Professional Documents
Culture Documents
I. AQUINAS
ON CRIME
AND
PUNISHME
NT
Let every person be subject to the governing authorities. For there is no authority except from
God, and those that exist have been instituted by God…For he is the servant of God, an avenger
who carries out God’s wrath on the wrongdoer. Therefore one must be in subjection, not only to
avoid God’s wrath but also for the sake of conscience.
— Romans 13: 1-5
Aquinas justified the necessity of both civil and penal law. As a social animal, man needs civil
law to determine how he will deal with others, such as in buying and selling (S.T., I-II, Q. 95,
A.4). Since no man is by nature bad or evil, mere personal training by admonition may suffice to
keep a man virtuous. Still, punishments may be needed for those “depraved and prone to vice,
and not easily amenable to words…to be restrained from evil by force and fear” (S.T., I-II. Q. 95,
A.1).
People are of various predispositions and environment. Out of fear, a person can be habituated
to do what is virtuous since penal law forces him to do or resist doing an act until it becomes his
second nature. Human law may be a hindrance to some, but the just man will conform to it
spontaneously, as if no law is needed for him because how he lives is already in agreement with
the law.
Aquinas distinguished general from particular justice. General justice refers to legal justice
that serves the community. It is also referred to as “distributive justice” as it distributes the
common good. On one hand, particular justice is in relation to individuals who are individually
different (S.T., II-II, Q. 58, A.5).
Rendering justice does not necessarily mean same treatment, but equitable treatment on what
the other deserves by natural or contractual/positive right; that is, rendering to each that “which
is due to him according to equality of proportion” (S.T., II-I, Q.58, A.11, corpus). This
qualification on justice justifies the doctrine of reasonable classification under the Equal
Protection clause.
Consistency must be observed in justice. For “justice is a habit whereby a man renders to each
one his due by a constant and perpetual will” (S.T., II-II, Q.58, ad 5m).
So too, all our previous Constitutions, including the first one ordained at Malolos, guarantee
that “(n)o person shall be deprived of life, liberty or property without due process of law.” This
primary right of the people to enjoy life — life at its fullest, life in dignity and honor — is not
only reiterated by the 1987 Charter but is in fact fortified by its other pro-life and pro-human
rights provisions. Hence, the Constitution values the dignity of every human person and
guarantees full respect for human rights, expressly prohibits any form of torture which is
arguably a lesser penalty than death, emphasizes the individual right to life by giving protection
to the life of the mother and the unborn from the moment of conception and establishes the
people’s rights to health, a balanced ecology and education.
This Constitutional explosion of concern for man more than property for people more than the
state, and for life more than mere existence augurs well for the strict application of the
constitutional limits against the revival of death penalty as the final and irreversible exaction of
society against its perceived enemies.
Indeed, volumes have been written about individual rights to free speech, assembly and even
religion. But the most basic and most important of these rights is the right to life. Without life,
the other rights cease in their enjoyment, utility and expression.
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“Thou shall not kill” is fundamental commandment to all Christians, as well as to the rest of
the “sovereign Filipino people” who believe in Almighty God. While the Catholic Church, to
which the vast majority of our people belong, acknowledges the power of public authorities to
prescribe the death penalty, it advisedly limits such prerogative only to “cases of extreme
gravity.” To quote Pope John Paul II in his encyclical Evangelium Vitae (A Hymn to Life),
“punishment must be carefully evaluated and decided upon, and ought not to go to the extreme
of executing the offender except in cases of absolute necessity: in other words, when it would not
be possible otherwise to defend society . . . (which is) very rare, if not practically non-existent.”
Although not absolutely banning it, both the Constitution and the Church indubitably abhor
the death penalty. Both are pro-people and pro-life. Both clearly recognize the primacy of human
life over and above even the state which man created precisely to protect, cherish and defend
him. The Constitution reluctantly allows capital punishment only for “compelling reasons
involving heinous crimes” just as the Church grudgingly permits it only reasons of “absolute
necessity” involving crimes of “extreme gravity,” which are very rare and practically non-
existent.
In the face of these evident truisms, I ask: Has the Congress, in enacting RA 7659, amply
discharged its constitutional burden of proving the existence of “compelling reasons” to
prescribe death against well-defined “heinous” crimes?
I respectfully submit it has not.
ON PSYCHOLOGICAL INCAPACITY
VITUG, J.:
Accordingly, although neither decisive nor even perhaps all that persuasive for having no
juridical or secular effect, the jurisprudence under Canon Law prevailing at the time of the
code’s enactment, nevertheless, cannot be dismissed as impertinent for its value as an aid, at
least, to the interpretation or construction of the codal provision.
One author, Ladislas Orsy, S.J., in his treaties, giving an account on how the third paragraph
of Canon 1095 has been framed, states:
The history of the drafting of this canon does not leave any doubt that the legislator intended,
indeed, to broaden the rule. A strict and narrow norm was proposed first:
Those who cannot assume the essential obligations of marriage because of a grave psycho-
sexual anomaly (ob gravem anomaliam psychosexualem) are unable to contract marriage (cf.
SCH/1975, Canon 297, a new canon, Novus);
then a broader one followed:
. . . because of a grave psychological anomaly (ob gravem anomaliam psychicam) . . . (cf.
SCH/1980, Canon 1049);
then the same wording was retained in the text submitted to the pope (cf. SCH/1982, Canon
1095, 3);
finally, a new version was promulgated:
because of causes of a psychological nature (ob causas naturae psychiae).
So the progress was from psycho-sexual to psychological anomaly, then the term anomaly was
altogether eliminated. It would be, however, incorrect to draw the conclusion that the cause of
the incapacity need not be some kind of psychological disorder; after all, normal and healthy
person should be able to assume the ordinary obligations of marriage.
Fr. Orsy concedes that the term “psychological incapacity” defies any precise definition since
psychological causes can be of an infinite variety.
In a book, entitled “Canons and Commentaries on Marriage,” written by Ignatius Gramunt,
Javier Hervada and LeRoy Wauck, the following explanation appears:
This incapacity consists of the following: (a) a true inability to commit oneself to the essentials
of marriage. Some psychosexual disorders and other disorders of personality can be the psychic
cause of this defect, which is here described in legal terms. This particular type of incapacity
consists of a real inability to render what is due by the contract. This could be compared to the
incapacity of a farmer to enter a binding contract to deliver the crops which he cannot possibly
reap; (b) this inability to commit oneself must refer to the essential obligations of marriage: the
conjugal act, the community of life and love, the rendering of mutual help, the procreation and
education of offspring; (c) the inability must be tantamount to a psychological abnormality. The
mere difficulty of assuming these obligations, which could be overcome by normal effort,
obviously does not constitute incapacity. The canon contemplates a true psychological disorder
which incapacitates a person from giving what is due (cf. John Paul II, Address to R. Rota, Feb.
5, 1987). However, if the marriage is to be declared invalid under this incapacity, it must be
proved not only that the person is afflicted by a psychological defect, but that the defect did in
fact deprive the person, at the moment of giving consent, of the ability to assume the essential
duties of marriage and consequently of the possibility of being bound by these duties.
Justice Sempio-Diy cites with approval the work of Dr. Gerardo Veloso, a former Presiding
Judge of the Metropolitan Marriage Tribunal of the Catholic Archdiocese of Manila (Branch 1),
who opines that psychological incapacity must be characterized by (a) gravity, (b) juridical
antecedence, and (c) incurability. The incapacity must be grave or serious such that the party
would be incapable of carrying out the ordinary duties required in marriage; it must be rooted in
the history of the party antedating the marriage, although the overt manifestations may emerge
only after the marriage; and it must be incurable or, even if it were otherwise, the cure would be
beyond the means of the party involved.
It should be obvious, looking at all the foregoing disquisitions, including, and most
importantly, the deliberations of the Family Code Revision Committee itself, that the use of the
phrase “psychological incapacity” under Article 36 of the Code has not been meant to
comprehend all such possible cases of psychoses as, likewise mentioned by some ecclesiastical
authorities, extremely low intelligence, immaturity, and like circumstances (cited in Fr. Artemio
Baluma’s “Void and Voidable Marriages in the Family Code and their Parallels in Canon Law,”
quoting from the Diagnostic Statistical Manual of Mental Disorder by the American Psychiatric
Association; Edward Hudson’s “Handbook II for Marriage Nullity Cases”). Article 36 of the
Family Code cannot be taken and construed independently of, but must stand in conjunction
with, existing precepts in our law on marriage. Thus correlated, “psychological incapacity”
should refer to no less than a mental (not physical) incapacity that causes a party to be truly
incognitive of the basic marital covenants that concomitantly must be assumed and discharged
by the parties to the marriage which, as so expressed by Article 68 of the Family Code, include
their mutual obligations to live together, observe love, respect and fidelity and render help and
support. There is hardly any doubt that the intendment of the law has been to confine the
meaning of “psychological incapacity” to the most serious cases of personality disorders clearly
demonstrative of an utter intensitivity or inability to give meaning and significance to the
marriage. This pschologic condition must exist at the time the marriage is celebrated. The law
does not evidently envision, upon the other hand, an inability of the spouse to have sexual
relations with the other. This conclusion is implicit under Article 54 of the Family Code which
considers children conceived prior to the judicial declaration of nullity of the void marriage to be
“legitimate.”
The other forms of psychoses, if existing at the inception of marriage, like the state of a party
being of unsound mind or concealment of drug addiction, habitual alcoholism, homosexuality or
lesbianism, merely renders the marriage contract voidable pursuant to Article 46, Family Code.
If drug addiction, habitual alcholism, lesbianism or homosexuality should occur only during the
marriage, they become mere grounds for legal separation under Article 55 of the Family Code.
These provisions of the Code, however, do not necessarily preclude the possibility of these
various circumstances being themselves, depending on the degree and severity of the disorder,
indicia of psychological incapacity.
Until further statutory and jurisprudential parameters are established, every circumstance that
may have some bearing on the degree, extent, and other conditions of that incapacity must, in
every case, be carefully examined and evaluated so that no precipitate and indiscriminate nullity
is peremptorily decreed. The well-considered opinions of psychiatrists, psychologists, and
persons with expertise in psychological disciplines might be helpful or even desirable.
Marriage is not an adventure but a lifetime commitment. We should continue to be reminded
that innate in our society, then enshrined in our Civil Code, and even now still indelible in
Article 1 of the Family Code, is that —
Art. 1. Marriage is a special contract of permanent union between a man a woman entered
into in accordance with law for the establishment of conjugal and family life. It is the foundation
of the family and an inviolable social institution whose nature, consequences, and incidents are
governed by law and not subject to stipulation, except that marriage settlements may fix the
property relations during the marriage within the limits provided by this Code. (Emphasis
supplied.)
Our Constitution is no less emphatic:
Sec. 1. The State recognizes the Filipino family as the foundation of the nation. Accordingly, it
shall strengthen its solidarity and actively promote its total development.
Sec. 2. Marriage, as an inviolable social institution, is the foundation of the family and shall be
protected by the State. (Article XV, 1987 Constitution).
The above provisions express so well and so distinctly the basic nucleus of our laws on
marriage and the family, and they are doubt the tenets we still hold on to.
ON THE SEPARATION OF CHURCH AND STATE
PUNO, J.:
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We ascertained two salient features in the review of religious history: First, with minor
exceptions, the history of church-state relationships was characterized by persecution,
oppression, hatred, bloodshed, and war, all in the name of the God of Love and of the Prince of
Peace. Second, likewise with minor exceptions, this history witnessed the unscrupulous use of
religion by secular powers to promote secular purposes and policies, and the willing acceptance
of that role by the vanguards of religion in exchange for the favors and mundane benefits
conferred by ambitious princes and emperors in exchange for religion’s invaluable service. This
was the context in which the unique experiment of the principle of religious freedom and
separation of church and state saw its birth in American constitutional democracy and in human
history.
Strictly speaking, the American experiment of freedom and separation was not translated in
the First Amendment. That experiment had been launched four years earlier, when the founders
of the republic carefully withheld from the new national government any power to deal with
religion. As James Madison said, the national government had no “jurisdiction” over religion or
any “shadow of right to intermeddle” with it.
The omission of an express guaranty of religious freedom and other natural rights, however,
nearly prevented the ratification of the Constitution. The restriction had to be made explicit with
the adoption of the religion clauses in the First Amendment as they are worded to this day. Thus,
the First Amendment did not take away or abridge any power of the national government; its
intent was to make express the absence of power. It commands, in two parts (with the first part
usually referred to as the Establishment Clause and the second part, the Free Exercise Clause),
viz:
Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion or prohibiting the free
exercise thereof.
The Establishment and Free Exercise Clauses, it should be noted, were not designed to serve
contradictory purposes. They have a single goal — to promote freedom of individual religious
beliefs and practices. In simplest terms, the Free Exercise Clause prohibits government from
inhibiting religious beliefs with penalties for religious beliefs and practice, while the
Establishment Clause prohibits government from inhibiting religious belief with rewards for
religious beliefs and practices. In other words, the two religion clauses were intended to deny
government the power to use either the carrot or the stick to influence individual religious beliefs
and practices.
In sum, a review of the Old World antecedents of religion shows the movement of
establishment of religion as an engine to promote state interests, to the principle of non-
establishment to allow the free exercise of religion.
2. Religion Clauses in the U.S. Context
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U.S. history has produced two identifiably different, even opposing, strains of jurisprudence
on the religion clauses. First is the standard of separation, which may take the form of either (a)
strict separation or (b) the tamer version of strict neutrality or separation, or what Mr. Justice
Carpio refers to as the second theory of governmental neutrality. Although the latter form is
not as hostile to religion as the former, both are anchored on the Jeffersonian premise that a “wall
of separation” must exist between the state and the Church to protect the state from the church.
Both protect the principle of church-state separation with a rigid reading of the principle. On the
other hand, the second standard, the benevolent neutrality or accommodation, is buttressed by
the view that the wall of separation is meant to protect the church from the state. A brief review
of each theory is in order.
a. Strict Separation and Strict Neutrality/Separation
The Strict Separationist believes that the Establishment Clause was meant to protect the state
from the church, and the state’s hostility towards religion allows no interaction between the two.
According to this Jeffersonian view, an absolute barrier to formal interdependence of religion
and state needs to be erected. Religious institutions could not receive aid, whether direct or
indirect, from the state. Nor could the state adjust its secular programs to alleviate burdens the
programs placed on believers. Only the complete separation of religion from politics would
eliminate the formal influence of religious institutions and provide for a free choice among
political views, thus a strict “wall of separation” is necessary.
Strict separation faces difficulties, however, as it is deeply embedded in American history
and contemporary practice that enormous amounts of aid, both direct and indirect, flow to
religion from government in return for huge amounts of mostly indirect aid from religion. For
example, less than twenty-four hours after Congress adopted the First Amendment’s prohibition
on laws respecting an establishment of religion, Congress decided to express its thanks to God
Almighty for the many blessings enjoyed by the nation with a resolution in favor of a
presidential proclamation declaring a national day of Thanksgiving and Prayer. Thus, strict
separationists are caught in an awkward position of claiming a constitutional principle that has
never existed and is never likely to.
The tamer version of the strict separationist view, the strict neutrality or separationist view,
(or, the governmental neutrality theory) finds basis in Everson v. Board of Education, where
the Court declared that Jefferson’s “wall of separation” encapsulated the meaning of the First
Amendment. However, unlike the strict separationists, the strict neutrality view believes that the
“wall of separation” does not require the state to be their adversary. Rather, the state must be
neutral in its relations with groups of religious believers and non-believers. “State power is no
more to be used so as to handicap religions than it is to favor them.” The strict neutrality
approach is not hostile to religion, but it is strict in holding that religion may not be used as a
basis for classification for purposes of governmental action, whether the action confers rights or
privileges or imposes duties or obligations. Only secular criteria may be the basis of government
action. It does not permit, much less require, accommodation of secular programs to religious
belief.
The problem with the strict neutrality approach, however, is if applied in interpreting the
Establishment Clause, it could lead to a de facto voiding of religious expression in the Free
Exercise Clause. As pointed out by Justice Goldberg in his concurring opinion in Abington
School District v. Schempp, strict neutrality could lead to “a brooding and pervasive devotion
to the secular and a passive, or even active, hostility to the religious” which is prohibited by the
Constitution. x x x
Thus, the dilemma of the separationist approach, whether in the form of strict separation or
strict neutrality, is that while the Jeffersonian wall of separation “captures the spirit of the
American ideal of church-state separation,” in real life, church and state are not and cannot be
totally separate. This is all the more true in contemporary times when both the government and
religion are growing and expanding their spheres of involvement and activity, resulting in the
intersection of government and religion at many points.
b. Benevolent Neutrality/Accommodation
The theory of benevolent neutrality or accommodation is premised on a different view of the
“wall of separation,” associated with Williams, founder of the Rhode Island colony. Unlike the
Jeffersonian wall that is meant to protect the state from the church, the wall is meant to protect
the church from the state. This doctrine was expressed in Zorach v. Clauson, which held, viz:
The First Amendment, however, does not say that in every and all respects there shall be a
separation of Church and State. Rather, it studiously defines the manner, the specific ways, in
which there shall be no concert or union or dependency one or the other. That is the common
sense of the matter. Otherwise, the state and religion would be aliens to each other — hostile,
suspicious, and even unfriendly. Churches could not be required to pay even property taxes.
Municipalities would not be permitted to render police or fire protection to religious groups.
Policemen who helped parishioners into their places of worship would violate the Constitution.
Prayers in our legislative halls; the appeals to the Almighty in the messages of the Chief
Executive; the proclamations making Thanksgiving Day a holiday; “so help me God” in our
courtroom oaths — these and all other references to the Almighty that run through our laws, our
public rituals, our ceremonies would be flouting the First Amendment. A fastidious atheist or
agnostic could even object to the supplication with which the Court opens each session: “God
save the United States and this Honorable Court.”
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We are a religious people whose institutions presuppose a Supreme Being. We guarantee the
freedom to worship as one chooses. . . When the state encourages religious instruction or
cooperates with religious authorities by adjusting the schedule of public events, it follows the
best of our traditions. For it then respects the religious nature of our people and accommodates
the public service to their spiritual needs. To hold that it may not would be to find in the
Constitution a requirement that the government show a callous indifference to religious groups. .
. But we find no constitutional requirement which makes it necessary for government to be
hostile to religion and to throw its weight against efforts to widen their effective scope of
religious influence.
Benevolent neutrality recognizes that religion plays an important role in the public life of the
United States as shown by many traditional government practices which, to strict neutrality,
pose Establishment Clause questions. Among these are the inscription of “In God We Trust” on
American currency; the recognition of America as “one nation under God” in the official pledge
of allegiance to the flag; the Supreme Court’s time-honored practice of opening oral argument
with the invocation “God save the United States and this Honorable Court”; and the practice of
Congress and every state legislature of paying a chaplain, usually of a particular Protestant
denomination, to lead representatives in prayer. These practices clearly show the preference for
one theological viewpoint — the existence of and potential for intervention by a god — over the
contrary theological viewpoint of atheism. Church and government agencies also cooperate in
the building of low-cost housing and in other forms of poor relief, in the treatment of alcoholism
and drug addiction, in foreign aid and other government activities with strong moral dimension.
Examples of accommodations in American jurisprudence also abound, including, but not
limited to the U.S. Court declaring the following acts as constitutional: a state hiring a
Presbyterian minister to lead the legislature in daily prayers, or requiring employers to pay
workers compensation when the resulting inconsistency between work and Sabbath leads to
discharge; for government to give money to religiously-affiliated organizations to teach
adolescents about proper sexual behavior; or to provide religious school pupils with books; or
bus rides to religious schools; or with cash to pay for state-mandated standardized tests.
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3. Religion Clauses in the Philippine Context: Constitution, Jurisprudence, and Practice
One of the geniuses who flourished in the thirteenth century, the philosopher and theologian
whose exalted native endowment and original creative power in the intellectual field is the
admiration of Christian world, Saint Thomas Aquinas, maintained that the appropriation of
others’ goods which they (the owners) do not need, if made in obedience to extreme necessity,
does not constitute robbery. He declared that the superfluous things in the possession of some
persons, by natural law, are goods for the maintenance of the poor. Evident and urgent
necessity makes the one who appropriates the goods of another for the maintenance of his own
life the legal owner of said goods (Summa Theologica, 2d part, Question LXVI, Art. VII). To
strengthen his position, he quoted from Saint Ambrose (serm. 64, De temp. Decret. 47, cap.
Sicut hi) the following: “The bread you are retaining belongs to the hungry; the cloth you are
keeping aside belongs to the naked; the money you are hiding underground is for the
redemption and absolution of the unfortunate.” But, without subscribing necessarily to the
above propositions of the two saintly authors, in the present case, there is absolutely no
showing that extreme necessity impelled accused to perpetrate the robbery here in question.
There is not the remotest hint that appellant would have died of hunger without the money and
jewel which he and his fellow gangsters took from complainants’ drug store, or that he
would face an imminent danger of losing any vital limb or right. On the contrary, he testified
that he was engaged in selling foodstuffs, such as bread; wearing apparel, such as shoes; and
even articles of luxury, such as pomade. And it is evident that he earned more than enough to
satisfy his prime needs, for he allowed himself the leisure and the spare money for gambling.
He robbed, therefore, not because he was compelled by any pressing necessities, but by
following impulses of moral perversity. For such individual, and for all individuals belonging
to his depraved tribe, there is no reason to waste any pity or leniency. The race of robbers,
bandits, gangsters, and other malefactors of the same brand, should be ostracized perpetually
from human society until the shame shall have disappeared completely from memory.