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LY DROPS
The CASE
truth is AGAINST
that MARINES
50 years ACCUSED OF INDIA
on, socio-economic DEATHS
and
monopolies have captured Pakistan’s state
political
The architects of the 1973 Constitution seemingly valued social justice and
abhorred exploitation of humans so much that they placed this clause right at the
top of the sacred document and passed it unanimously. Today, it appears that it
was not an outcome of any humane conviction. Rather, it was incorporated in the
manifestoes of political parties merely to translate rising discontent of the labour,
peasants and students against feudal and capitalist exploitation and oppression
during the late 60s, into victory which ultimately helped the so-called secular and
socialist parties to win the 1970 general elections. It is worth reminding that
socialism and end of the feudal system was the common point of the manifestoes
of PPP, National Awami Party (NAP) and Awami League. The next generation of
political leaders not only conveniently forgot their forefathers’ promises but also
destroyed and corrupted the forces that could have demanded the
implementation of pro-people and progressive articles of the Constitution.
Consider Article 3. “The State shall eliminate all forms of exploitation and the gradual
fulfillment of the fundamental principle, from each according to his ability to each
according to his work.” Article 38 elaborates that the “State shall secure the well-
being of the people… by preventing the concentration of wealth and means of
production and distribution in the hands of a few.” It further states in 38(e) the “State
shall reduce disparity in the income and earnings of individuals.” Article 37 promises
“end of illiteracy, just and humane conditions of work.” While Article 32 and Article
140(a) guarantee establishment of local government and reserve quota to women,
peasants, workers and minorities.
Half a century on, forms and degree of exploitation have become cruder and starker
and suppression of the above-mentioned articles continues with impunity. The corrupt,
greedy and self-serving elites shamelessly hide their wrongdoings behind noble
slogans such as democracy, supremacy of parliament, independent judiciary and
freedom of media.
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For instance, according to a recent study by Dr Nadeemul Haq and Amin Husain,
“Thirty-one families dominate the financial markets (KSE-100) as well as boards of
corporations.” The study finds “representatives from the corporate sector, the business
community, retired civilian and military officers” in the list. The authors also find
“haphazard privatisation and relatively lax multinational regulations” responsible for
creating such a dire situation.
One of the best ways of hiding the truth is either denying its presence or giving it a
different name. The other day, Ms Nafisa Shah was found arguing in a TV talk show
that there were no more feudal lords in the country. When one hears such denials from
a highly educated and ‘enlightened’ person, one is convinced of how vested interests
could blind people of stark realities. Facts are facts. According to 2010 Agriculture
Census “in Sindh and Balochistan, the share of large landlords is highest among all
four provinces”. Today, in 2021, the feudal control in Sindh has become uglier.
A few years ago, a newspaper reported, “Disparities between rich landlords and poor
peasants in terms of wealth, rents from land, capacity to grow cash crops and ability to
obtain education remains stark.” It further observes, “Land ownership is highly
concentrated and feudal lords are obstructing any meaningful reforms towards fairer
distribution of land. What is there is a perpetual deprivation of the majority and a huge
income inequality.”
Another study reveals similar findings: “The land distribution is highly inequitable
and skewed in favour of large landlords. Currently, about 50% of rural populations
own no land, while top 5% own over a third of all cultivated area. It recommends
redistribution land to minimise the inequality and poverty. As large landlords gained
more political power due to capture of more constituencies and seats in assemblies,
poverty and marginalisation deepened. No wonder, according to many studies rural
poverty is as high as 40%, which is highly responsible for political disempowerment,
backwardness and illiteracy.”
The Pakistan National Human Development Report of 2020 clearly explains how
inequalities have created two different Pakistans. The UNDP report observes this. “In
many ways, structural inequity in Pakistan is both exacerbated and reinforced by
powerful groups, whose aim is to accumulate wealth, power, and privileges at the
expense of others. This driver of inequality reflects the alignment of powerful forces.
It intends to persist, and grow, unless fundamental changes are made in power
structures and a radical transformation takes place in political ideology towards a
more egalitarian system.”
The report also notes, “The corporate sector is the beneficiary of the greatest
privileges, including both industry and the banking sector. The feudal class is next,
followed by high net worth individuals. In 2017-18, most powerful groups enjoyed
equivalent to 7% of the country’s GDP.”
So, what is to be done? Article 29(3) of our Constitution provides a remedy. Under
this, the president and provincial governors are bound to ask their respective
governments to prepare and submit progress reports on Principles of Policy.
Since 1973, the reports were submitted and discussed only thrice (once in parliament,
Sindh and K-P). Moreover, it is imperative to note here that political party
manifestoes, and reports by UNDP, the World Bank, the Asian Development Bank,
bilateral donors and NGOs most likely and conveniently ignore mentioning these
articles. Labour leaders, human rights defenders and op-ed writers too appear to have
forgotten these articles.
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LY DROPS CASE AGAINST MARINES ACCUSED OF INDIA DEATHS
politicians and the civil-military divide. Hardly any anchor holds debate between
haves and have-nots. There must be some mischief behind this neglect. The national
discourse must talk about the rising exploitation, monopolies and deprivations of
toiling masses. This will happen only when the marginalised and disempowered get
organised, reject the exploitative structures, and claim their space.
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