You are on page 1of 23

See discussions, stats, and author profiles for this publication at: https://www.researchgate.

net/publication/279549115

Early Patagonian Hunter-Gatherers: Subsistence and Technology

Article  in  Journal of anthropological research · June 1997


DOI: 10.1086/jar.53.2.3631277

CITATIONS READS

106 200

2 authors:

Luis Alberto Borrero Nora Viviana Franco


Instituto Multidisciplinario de Historia y Ciencias Humanas National Scientific and Technical Research Council
141 PUBLICATIONS   2,758 CITATIONS    84 PUBLICATIONS   1,292 CITATIONS   

SEE PROFILE SEE PROFILE

Some of the authors of this publication are also working on these related projects:

Historical changes in the structure of marine food webs in the southwestern Atlantic View project

PICT 2015-2038 and PIP 0447 View project

All content following this page was uploaded by Nora Viviana Franco on 07 October 2015.

The user has requested enhancement of the downloaded file.


Early Patagonian Hunter-Gatherers: Subsistence and Technology
Author(s): Luis Alberto Borrero and Nora Viviana Franco
Source: Journal of Anthropological Research, Vol. 53, No. 2, (Summer, 1997), pp. 219-239
Published by: University of New Mexico
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3631277
Accessed: 30/06/2008 22:47

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at
http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless
you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you
may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use.

Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at
http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=unm.

Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed
page of such transmission.

JSTOR is a not-for-profit organization founded in 1995 to build trusted digital archives for scholarship. We work with the
scholarly community to preserve their work and the materials they rely upon, and to build a common research platform that
promotes the discovery and use of these resources. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.

http://www.jstor.org
EARLY PATAGONIANHUNTER-GATHERERS:
SUBSISTENCE AND TECHNOLOGY1
Luis AlbertoBorreroandNoraVivianaFranco
Programade EstudiosPrehist6ricos,ConsejoNacionalde Investigaciones
Cientificasy Tecnicas,Bartolom6Mitre1970-5to.A., (1039)
BuenosAires, Argentina

The process of the initial human explorationand colonization of Fuego-Patagonia was


probably one of a slow filling in of empty spaces. The available information, coming
mostlyfrom caves and rockshelters,is sufficient to initiate a discussion on the subsis-
tence and technologyof the early Patagonian hunter-gatherers.All the evidencepoints
toward a generalized diet. Opportunisticuse of Pleistocene mammals, togetherwith a
more systematicuse of guanaco, is indicated.A redundantpattern of association of arti-
facts with ground sloth, horse, and guanaco is evident.Lithic artifacts were routinelyand
expedientlymade on rocks available in the immediate vicinity, with an emphasis on the
transportof bifacial artifacts and/or preforms, adequatefor situations of high mobility.
Local raw material was used predominately.Human populationswere living at low den-
sities, and space, as well as otherresources,was probablyabundant in relation to human
needs. Density-independentadaptations are thus indicated. Under these conditions, no
major needfor niche differentiationexisted, and it is not necessaryto postulate special-
ized use of parts of the ecosystem.

USING ALLTHEAVAILABLE evidence, this article discusses the conditions under


which human populations initially explored the region of Fuego-Patagonia.To
achieve this aim, technological and subsistence datafrom different sites widely
distributed in the region are analyzed.
Patagonia is a very large territory of more than 900,000 km2 located be-
tween 39? and 55? south latitude in southern South America. Rainfallis quite
variable, reaching more than 5,000 mm of annual precipitation in the west,
near the Andes, but averaging only 200 mm in the east. Accordingly, exten-
sive forests border both sides of the Andean Cordillera,while dry steppe with
patches of gramineous steppe is predominantin the east (Papadakis1974).
Late Pleistocene times in Fuego-Patagonia were marked by the retreat of
the cordilleranglaciers, a process that was well under way ca. 14 ka B.P.(Clap-
perton 1993) and that was accompaniedby an ameliorationof climate, punctu-
ated by short cold pulses. Palynological (Heusser and Rabassa 1987) and geo-
logical data (Marden 1993) have been used to identify the Younger Dryas
chron in Patagonia, but this evidence is contested by some researchers
(Ashworth and Markgraf1989; Markgraf1991). Nevertheless, the existence
of short cold pulses between 14 and 10 ka B.P.is widely accepted (Markgraf
1991; Heusser 1993; Clapperton 1993). In addition, there are indications of
atmospheric circulation patterns different than those of today (Kutzbach and
Guetter 1986), as well as majorvolcanic activity aroundthe end of the Pleisto-

Research,vol. 53, 1997)


(JournalofAnthropological

219
220 OFANTHROPOLOGICAL
JOURNAL RESEARCH
cene (Stem 1990). Significantgeomorphological changesare also indicated,
principallythe loweringof the sea duringPleistoceneglaciation,which ex-
posed landsthatare now underwater.
It is importantto take into accountthe availableinformationon climatic
change,since some of the indicatedchangesmadeFuego-Patagonia difficult
to colonize.For example,if the existence of a cold event equivalentto the
YoungerDryas is accepted,then we must assume that climaticconditions
were much colderthan those recordedduringthe Holocene,implyinglow-
productivityenvironmentsduringa crucialmomentof humanexplorationof
the region.
Availableinformationcomes fromsites locatedboth west and east of the
AndeanCordilleraandfromTierradel Fuego (Table1), andit maybe impor-
tantto treatthese regionsseparatelyin the future.The maindifferenceamong
them is relatedto the specifichabitatsin whichthe varioussites are located.
The sites on the Pacificslope are concentratedin a narrowbandbetween55?
and 52? south latitudewhich, duringthe Pleistocene-HoloceneTransition,
wascharacterized bytreelessMagellanictundra(Heusser,Borrero,andLanata
1993). The sites on the Atlanticslope are morewidelydistributedandduring
the Transitionwere locatedin steppehabitats(Markgraf 1988)(see Figure1).
The main subsistence resource in Fuego-Patagonia,the guanaco(Lama
guanicoe),is widely distributedin the steppe, and only in Tierradel Fuego
does it inhabitthe forest.Not muchis knownaboutthe distributionof Pleis-
tocene mammals,but it is clear that groundsloth (Mylodonsp.) and horse
(Hippidionsaldiasi)were livingin open habitats.

TABLE 1
Archaeological Sites RadiocarbonDated between 13 and 8 ka B.P.

Sites TemporalSpan(ka) Numberof Dates


PacificSlope
Cuevadel Medio 12.3-9.5 14
CuevaLagoSofia 11.5 3
AtlanticSlope
LosToldos3 12.6-8.7 2
CuevaFell 11.0-8.1 7
PiedraMuseo 10.4 1
ArroyoFeo 9.4-8.4 4
Cuevade las Manos 9.3 2
PaliAike 8.6a 1
El Ceibo n.d. n.d.
LasBuitreras n.d. n.d.
LosToldos2 n.d. n.d.
Tierradel Fuego
TresArroyos 11.8-10.2 3
a. minimumage
n.d.= no data
PATAGONIAN
EARLY HUNTER-GATHERERS 221

Figure 1. Fuego-Patagonia
ShowingMajorEarlyManSites
1. Cuevadel Medio,Dos Herraduras 3, CuevaLagoSofia1, andCuevaLagoSofia4
2. Los Toldos2 and3, El Ceibo,PiedraMuseo
3. Cuevade las ManosandArroyoFeo
4. Las Buitreras
5. CuevaFell andPaliAike
6. Tres Arroyos

All the evidence relevant to the discussion of the early explorationand colo-
nization of Fuego-Patagoniahas been obtainedin caves and rockshelters. Even
when there are differences in location of the sites, any complete understand-
ing of regional land-use patterns at that time is precluded, since only activities
performed under rock roofs have been sampled. Nonetheless, the available
222 OFANTHROPOLOGICAL
JOURNAL RESEARCH
informationis adequate to initiate a discussion of the subsistence and technol-
ogy of early Patagonian hunter-gatherers.

CHRONOLOGY

A radiocarbonchronology is available for Fuego-Patagonia, which for the


earliest Fuego-Patagoniansites ranges approximatelybetween 12.6 and 10 ka
B.P. The oldest radiocarbondatings are, however, not without problems (see
Table 1).
Los Toldos 3 and Cueva del Medio have each produced a single date older
than 12 ka B.P.The former is a determination without a lab number made on
dispersed pieces of charcoal, whose interpretation is plagued by lack of clear
provenance references (Cardich,Cardich,and Hajduk 1973). It should not be
used until more analyses from the level in question are performed. As con-
cerns the "old" date from Cueva del Medio, the sample had been extracted
from the same hearth that also produceda date of 10,500 + 120 yr. B.P. (Nami
1987), so it might be advisable at least to average both results. However,
additionalAMS dates confirm an age around 10.5 to 11.0 ka B.P. (Nami and
Nakamura 1995). For the rest of the sites, datings between 11 and 10 ka B.P.
are common (Borrero 1996). In sum, a dating of around 11 ka B.P.is acceptable
for the initialhumanexplorationof Fuego-Patagonia.The main evidence comes
from the sites of Cueva del Medio, Cueva Lago Sofia 1, Piedra Museo, Tres
Arroyos, and Cueva Fell. Around 10 ka B.P.,evidence of widespread human
presence is coincident with a warming trend that peaked between 9 and 6 ka
B.P. (Markgraf 1989:19). Indications of some demographic success may be
inferred from certain properties of the archaeological record, in particular,
evidence for more continuous or redundant occupations.

HUMAN REMAINS

The human remains of Cerro Sota, recovered by Junius Bird in the 1930s
(Bird 1988), have traditionally been considered to be representative of the
initial colonizing populations of Late Pleistocene times. In this light, Turner
(1992:15) recently wrote that "these specimens are probably the most se-
curely dated of all presumed Paleoindian teeth from South America." The
mistake of ignoring the obvious fact that only the deposits were dated was
also made by Soto-Heim (1994), who uncriticallyaccepts the Cerro Sota, Pali
Aike, and Lago Sofia materials as representing "Paleo-Indianhumanremains."
The fact is that when three samples of human bones from Cerro Sota were
submitted for AMS radiocarbonanalysis, a dating of around 3.9 ka B.P. was
indicated (Hedges et al. 1992), and the Lago Sofia sample has recently been
dated to around 4.0 ka B.P. (Prieto 1991). Claims were made for Late Pleis-
tocene antiquity at Mata-Molle in northern Patagonia (Vignati 1957-1959),
but those humanremains were dated to ca. 4.5 ka B.P. (Femrndez 1983). Thus,
all that is left as potential evidence of the first populations are the undated
EARLYPATAGONIANHUNTER-GATHERERS 223

remainsfrom Pali Aike, also excavatedby Bird in the 1930s. These bones
shouldbe dated before puttingthem to any use. In sum, nothingis really
knownconcerningthe anatomyof the earlysettlers of Fuego-Patagonia.

EXPLORATION

The initialhumanexplorationof Fuego-Patagonia impliesmovementsinto


unfamiliarterritory, probablyfollowing routes of least effort and with a
nonoptimaluse of places (Borrero1989). Such an explorationsuggests the
existence of occupationaldiscontinuitiesat the local and regionalscales. In
other words,sparse populationswere distributedover large territories.Ex-
pectationsforthe discoveryof sites andartifacts(sensuAschero1983)repre-
sentingthis exploratoryphase are low since they shouldbe deeplyburiedin
contexts whichwere more exposedto perturbation thanlater depositshave
been. Alternationin the use of placesby carnivoresandhumanswas probably
frequent,thus furtherreducingthe possibilityof recognizingthe firstoccupa-
tions. Low visibilityandlow densitycombineto makesites representingthe
earliestinhabitantsof Fuego-Patagonia difficultto discover.This is probably
one of the reasonsbehinda heavybias towardcaves when dealingwith Late
Pleistocene sites.

LITHICS

Whatis expectedin the way of lithicrepertoires?Followingprinciplesas-


sociatedwith the design of tools relativeto abundanceor lackof appropriate
raw material(see Francoand Borrero 1995, 1996a, 1996b and references
therein), basicallythese expectationsinclude:(1) an abundanceof expedi-
ently shapedartifacts,adequatefor immediateuse; (2) curatedartifactsin
lower frequencies,mostly brokenor discardedwhen exhausted;and (3) the
presenceof resharpeningdebitageor debitageassociatedwith the finalshap-
ing of transportedartifacts,such as bifacialpreforms.
These considerationslead us to expect highfrequenciesof localrocks and
low frequenciesof exotic rocks.2For exoticrocks,we expectthe transportof
finishedtools or preformsandperhapscores.UsingNelson's(1991)concepts,
reliabilityis not expectedto characterizethe tools. Exceptwhen high-quality
rocksare abundantandvery visiblein the immediatevicinity(e.g., at El Ceibo
[V. Duran,personalcommunication]), the artifactsshouldgenerallybe made
of materialswhose qualities,in terms of knappingpotentialandsuitabilityfor
specificfunctions,are below those of the best rocks regionallyavailable.
If our scenariois correct,then one expectationis that for the exploratory
phase,manysimilaritiesin selectedrocksandprioritizedstrategiesshouldbe
evident.In orderto assess these expectations,we analyzeexistingdataper-
tainingto the earliestoccupationsin Fuego-Patagonia.
Available,publishedinformationon lithicsis scanty,with only a few cases
of quantitativedata(Aguerre1977;Aguerre1981-1982;CardichandFlegen-
224 OFANTHROPOLOGICAL
JOURNAL RESEARCH
heimer1978;CardichandPaunero1991-1992;Cardich,Paunero,andCastro
1993-1994; Gradin,Aschero, and Aguerre 1976; Jackson 1987; Mansur-
Franchomme1983; Massone 1987; Miotti 1996; Nami 1985-1986; Nami 1994).
However, this informationis adequateto assess the situation in Fuego-
Patagonia.We will summarizethe datafor bothslopes of the AndeanCordil-
leraandfor Tierradel Fuegoat the southerntip of the continent(Table2).

AtlanticSlope
Sites on the Atlanticslope are locatedprincipally
in the basinsof two major
rivers, the Deseadoand the Chico.Most of the availableinformationcomes
fromthe former.Nearthe ChicoRiverarelocatedthe famousFellandPaliAike
sites, forbothof whichquantitative dataare lacking.El Ceibo,Los Toldos,and
PiedraMuseoare locatedin the centralPatagonian plateausimmediatelysouth
of the DeseadoRiver,whileArroyoFeo andCuevade las Manosare nearthe
PinturasRiverin the headwatersof the Deseadohydrographic system.
In El Ceibo,level 12, most of the rawmaterials,includingbasalt,opal,chal-
cedony,porphyritic rocks,fossilwood,chert,ignimbrite,andlutite,comefrom
withina radiusof about8 km fromthe cave, andthe only exotic artifactis a
flakemadeon obsidian(Mansur-Franchomme 1983).
TABLE 2
Raw Material Provenance

RawMaterial
Site Local Nonlocal Total
AtlanticSlope
El Ceibo,level 12 907 (99.89%)a 1 obsidianflake 908
(0.12%)a
Los Toldos,Cave3, level 11 mostlylocal a few obsidianflakes 473
PiedraMuseo,lowerlevel mostlylocal n.d. n.d.
ArroyoFeo 1, level 11 n.d. 10 obsidianflakes 421
(2.38%)a
Cuevade las Manos,level 6 no provenance obsidian 1,005
baseandintermediatesectionb data (17.1%c of
intermediatesection.
No dataforbase
section.)

PacificSlope
Cuevadel Medio mostlylocal chalcedony n.d.
notavailablein the (partial
immediatevicinity description)
Cueva Lago Sofia 1 37 (100%)a 0 37

a. Percentageof totalsample.
b. Partialdatabasedon 1973-1974fieldseasons.No percentagesfor 1977fieldseason.
c. Percentageof tool sample.
n.d. = no data
EARLY HUNTER-GATHERERS
PATAGONIAN 225
In Los Toldos Cave 3, level 11, raw materialsare mostly local. Siliceous
rocks,fossil wood,anda few exoticobsidiansarepresent.Thereare no quan-
titativedatato assess the presenceof localversus exoticrawmaterialfor Los
ToldosCave2, level 10 (CardichandPaunero1991-1992;Cardich,Paunero,
and Castro1993-1994).
Most of the rawmaterialused in PiedraMuseocomes froman areawithin
3 km of the site (Miotti1996).
In ArroyoFeo, level 11, chertwas the most utilizedrock.Onlyten obsidian
flakes were recovered.There is no informationon the local availabilityof
rocks.However,on the basis of geologicalinformation, we assumethatobsid-
ian is not local.The only knownsourcein the regionis in Pampadel Asador,
locatedsome 40 km west of ArroyoFeo (Civalero1996).
The situationis similarfor Cuevade las Manos,locatedin the sameregion.
There is no informationon locallyavailablerocks.Again,we can assume ob-
sidianis not local.In level 6, lower zone, most of the raw materialis chert
(Aguerre1977).In the intermediatezone of level 6, artifactsare mostlymade
of chert, obsidian,basalt,andrhyolite.Obsidianartifactsconstitute17.1 per-
cent of the tool samplefromthis intermediatezone (Aguerre1977;Gradin,
Aschero,andAguerre1976).Both zones are datedto c. 9.3 ka B.P.

PacificSlope
Bothsites mentionedhere-Cueva del MedioandCuevaLagoSofia1-are
locatedalong UltimaEsperanzaSound,never fartherthan 10 km from the
seacoast.These sites are locatednear the ancientshorelineof a Late Pleis-
tocene proglaciallake, of whichonly remnantsexist today(Prieto1991).No
completedescriptionsof artifactsor lithicmaterialsexist forCuevadel Medio.
However,the most commonlyused rockis a localblacktuffof excellentqual-
ity (Nami1987, 1994).Nami(1987)mentionsthe presenceof chalcedonynot
availablein the immediatevicinity.In CuevaLagoSofia1, lutite was preva-
lent, and no exotic rocks were found.However,it must be stated that the
samplesize for CuevaSofiais very small.

TierradelFuego
The single Late Pleistocenesite knownfor Tierradel Fuego is Tres Ar-
royos Cave.It is locatedclose to the Straitof Magellanin northernTierradel
Fuego. There is no availableinformationon the relativeimportanceof local
versus exotic rocks at this site (cf.Jackson1987;Massone1987).

Discussion
We argue that the distributionof local versus exotic rocks in the lower
levels of Los Toldos,El Ceibo,PiedraMuseo,Cuevade las Manos,Cuevadel
Medio,andCuevaLagoSofia1 generallyconformsto ourexpectations,witha
majorityof localrocks. Obsidianin the formof flakes or other debrisis the
mostfrequentexoticrockrecovered.Inyoungerdeposits,eitherthe frequency
of exoticrocksis higher(as in the case of ArroyoFeo andCuevade las Manos)
226 JOURNALOF ANTHROPOLOGICAL
RESEARCH

or the artifactsmadefromthese rocksare morevaried(includingbifacialpre-


forms and projectilepoints, as in the cases of ArroyoFeo and Los Toldos
Cave3). Materialof excellentqualityis abundantnearEl CeiboandLosToldos,
and there is a high-qualitytuff near Cuevadel Medio. These immediately
availablerockshavebeen selected since the initialoccupationsof these sites.
In addition,humanslocallyproducedand discardedtools. We can assume
thatthis behaviorwas a responseto immediateneeds. Accordingly,we found
thatthe most abundantartifactsin the earliestlevels were madeexpediently.
We base our conclusionon:
1. The abundanceof prominentbulbsof percussionin Los Toldosand El
Ceibo,suggestinginitialstages of manufacture. This is not the case for Tres
Arroyos.Dataare lackingfor the other sites (Table3).
2. Evidencefromthe refittingof flakesandcores in Los Toldos3, El Ceibo,
PiedraMuseo,ArroyoFeo, andTres Arroyos.In the lattersite, three of the
refittedflakes show traces of wear, suggestinguse immediatelyafter their
extraction(Jackson1987) (Table3).
3. The presenceof higherpercentagesof unbrokensidescrapersmadeon
localrocksin the lowerlevels of Los Toldos3 andCuevade las Manosthanin
the upperlevels (Table4), suggestingmanufacture andimmediatediscard.
4. The presenceof large,thickflakesin Los Toldos3, El Ceibo,andCueva
Fell (CardichandFlegenheimer1978;Mansur-Franchomme 1983;Bird1988;
Miotti1996)suggestinginitialstages of manufacture. Suchflakestendto dis-
appearin the upperlevels of Los Toldos3 (information is lackingforthe other
samples)(Table3).
5. The large size and thicknessof sidescrapersin Los Toldos Cave3, El
Ceibo,PiedraMuseo,ArroyoFeo (Aguerre1981-1982),Cuevade las Manos
(Gradin,Aschero,andAguerre1976),andCuevaFell (Bird1988)(Table5). In
Los Toldos3 andCuevade las Manos,there is a reductionin the size of this
kindof tool in the upperlevels. There is no informationfor the other sites.
The size of the tools suggests localmanufacture anddiscard.
6. The largesize andthicknessof some endscrapersin Los ToldosCave3,
El Ceibo,PiedraMuseo, Cuevade las Manos,ArroyoFeo, and CuevaFell
(Table5). In ArroyoFeo and Cuevade las Manos,some of them were made
on nodules,cores, and/orprimaryflakes.The trendfor these endscrapersis
to disappearin the MiddleHolocene.
7. The largesize of cores, whichis probablyrelatedto their low exploita-
tion. There are mentions of the presence of cores with few blows and of
nonexhaustedcores for El CeiboandArroyoFeo (Table3). However,caution
is required,due to the existence of abundanthigh-qualityrocks in the area
andthe lackof information aboutthe size of cores for the upperlevels.
8. The presenceof tools madeon cores andprimaryflakesfor all the sites
where there are availabledata.
9. The presence of hammerstonesin El Ceibo,Cuevade las Manos,and
ArroyoFeo, suggestinglocal manufactureof tools. No dataare availablefor
PiedraMuseoandCuevadel Medio(Table3).
TABLE 3
Indicators of Artifact Expediency in Early Archaeological

Atlantic Slope
Indicators Los Toldos,
Cave 3, Piedra Cueva de Arroyo Feo,
level 11 El Ceibo Museo las Manos level 11
Prominent bulbs of percussion high 61.45% n.d. n.d. n.d.
Cores and conjoinable flakes la 1 (25%)b 1 n.d. 3 (60%)b
Nonexhausted cores n.d. 3 (75%)b n.d. n.d. 5 (100%)
Presence of large, thick flakes yes yes n.d. n.d. n.d.
Tools on cores 1 (2.08%)c 1 (2.12%)c n.d. presence 5 (14.28%)d
Presence of hammerstones no yes n.d. yes yes
Tool reuse n.d. no n.d. yes n.d.
a. Flakes from this level refit with one of the cores from levels 10 and 9.
b. Percentage of core sample.
c. Percentage of tool sample.
d. Percentage of identifiable sample.
n.d. = no data

TABLE 4
Comparison between Lower and Upper Levels of Los Told
Cueva de las Manos (Atlantic Slope)

Cuevade las Manos,


Los Toldos3, Los Toldos3, level 6, base and Cue
level 11 levels 9 and10 intermediatesections
Fragmentationindex:
sidescrapers 11.11% 36.36% 46.67%
TABLE 5
Technological Properties of Artifacts from Early Archaeologic

AtlanticSlope
Cuevade PiedraMuseo, ArroyoFeo,
LosToldos3 El Ceibo las Manos lowerlevel level 11 C
Endscrapers n = 12 n= 4 n = 10a presenceof largeand pr
Length 30-106 42-67 31-119 large thick
Width 24-68 44-57 66-88 endscrapers endscrapers en
Thickness 6-24 10-18 17-44
Simplesidescrapers n= 4 n=9 lengthmainly largeand largeand pr
Length 58-70 53-69 from80 to thick thick
Width 31-75 36-72 120 mm sidescrapersb sidescrapersb sid
Thickness 9-20 10-23
Transversesidescrapers n= 4 n=3 largeand
Length 55-61 79-94 thick
Width 78-91 53-65 sidescrapersb
Thickness 7-17 11-23
Doublesidescrapers n- 2 n= 5 largeand
Length 87-92 84-107 thick
Width 65-66 80-86 sidescrapersb
Thickness 12-14 19-21
Cores n= 4 n= 4 n.d.about n.d. n= 5
Length 42-106 68-103 size of 51-115
Width 38-85 63-84 cores 31-65
Thickness 24-75 31-56 18-60
Note:Allmeasurementsin millimeters.
a. Intermediatezone;onlylargeendscrapers.
b. No referenceis madeto types of sidescraperspresentin the sample.
c. A lateralendscraperwas includedwith the sidescrapers.
n.d.= nodata
EARLY
PATAGONIAN
HUNTER-GATHERERS 229
10. Withthe exceptionof Cuevade las Manos,there is no evidencefortool
reuse (Table3). Althoughreuse is difficultto identifyarchaeologically,some-
times differencesin patinacanbe used to suggest it in long-exposedcontexts
anddependingon the propertiesof the specificrawmaterials.
In sum,the frequencyof curatedartifactsappearsto be generallylow. With
the exceptionof Los Toldos, there is always evidence for the existence of
bifacialreductionandfor the transportof bifacialartifactpreforms(see Nami
1993-1994)(Table6). The evidencefromCuevaFell is also concordantwith
this observation(Bird1988). Obsidianartifactsappearto have been heavily
curated,since only smallflakesanddebrisare usuallyrecovered.In addition,
blades are alreadypresent in the lower levels of the Deseado sites on the
Atlanticslope, althoughin smallnumbers.
Configurationof the transportedtool kit shouldbe relatedto clearpriorities
of design(Nelson1991)andto the encounterratesfordifferentprey.The tool
kit shouldbe responsiveto the minimalsubsistencenecessities of a human
group.In thatsense we do not believethatexplorationcanbe accomplishedin
short periods,say days or even weeks (Nami1994),unless the geologyand
biotaof the new regionare not substantiallydifferentfromthose left behind.
If we are not wrong,then versatilityshouldhavebeen given priorityin tech-
nology,due to the requirementsof transportability in an unfamiliarterritory.
Bifacialartifactsare especiallysuitablefor transportwhen high mobilityis
required(Johnson1987:5;Morrow1987:141).

TABLE 6
Evidence for Bifacial Reduction

BifacialReduction BifacialProjectile
Site BifacialPreforms Flakes Points
AtlanticSlope
Los Toldos,Cave3, level 11 no n.d. no
Los Toldos,Cave2, level 10 no n.d. no
ElCeibo no 1 (0.2%)a no
PiedraMuseo n.d. n.d. lb
Cuevade las Manos,base and
intermediatesection 1 (0.82%)c n.d. 2 (1.65%)c
ArroyoFeo, level 11 1 (2.85%)c n.d. no
CuevaFell n.d. n.d. yes
PacificSlope
Cueva del Medio 1b yesd yesd
LagoSofia1 1 (16.67%)c 3 (13.4%)a no
Tierradel Fuego
TresArroyos no yesd 2 (18.18%)
a. Percentageof flakesample.
b. No dataon totalsample.
c. Percentageof toolsample.
d. Nonquantifieddata.
n.d.= no data
230 JOURNALOF ANTHROPOLOGICAL
RESEARCH

FAUNAS

Pleistocene faunal remains are widespread in the early archaeologicalcon-


texts of Fuego-Patagonia(Miotti, Salemme, and Menegaz 1988) (Table 7) and
on many occasions were considered to have been deposited by human con-
sumers. But caution should be used in interpreting this evidence, since an
ambiguous origin of the faunal remains can often be postulated. One case
involves the horse remains from the lower levels of Cueva Fell, some of which
displaymany large carnivorepuncture marks (Borreroand Martin1996). How-
ever, other evidence at Cueva Fell, including horse bones with cut marks,
clearly demonstrates human presence (Bird 1988). It is clear that more than
one agent was involved in the deposition of these remains. One of the faunal
analysts of Cueva Fell wrote, "It is assumed that the deposition of the re-
mains of the carnivores is due to the agency of man" (Saxon 1979:338). We
can no longer accept this assumption. Instead, we take the alternative posi-
tion, arguing that some of the ungulate remains may have been deposited by
the carnivores themselves. In this light, it is interesting to consider that in
some of the early deposits of Cueva Fell, coincident with the so-called Period
II, 68.4 percent of the identified bones derive from hawks, falcons, and terres-
trial carnivores (Saxon 1979:340). Instead of viewing this figure as a reflection
of predator consumption by humans, we use it as part of an argument for
natural deposition.
In some cases a reevaluation of the faunalremains leads to elimination of a
site's archaeological status, as in the case of Cueva del Mylodon, which for
years had been interpreted as a site where the killing and/or processing of
Pleistocene megafauna took place. It is now clear, based on the degree of
articulation,lack of cut marks, and nature of the deposits, that the abundant
remains of Mylodon darwini were naturally deposited (Borrero, Lanata, and
Borella 1988). Even though most of the early sites include remains of extinct
animals, the bones of an extant species, the guanaco, predominate (Table 8).
Perhaps the case of Cueva del Medio can be argued to be an exception, since
(extinct) horse remains appear to be important (Nami and Menegaz 1991).
Bones of the lower legs appearto be most abundant,together with head parts.
However, evidence in the form of cut marks on horse bones has not yet been
presented for this site. Nevertheless, camelid remains are still more abun-
dant than those of horse at Cueva del Medio (Tables 8 and 9).
After the disappearanceof the megafauna,one recorded trend continued to
be the absolute dominance of the guanaco. Variations in the composition of
guanaco bone assemblages are observed, including cases of sites like Arroyo
Feo which can be explained as the result of discard of low economic value
parts (Borrero 1989), Tres Arroyos where only a few bones are present
(Mengoni Gofalons 1987), or Los Toldos 3 where many high economic value
parts are recorded (Cardichand Miotti 1983).
The roles of small birds, small mammals, and plants in human subsistence
in Fuego-Patagonia are not well understood. Bones of small mammals were
TABLE 7
Faunal Remains Associated with Early Deposits in Fuego-P

Panthera
Lama Hippidion Lama Lama onca
Site guanicoe saldiasi sp. gracilis Mylodonsp. mesembrina Cervida
(guanaco) (horse) (groundsloth) (jaguar)
Cuevadel Medioa x x x x x x x
Cueva Lago Sofia 1 x x x
CuevaFell x x x
CuevaLos Toldos x x x
PiedraMuseo x x x
CuevaLasBuitreras x x x
Tres Arroyosb x x x x
Dos Herraduras3C x x
CuevaLagoSofia4c x x x
PaliAike x x x
CuevaMylodon x x x x
El Ceibo x x x
a. Bones assignedto Cervidaeandto Pantheraoncamesembrina were recoveredbelowthe dateddeposits.
b. Bonesassignedto Hippidionsp. were recoveredbelowthe dateddeposits.
c. Palentological
deposits.
232 OFANTHROPOLOGICAL
JOURNAL RESEARCH
TABLE 8
Minimum Numbers of Individuals for Guanaco and Fossil Horse

Site Guanaco FossilHorse


LosToldos3, level 11 4 1
Los Toldos3, levels 9-10 7 1
PiedraMuseo,lowerlevels 4 1
Cuevadel Medio 3a 2
Sources:CardichandMiotti1983,Miotti1996,NamiandMenegaz1991
a. Lamasp. andLamaguanicoe

TABLE 9
Faunal Remains at Cueva del Medio

Lamasp. Hippidion Mylodon


(NISP) (NISP) (NISP)
Skull 1
Maxillae 1
Mandibles 1
Teeth 12 10 1
Articulations 9 5
Metapodials 7
Cervicalvertebrae 2 1
Lumbarvertebrae 2
Ribs 3
Scapulae 1
Tibiae 8 1
Patellae 1
Phalanges 21
Sesamoids 6
Dermalossicles 1
Source:NamieandMenegaz1991
NISP= numberof identifiedspecimens

recovered at a number of sites, but their status as prey is dubious in most


cases. Birds were identified at some of the sites and were even moderately
abundant in some places (Humphrey, Pefaur, and Rasmussen 1993; Table
10), but that is not usually the case. Again, the status of some bird remains is
not clear (see Lefevre and Pasquet 1994). Attagismalovinus(seedsnipe), which
is recorded only in the lower levels of Cueva Fell, is a nonbreeding visitor
which is only expected to be present in winter (Humphrey, Pefaur, and
Rasmussen 1993:22), and cultural deposition is not required for its presence
in the cave. The same is true for the raptors (Table 10).
At sites located in the Deseado Basin, the presence of two large flightless
birds, the greater rhea and lesser rhea (Rhea americana and Pterocnemia
pennata), is recorded. In Piedra Museo, both species, which today are allopat-
ric, are present in the same deposit associated with a radiocarbondate of 10.5
ka B.P. (Miotti and Tonni 1996). It is pertinent to ask if this situation can be
PATAGONIAN
EARLY HUNTER-GATHERERS 233
TABLE 10
Bird Remains Recovered at Cueva Fell

Species PeriodI PeriodII PeriodIII


Geese
Chloephaga picta 1/1 2/1 8/8
Chloephaga rubidiceps 1/1 2/1 1/1
Grebe
Podicepscf.P. occipitalis 1/1 2/1
Ibis
Theristicusmelanopsis 2/1 1/1
Ducks
Anassibilatrix 1/1 1/1
Anas cf. A flavirostris - - 1/1
Anas sp. 2/1 -1/1
Tachyeres
patachonicus 1/1
Hawks
Buteopolyosoma 5/2 1/1 11/5
Buteoventralis 8/3 1/1 8/3
Buteo sp. 2/1 - 3/1
Eagle
Geranoaetusmelanoleucus 1/1
Coot
Fulica armillata - 2/2
Seedsnipe
Attagismalovinus 1/1
Source:Humphrey,Pefaur,andRasmussen1993:26
#/# = totalnumberofbones/minimum
numberof individuals

consideredevidence for the existence of disharmoniousfaunasin the past


(see GrahamandLundelius1984),but the case for averagedsamplesshould
be dismissed first (Borrero1995). Datingof the bones themselves should
clarifythe issue.
As for plants,the only availableevidenceis the presenceof plantremains
(whichwere notidentifiedwithina humancoprolite)recoveredat LasBuitreras
Cavein a Late Pleistocenedeposit(FiguereroTorres 1986).

CONCLUSION

Clark(1994)recentlyrevised definitionsandapplicationsof the conceptof


"migration,"whichhasregularlybeenusedto explainthe colonizationof empty
lands.He appropriatelyconsideredmigrationto be dependenton the exist-
ence of largepopulations,in other wordsa density-dependent phenomenon.
As alreadymentioned,thiswasnota propertyofthe earlypopulations of Fuego-
Patagonia, whichwere sparsely distributed over the This
landscape. situation
suggests thatmost movements of peoplein the region couldnot be accounted
for by migration.
The processof humanexploitationandcolonizationof Fuego-Patagonia was
234 JOURNALOF ANTHROPOLOGICAL
RESEARCH

probably one of the slow filling in of empty spaces, with settlement being
discontinuous in time and space (Borrero 1989). In Los Toldos 3, on average,
about 0.06 retouched artifactswere deposited every hundredyears per square
meter (see Cardichand Flegenheimer 1978), and similarly low inputs of re-
touched artifacts were recorded at Cueva de las Manos (Borrero 1993) and
Arroyo Feo (Table 11). Environments were in early successional stages, im-
plying a low degree of homeostasis over geologically young substrates. Scar-
city of ecological niches was a result of this situation (see Pisano 1975), mean-
ing that the conditions for human dispersion were difficult.
A changing climate, including very cold pulses characteristic of the Late
Pleistocene, probablymade it difficultto explore and settle some regions (i.e.,
the plateaus, which are xeric deserts located 500-800 m above sea level).
Discontinuity of occupation is probably one of the results of changes in the
direction of colder climates. The formation of new biogeographical barriers
during the crucial time of initial installation of human populations contributed
to isolation of portions of those populations. These factors should be consid-
ered in conjunctionwith the above-mentioned evidence for early successional
stages, volcanic activity, and cold pulses. In sum, those environments can be
characterized as risky for human populations. Expected trajectories for tool
kits, then, are divergent. Under these conditions, wide diet breadth and varia-
tions in technology attending to very local conditions probably were crucial
factors for the survival of spreading populations.
Even when treeless habitats are indicated everywhere for the Late Pleis-
tocene, variations between Magellanic tundra and cold steppe are observed.
This evidence can be combined with that for variationin the location of caves
and used to explain differences in faunalcomposition.Even when records exist
for groundsloth in the Deseado Basin or farthernorth,it is clear that this animal
was particularlyavailableon the Pacificslope and south of the SantaCruzRiver,
where the Magellanic tundra biome was more extensive. More tolerant spe-
cies, such as guanaco and horse, were more widely available.
Different industries, phases, and traditions have been proposed by several
authors (e.g., Menghin 1952; Orquera 1987), but they lack any explanatory
value (Borrero 1989). However, a redundantpattern of association of artifacts
with ground sloth, horse, and guanaco bones, some of them with cut marks
and burning, is evident. In addition, we have stressed that lithic artifacts are

TABLE 11
Artifact Deposition Rates

RetouchedArtifacts/
100Years/
Site SquareMeter
LosToldos3 0.06
ArroyoFeo 0.1
Cuevade las Manos 0.52
EARLY
PATAGONIAN
HUNTER-GATHERERS 235

routinely and expediently made on rocks availablein the immediate vicinity of


sites, with an emphasis on the transport of bifacialartifacts and/or preforms,
adequate for situations of high mobility. Sidescrapers are common artifacts,
perhaps reflecting the minimally necessary activities carried out during the
exploration of new lands. Local raw materials were predominantlyused, with
obsidian being the exotic rock present in small amounts in almost all the
samples. It was probablyhighly curated.
All the evidence points towarda generalized diet. Opportunisticuse of Pleis-
tocene mammals is indicated. They constituted a rapidly dwindling resource,
one that was probablyknown to only a few of the earliest inhabitants of the
region. Analysis of the anatomical parts that dominate the lower levels of
different sites shows differences in the tactics used to obtain and process
prey. The notion of specialization, technological or dietary, as envisioned by
some (e.g., Orquera 1987:347), appears difficult to sustain. Only ecological
specialization, in the almost trivial sense that the resources used were ob-
tained in different patches (Pianka 1983), can be sustained.
Low-productivityenvironments, together with climatic instability, preclude
large populations.It can be argued that human populationsin Fuego-Patagonia
were living in low densities, and space, as well as other resources, was prob-
ably abundant relative to human needs. Density-independent adaptations
(Pianka 1983) are thus indicated. Under these conditions, no major need for
niche differentiation existed, and it is not necessary to postulate specialized
use of parts of the ecosystem. The situation was going to change later during
the Late Holocene, but that is another story.

NOTES

1. A preliminary versionof this paperwas presentedto the SixtiethAnnualMeet-


ing of the Society for AmericanArchaeology,Minneapolis.Ourthanksgo to Mateo
Martinic,AlfredoPrieto, and Pedro CardenasSoto, Institutode la Patagonia,Chile,
for makingavailablefor studythe artifactsrecoveredat Sofia;to Dan Amickfor his
support;and to George Odelland two anonymousreviewers for their suggestions.
Ourresearchwas conductedunderthe auspicesof ConsejoNacionalde Investigaciones
Cientificasy Tecnicasandthe AntorchasFoundation. The Universityof BuenosAires
gave financialsupportfor the trip to Minneapolis.The manuscriptwas extensively
editedbyJAR'sEditorandCopyEditor.
2. Indistinguishing localfromexoticrawmaterials,we arefollowingMeltzer(1989),
who findsethnographic supportforusinga distanceof 40 km to distinguishlocalfrom
nonlocalstone use.

REFERENCES CITED

Aguerre,A.M., 1977, A Prop6sitode un Nuevo FechadoRadiocarb6nico parala


"Cuevade las Manos"(AltoRio Pinturas,Provinciade SantaCruz).Relacionesde la
SociedadArgentinade Antropologia11:129,142. BuenosAires.
Aguerre,A.M.,1981-1982,LosNivelesInferioresde la CuevaGrande(ArroyoFeo),
236 JOURNALOF ANTHROPOLOGICAL
RESEARCH

AreaRio Pinturas,Provinciade SantaCruz.Relacionesde la SociedadArgentinade


Antropologia 14(2):211,239. BuenosAires.
Aschero,C.A.,1983,EnsayoparaunaClasificaci6n Morfologicade ArtefactosLiticos.
Informeal ConsejoNacionalde InvestigacionesCientificasy Tecnicas.BuenosAires.
Ashworth,A.C.,andV. Markgraf,1989, Climateof the ChileanChannelsbetween
11,000to 10,000yr. B.P.Basedon Fossil Beetle andPollenAnalyses.RevistaChilena
de HistoriaNatural62:61-74.Santiagode Chile.
Bird,J., 1988,TravelsandArchaeologyin SouthChile(ed. byJ. Hyslop).IowaCity:
Universityof IowaPress.
Borrero,L.A., 1989, SpatialHeterogeneityin Fuego-Patagonia. Pp. 258-66 in Ar-
chaeologicalApproachesto CulturalIdentity(ed. by S. Shennan).London:Unwin
Hyman.
Borrero,L.A.,1993,Site FormationProcessesin Patagonia:DepositionalRatesand
the Propertiesof the Archaeological Record.Pp. 107-22 in Explotaci6nde Recursos
Faunisticosen Sistemas AdaptativosAmericanos(ed. by J.L. Lanata).Arqueologia
Contemporanea 4 (specialedition).BuenosAires.
Borrero,L.A.,1995, FaunalExtinctionsin Fuego-Patagonia: A Supra-regional Ap-
proach.L'Hommeet l'Animal.Paris.In press.
Borrero, L.A., 1996, The Pleistocene-HoloceneTransitionin Southern South
America.Pp. 339-54 in Humansat the End of the Ice Age (ed. by L.G.Straus,B.V.
Eriksen,J.M.Erlandson,andD.R.Yesner).New York:PlenumPress.
Borrero,L.A.,J.L. Lanata,and F. Borella, 1988, ReestudiandoHuesos: Nuevas
Consideraciones sobreSitiosde UltimaEsperanza.Analesdel Institutode la Patagonia
18:134-56.PuntaArenas,Chile.
Borrero,L.A.,andY. Martin,1996,Tafonomiade Carnivoros: Un EnfoqueRegional.
Pp. 189-98 in Arqueologia: S61oPatagonia(ed. by J. G6mezOtero).PuertoMadryn,
Argentina: CentroNacionalPatagonico-Consejo Nacionalde InvestigacionesCientificas
y Tecnicas.
Cardich,A., L. Cardich,andA. Hajduk,1973,SecuenciaArqueol6gica y Cronologia
Radiocarb6nica de la Cueva3 de Los Toldos.Relacionesde la SociedadArgentinade
Antropologia 7(n.s.):85,123. BuenosAires.
Cardich,A., andN. Flegenheimer,1978, Descripci6ny Tipologiade las Industrias
Liticas Mas Antiguas de Los Toldos. Relaciones de la Sociedad Argentina de
Antropologia12(n.s.):225-42.Buenos Aires.
Cardich,A., and L. Miotti, 1983, Recursos Faunisticosen la Economiade los
Cazadores-Recolectores de LosToldos(Provincia de SantaCruz,Argentina). Relaciones
de la SociedadArgentinade Antropologia 15 (n.s.):145-57.BuenosAires.
Cardich,A., andR. Paunero,1991-1992,Arqueologiade la Cueva2 de Los Toldos
(SantaCruz,Argentina).Analesde Arqueologiay Etnologia46/47:49-74.PuntaAre-
nas, Chile.
Cardich,A., R. Paunero,andA. Castro,1993-1994,Analisisde los ConjuntosLiticos
de laCueva2 de LosToldos(SantaCruz,Argentina). AnalesdelInstitutode laPatagonia
(Serie CienciasSociales)22:149-73.PuntaArenas,Chile.
Civalero,M.T.,1996,Obsidiana en SantaCruz:UnaProblematica a Resolver.Paper
presentedat the ThirdJornadasde Arqueologia de la Patagonia,Bariloche,Argentina.
Clapperton,C., 1993, QuaternaryGeologyand Geomorphology of SouthAmerica.
Amsterdam:Elsevier Science Publishers.
Clark,G., 1994, Migrationas an ExplanatoryConceptin PaleolithicArchaeology.
Journalof Archaeological MethodandTheory1:305-43.
EARLY
PATAGONIAN
HUNTER-GATHERERS 237

Fernmndez, J., 1983,Cronologia delLlamado"HombreF6sil"


y PosicionEstratigrafica
de MataMolle.HistoriaNatural3(7):57-72.BuenosAires.
FiguereroTorres,MJ., 1986, BiologicalandArchaeological Informationin Copro-
lites froman EarlySite in Patagonia.CurrentResearchin the Pleistocene3:73-74.
Franco,N.V., and L.A. Borrero,1995, Bifaces, Guanacos,and Other Resources:
TheEvolutionof Patagonian Population. Paperpresentedatthe SixtiethAnnualMeeting
of the Societyfor AmericanArchaeology,Minneapolis.
Franco,N.V.,andL.A.Borrero,1996a,La OcupacionHumanade NuevosEspacios:
El Surde LagoArgentino.Paperpresentedat the ThirdJornadasde Arqueologia de la
Patagonia, Bariloche, Argentina.
Franco,N.V.,andL.A.Borrero,1996b,El Stress Temporaly los ArtefactosLiticos:
La CuencaSuperiordel Rio SantaCruz.Pp. 341-48 in Arqueologia:So61o Patagonia
(ed. by J. G6mez Otero). Puerto Madryn,Argentina:CentroNacionalPatag6nico-
ConsejoNacionalde InvestigacionesCientificasy Tecnicas.
Gradin,C., C. Aschero,andA.M.Aguerre,1976,InvestigacionesArqueologicas en
la Cuevade las Manos,EstanciaAlto Rio Pinturas.Relacionesde la SociedadArgen-
tina de Antropologia 10:201-50.BuenosAires.
Graham,R., andE. Lundelius,1984,Coevolutionary DisequilibriumandPleistocene
Extinctions.Pp. 223-49 in QuaternaryExtinctions(ed. by R. KleinandP.S. Martin).
Tucson:Universityof ArizonaPress.
Hedges, R.E.M.,R.A.Housley,C.R.Bronk,andGJ. van Klinken,1992, Radiocar-
bon Dates fromthe OxfordAMS System:ArchaeometryDatelist 15. Archaeometry
34:337-57.
Heusser, CJ., 1993, Late-Glacialof SouthernSouthAmerica.QuaternaryScience
Reviews 12:345-50.
Heusser,CJ., L.A.Borrero,andJ.L.Lanata,1993,LateGlacialVegetationat Cueva
del Mylodon.Analesdel Institutode la Patagonia(Serie CienciasNaturales)21:97-
102. PuntaArenas,Chile.
Heusser,CJ., andJ. Rabassa,1987,ColdClimaticEpisodeof YoungerDryasAge in
Tierradel Fuego.Nature328:609-11.
Humphrey,P.S., J.E. Pefaur,and P.C. Rasmussen,1993, Avifaunaof Three Ho-
locene CaveDepositsin SouthernChile.OccasionalPapersof the Museumof Natural
History154:1-37.Universityof Kansas,Lawrence.
Jackson,S.D., 1987,ComponenteLiticodel SitoArqueol6gico Tres Arroyos.Anales
del Institutode la Patagonia(Serie CienciasSociales)17:67-72.PuntaArenas,Chile.
Johnson,J.K.,1987,Introduction. Pp. 1-12 in The Organization
of CoreTechnology
(ed. by J.K.JohnsonandC.A.Morrow).BoulderandLondon:WestviewPress.
Kutzbach,J.E., and FJ. Guetter,1986, The Influenceof ChangingOrbitalParam-
eters and SurfaceBoundaryConditionson ClimateSimulationsfor the Past 18,000
Years.Journalof Atmospherical Sciences 43:1726-59.
Lefevre,C.,andE. Pasquet,1994,Les Modifications Post-MortemChezles Oiseaux:
L'Examplede l'AvifauneHolocenede PatagonieAustrale.Artefacts9:217-29. Paris.
Mansur-Franchomme, M.E., 1983, Traces d'Utilisationet TechnologieLithique:
Exemplesde la Patagonia.Ph.D.diss., Universityof Bordeaux,France.
Marden,CJ., 1993,LateQuaternary GlacialHistoryof the SouthPatagonianIcefield
at Torresdel Paine,Chile.Ph.D.diss., Universityof Aberdeen,Scotland.
Markgraf,V., 1988, Fell's Cave:11,000 Yearsof Changesin Paleoenvironments,
Fauna,andHumanOccupation. Pp 196-201in TravelsandArchaeologyin SouthChile
(ed. by J. Hyslop).IowaCity:Universityof IowaPress.
238 RESEARCH
OFANTHROPOLOGICAL
JOURNAL
Markgraf,V., 1989, Paleoclimates in Central and South America since 18,000 B.P.
Based on Pollen and Lake-Level Records. QuaternaryScience Reviews 8:1-24.
Markgraf,V., 1991, Younger Dryas in Southern South America? Boreas 20:63-69.
Massone, M.M., 1987, Los CazadoresPaleoindiosde Tres Arroyos (Tierradel Fuego).
Anales del Instituto de la Patagonia (Serie Ciencias Sociales) 17:47-60. Punta Arenas,
Chile.
Meltzer, D.J., 1989, Was Stone Exchanged among Eastern North American
Paleoindians?Pp. 11-39 in Eastern PaleoindianLithic Resource Use (ed. by C.J. Ellis
and J. Lothrop). Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press.
Menghin, O.F.A., 1952, Fundamentos Cronologicos de la Prehistoria de Patagonia.
Runa 5:23-43. Buenos Aires.
Mengoni Gofialons, G.L., 1987, ModificacionesCulturalesy Animales en los Huesos
de los Niveles Inferiores del Sitio Tres Arroyos I (Tierra del Fuego, Chile). Anales del
Instituto de la Patagonia (Serie Ciencias Sociales) 17:61-66. Punta Arenas, Chile.
Miotti, L., 1996, Piedra Museo (Santa Cruz): Nuevos Datos para la Ocupaci6n
Pleistocenica en Patagonia.Pp. 27-38 in Arqueologfa:S6lo Patagonia(ed. byJ.G. Otero).
Puerto Madryn, Argentina: Centro Nacional Patag6nico-Consejo Nacional de
Investigaciones Cientificas y T6cnicas.
Miotti, L., M. Salemme, andA. Menegaz, 1988, El Manejode los Recursos Faunisticos
duranteel Pleistoceno Finaly Holoceno Tempranoen Pampay Patagonia.Precirculados
Noveno Congreso Nacional de Arqueologia Argentina, pp. 102-18, Universidad de
Buenos Aires.
Miotti, L., and E.P. Tonni, 1996, Presencia de Rheidos en Sitios de la Meseta Cen-
tral de Santa Cruz. Poster presented at the Third Jornadas de Arqueologia de la
Patagonia, Bariloche, Argentina.
Morrow, C.A., 1987, Blades and Cobden Chert: A Technological Argument for Their
Role as Markers of Regional Identificationduring the Hopewell Period in Illinois. Pp.
119-49 in The Organizationof Core Technology (ed. by J.K. Johnson and C.A. Mor-
row). Boulder and London: Westview Press.
Nami, H.G., 1985-1986, Excavaci6n Arqueologica y Hallazgo de una Punta de
Proyectil "Fell I" en la "Cueva del Medio," Seno de Ultima Esperanza, Chile. Anales
del Instituto de la Patagonia (Serie Ciencias Sociales) 16:103-9. Punta Arenas, Chile.
Nami, H.G., 1987, Cueva del Medio: Perspectivas Arqueol6gicas para la Patagonia
Austral. Anales del Instituto de la Patagonia(Serie Ciencias Sociales) 17:73-106. Punta
Arenas, Chile.
Nami, H.G., 1993-1994, Observaciones sobre Desechos de Talla Procedentes de
las Ocupaciones Tempranas de Tres Arroyos (Tierra del Fuego, Chile). Anales del
Instituto de la Patagonia (Serie Ciencias Sociales) 22:175-80. Punta Arenas, Chile.
Nami, H.G., 1994, Paleoindio, Cazadores-Recolectores y Tecnologia Litica en el
Extremo sur de Sudam6rica Continental. Pp. 89-103 in Arqueologia de Cazadores-
Recolectores: Limites, Casos y Aperturas.ArqueologiaContemporanea5 (special edi-
tion): 89-103. Buenos Aires.
Nami, H.G., and A. Menegaz, 1991, Cueva del Medio: Aportes para el Conocimiento
de la Diversidad Faunistica Hacia el Pleistoceno-Holoceno en la Patagonia Austral.
Anales del Instituto de la Patagonia (Serie Ciencias Sociales) 20:117-32. Punta Are-
nas, Chile.
Nami, H.G., and T. Nakamura, 1995, Cronologia Radiocarb6nicacon AMS sobre
Muestras de Hueso Procedentes del Sitio Cueva del Medio (Ultima Esperanza, Chile).
Anales del Instituto de la Patagonia 23:125-33. Punta Arenas, Chile.
EARLY
PATAGONIAN
HUNTER-GATHERERS 239
Nelson,M., 1991,The Studyof TechnologicalOrganization. Pp. 57-100 in Archaeo-
logicalMethodandTheory(ed. by M. Schiffer).Tucson:Universityof ArizonaPress.
Orquera,L.A., 1987, Advancesin the Archaeologyof the Pampasand Patagonia.
Journalof WorldArchaeology1:333-413.
Papadakis, J., 1974, Ecologia:Posibilidades
Agropecuarias de las ProvinciasArgen-
tinas.Enciclopedia Argentinade Agricultura 2(3):1-86.BuenosAires:Acme.
yJardineria
Pianka,E., 1983,EvolutionaryEcology.New York:HarperandRow.
Pisano, E., 1975, Caracteristicasde la Biota MagallanicaDerivadasde Factores
Especiales.Analesdel Institutode la Patagonia6:123-37.PuntaArenas,Chile.
Prieto,A., 1991,CazadoresTempranosy Tardiosen Cuevadel LagoSofia1. Anales
del Institutode la Patagonia(Serie CienciasSociales)20:75-99.PuntaArenas,Chile.
Saxon,E.C., 1979,NaturalPrehistory:The Archaeologyof Fuego-Patagonian Ecol-
ogy. Quateraria 21:329-56.
Soto-Heim,P., 1994, Paleo-IndianHumanRemainsof Patagonia-Chile.Current
Researchin the Pleistocene11:55-57.
Stern,C., 1990,Tephrochronology of SouthernmostPatagonia.NationalGeographic
Research6:110-26.
Turner,H.C.G.II, 1992,New WorldOrigins:New Researchfromthe Americasand
the SovietUnion.Pp. 7-50 in Ice-AgeHuntersof the Rockies(ed.by D.J.Stanfordand
J.S. Day).Niwot,Colo.:DenverMuseumof NaturalHistoryandUniversityPress of
Colorado.
Vignati,M.A.,1957-1959,El HombreF6sil de Mata-Molle.Notasdel Museode La
Plata19:327-51.La Plata,Argentina.

View publication stats

You might also like