Professional Documents
Culture Documents
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted
digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about
JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at
http://about.jstor.org/terms
The University of Chicago Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to
Journal of Anthropological Research
This content downloaded from 200.89.69.89 on Tue, 04 Oct 2016 17:13:47 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
HUNTER-GATHERER MOBILITY STRATEGIES
Robert L. Kelly
Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, MI 48109
This content downloaded from 200.89.69.89 on Tue, 04 Oct 2016 17:13:47 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
278 JOURNAL OF ANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH
need a cross-cultural and cross-environmental framework within which to understand
variations in hunter-gatherer mobility patterns. With the appropriate framework we
could, for example, find that intensive winter storage and low residential mobility
in one group of hunter-gatherers solves for them the same problem that very high
winter mobility with very little storage does for another. Such an approach would
allow us to see which environmental factors result in different mobility/storage
strategies in response to a similar problem. This framework should consist of variables
capable of assessing differences in the organization of mobility strategies and in the
resource structure of environments. In the following section, I outline the mobility
and environmental variables used in this paper.
MOBILITY STRATEGIES
This content downloaded from 200.89.69.89 on Tue, 04 Oct 2016 17:13:47 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
HUNTER-GATHERER MOBILITY STRATEGIES 279
Logistical Mobility
1) One-way distance covered during the "average" fo
2) Total duration (round-trip days) of the "average"
The data on residential and logistical mobility are
data on mobility were not presented directly by an au
by piecing together indirect references to when or
one criterion for inclusion was that a description o
available for each ethnographic case, some of the data
and should only be seen as relative measures of a grou
It is also important to realize that these data rep
mobility strategy used by a group, a single type o
Some year-to-year variability in a group's mobility
response to fluctuating environmental variables that a
I return to this point in the conclusion of the paper.
ENVIRONMENT
Resource Structure
This content downloaded from 200.89.69.89 on Tue, 04 Oct 2016 17:13:47 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
280 JOURNAL OF ANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH
TABLE 1
23 Sanpoil 10
24 Nootka 3 10.0 30.0 370.5
25 Gulf Salish 2-3 34.9 76.8 631.0
26 Twana 3-4 211.0
27 Southern Kwakiutl 2-3 13.6 35.2 727.0
28 Klamath 11 7.5 84.0 1058.0
29 Ainu 2 4.3 8.6 171.0
30 Montagnais 50 64.0 1800-3600
31 Makah 2 7.3 15.0 190.0
32 Aleut 1
33 Mistassini Cree 10 510.0 3900.0
34 Nunamiut 10 69.5 724.7 63700.0
35 Netsilik 14 16.8 236.8 6000.0
36 Ona 60
This content downloaded from 200.89.69.89 on Tue, 04 Oct 2016 17:13:47 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
HUNTER-GATHERER MOBILITY STRATEGIES 281
This content downloaded from 200.89.69.89 on Tue, 04 Oct 2016 17:13:47 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
282 JOURNAL OF ANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH
H.P. Bailey (1960), ET is a measure of both the amount and the annual
of solar radiation available over a given region of the earth's surface; as su
fair indicator of the seasonality of an environment. Empirically derived v
from 260 C at the equator to 80 C at each of the poles (see Binford 1980).
regimes of temperature and rainfall act to produce environments differing
production and primary biomass.
TABLE 2
Group Size and Diet
(Diet composition estimates from Murdock 1967)
1 Punan 65 30 70 0
2 Mbuti 120 50-60 60 30 10
3 Semang 18 35 50 15
4 Vedda 18 35 45 20
5 Andamanese 63 20 40 40
6 Aeta 44 20 60 35 5
7 Chenchu 48 11 10 85 5
8 Guayaki 50 20
9 Siriono 75 18 25 70 5
10 Birhor 200 26
11 G/wi 57 20 15 85 0
12 Dorobo 60 40 0
13 Dobe !Kung 25 20 80 0
14 Seri 20 20 60
15 Hadza 35 65 0
16 Aranda 25 40 60 0
17 Walapai 50 25 40 60 0
18 Cheyenne 3300 80 20 0
19 Crow 80 20 0
20 Maidu 300 30 50 20
21 Northern Paiute 75 15 20 50 30
22 Micmac 97 25 50 10 40
23 Sanpoil 70 25 20 30 50
24 Nootka 230 40 20 20 60
25 Gulf Salish
26 Twana 30 10 60
27 Southern Kwakiutl 420 20 30 50
28 Klamath 84 10 20 30 50
29 Ainu 32 20 30 40
30 Montagnais 60 20 20
31 Makah 164 20 20 60
32 Aleut 280 10 30 60
33 Mistassini Cree 100 20 50 20 30
34 Nunamiut 36 10 87 3 10
35 Netsilik 60-100 20
36 Ona 120 40 70 10 20
This content downloaded from 200.89.69.89 on Tue, 04 Oct 2016 17:13:47 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
HUNTER-GATHERER MOBILITY STRATEGIES 283
Resource Accessibility
By resource accessibility I mean the amount of time and effort re
extract faunal and plant resources from an environment. The relative access
these resources lies on a continuum that can be evaluated along several d
Resource dispersion, size, and location (terrestrial vs. subterranean vs. ar
the primary constituents of resource accessibility, but processing costs coul
into consideration as well. The optimal-foraging notion of resource rank
specific consideration of resource accessibility, but is too fine grained for t
parative approach taken in this paper. To account for all factors affectin
selection at this stage would be quite complicated, and, as an initial step, the
factors may be subsumed beneath a single concept.
This content downloaded from 200.89.69.89 on Tue, 04 Oct 2016 17:13:47 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
TABLE 3
This content downloaded from 200.89.69.89 on Tue, 04 Oct 2016 17:13:47 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
HUNTER-GATHERER MOBILITY STRATEGIES 285
TABLE 4
Environmental Data
Vegetation in ar
competition. Und
their stability by
of sunlight. The
xylem and phloe
(1) increase its i
sunlight by inv
placing the locus
This content downloaded from 200.89.69.89 on Tue, 04 Oct 2016 17:13:47 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
286 JOURNAL OF ANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH
60-
1. HUMID ENVIRONMENTS
40
J O, 10-
1.0-
Figure 1. Primary Production and Primary Biomass (data from Walter 1979)
This content downloaded from 200.89.69.89 on Tue, 04 Oct 2016 17:13:47 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
HUNTER-GATHERER MOBILITY STRATEGIES 287
Resource Monitoring
The concept of resource monitoring is concerned with
locus of a resource's exploitation must be monitored by hun
insure the successful exploitation of that resource. The p
is that the requirements and abilities of humans to moni
critical factors in hunter-gatherer adaptation (cf. O'Con
Moore 1981). In this section, I discuss how seasonality and
the monitoring requirements of faunal and vegetative resou
Many plant and faunal resources are only available duri
for delimited periods of time. The periods become shorter a
This content downloaded from 200.89.69.89 on Tue, 04 Oct 2016 17:13:47 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
TABLE 5
Structure of Faunal Resources
(Data from Whittaker 1975:51-65; mies 1974:26-35; Rodgers and Kerstetter 1974:40-9
This content downloaded from 200.89.69.89 on Tue, 04 Oct 2016 17:13:47 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
HUNTER-GATHERER MOBILITY STRATEGIES 289
This content downloaded from 200.89.69.89 on Tue, 04 Oct 2016 17:13:47 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
290 JOURNAL OF ANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH
encamped in a place only so long as they found there the means of su
their families." LeJeune, wintering with a group of Montagnais in 1633-3
other than the one listed in Table 5) noted that the group moved twenty-
between 12 November and 22 April, or about once a week (see also R
Turner 1889; Helm 1972). The Tasmanians, living in a temperate, everg
moved every one or two days, at least for part of the year, according to
(in Roth 1890:104): "They daily removed to a fresh place, to avoid t
filth that accumulated about the little fires which they kindled daily" (se
1890:117, quoting Melville).
TABLE 6
Primary Biomass and Number of Residential Moves per Year for Groups in
High Primary Biomass Environments not Dependent on Aquatic Resources
Number of Residential
Group Biome Primary Biomass Moves per Year
Groups livin
centers of f
tropical hun
the Ona, fo
game anima
booty fell to
its dwelling
While trop
groups use
are available
environmen
the logistic
variable (see
tions betwe
is the amou
cost is the a
the amount
search for food.
In an environment where food choices are limited and where both primary pro-
duction and secondary biomass are relatively inaccessible, long commuting distances
do not necessarily guarantee that an individual will encounter other food items of
value while searching for any one particular item. When a camp in the boreal forest
is first occupied, the immediate area can be hunted out (or the game scared away) in
a few days. Commuting time to patches where a hunter might find moose or caribou,
This content downloaded from 200.89.69.89 on Tue, 04 Oct 2016 17:13:47 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
HUNTER-GATHERER MOBILITY STRATEGIES 291
50
10
240-
S II/
S30-
.
Il
39?
/6
6.s
20-
,10
10 20 30 40
PRIMAR
Figure 2.
Number of Residential Moves per Year of Tropical Hunter-Gatherers and Resource Accessibility
(Numbers by points = groups in Table 1)
This content downloaded from 200.89.69.89 on Tue, 04 Oct 2016 17:13:47 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
292 JOURNAL OF ANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH
The above arguments alone, however, do not explain why there are some
tary hunter-gatherer groups living in high primary biomass situations. All n
groups for which data are available are listed in Table 7, divided into those
than 20 percent dependence on aquatic resources and those with greater dep
on such resources. This table suggests that the expected relationship be
dential mobility and primary biomass does hold true-as long as the gro
dependent on aquatic resources (or company stores). Most of the groups
on aquatic resources are located on the Northwest Coast of North Am
exploit anadramous fish runs in the late fall and early winter. Since the No
Coast has a higher primary biomass than the interior or eastern bor
residential mobility, based on exploitation of terrestrial fauna, would be ex
be extremely high. Intensive exploitation and storage of aquatic resour
Northwest Coast may thus originally have begun as a response to the extre
commuting and residential mobility costs required for winter hunting.
TABLE 7
Residential Mobility and Resource Accessibility
Residential Primary
Moves per Year Biomass (kg/m
Groups N. Paiute 30-40 .7
Largely Cheyenne 33 .7
Independent Crow 38 1.5
of Aquatic Ona 60 15.8
Resources Montagnais 50 17.7
Groups Klamath 11 .6
Dependent Sanpoil 10 .7
on Aquatic Mistassinia 10 16.9
Resources Twana 3-4 17.3
S. Kwakiutl 2-3 17.7
Makah 2 17.3
Gulf Salish 2-3 18.6
Nootka 3 19.0
a. Dependent on comp
However, a strateg
resource is present
increases with incr
gatherers is carried
increase the effecti
According to the ar
via storage, the le
with increasing se
to bulk resources (
caribou migration
in Figure 3. While t
it is worth noting
This content downloaded from 200.89.69.89 on Tue, 04 Oct 2016 17:13:47 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
HUNTER-GATHERER MOBILITY STRATEGIES 293
3~0
rb
0 o
OH
O~n~
TI
P%
Figure 3.
Accessibility to Bulk Resources, Seasonality, and Length of Occupation of Winter Residential Site
residential site longer than do the Netsilik, who do not have access to large herds
of caribou. The same relationship exists between the Northwest Coast groups and
those hunter-gatherers living in the interior and eastern boreal forests; the latter lack
access to fall salmon runs.
It follows from the above arguments that with decreasing primary biomass there
should be, up to a point, an increase in the accessibility of primary production and,
consequently, an increase in the overall secondary biomass (with a threshold at an
accessibility value of about .23). Table 3 shows that this is true for the subtropical
deserts and dry acacia/thorn scrub forests, environments with an ET of from 150 to
180. Hunter-gatherers living in these environments do not deplete a foraging area
quickly, and need not move very often. The subtropical deserts, however, are
extremely dry and, given humans' daily need for water, we can expect that the nature
and distribution of water sources will have a much greater impact on hunter-gatherer
movement in this biome than considerations of resource accessibility, as in the
boreal and tropical forests.
The local availability of water can be determined by a number of factors other
than rainfall. In areas of low topographic relief, for example, fewer springs will be
available, and water will temporarily collect in low pans, rocky catchment basins, or
tree hollows. Consequently, if group movement is closely tied to water-source
distribution, we should expect to see a fair amount of variability in the residential
mobility of groups living in the subtropical deserts (compare groups 11 to 16 in
Tables 1 and 4). Further evidence of the importance of water as a determinant of
mobility comes from a comparison of the !Kung and G/wi bushmen. One of the key
This content downloaded from 200.89.69.89 on Tue, 04 Oct 2016 17:13:47 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
294 JOURNAL OF ANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH
differences between the !Kung and the G/wi is that the former hav
extensive pans filled with water during the rainy season; the latter obtain
the rumens of artiodactyls and succulent plants (Silberbauer 1972, 19
to insure a constant supply of these items, the G/wi must move more oft
!Kung. Being located in a low primary biomass environment, the !Kun
water pans and reduce residential mobility at the expense of increase
daily forays (compare the logistical mobility data of the !Kung and G/wi i
Such a strategy has been referred to elsewhere as "tethered foraging" (Tay
70-30
" 34 4
N 60-
o1 030
0 22 /
"6/
z 50- e
40
P 1e25 \
30
30
\\ NORTHWEST
VILLAGES
COAST
Lu
a 20
2 HORSE/1 ?
/19
EEI EQUIPPED IC35
ui
03o/
10 2407
cc01
?009
-7 101.28
18 iI0O27i 0
248 0311
0-?
26 24 22 20 18 16 14 12 10 8
Figure 4.
Average Distance per Residential Move and Seasonality
(Numbers by points = groups in Table 1)
This content downloaded from 200.89.69.89 on Tue, 04 Oct 2016 17:13:47 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
HUNTER-GATHERER MOBILITY STRATEGIES 295
TABLE 8
Residential Mobility and Resource Accessibility
Hunter-gatherer g
added constraints. W
especially in cold cl
Large fauna can be e
in commuting tim
attributes (such as
(holding primary b
support themselves.
environments, requi
a residential camp
regional population
larger area of food
dependent on store
time.6 For these re
average distance of
gatherers, as shown
This content downloaded from 200.89.69.89 on Tue, 04 Oct 2016 17:13:47 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
296 JOURNAL OF ANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH
The low average distance per move estimate for the Netsilik is due to th
high winter residential mobility (about one move per month) while living o
ice and hunting seals at their breathing holes in the ice (see Balikci 1
1979). The Netsilik make short residential moves-about sixteen kilomet
1964; see also Damas 1972 for information on the Copper Eskimo). Since
low probability that a hunter will catch a seal at a given breathing hole, an
area can be hunted out quickly, the distance threshold where commu
outweighs the resource search and pursuit costs (or, in this case, waiti
reached at a short distance. The resource structure of the Netsilik environment is
more similar to the tropical forest than to that of other areas of the arctic. Thus, it
is not surprising that the Netisilik fit into the tropical rather than the arctic pattern
in Figure 4.
This content downloaded from 200.89.69.89 on Tue, 04 Oct 2016 17:13:47 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
HUNTER-GATHERER MOBILITY STRATEGIES 297
100
190 34
50-
25
4/ 4
0
lu 5
o * 6
U33
Q.
S2.5 3
1 280
.51 27 9 17
26
.25- 13 .16
@31
?29
0 20 40 60 80 100
Figure 5.
Relative Dependence on Hunting and Area of Land Exploited per Year
forest hunter-gatherers and horse-equipped bison hunters, for example, invest a great
deal of enery in residential and logistical mobility.
The way in which a tract of land is used, however, is affected by a group's need
for stored resources. To survive the winter, hunter-gatherers living in environments
with high primary biomass and relatively low ET must either maintain extremely
high residential mobility or exploit a resource in bulk for storage. Northwest Coast
hunter-gatherers have access to a storable resource (salmon), but those living under
similar constraints in the interior of central and northern California, Oregon, Idaho,
and Washington (e.g., Klamath and Maidu) do not. Although salmon runs do occur
in rivers of these areas, the fish are present in smaller numbers, reducing the storage
potential of aquatic resources in these interior areas compared to the coast (Schalk
1978). If no salmon were available during a particular year, or if winter stores needed
to be supplemented, terrestrial fauna would be the only resource to which a group
could turn during the winter. As the fauna in these high primary biomass areas
cannot be acquired in bulk, we might expect hunter-gatherers in such an area to
maintain continual access to a region where terrestrial fauna would be available.
Since the actual resource cannot be "controlled" through bulk storage or domesti-
cation, winter hunting success can only be guaranteed by treating a hunting territory
as if it were an enormous corral, by controlling access to that territory. Under these
conditions we could expect to see the formation of demarcated and, perhaps, de-
fended territories.
This content downloaded from 200.89.69.89 on Tue, 04 Oct 2016 17:13:47 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
298 JOURNAL OF ANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH
Logistical Mobility
As stated earlier, logistical mobility is the movement of individ
parties to and from a residential site on daily forays or extensive
previously that, due to the effects of commuting time, extensive logist
becomes viable only when large faunal resources are to be acquired
more important with an increased need to depend on such resources and
capacity to store resources. It follows that we should expect to see an in
distance covered logistically and in the relative dependence on fauna for
a gradient of decreasing ET. Supporting data for this argument are
Table 9.
TABLE 9
Logistical Mobility, Residential Mobility, and Relative Dependence on Fauna
This content downloaded from 200.89.69.89 on Tue, 04 Oct 2016 17:13:47 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
HUNTER-GATHERER MOBILITY STRATEGIES 299
25
33
20-
15
S10 19
023
1 23 36
-i1
13 1106 8
0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70
Figure 6.
Residential and Logistical Mobility of Groups Heavily Dependent on Fauna
This content downloaded from 200.89.69.89 on Tue, 04 Oct 2016 17:13:47 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
300 JOURNAL OF ANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH
occurrence of marine resources in the gulf is variable on a day-to-day
group must live by the coast so as to watch continuously for sea turtle
schools of fish, and sea birds.
The Seri live from six to twenty-four kilometers from sources of fresh
located in the mountains (McGee 1898). Although carrying water mo
kilometers is a difficult task, the water, unlike the marine resources,
watched. Seri women make trips upslope every few days to fetch water. In
they walk through patches of mesquite, cactus, and agave, and are able
these resources, embedding this task in a necessary logistical foray. In this
position of the residential site allows the maintenance of observations
while it also insures the acquisition of information on plant resources.
The Seri example indicates that hunter-gatherers who live under con
which they know where a resource will be, but not precisely when it will
must continuously monitor the potential resource(s), or location(s) wher
will be available. This case also suggests that in a situation where critic
are available for delimited periods of time, and where there is a decision to
between considerations of energy and information, the latter would take p
Many arctic (e.g., the Netsilik) and boreal forest hunter-gatherers live i
situation. In their environments, caribou, an important resource, are prese
herds, and rarely follow a single migration route (due to a lack of major to
relief, there are few natural "funnels"). Caribou are commonly taken
them from a kayak as they cross a river or lake. The caribou are in the
briefly; if they are not taken then, the chance of exploiting the entir
thereby acquiring a resource in bulk, is very low. It is critical, then, that t
be immediately alerted to the presence of caribou. This is accomplished
the residential site on the bank of a river opposite the point where the
expected to arrive. While men are preparing for the hunt or waiting by the
women, the elderly, and children carry on their normal daily activities and
caribou crossing (Tanner 1944:670):
On all strategic places on the western shore of the lake large wooden fences had
thus forcing the herds to reach the shore in definite places, from where they beg
across. On the eastern shore opposite these places were the old men and women,
long sat watching like falcons, with pipes hanging from their dribbling mouth
caribou finally came in sight at the opposite shore they gave the hunters a sig
Balikci 1970:43; Turner 1889:277).
We could expect the same type of continuous observation on rivers whe
ramous fish run is anticipated (see, for example, Balikci 1970:23).
Under the inverse set of conditions, in which a group of hunter-gathere
when a resource will be available, but has less of an idea where it will b
the group must attempt to collect information on that resource throug
mobility. The Nunamiut spring hunting pattern described above is an
this form of resource monitoring. Taking the entire residential group alon
hunts would not only be inefficient, but would be risky as well.
CONCLUSIONS
This content downloaded from 200.89.69.89 on Tue, 04 Oct 2016 17:13:47 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
HUNTER-GATHERER MOBILITY STRATEGIES 301
This content downloaded from 200.89.69.89 on Tue, 04 Oct 2016 17:13:47 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
302 JOURNAL OF ANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH
Concluding Remarks
It should be clear that mobility strategies are a critical aspect of hunte
adaptation. While I have laid the foundation of a theory of mobility in
and have attempted to show some of its ramifications, there is still a g
work to be done on all aspects of the problem. We need, for exampl
understanding of foraging behavior and a method for assessing resource pre
I hope to have shown in this paper the utility of a dimensional ap
both environmental and cultural systems. Such an approach is possibl
we consider the ecology of environments and the organizational pro
cultural systems, rather than categorical types of environments.
Finally, I have intentionally omitted discussion of the role of informat
between groups of hunter-gatherers (see Wiessner 1977; Moore 1981). Whil
important topic, intimately related to mobility and to marriage and trade
it is a separate problem, and cannot be dealt with in this paper. I have inst
on the mechanics of hunter-gatherer movement, and have provided a
analyzing not only the ways in which hunter-gatherers share information
ways in which their behavior varies in other areas as well.
NOTES
This content downloaded from 200.89.69.89 on Tue, 04 Oct 2016 17:13:47 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
HUNTER-GATHERER MOBILITY STRATEGIES 303
REFERENCES CITED
Amsden, C.W., 1977, A Quantitative Beals, R.L., 1933, Ethnology of the Maidu.
Analysis of Nunamiut Eskimo Settlement Pp. 3.35-410 in University of California Publica-
Dynamics. Ph.D. diss., Albuquerque: Universitytions in American Archaeology and Ethnology,
of New Mexico. 31.
Bailey, H.P., 1960, A Method of Deter- Bicchieri, M.G., 1969, The Differential Use
mining the Warmth and Temperateness of of Identical Features of Physical Habitat in
Climate. Geografiska Annaler 43(1):1-16. Connection with Exploitative, Settlement and
Bailey, J., 1863, An Account of the Wild Community Patterns: the BaMbuti Case Study.
Veddahs of Ceylon; Their Habits, Customs and Pp. 65-72 in Contributions to Anthropology:
Superstitions. Transactions of the Ethnological Ecological Essays (ed. by D. Damas). National
Society of London 2:278-320. Museum of Canada Bulletin 230.
Balikci, A., 1964, Development of Basic Binford, L.R., 1978, Nunamiut Ethnoar-
Socio-Economic Units in Two Eskimo Com- chaeology. New York: Academic Press.
munities. National Museum of Canada Bulletin Binford, L.R., 1979, Organization and
202. Formation Processes: Looking at Curated
Balikci, A., 1968, The Netsilik Eskimos: Technologies. Journal of Anthropological Re-
Adaptive Processes. Pp. 78-82 in Man The search 35:255-73.
Hunter (ed. by R. Lee and I. DeVore). Chicago: Binford, L.R., 1980, Willow Smoke and
Aldine. Dogs' Tails: Hunter-Gatherer Settlement Sys-
Balikci, A., 1970, The Netsilik Eskimo. tems and Archaeological Site Formation.
Garden City, N.J.: Natural History Press. American Antiquity 45:4-20.
Barrett, S.A., 1910, The Material Culture Binford, L.R., 1982, The Archaeology of
of the Klamath Lake and Modoc Indians of Place. Journal of Anthropological Archaeology
Northeastern California and Southern Oregon.
1:5-31.
Pp. 239-92 in University of California Publica- Bridges, E.L., 1951, Uttermost Part of the
tions in American Archaeology and Ethnology, Earth. London: Readers' Union.
5. Clastres, P., 1972, The Guayaki. Pp.
This content downloaded from 200.89.69.89 on Tue, 04 Oct 2016 17:13:47 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
304 JOURNAL OF ANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH
Ecological
138-74 in Hunters and Gatherers Today (ed. by Adaptations of Modern Hunter-
Gatherers.
M.G. Bicchieri). New York: Holt, Rinehart andPp. 344-421 in Omnivorous Primates
Winston. (ed. by R.S.O. Harding and G. Teleki). New
Cloudsley-Thompson, J.L., 1975, Terres-York: Columbia University Press.
trial Environments. New York: John Wiley and Hayden, B., 1981b, Research and Develop-
Sons. ment in the Stone Age: Technological Transi-
Coxe, W., 1804 [17871, Account of thetions among Hunter-Gatherers. Current Anthro-
Russian Discoveries between Asia and America. pology 22:519-48.
New York: A.M. Kelley. Helm, J., 1972, The Dogrib Indians. Pp.
Damas, D., 1972, The Copper Eskimo. Pp. 51-89 in Hunters and Gatherers Today (ed. by
3-50 in Hunters and Gatherers Today (ed. by M.G. Bicchieri). New York: Holt, Rinehart and
M.G. Bicchieri). New York: Holt, Rinehart Winston.
and
Winston. Hill, J., 1978, Language Contact Systems
Denys, P., 1908, Description and Natural and Human Adaptations. Journal of Anthropo-
History of the Coasts of North America. logical Research 34:1-26.
Toronto: Champlain Society. Hitchcock, R.K., and J.I. Ebert, n.d.,
Dixon, R.B., 1905, The Northern Maidu. Foraging and Food Production among Kalahari
Pp. 119-346 in American Museum of Natural Hunter-Gatherers. In press in From Hunters to
History Bulletin 17. Farmers: Considerations of the Causes and
Drucker, P., 1951, The Northern and Consequences of Food Production in Africa
Central Nootkan Tribes. Bureau of American (ed. by J.D. Clarke and S. Brandt). Berkeley:
Ethnology Bulletin 144. University of California Press.
Elmendorf, W.W., 1974 [1960], Structure Holdridge, L.R., 1947, Determination of
of Twana Culture. Pp. 1-576 in American World Plant Formations from Simple Climatic
Indian Ethnohistory: Washington (ed. by D.A. Data. Science 105:367-68.
Horr). New York: Garland Publishing. Holmberg, A., 1969 [1950], Nomads of
Faye, P.L., 1923, Notes on the Southern the Long Bow: The Siriono of Eastern Bolivia.
Maidu. Pp. 35-53 in University of California Garden City, N.J.: Natural History Press.
Publications in American Archaeology and Huntingsford, G.W.B., 1929, Modern Hunt-
Ethnology, 20. ers: Some Accounts of the Kamelilo-Kapchep-
Furer-Haimendorf, C. von, 1943, The kendi Dorobo (Okiek) of Kenya Colony.
Chenchus. London: MacMillan and Co. Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute
Gatschet, A.S., 1890, The Klamath Indians53:338-78.
of Southwestern Oregon. Washington, D.C.: Mies, J., 1974, Introduction to Zoogeog-
U.S. Government Printing Office. raphy (tr. by W.D. Williams). London: The
Gusinde, M., 1934, The Selk'nam: On the Macmillan Press.
Life and Thought of a Hunting People on the Jochim, M.A., 1976, Hunter-Gatherer
Great Islands of Tierra del Fuego (tr. by F. Settlement and Subsistence: A Predictive
Schutze). New Haven: Human Relations Area Model. New York: Academic Press.
Files. Keene, A.S., 1979, Prehistoric Hunter-
Gussow, Z., 1954, Cheyenne and Arapaho: Gatherers of the Deciduous Forest: A Linear
Aboriginal Occupation. Pp. 27-96 in American Programming Approach to Late Archaic Subsis-
Indian Ethnohistory: Plains Indians (ed. by tence in the Saginaw Valley. Ph.D. diss., Ann
D.A. Horr). New York: Garland Publishing. Arbor: University of Michigan.
Harako, R., 1976, The Mbuti as Hunters: A Kelly, I.T., 1932, Ethnography of the
Study of Ecological Anthropology of the Mbuti Surprise Valley Paiute. Pp. 67-210 in University
Pygmies (part 1). Kyoto University African of California Publications in American Archae-
Studies 10:37-94. ology and Ethnology, 31.
Harrison, T., 1949, Notes on some Nomad- Kozak, V., A. Baxter, L. Williamson, and
ic Punans. Sarawak Museum Journal 5:130-46.
R.L. Carneiro, 1979, The Heta Indians: Fish in
Hawkes, K., K. Hill, and J.F. O'Connell,
a Dry Pond. Pp. 351-434 in Anthropological
1982, Why Hunters Gather: Optimal Foraging
Papers of the American Museum of Natural
and the Ache of Eastern Paraguay. American
History, 55 (6).
Ethnologist 9:379-98. Kroeber, A.L., ed., 1935, Walapai Ethnog-
Hayden, B., 1981a, Subsistence and raphy. Memoirs of the American Anthropologi-
This content downloaded from 200.89.69.89 on Tue, 04 Oct 2016 17:13:47 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
HUNTER-GATHERER MOBILITY STRATEGIES 305
This content downloaded from 200.89.69.89 on Tue, 04 Oct 2016 17:13:47 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
306 JOURNAL OF ANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH
Tanner, V., 1944, Outline of the Geogra- Among the !Kung San. Ph.D. diss., Ann Arbor:
phy, Life, and Customs of Newfoundland- University of Michigan.
Labrador. Acta Geographica 8:1-907. Williams, B.J., 1974, A Model of Band
Tanno, T., 1976, The Mbuti Net-Hunters in Society. Society for American Archaeology
the Ituri Forest, Eastern Zaire: Their Hunting Memoir 29.
Activities and Band Composition. Kyoto Wilmsen, E.N., 1973, Interaction, Spacing
University African Studies 10:101-35. Behavior, and the Organization of Hunting
Taylor, W.W., 1964, Tethered Nomadism Bands. Journal of Anthropological Research
and Water Territoriality: An Hypothesis. Pp. 29:1-31.
197-203 in Acts of the 35th International Winterhalder, B.P., 1977, Foraging Strate-
Congress of Americanists. gy Adaptations of the Boreal Forest Cree: An
Turner, L.M., 1889, Ethnology of the Evaluation of Theory and Models from Evolu-
Ungava District, Hudson Bay Territory. Pp. tionary Ecology. Ph.D. diss., Ithaca, N.Y.:
159-350 in Eleventh Annual Report of the Cornell University.
Bureau of American Ethnology. Winterhalder, B.P., 1980, Environmental
Vanoverbergh, M., 1925, Negritos of Analysis in Human Adaptation Research.
Northern Luzon. Anthropos 20:148-99, 399-Human Ecology 8:135-70.
443. Winterhalder, B.P., 1981, Foraging Strate-
Wallis, W.D., and R. Wallis, 1955, The gies in the Boreal Forest: An Analysis of Cree
Micmac Indians of Eastern Canada. Minneapolis:Hunting and Gathering. Pp. 66-98 in Hunter-
University of Minnesota Press. Gatherer Foraging Strategies (ed. by B. Winter-
Walter, H., 1979, Vegetation of the Earthhalder and E.A. Smith). Chicago: University of
and Ecological Systems of the Geo-Biosphere Chicago Press.
(tr. by J. Wieser). New York: Springer-Verlag. Winterhalder, B.P., and E.A. Smith, eds.,
Watanabe, H., 1968, Subsistence and 1981, Hunter-Gatherer Foraging Strategies. Chi-
Ecology of Northern Food Gatherers with cago: University of Chicago Press.
Special Reference to the Ainu. Pp. 67-77 in Woodburn, J., 1968, An Introduction to
Man the Hunter (ed. by R.B. Lee and I. DeVore). Hadza Ecology. Pp. 49-55 in Man the Hunter
Chicago: Aldine. (ed. by R.B. Lee and I. De Vore). Chicago:
Watanabe, H., 1972a, The Ainu. Pp. Aldine.
451-84 in Hunters and Gatherers Today (ed. byWoodburn, J., 1972, Ecology, Nomadic
M.G. Bicchieri). New York: Holt, RinehartMovements
and and the Composition of the Local
Winston. Group among Hunters and Gatherers: An East
Watanabe, H., 1972b, The Ainu Ecosystem: African Example and Its Implications. Pp.
Environment and Group Structure. Seattle:193-206 in Man, Settlement, and Urbanism (ed.
University of Washington Press. by P.J. Ucko, R. Tringham, and G.W. Dimble-
Whittaker, R.H., 1975, Communities and by). London: Duckworth.
Ecosystems. New York: Macmillan. Yesner, D.R., 1980, Maritime Hunter-
Wiessner, P., 1977, Hxaro: A Regional Gatherers: Ecology and Prehistory. Current
System of Reciprocity for Reducing Risk Anthropology 21:727-50.
This content downloaded from 200.89.69.89 on Tue, 04 Oct 2016 17:13:47 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms