts of interest in the process of gathering news come in many guises, but often boil
down to the following 'ethical' issues:
• journalists receiving freebies, such as free food, drinks, travel and accommodation in order
to try to secure favourable coverage
• the media deceiving readers/listeners/viewers by pandering to advertisers, inter alia, by
not clearly distinguishing between editorial and advertising copy
• journalists allowing their political and other affiliations improperly to dictate what and
how they will report.

It must be noted very clearly that improper personal financial gain is not at issue here: this is
rejected world-wide as well as in South Africa (Hiebert et al. 1991:535, 536; Riddle 1992).
The editorial ethical codes of the South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC), the
newspapers The Star and Sowetan specifically prohibit the acceptance of gifts. The code of the
South African Union of Journalists supports this view implicitly while the notoriously vague
South African Press Code of Conduct does not mention it at all.
Likewise, the clear separation of editorial content and advertising is advocated widely. The
Star's code of conduct, for example, states: 'Advertising or promotional features should be
clearly labelled.'
With regard to editorial independence, some codes specifically acknowledge the right of the
individual (journalist) to associate freely with any lawful organisation (Sowetan), but
particularly stress the journalist's obligation to be fair and 'give all sides of an issue' (The
 Embedded journalism - more than a conflictreporting issue 27

Star). As soon as these rights conflict with the editorial stance, the publication's (Sowetari)
independence takes precedence (Retief 2002:42).
Notwithstanding these guidelines, one does get the impression that ethical codes are not
always adhered to. It might be that the line between what is proper and what is not is
sometimes very blurred in the minds of many journalists. The final report of the South African
National Editors' Forum (Sanefs) 2002 South African national journalism skills audit did
find serious shortcomings in South African journalists' ethical foundation, although one might
question the validity of some conclusions, hi the final analysis different value systems lead to
different points of departure and interpretations (Greer 1999:17).
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What is at issue, however, are practices that open the door to improper influence peddling,
which could easily jeopardise the independence of journalists and the integrity of the media.
The following are some of the ways in which embeddedness manifests itself:

3.1 Commercial embeddedness: How freebies make it all possible

Lavish lunches, launches and soft beds: Even poorly paid reporters can hardly be bought by a
free lunch. But accommodation in luxury hotels is a clear step in the direction of
embeddedness. One could ask if representatives of the media should not pay their own way if
they deem the story being covered to be important enough. A high-point in embedded
journalism was the famous Sun International blitz on the media at the Lost City, which saw
journalists from all over the world being lavishly wined and dined in return, presumably, for
favourable publicity (Gevisser 1992). It was not the last spree of this kind, but certainly one of
the most expensive.
A counter-argument, put forward so eloquently in 1995 by one of the harshest critics of the
embedded journalism in Iraq, Chris Moerdyk, is that the wining and dining of the media
facilitated good communication. To his credit Moerdyk (2003), who describes the wining and
dining of journalists in the desert as 'this diabolically embedded business' (2003), added that
'no editor should allow his staff to accept anything from any company if quid pro quo strings
are attached'.
No public relations practitioner would be so foolish or brazen as to suggest anything but
totally honest, independent reporting. There are companies who go about it the 'right' way by
being up-front about what they would expect. For example: prior to media tours for South
African journalists to their facilities in the US, an American direct-selling company negotiated
possible coverage according to the publication's requirements. Notwithstanding the ample
opportunities for independent journalism that had been created, some journalists just went
along for the ride.
However, the aim of the 'stream of objects of marketing art, such as bunches of red balloons,
bottles of wine embossed with company logos, silver space-pens, key rings, French
champagne and golf shirts' that flow into newsrooms is to 'positively predispose the recipient
 28 J. D. Froneman and Thalyta Swanepoel

to the product', argues Hartley (2001). He says the psychology is simple and brilliant: 'There
is a deep human compulsion to reciprocate when receiving a gift.' It remains to be asked if
journalists will generally bite the hand that literally feeds them.
Hartley (2001) describes a two-page press release he received: 'Actually I received an
aluminium briefcase with a personal locking code. When I opened it, I first discovered a sheet
of silver paper encasing a free T-shirt. Next to the T-shirt were a digital world time clock, a CD
and a video. Finally, buried under the mountain of bribery, lay a rather ordinary press
statement about a rather well-covered event.'
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In the end, journalists who accept favours or gifts from news sources or 'vested interests'
should expect questions about bias (Day 1991:158).
Free travel: Free travel took on a totally new meaning during the Iraqi war. Until then it
usually referred to free air tickets as well as the 'long-term test vehicles' put at the disposal of
motoring journalists. Where motoring journalism is concerned, this is evidently not where free
travel ends. Motoring journalists with some publications do not even have to own their own
vehicles, having at their disposal the latest models throughout the year.
Critics will seriously question the independence of a journalist who has to write about a car or
holiday destination after just returning from an all-expenses-paid trip to some exotic
destination (Patterson & Wilkens 1991:99). A restaurant critic's ramblings will not be taken
seriously if it is known that he made a reservation at the restaurant in question and demanded
or accepted the dinner free of charge.
But while it is possible to wait for a car to be made available locally, it is hardly possible to be
a travel writer who does not travel. Given the (supposedly) precarious financial position of
many South African publications, it is hardly realistic to expect media representatives to pay
their own way in these fields. Some publications, here and overseas, do this but they remain
the exceptions. Fortunately, editors tend to scrutinise these trips rather carefully - and insist
that clear policy guidelines are in place to ensure fair play at all times.
From a pragmatic point of view one could argue that some forms of consumer journalism are
simply too expensive to practise without accepting some freebies from the companies who
stand to benefit from media coverage. But this is a pernicious form of embeddedness to which
owners, managers and journalists all consent. It goes without saying that commercial interests
outside are the key (Day 1991:178-201).

3.2 Commercial embeddedness: blurring the clear distinction between

editorial and advertising/promotional matter
Another form of embeddedness is the blurring of the distinction between editorial and
advertising and promotional material. The distinction between editorial copy and
advertisements is obvious enough, and is usually easily upheld, but it is less strictly upheld
 Embedded journalism - more than a conflictreporting issue 29

where promotional articles or advertorials are concerned (Kuzwayo 2003; Froneman & de
Beer 1998:303).
The Star's code, for one, takes great care to describe the ethically correct handling of
promotional material, but newspapers and magazines more often than not make only subtle
typographical distinctions. This should supposedly indicate the promotional nature of the
material, but is the whole purpose of promotional material disguised as normal editorial copy
not to mislead the reader?
Another dubious form of advertorials, the so-called wrap-arounds (advertorials placed on the
first page of a newspaper to make advertisers look as though they are making headline news)
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is described by Kuzwayo (2003) as 'the worst form of deceit'.

He adds that the emerging black consumer market is a ripe target for unscrupulous
businesspeople as they (the unsophisticated, emerging section of the market) tend to believe
whatever they read in the newspaper. This makes them very vulnerable. In this regard
journalists are the only real line of defence against commercial greed - provided they
themselves remain untainted.
Given the greater credibility of disguised promotional material, it is understandable that
advertising managers are keen to sell this soft form of advertising; it is probably much easier
than pounding the pavements trying to sell hard advertising space. But promotional material
does little to foster the independence of journalism. It creates a very real form of
embeddedness.

3.3 Commercial embeddedness: pandering to the big advertisers

Advertising has always been the lifeblood of most commercial publications. This has always
rendered them vulnerable to strong commercial interests. A case in point is the hold tobacco
companies had on most major publications as they were, until recently, quite dependent on the
regular ad-spend of these giants. Before the 1990s health journalists at most newspapers in
South Africa therefore had little freedom when it came to articles on the dangers of smoking.
Not too often and not too strongly, editors warned.
More recently, the media silence surrounding the controversial LoveLife advertising campaign
was attributed to a contract prohibiting the SABC and major newspaper groups from
publishing critical material (Barron 2003). In return the said media groups receive R20 million
a year in advertising. If true, this is a classic form of embedded journalism.
The ban on tobacco advertising and the regulation of financial advertising by the stock
exchange have hit the newspaper industry particularly hard. Above-the-line ad-spend declined
considerably. The print media's share of total ad-spend declined from 56 per cent in 1986 to
44 per cent in 1999 (Bisseker 2002; AdFocus 2001). Still the cake is shrinking while those
demanding a slice are increasing in numbers. No wonder editors (who often share in profits)
 30 J. D. Froneman and Thalyta Swanepoel

seem to be getting more skittish every day in the struggle to satisfy those at the top when it
comes to the bottom line.
One could argue that not only do editors have to deal with shareholders, they also have to
please advertisers who bring the money the shareholders demand. They effectively subsidise
the cover price of publications, to the benefit of readers. However, this comes at a price - for
readers and journalists. Their predicament elicits a certain amount of sympathy. But when a
media company (Independent) withholds advertising from a publication (The Media) for
daring to print remarks about the former (Noseweek March 2003), one realises that the
situation is indeed worrisome. When the magazine in question actually capitulates, according
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to Noseweek's version of the events, it proves that the situation is dire. The dismissal of
Sunday Times Editor Mathatha Tsedu in November 2003 highlighted the power of advertisers.
According to one report, Tsedu lost his job because advertisers were not happy with the
content of the paper and therefore withheld advertising (Sefara 2003).

3.4 Political embeddedness: when blatant political bias gets in the way
(or opens the door)
One of the oldest forms of embeddedness is where journalists practise tendentious journalism
in order to advance the cause of a particular party. Examples include the unflinching support
given to the National Party by newspapers in the Naspers group until 1990. Some (black)
journalists turned a blind eye to many of Winnie Madikizela-Mandela's mistakes (De Beer
1993). Journalists travelling with the military during the border war years in countries such as
the then South West Africa were likewise embedded. A few Johannesburg-based journalists
still think back resentfully to the way the police transported peers working for the old SABC
by helicopter to cover events such as bomb explosions in the 1980s. Many came to loathe
those embedded reporters who were seen ducking under the red and white tape cordoning off
a crime scene all too often while they themselves were left standing out in the cold.
While those in power will always tend to feed news to those journalists they feel they can
'trust', many papers (including the Afrikaans newspapers) nowadays transcend the obvious
embeddedness of the old days and even display admirable independence and even-
handedness.
It remains problematic for researchers that those who really know the extent of journalistic
embeddedness, namely the journalists themselves, cannot afford to speak out. A lot of the
anecdotal evidence therefore remains unpublished.

4 The role players

Day (1991:157) argues, not without good reason, that 'potential conflicts of interest begin at
the top. The mass media are big business and depend on advertisers for their support.' When
talking about embeddedness, it seems appropriate to start by questioning the motives and
ethics of owners and managers.
 Embedded journalism - more than a conflictreporting issue 31

The last-mentioned has, of course, been done extensively over many years within a political
economy paradigm (McQuail 1989:64, 65; Boyd-Barrett, 1995:186-192; Curran and
Gurevitch 1996; Fourie 2001:121-127). In the South African context, Keyan Tomaselli has
been the most prolific exponent of this approach, exposing the media in the apartheid period
for what is was: a capitalist, racebased industry (Tomaselli, Tomaselli and Muller 1987;
Tomaselli and Louw 1991). But how has this changed since 1990?

4.1 New owners, same motifs

Significant transformation of media ownership has taken place in South Africa during the past
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decade owing to take-overs involving black empowerment companies such as Johnnie; Nail
and Kagiso (Teer-Tomaselli and Tomaselli 2001; GOVZA: Communications 2002; MDDA
2002; Froneman 1997), although the ANC does not regard it as sufficient (Du Plessis 2003a).
The fact is that the Irish-owned Independent group and Naspers/Media24 (the Cape-based
Afrikaans publishing giant) still control significant titles, Independent, mostly English
newspapers, and Media24, newspapers and magazines aimed at different language and racial
groups (Oosthuizen 2001:139-147). But there has been significant change (Berger 2001:151-
180).
Furthermore, many previously independent family concerns, such as the Polokwane-based
community paper Northern Review/Noordelike Review (previously owned by Northern
Transvaal Newspapers (Pty) Ltd) have been taken over by media giants - first by Media24
and subsequently by Caxton. This has happened throughout South Africa, leaving all but a
handful of smaller community newspapers under the control of Caxton, Media24 and
Independent.
What the major role players all seem to share is an unashamed focus on generating maximum
profits. Where these are not deemed adequate, new down-market publications are launched
(e.g. the Daily Sun, Sunday Sun and Kaapse Son); ownership is realigned to reduce or
eliminate competition (e.g. the arrangements between Caxton and Media24); editorial staff
and resources are cut to the absolute minimum; and family jewels are put up for sale so as to
'unlock wealth' for shareholders (as was the case recently when Johnnie's publications,
including the Sunday Times, were up for sale) (Msomi 2003). The irony is that soon after
Nail's interest in Johnnie's publications had waned, Nail itself put up a for sale notice, opening
the door to the possibility that it might be bought by Johnnie (Klein 2003 a). The possibilities
in this game of media musical chairs seem endless (Klein 2003b).
It is also notable that the new black empowerment companies are playing the profit game with
as much vigour as the rest, despite the fact that the purpose of black media empowerment was
surely to advance black participation, increase diversity and, above all, give a voice to the
black people of South Africa (Tsedu 2003).
These business-driven policy steps are not free of ideology; they embrace a market-driven
ideology which clearly focuses on bottom lines and reduces the media to commodities free of
 32 J. D. Froneman and Thalyta Swanepoel

social values and moral principles (Boyd-Barrett 1995:186, 187; Jacobs 2002). This, inter
alia, opens the door to embedded journalism, that is, journalism that pragmatically accepts a
cosy cohabitation arrangement with commercial interests. For independent media are not
'independent' simply when they are independent of the state, Curran (1996:90) aptly warns, as
this 'ignores the way in which private media are increasingly linked through private
ownership to corporate structures of power in a form that compromises their independence'.
While the link between ownership and control may not be that clear-cut in all instances
(Oosthuizen 2001:158, 159), history isriddledwith examples of editors who refused to toe the
line (Froneman & de Beer 1998:301). As a former editor of Die Burger remarked: 'The nature
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of the ownership of a newspaper also broadly defines the limits within which the paper
operates, whether the ownership is vested in an individual, a family or a corporate group of
shareholders. Their general outlook thus broadly determines what sort of people are
appointed to write the newspaper' (Cillie 1980:69).
No wonder many observers refute the notion that media owners do not have explicit political
and economic aims in policy making. Proving it 'scientifically' is not especially easy.

4.2 Managers who deliver the profits

In view of senior managers' passion to 'unlock' wealth for shareholders by listing (e.g.
Media24), delisting (e.g. Hosken) or chopping up a strong company (e.g. Johnnie, now
renamed Johncom), we suspect that middle-managers are encouraged to maximise profits at
all costs. Long-term investments cannot be brought to the fore when media companies play a
high-powered game of media monopoly.
Editors who are offered profit sharing are co-opted and become part of the singular drive to
make larger profits. The danger is that instead of fighting for more space and better resources,
editors could well end up doing the managers' dirty work. This reduces the editor's role of
watchdog over the independence of his or her publication and creates a situation where
commercial embeddedness lurks.

4.3 Journalists who have lost the plot

A former editor of the Cape Times recalls how a function at a political party's congress had to
close early because delegates began scrambling for promotional items (Fisher 2002). Too
often South African journalists experience this: they see delegates at functions stuffing their
pockets and leaving the room laden with anything they could lay their hands on, fellow-
journalists returning from junkets stuffed with freebies and managers living it up while basic
resources are not supplied.
Likewise, it is easier to go with the flow in a political climate which is not yet at ease with
critical newspapers. South Africa has not yet escaped from the censorship of terror which was
prevalent in South Africa in the 1980s (cf. De Beer 1990; Beckett 1996:136-155).
 Embedded journalism - more than a conflictreporting issue 33

Government regularly complains about 'negative', 'unpatriotic' journalism, leaving black and
white journalists with very different dilemmas. Should they be a 'team player' or should they
serve the country in the best way possible for a journalist, namely by being constructive but
critical? Fortunately, this is an avenue for which some black journalists opt. White journalists
have a much more difficult dilemma: how to be critical without being accused of racism.
After seeing the light simultaneously with F. W. de Klerk's 2 February 1990 announcement,
Afrikaans journalists on the larger newspapers (all in the Naspers/Media24 group) have gone
out of their way to encourage their readers to embrace the new political dispensation. Only
lately has an Afrikaans journalist such as Rapport editor Tim du Plessis, who was positive to
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the point of being pro-A Tican National Congress (ANC), started making critical noises (Du
Plessis 2003b).
Furthermore, the idealism of earlier times has waned or disappeared completely. In a
postmodern, post-aparthetd society ideals seem totally old-fashioned, hi these circumstances it
is easy to lose the plot.

5 What to do?
Whatever the reason, the lack of ongoing, vigorous debate on these and other media ethics
issues prevents media users from seeing journalism for what it is: a value-laden activity more
often than not determined rather by commercial than by sound professional considerations.
The fact is that journalism is a morally ambiguous business and has to be recognised as such.
This is supported by the conclusions of a US panel discussion on embedded journalism in
Iraq. It was stated that both the military and the media achieved goals that neither could have
achieved on their own (Haines 2003).
Good journalists - people who are honestly seeking a bigger truth than the one dished up by
military or other spin doctors, who strive to uphold their independence and fairness
notwithstanding the many potential conflicts of interest coming their way daily - will see their
task as being honest observers and interpreters. They will regard their independent
professionalism as the best form of patriotism. In a nutshell: they will put their vocation first,
before short-term gain. In doing so they will uphold the principle of free and independent
journalism which is 'the best defence against the tendency to tyranny of all forms of
government' (Linington 2003).
Independent journalism very soon makes one vulnerable. For how long will one remain part
of the embedded group then? This is a problem with which all journalists struggle.
Questioning and speaking out, even anonymously, will promote the much-needed debate.

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