AAUC/UAAC (Association des universités d’art du Canada / Universities Art

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Joséphin Péladan: Occultism, Catholicism, and Science in the Fin de Siècle

Author(s): Maria E. Di Pasquale
Source: RACAR: revue d'art canadienne / Canadian Art Review, Vol. 34, No. 1, The Visual
Culture of Science and Art in Fin-de-Siècle France / La culture visuelle de la science et l'art
dans la France fin-de-siècle (2009), pp. 53-61
Published by: AAUC/UAAC (Association des universités d’art du Canada / Universities Art Association
of Canada)
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Joséphin Péladan: Occultism, Catholicism, and Science

in the Fin de Siècle

Maria E. Di Pasquale, Independent Scholar

Résumé
JoséphinPéladan lematérialisme
voyait comme
scientifique lacausepremièrede ladécadencede laculture
française.Ilestimait
qu'ilencourageait
etlalaïcisation
ladémocratisation de lasociétéainsiquelegoûtpourlenaturalismedanslesarts,
destendances qu'ildétestait
toutes.Enaccord
rosicrucienne
avecsa philosophie de lascience formulée
occulte, danssesessaiscritiques
etpromulguée danssessalonsartistiques,ilproposait
à laplaceuneidéologie
hiérarchique dontilespérait
ettraditionnelle qu'elleramènerait
laculture à l'étatidéalpourlui,
française soitcatholique
etpré-républicain.

In 1892,theRomanCatholicartcriticand novelist Joséphin thuswas a validalternative to positivist science.4Second,oc-

Péladan(1858-1918) inaugurated a seriesof artisticsalons cultscienceserveda symbolic political purpose.Péladansoccult
sponsored byhis occultOrdrede la Rose+Croix.1 The salons epistemology was based on the notion ofthehiddennatureof
and PéladansRosicrucian revivalwereone partof his larger truth,both scientificand spiritual, theelitestatusofthose
and
campaign tocombatwhathesawas thedegeneration ofFrench withaccessto thattruth.His theory ofknowledge washierar-
of
societyundertheinfluence secularism its
and supporting chicbyitsverynature, in contrast to thedemocratic qualityof
philosophy of scientific materialism. Materialism, fueledby materialistandpositivist methods.
positivistepistemologys foundation on senseexperience and Péladanspubliclifeat theend of thenineteenth century
itsrejectionof thepossibility of truthbasedon metaphysical can be dividedintotwo parts.Between1881 and 1888, he
inquiry,wasforPéladanthephilosophical rootoftheworstas- wroteartcriticism in variousjournalsandcomposeda seriesof
pectsof French culture.2At itsfeet he laidthe tasteforextreme novels,in whichhe described and criticized Francesaesthetic
naturalism in artand literature and thedeclineoftheRoman and culturaldemocratization. From1888 to 1898,he setout
Catholicfaith.In addition,Péladan,a dedicatedmonarchist, to createsolutionsto theproblems he had isolatedby reviv-
linkedthe egalitarian natureof scientific materialism, natu- ingtheoccultRosicrucian orderandinaugurating theSalonde
ralism,and secularism to thetriumph of therepublican form la Rose+Croix, an annualartexhibition juriedbyPéladanand
ofgovernment. intendedto promoteartists whoseworksascribedto his aes-
Péladanspositionas a devoutRomanCatholicwho was theticagenda.Also duringthe 1890s,he wroteAmphithéâtre
anti-republican and anti-positivistwas notunusualduringthe dessciencesmortes, a seriesofvolumesin whichhe clarified his
finde siècle.
From his youthful arrestwhileprotesting the1880 philosophical agenda. In his use of the phrase "sciences mortes"
lawlimiting religious associations to his mature novels and art to describehis occultideas,he positionedhimself directlyin
criticism,Péladan was a proponent of the Catholic anti-repub- to
opposition contemporary scientific practice. The culminat-
licansentiment thathas beenwelldocumented.3 The case of ingworkoftheseries, L'Occulte catholique , codified theguiding
Péladanearnsgreater significance, though,fromhisparticular principlesfortheaesthetic andsocialreforms thatwerehisgoal.
notionsofscience.Whilehe condemned materialist
strictly sci- Péladanclearlyarticulated his disdainforFrenchartand
ence,Péladanwasnotopposedto scienceperse,and hiswrit- culturein 1888 in L'Artochlocratique. He formedtheword
ingsand theories providea usefulexemplar of themalleable "ochlocratic"fromtheGreekrootochlos , referring to theruleof
ways in which sciencewas interpreted findesiècle.In his
in the themob,and usedthewordto setthisdiscussion ofthecrisis
battleagainstthedemocratization of Frenchculture, Péladan ofFrenchaesthetics in politicalterms.5 Thewordochlocratique
useda specialized rhetoric ofsciencebasedin theoccultto ad- wasbornofPéladans contention thatFrenchartists tendedto
vancehiscultural andartistic agenda. caterto thetastesof thelowestcommondenominator. Thus
Péladanscareeras an author, artcritic,andoccultrevivalist he accountedfortheprevalence in Frenchartofnaturalism, in
was a unified attempt to remedy thedeclinehe sawin French whichtheloftier goals of idealism are sacrificed to the soleend
culture byencouraging a revivalofdistinctly hierarchicinstitu- ofaccurate replication ofvisualdata.WhilePéladanfocusedon
tionsand traditions, including the Catholic Church, a monar- thefineartsinLArtochlocratique , he madeitclearat theoutset
chicgovernment, and idealistreligious painting.In his quest thatartis a directreflection ofthespiritofthesociety thatcre-
to undo thedamagecausedto Frenchcultureby positivism, atesit.He wrote, "Aparallelism existsbetween theideasandthe
Péladanrecognized thatoccultepistemology wasideallysuited worksofan age,itsthoughts anditsacts,itsartanditsphiloso-
to hispurpose.First,likemanymembers oftheoccultrevival, phy,itspoetry anditsreligion."6 Thus,whatever faults hefound
Péladanbelievedthattheoccultoffered a linkbetween science withthepaintingof his age couldbe tracedto corecultural
and religion through a unionof intellect and spirituality,
and attitudes.
Accordingly, Péladanlinkedthetastefornaturalism

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 RACAR
XXXIVI Number
1 | 2009

ingandthematerialism ofRenan.In thenaturalism ofpictures

exhibited at theSalonof 1883 he foundevidenceoftheinflu-
enceofthatmaterialism on painting, andmostdisturbing ofall
forthedevoutly CatholicPéladan,on religious painting. When
thatmaterialist influence succeeded, as in thereligious painting
of theSalonof 1883,theresulting worksexemplified theloss
ofwhathe sawas thethreegreatattributes ofFrenchart:"the
ideal,Tradition, [and]Hierarchy."9
Thesethreequalities ofidealism, tradition,andhierarchism
wereveryimportant to Péladan,and thewordsand variations
of themappearoftenin hiswritings on art.He usedthemto
help define more clearly what he disliked aboutcertainkinds
ofavant-garde and academicartoftheperiod:naturalism and
extreme attention to detailing theexterior, visiblequalitiesof
subjectmatter. ForPéladan,ideal,traditional, andhierarchichal
in
qualitieswereachieved artthatstroveto depictmorethan
material appearance byeliminating excessive naturalisticdetail
andrelying on thepictorial traditions oftheartofthepastthat
he favoured, especially Byzantine art.Péladansresponseto a
particular work at the Paris Salon (Société desartistesfrançais)
of 1883,Aimé-Nicolas MoroťsLe Martyre deJésus deNazareth
(fig.1), illustrates whathemeantbycallingon artists to uphold
thevaluesoftheideal,tradition, andhierarchy.
Aimé-Nicolas Morot(1850-1913) had beena studentof
Alexandre Cabaneland Jean-Léon Gérômeand had won the
Prixde Romein 1873,theyearofhisSalondebut.LeMartyre de
JésusdeNazareth earnedhimthemedaloftheLegiond'honneur
and wassubsequently purchased bythestate.10 Péladanfound
theworkparticularly offensive, perhaps partbecauseit had
in
been directly linked to Ernest Renan. In a companion bookto
FigureI.Aimé-Nicolas LeMartyre
Morot, deJésus
deNazareth,1883.
Oiloncanvas,322,5x 215cm.Nancy,
Musée desbeaux-arts
(Cliché: the Salon of 1883, the critic PhilippeBurtyreported the that
Claude Philippot). workwas beinginterpreted as a visualtranslation of Renans
book.11The detailsofMoroťsworkdo correspond to Renans
description: ropesanchorChristsbodyon thecross,and the
crossitself, madeof roughtreetrunks, is T-shaped.Burtyas-
to thetriumph of positivismin Frenchculture, likening "the sured the viewer, "No matter how you look at it,thisis nota
literarymaterialism"ofÉmileZola to the"scientific
materialism holypicture."12
of [Charles]Darwin."Naturalism was an aestheticdefinedby PéladanchoseMorots paintingas theveryfirst workhe
theadmonition "onlytheexterior formmatters."7 discussed in L'Art to
ochlochratiquesupport hisidentificationof
ForPéladan,therewas no worseexemplar forthemisuse thematerialist In
aesthetic. hisdiscussion ofit,hedetailedhow,
ofmaterialistsciencethanErnestRenans 1863 volumeViede inthisonepainting, Morotstruck attheheartofPéladansguid-
. Thiswas a commonsentiment
Jésus amongCatholicsof the ingartistic valuesoftheideal,tradition, andhierarchy. Thevery
period, and Péladans own Adrien
father, Péladan,also directly title
of the painting must have alarmed Péladan. By identifying
challenged Renanswork,as is discussedfurther below.To its thescenewiththegeneral, moreimpersonal term"martyrdom"
critics,Renanscontroversialstudyhad demonstrated theap- rather than"Crucifixion," Morotdemotesthescenefromthe
plicationof materialist
principles the of
byassessing figure Jesus realm of the ideal to the realm ofthereal.Indeed,Péladanac-
notas theson ofGod, butas a remarkable manrootedin the cused Morot of rendering a Christ so ordinary thathisfaceex-
context ofarchaeological,
anthropological,andhistoricaldata.8 pressesneither his "resplendent divinenaturenorhis human
It doesnotcomeas a surprise, then,thatin L'Artochlocratique suffering."13 Furthermore, Moroťstreatment of thedetailsof
Péladanmadethelinkbetweencontemporary modesofpaint- theCrucifixion departsmarkedly frompictorial traditionand

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 DI PASQUALE| Joséphin
Péladan

reinforces whatPéladansawas thevulgarization of thesacred

event.He denouncedMorots "pridein archaeology and real-
ism,"citingtheverydetailshighlighted byBurty, including the
T-shaped cross and the ropetying Christ to it. Finally,while
Renanhimself madeno mention ofthisdetail,Péladanpointed
outthatinMorots picture thenailspierceChrist s bodythrough
hiswristsand anklesrather thanpalmsand soles,altering the
traditional placement of his holy wounds.14
All of thesedeviations fromcompositional tradition con-
tributed to whatPéladandescribed as thepicture s lackof hi-
eratism, ortheuseofa pictorial vocabulary offrontality, formal
compositional arrangements, and established types to reinforce
thesacredcontentofa picture. To robthepictureofitshiera-
tismwasto robitofitssacredauthority. In hisSalonreview he
explained: "Free-thinkers and idiots look down on hieratism,
buteverytimetheytryto challenge ittheyare,likeM. Morot,
severely led astray." He notedthatamongsuch"free-thinking"
artistsas Morot,Byzantine art,one of themosttypicalexem-
plarsof hieratism, was "unknown or derided."15 In Péladan s
writings, the ideas of artistichieratism and more general notions
of hierarchism wereintimately linked,and he was not alone
amongFrenchartists and criticsof thisperiodin makingthis
connection.16 Consequently, a hieratic pictorial vocabulary was
wellsuitedto PéladansidealCatholicand monarchic society,
and servedas a foilto theartistic naturalism thathe associated
withrepublican secularism.
MichaelDriskellhas providedvitalcontextforPéladans
notionofhieratism. As Driskellpointedout,byincorporating
individual, unique, and particular detailsdescribed in Renans
text,Morots naturalism endowedthe picturewitha factual
qualitythatmediates orevennegatesthemystical, timeless na-
tureof thescenethatis vitalto itshieratic nature.17 Christs
armsaretwisted in agony,one facingup and theotherdown,
and his boundand piercedlegsseemto struggle to findpur-
chaseon thevertical support ofthecross.Asa result, theformal Figure 2.Pierre
Puvis deChavannes, LaPrincesse
MarieCantacuzène,
andsymmetrical image ofChrist the savior is replaced bya view 1883.Oilon 78
canvas, x 46 cm.Musée des Beaux-Arts
deLyon
ofa mangrounded in a moment ofphysical (© StudioBasset).
suffering. Péladan
had a nameforthiseffect: contemporanéité. The term describes
a literaltranscription of visualdata thatlackswhathe called
"imagination," thatis, a faculty beyondthesensesthattrans-
portstheworkintotherealmofart.18 Péladansstylistic trium- theletters "o" and "a" in thefashionof old French,and thus
virateof idealism, tradition, and hierarchy/hieratism provided provided Péladanwiththeperfect meansto summarize hisfeel-
thatmechanism through whichimagination couldbe expressed ingaboutMorots naturalism. His conscioususeofthearchaic
anddirectobservation hadto be filtered.19 spellingreflects
thebeliefheldbysomeFrenchCatholicsthat
In explaining thealternative to contemporanéité, Péladan theregularization oftheFrenchlanguagewasa tooloftheRe-
again chose He
highlycharged,politicallanguage. explained publicangovernment to secularizethepopulation. Le Martyre
thattheartistof a workthatexhibits contemporanéité "trans- deJésus de Nazareth , with its of
rejection idealism,tradition,
lates...thetextof reality wordforwordinsteadof making... andhieratism, wasbornofan attitude completely from
separate
4un bon Z"20Thisarchaicexpression,
françois used to describe thehierarchic, pre-Revolutionary spiritthatforPéladanwasthe
something of trulyFrenchcharacter, exhibits theswitching of truenatureofFrenchness.21

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 1 | 2009
XXXIVI Number
RACAR

PierrePuvisde Chavannes, who exhibited bothLa Rève Artisnothing butanAristocracy: a Feudality, and,around
and La Princesse Marie Cantacuzène (fig. 2) in the 1883 Sa- several great barons to whom I pledge my liege,there [istoo
lon,offered Péladana perfect foilforMorots contemporanéité. much]rabble. Art,a vocation likethepriesthood, becomes
In L'Artochlocratique, Péladanquotedfromhis own previous a career likea notary. ..[I]fthepresent pathismaintained. ..
writings on the artistto suggest what set Puvis apart: "What we are at the end of art,and at the end of the race.27
he paintshasneither timenorplace;it is fromeverywhere and
always."Indeed,he noted,"Puvisde Chavannesis the only In one sweep,Péladanimplieda linkbetweennaturalism and
greatabstract master."22 Burty s discussion of Puvis'spaintings democratic politicalforms whilelikening hisownaesthetics of
at theSalon once againprovideda usefulreference pointfor idealismand hieratism to hierarchic socialstructures. Leaving
Péladan s comments. Regarding La Rêve , Burtywrotethathe no doubtwhatsocialforces weretoblame,hewrote,"Latinness
wouldhaveadvisedPuvisto notsendtheworkto theSalon: is in peril,in metaphysical peril,thanksto M. Renanand his
"Forthepublic,thiscomposition is toosubtleandofan almost gang."28 PéladanhopedFrench artmightbe savedandreturned
summary execution." Burty noted the same "abstract" aspect in to what he called itsLatin character, andas suchbe a vehicleto
Puviss portrait ofhis companion, MarieCantacuzène, a work help return France to her true Catholic,monarchic roots.
thatdisplays thefrontal pose and generalized physiognomy of In targeting positivist scienceas thesource of France s de-
Byzantine icons.The work,thoughBurtydeemedit to a cer- cline,Péladanwas responding to its democratic associations,
tainextentthebestoftheSalon,createditseffect "attheprice both practicaland symbolic.Positivist sciencewas closely
ofvisiblesacrificesin execution. Our tumultuous society is not linkedtorepublican politics. Auguste Comtehimself hadnoted
satisfiedwiththeseobservations condensed to thepointofaus- that"theproletariat werethemostdisposedof all theclasses
terity.
Something tooabstract envelops thissubject."23 Withthat to acceptPositivism on accountof theircommonsense[and]
comment, he confirmed Péladan's theory of the link between theirfreedom from the taintofmetaphysical... speculation."29
thedeclineof Frenchcultureand thepublicspreference for Republican educational reformers including EmileLittréand
Morot'snaturalism. JulesFerrymadethelinkexplicit in theircampaignto replace
In his discussionof the portrait of MarieCantacuzène, Catholic-sponsored educationin Francewitha freeand egali-
Péladantookup boththeissueof Puviss abstraction and the tariansystembased on positivist epistemology. In addition,
incomprehensible quality of that abstraction for the debased Littrés and Ferry's Masonic affiliations would have forPéladan
tastesof contemporary viewers. Of thetimeless quality of the reinforced their association with positivism, because by mid-
he
portrait, wrote, "Madame M.C....is not a widow, she is the century French had
Freemasonry officially a
adopted complete-
widow;he hasraisedtheindividual to a type.Thereis no more ly secularized positivism as its guidingphilosophy.30 Beyond
certainmarkofhisgenius....He remains theabstractor ."24For thesepractical linksbetweenrepublican politicsand positivist
Péladan,thisabilitymakesPuvisthe"greatest painterof our science,theverynatureofpositivist epistemology wouldhave
time."Following Burty s lead,however, henotedthatthedegree been offensive to Péladan'saristocratic mentality. Positivist
of abstraction in La Rêveis evengreater, to an extentthatit method, basedentirely on theindividual's sensualexperience of
rendered theworka failure in thepublicvenueoftheacademic phenomena, is byitsnaturedemocratic.
Salon.Indeed,amongviewers confronted withLa Rêve , "only By thestartof the 1890s,Péladanhad begunhis active
initiatescan understand it.M. de Chavannes waswrongto ex- questto repairthecultural decadencehe had defined. Central
hibitforlaypeoplea paintingdestinedforpoetsand think- to the plan was his revival, aided by Stanislasde Guaita,of
ers."25Themembers ofthisuninitiated publicrejectPuvisand Rosicrucianism. The order,first established in theseventeenth
turninsteadtoworkslikeMorot'sLe Martyre , whichfulfills the century, initiated members intoa societythatclaimedto be a
debasedmaterialist tastesof the"mob."Underthesecircum- keeperofesoteric secrets,including alchemy andsymbology. In
stances, Péladansoundedalmostmildwhenhe summarized his itsrevived nineteenth-century manifestation, theorderfostered
opinionofLe Martyre deJésus deNazareth withthesingleword a mingling ofEasternphilosophy and religion withtraditional
"detestable."26 Christian beliefs and actedas a promoter ofgeneralpublicin-
BecausePéladansaw thepopularity of positivist-inspiredterestin theoccult.31 Péladantookpainsto givehis Rosicru-
naturalism and contemporanéité as a reflection oflarger cultural cianisma distinctively RomanCatholiccharacter bydefecting
deterioration,he statedin his critiqueof Morot'snaturalism from a more general Rosicrucian revival to formhisownOrdre
thatitwas notjustthequalityofFrenchartthatwasat stake, de la Rose+Croix catholique. WhenPéladanmadethebreak,he
butalsothehealthofFrenchsociety. He described thecrisisin wasanticipating theeventual papalindexing in 1891ofseveral
veryparticular politicalterms: of the authors associated with the Rosicrucian revival(neverthe-
less,hisownwritings werecensured bytheChurchas wellin

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 DI PASQUALE| Joséphin
Péladan

thatyear).As leaderofthenewCatholicRosicrucians, Péladan science , defended scriptural truthwithevidencegleanedfrom

gave himself thetitle of"Sâr." This ancient Hebrew and and
Assyrian mythological literary sources.37Froma veryearlystage,Pé-
termforchief,prince,or leaderreinforced hiscontroland the ladanwas encouraged to championthisalternative "scientific"
hierarchic structure of theorder.Thushe hopedto downplay method, inflected withoccultandCatholicmetaphysics, in the
theexcessively individualist elements thattheRomanCatholic faceofmaterialist science.Forall themembers ofthePéladan
Churchfoundespecially objectionable inmuchocculttheory of family, theoccultprovided a realmin whichscientific dataand
thefindesiècle Bygathering thisgroupofdevoutCatholicsto metaphysical truthcould be combined,and thisnotionis at
becomethenewkeepersoftheRosicrucian tradition, Péladan theheartof Péladanspositioning of his Catholicoccultas an
aimedtofoster an intellectual religious thatcouldact
sensibility alternative to positivism.
as an alternative to positivism andas a healingforceagainstthe The esotericmachinations of Péladanstheoriesmanifest
declineof Frenchsociety. His seriesofessaysAmphithéâtre des whathe intendedto be theexclusive, intellectual character of
sciences mortes endeavoured to definetheCatholic,hierarchic, his Catholicoccult.It was thiskindof intellectual hierarchy
andscientific natureofhisoccultrevival. thathe believedwas crucialto hissuccessin restoring France
The principle volumein the series,L'Occultecatholique , to herpre-republican, Catholicnature.Onlya selectfewwere
revealsthephilosophical basisof PéladansRosicrucian revival capableofinitiation intosuchphilosophical complexities. Thus,
and thesalonsassociated withit.33Péladansideasprovideda in L'Occulte catholique, Péladanemphasized theexclusive char-
directepistemological challenge to positivistscience.His the- acterofhisphilosophy. He reminded hisreaderthatwhileall
oryof knowledge was basedon theunionof occultintellect humanity needsreligion, theoccultis necessary only"forthose
and Catholicfaith,rather thanon thedataofphysical experi- who want to the
augment intelligent life in themselves." He
ence.WhilePéladanacknowledged mansessential physicality, summed it up with this admonition: "it is necessary that some
he stressed thattruthcan onlybe reachedbya transcendence think, itis necessary thatallpray."38
ofthephysical.34 Thushe contrasted theoccultsdual basisin Therejection ofthenaturalism he associated withpositiv-
reasonandmetaphysical inquiry withpositivism s privileging of ismand theestablishment of a stricthierarchy aretwoof the
physical experience. defining characteristics of PéladansSalon de la Rose+Croix.
TheunionofCatholicism andoccultism inhisRosicrucian He conceivedof theexhibition as a wayto showcaseartthat
orderstandsas Péladansversion ofthereconciliation ofreligion embodiedthetheories he had beenwriting aboutthrough the
andscience, whichwaspromoted bymanyfigures in the occult 1880s. The Salon de la Rose+Croix was held yearly from 1892
revival as a meansofreintroducing a metaphysical component to 1897,withthefirst exhibition takingplaceat thegallery of
to moderntheories of knowledge. EdouardSchuré,authorof Durand- Ruel.In 1891 Péladanpublished a seriesofstatements
Les GrandInitiés(1889), asserted thatoccultknowledge "con- thatheralded themanifestation ofhisvision,inwhichhedictat-
stitutes theprimordial linkbetweenscienceand religion, and ed therulesofthesalonwithpapal-like powerandasserted his
thefinalunityof thetwo."35 In L'Occulte catholique, Péladan authority to actas thefinal,infallible arbiter oftheworksthat
presented hisRosicrucian in similarterms.In addition, merited
revival inclusion.In therulesforpotential exhibitors, he fo-
Péladansinterest in uniting religionand scienceshould be seen cused on
primarily subject matter, encouraging art of a religious
as partoflarger efforts amongRomanCatholicswhohopedto character.39 He calledforartworks thatexhibited strictideal-
combattheperception oftheChurchas anti-scientific during ism,thetriumph "oftheDreamagainstthereal,"as an antidote
thesecondhalfofthenineteenth century in France. Catholics to naturalism, he encouraged
and traditional religious subjects
fromdiverse made
disciplines widely varying efforts
to reconcile and compositional hieratism thatemphasized formality.40 He
theirfaithtoscientific practice, whileattempting to avoidwhat underscored thehierarchic natureof his aesthetic endeavour
wereperceived as theerrors of strictpositivism and material- further whenhe calledon artists to act as priestsperforming
ism.36Suchideaswerecommonamongtheintellectuals who a sacramental actin painting: "Artist,youarepriest: Artis the
oftenvisitedthePéladanfamily homeduring Joséphins youth, greatmystery, and when you succeed in a
creatingmasterpiece,
attracted bythepresence ofAdrienPéladanpère, andJoséphin s a divineraydescendsas on an altar."41
elderbrother, Adrien fils, whowereengaged inthestudyofboth IfPéladansawtheworksoftheartists he advocated as sac-
scienceand theoccult.In theircompanyhe wouldhavebeen ramental, thenhe had a veryparticular idea of thegracethat
privy to discussions thatincludedan eclectic mixofnatural sci- theybestowed.He maintained thatthepurposeof his salons
ence,occultscience,anddevoutRomanCatholicism, all in the wasto reform tasteand thereby reverse thedegenerative effects
context ofstrictly monarchist politics.Adrien pèrewasparticu- ofpositivist decadence inFrench culture. One ofPéladanscom-
larlyinvested in thebattleagainstRenan.His 1866 response to patriots, writing a history oftheirorder,described thecultural
Renans ViedeJésus , entitled Histoire deJésus-Christ d'après la implications in thisway:

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 RACAR
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We easilyagreed thatthetimewasnotfavorableforthe
constitution
ofa group ofoccultmetaphysics,
butthatthe
finearts,on thecontrary, toourefforts
offered a vastand
usefularena,andthatbyaestheticmeanswecouldmake
ourspiritualist
theories thefrivolous
penetrate brains
ofour
contemporaries.42

In thisconception, Péladanand hisartists becamethepriestly

ministers ofa cultural conversion.
Péladansettherulesofhisaesthetic and thesalonso nar-
rowly that it is difficultto isolate a work that completely fulfills
them.For thefirstmanifestation of thesalon,Péladancom-
missioned theSwissartistCarlosSchwabeto designa poster
(fig.3), which reflectsmanyof Péladan s ideas.43The image
has nothingin commonwiththe"detestable" naturalism ex-
emplified forPéladanbyMorots painting of theCrucifixion.
In Schwabsposter,the elongatedfigures, lineardesign,and
floralpatterns emphasize decoration overimitation of nature.
Furthermore, thesubjectmatter quiteliterally depictsthejour-
ney from physical existence to metaphysical The female
truth.
figure below remains in
trapped themireof physicalexperi-
ence, while the two upperfigures ascendthesteps,gradually
shedding the darkness of the physical worldforan existence
of lightand purity. SchwabehereaddressesPéladanstheme
of the triumph of idealismovermaterialism and, as Robert
Pincus-Witten has pointedout,theprocessof initiation to an
elitestatus,anotherimportant elementof his aestheticand
philosophical agenda.44
CharlesFiligersChrist auxAnges , 1892 (fig.4), wasexhib-
itedin thefirst Salonde la Rose+Croixthatyear.45 The work
reflectsPéladansnotionsof hieratism, evenas it exhibitsthe
spatialand colouristic innovations thatwouldeventually have
no placein Péladanssalons.Filiger s Christhasradically simpli-
fiedfacialfeatures, and theartistsinspiration in Byzantine art
is overtin theiconictiltofChrist s headand thefrontal poses
ofall thefigures. Thereis no background to anchorthescene
in a narrative, and thetondoshapeand closeperspective unite
to givethepicturethequalityof a devotional image. Thus it
presents a vision of Christ that is whollyidealizedandwithout
a vulgarizing linktothereality ofthehistorical pastorthesecu-
larizedpresent. Péladanmusthavebeenstruck bythesimilarity
3.Carlos
Figure Poster
Schwabe, for SalondelaRose+ Croix,
theFirst in composition, technique, and spiritof thisworkand Puviss
1892. 198x 80cm.Bibliothèque
Lithograph, nationale
deFrance of Marie Cantacuzène.
portrait
(Photo:
BnF). Otherartists whowereacceptedbyPéladanforexhibition
in hissalonsincludeAntoinede la Rochefoucauld, Alexander
Séon,AlphonseOsbert, Jean and Delville.Theyrepresented a
of
range stylesof thefinde siècle , butall theirworkembod-
iedPéladanscallforan artthatwouldrepudiate thenaturalism
of artistslikeMorot.Péladanwas notsuccessful in attracting
themostcelebrated and avant-garde figuresto his exhibitions,

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 DI PASQUALE| Joséphin
Péladan

artist,contributed further
to thedeclineofthesalon.Though
thesaloncontinuedon forfivemoreyears,thequalityof its
contributors waned,theprestige
steadily ofitsvenuesdeclined,
and itsholdon thepublicinterest dissipated.Péladancontin-
ued to writeintothetwentieth century, promoting theideals
oftheRose+CroixSalons,butbythistimehisbombastic anti-
moderncriticism and hisflamboyant publicpersona rendered
himsomewhat ridiculous.49
Indeed,in theearlytwentieth century, Péladan'snotions
ofpoliticsand artseemed,as theydo now,to be disconnected
frommodernlife.Nevertheless, hishistory is an importantpart
of thestoryof artand sciencein theSymbolist era.Péladan's
artistic, and politicalgoalswerelinkedthrough
intellectual,
his desireto promotetheestablishment of a Francecleansed
of itsdemocratic, and positivist
secularist, characteristics.
De-
spitehisdistaste forscientific
materialism, Péladanrecognized
thepervasiveness andpoweroftherhetoric ofscienceinfin-de-
siècleculture,andhisRosicrucian theories offeredhima means
to use thatrhetoric in theserviceof his singularartisticand
culturalgoals.

4.Charles
Figure Christ
Filiger, auxAnges,
1892. Altschul
Formerly Notes
unknown.
location
Collection, from
Reproduced Charles
Filiger:
exh.cat.,
1863-1928, Strasbourg, d'art
Musée moderne,
1990, 54.
fig. 1 Themostcomplete sources onPéladan's lifeandworkareRobert
Pincus-Witten, Occult Symbolism inFrance: JoséphinPéladan and
theSalons dela Rose-Croix (NewYork,1976);Christopher Beau-
fils,
Joséphin Péladan: Essaisurunemaladie dulyrisme(Grenoble,
1993);andJean-Pierre Laurant andVictor Nguyen, LesPé-
eds.,
in partbecauseof theextremity of hisviews.PierrePuvisde ladan(Lausanne, 1990).
Chavannesand GustaveMoreau,who wereamongthemost 2 I usethetermpositivist hereas a general referenceto modesof
respected and well-known artistsin France in 1892 and who that
thinking privilege empirical inquiryrather thantoindicatethe
hardly neededtheexposure ofanother exhibition
venue,opted philosophical framework developed byAuguste Comte, although
notto participate.46 Evensomeyoungartists couldnotrecon- certainly Comtescontrasting of theological and metaphysical
cile themselves to Péladan'saesthetic agenda.MauriceDenis, forms ofinquiry withhispositivist method must havecontributed
oneoftheleadingmembers oftheNabisanda devoutCatholic, toPéladan'snotion ofthephilosophical illshedescribed.
tookseriousissuewithPéladan'soccultism and his complete 3 On thePéladan family's seePincus-Witten,
politics, Occult Sym-
rejectionof naturalism.47Even Antoine de Rochefoucauld,one bolism in France
, 9-25. On thecontext of the defensive
Catholic
of Péladanscollaborators in the Rosicrucian revival,eventu- nationalism ofthe1870s, seeJoseph F.Byrnes, Catholic
andFrench
ally found his own impressionist-inflectedworks out of place Forever: ReligiousandNational Identityin Modern France (Uni-
amongthe Rose+Croixpainters, and he subsequently broke versityPark, PA,2005),esp.95-109;andRichard The
Griffiths,
withPéladan.The degreeof individualism in Denis'sand Ro- Reactionary Revolution: TheCatholic Revival in FrenchLiterature
chefoucauld'sstylerendered theirworkunsuitable to Péladan's 1870-1914(NewYork, 1965).
hierarchicideal,andinlatermanifestations ofthesalon,exhibi- 4 On therelationship of scienceandCatholicism infin-de-siècle
torshadveryfewlinksto theavant-garde. France, seeMariaDi Pasquale, "LaCrisecatholique: Avant-Garde
The initial1892 Salonof theRose+Croixwas a succèsde Religious in
Painting France, PhD
1890-1912," diss.,University
scandale.It waswellattended and muchdiscussed amongcrit- ofTexasatAustin, 1999,20-25,107-11.
ics,48butPéladan's inabilityto attract(orhisalienationof) the 5 MichaelMariais suggests thatthesentiments contained in L'Art
mostwell-known artists
ofhistime,marginalized him,hissa- ochlocratiquewereshared toa varying degree byseveralcritics
of
lon,and histheories. His aesthetic breakwithRochefoucauld, thefindesiècle.SeeMichael Mariais,ConservativeEchoesinFin-de-
whohad beena majorfinancial backeras wellas participating SiècleParisianArtCriticism Park,
(University PA,1992),139-46.

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 1 | 2009
XXXIVI Number
RACAR

6 Joséphin Péladan, La Décadence esthétiqueL,L'Art ochlocratique, vis's"abstraction" wasshared bymany critics

andexpressed a va-
Salonsde1882et1983(Paris, 1888),13.Thecriticism inthisvol- of See
riety meanings. Jennifer Laurie Shaw, Dream States:Puvis
umefirst appeared in 1882and1883inthejournals LeFoyer and De Chavannes, Modernism, andtheFantasy ofFrance (NewHaven,
L'Artiste
, respectively.Unless otherwise noted, all translationsare 2002), 8 and throughout.
myown. 23 Burty,Salonde1883, 92 and95.
7 Péladan, LArtochlocratique, 15. 24 Péladan, LArtochlocratique , 103,emphasis his.Puvisobjected to
8 On theperception ofRenanas anexemplar ofpositivist secular- thisinterpretation ofthework, which hemeant tobea very par-
ism,seeAlanPitt,"TheCultural ImpactofSciencein France: ticulardepiction ofMarieandhercharacter. AiméeBrown Price,
Ernest Renanandthe'Viede Jésus,'" TheHistorical Journal 43 PierrePuvis deChavannes (Amsterdam, 1994),176.
(2000):80-81. 25 Péladan , LArtochlocratique, 102.
9 Péladan, LArtochlocratique , 45. See Péladan s directreferences to 26 LArt
Péladan, ochlocratique , 87.
Renan, 15and59. 27 Péladan, LArtochlocratique , 211-12.
10 On thiswork, seePaulMichaelDriskell, Representing Belief:Re- 28 Péladan, LArtochlocratique, 212.
Art,andSociety
ligion, in Nineteenth-Century France (University 29 Auguste Comtequoted inTomSteele, "TheRoleofScientific Posi-
Park,PA,1992),14-15. tivism inEuropean Popular Education Movements: TheCaseof
11 Philippe Burty, Salonde1883(Paris, 1883),42. On thelifeand France," Lnternational Journal ofLifelong Education XXI, 5 (Sep-
careerofBurty (1830-90),seeGabriel P.Weisberg, TheLndepen- tember-October 2002):399.
dentCritic: Philippe Burty andtheVisual Arts ofMid-Nineteenth- 30 Steele,"TheRoleofScientific Positivism," 405.
France
Century (NewYork, 1993). 31 On Rosicrucianism and Péladan s revival,seePincus-Witten, Oc-
12 Burty, Salonde 1883, 42-45.Indeedtheir are
descriptionsvery cultSymbolism in France , 69-72.
similar;seeErnest Renan,TheLifeofJesus (Amherst, NewYork, 32 On Péladans break withStanislas de Guaitaandhisfounding of
1991),208-12. hisownOrdredela Rose+Croix catholique, seeJeanda Silva,Le
13 Péladan, LArtochlocratique, 59.Hereagainhiscomments aresimi- Salonde la Rose+Croix (1892-1897)(Paris,1991),33-35;and
lartoBurty s,whonoted thattheheadofChrist wasthemainfail- Pincus-Witten, Occult Symbolism inFrance , 78-81.Forthemean-
ing ofthe see
picture; Burty, Salon de 1883 , 42. ing of the term "Sâr," see W.
GeoffreyBromiley, ed.,TheLnterna-
14 Péladan, LArtochlocratique , 59. tional Standard BibleEncyclopedia, vol.1 (GrandRapids, Mich,
LArt
Péladan, ochlocratique , 59. On the revival of Byzantine art, 1979), 644. The term also can mean adversary or one who defies,
see Gretchen Kreahling McKay,"AnEastern Medieval Revival: a meaning thatwouldhaveunderscored Péladans combative theo-
Byzantine ArtandNineteenth-Century French Painting," Studies ries;seeBromiley, 59-60.
inMedievalismYN' (2008):46-66;andJ.B. Bullen, "Byzantinism33 Although thevolume L'Occulte catholique wasnotpublished until
andModernism, 1900-1914," TheBurlington Magazine CXLI, 1898,critics agree thatitisthemostcomplete summation ofthe
1160(1999):665-75. ideasthatdefined thisphaseofhiscareer. SeeBeaufils, Joséphin
16 Driskell,Representing Belief 6. Péladan, 335; and Nelly Emont, "Le de
Mythe l'androgyne dans
17 Driskell,Representing Belief 14-15. l'oeuvre de J. Péladan," in Laurant and Nguyen, Les Péladan, 33.
18 Péladan, LArtochlocratique, 86-87. 34 Péladan, L'Occulte catholique, mystique, Amphithéâtre dessciences
19 Thesequalities ofhieratism andtimelessness arealsoimportant mortes V (Paris, 1898),61-62; seealso my discussion of Péladans
components ofthecontemporary movement ofartfounded at conception oftherelation ofbody, mind, in Di
andspirit Pasquale,
theBenedictine Abbey inBeuron, Germany, byDesiderius Lenz. "LaCrisecatholique," 126-30.
Though Péladan makes noreference toBeuron, itwaswellknown 35 Édouard Schuré, TheGreat Lnitiates:Sketch oftheSecret Historyof
among the Nabis. On Beuronic hieratism, see Michael Paul Religions , trans.Fred Rothwell (Philadelphia, 1922), xxi.
Driskell,Representing Belief 248.SeealsoCordula Grewe's discus- 36 On Catholics' attempts toreconcile faithandscientific in
progress
sionofLenz'sdogmatic formulation ofhisaesthetic, whichhas thefindesiècle, seeDi Pasquale, "LaCrisecatholique," 40-51; and
a great dealincommon withPéladan: Cordula Grewe, "Histori- Richard Thomson, Troubled Republic, 117-27.
cismandtheSymbolic Imagination in Nazarene Art," Art Bulletin 37 Jean-Claude "Un
Drouin, Légitimiste mystique du XlXesiècle:
LXXXIX, 1 (March 2007):102. Adrien Péladan 1815-1890,"inLaurant andNguyen, LesPéladan ,
20 Péladan, LArtochlocratique , 87. 15.Adrien Péladans response to Renanwasreissued in 1878by
21 I amindebted toJames Housefield forhisinsight intoPéladan s use Victor Palméunder thenewtitle Preuves dela Révélation
éclatantes
ofthisphrase. SeeJoseph F.Byrnes s discussion ofthepolitical as- par l'histoire On
universelle. the Péladan family'sinvolvement inthe
ofregional
sociations dialect,Catholic andFrench Forever, 121-45. occultrevival, seeGerard Gautier, "LeRose+Croix deToulouse,"
22 Péladan, LArtochlocratique , 48,emphasis his.Thisnotion ofPu- inLaurant andNguyen, LesPéladan, 50.

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 DI PASQUALEļ Joséphin
Péladan

38 Péladan,L'Occulte , 42-49.
catholique
39 Péladan, "RulesoftheSalonde la Rose+Croix," reprinted and
translatedinPincus-Witten,Occult Symbolism inFrance , 211-12.
40 "lhe Manifesto oftheRose+Croix," 1891,reprinted andtrans-
latedinPincus-Witten, OccultSymbolism inFrance , 207.
41 Péladan,L'ArtLdéaliste
etMystique: Doctrine del'OrdreetduSalon
Annuel desRose+Croix(Paris,1894),17.
42 LéoncedeLarmandie, L'Entr'acte
idéale:
Histoire dela Rose+Croix
(Paris,
1903), 10.
43 Fora fulltreatment ofthiswork, seeMariaH. Hand,"Carlos
Schwabe s Poster
fortheSalondela Rose+Croix: A Heraldofthe
IdealinArt,"ArtJournalXLW, 1 (Spring,1984):40-45.
44 Pincus-Witten,OccultSymbolism inFrance, 102-03.
45 Filiger
hadbeena protégé ofGauguin inLe Pouldu.SeeCharles
Chasse, Charles
Filiger1863-1928(Paris, 1962);andMiraJacob,
Charles 1863-
Filiger 1928 (Strasbourg,1990).
46 Robert Pincus-Witten, LesSalonsde la RoseCroix, 1892-1897
(London, 2.
1968),
47 On Denis'sattitude toward Péladan, seeDi Pasquale, "La Crise
Catholique,"140-42.
48 Pincus-Witten,LesSalonsdela RoseCroix , 1892-1897, Introduc-
tion,n.p.
49 Pincus-Witten,OccultSymbolism inFrance , chapter one.

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