Some Problems on the Genesis of Nationalism in Indonesia

Author(s): Sartono Kartodirdjo

Source: Journal of Southeast Asian History , Mar., 1962, Vol. 3, No. 1 (Mar., 1962), pp.
67-94
Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of Department of History,
National University of Singapore

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 SOME PROBLEMS ON THE GENESIS OF
NATIONALISM IN INDONESIA*
Sartono Kartodirdjo
I. Objective, Terminology and Approach. ?
Our generation has witnessed in a relatively recent past the al
most simultaneous emergence of national states in Southeast Asia.
These great events have been preceded by a historical process hav
ing nationalism as its moving force. In other parts of the world
nationalism has also been playing a more and more important role.
The all-pervasive nature of this phenomenon merits a study of it,
since nationalism has become an important factor in human thought
and endeavour of our times.
It goes without saying that a historical approach will in the main
deal with nationalism as a historical product, that is to say, the
emphasis will be laid on its genesis and its development.
In the case of Indonesia, the period stretching over about four
decennia prior to the Second World War is usually classed as an
object for studying the history of the National Movement.
The purpose of this paper is to present in outline an orientation
of the problem of the history of the National Movement in Indo
nesia. A chronological method is not employed here owing to the
limited scope of this paper. Instead, only some aspects are to be
treated. With regard to the historical development of Indonesian
Nationalism, reference can be made to the works of Army Vanden
bosch (1944), Bernard VIekke (1945), A. von Arx (1949), George
McT. Kahin (1952), all of them written at the end of, or after,
World War II. Of pre-war origin is the book of J. Th. Petrus
Blumberger (1931) which contains a systematical treatise of the
mass of historical sources up to 1930. About the subsequent period
J. M. Pluvier has written a general survey published in 1953. The
works of S. J. Rutgers (1946) and D. M. G. Koch (1950) present
an overall picture of the whole development up to the Second
World War, whereas many more articles appearing in journals
deal with several topics or aspects related to the National Move
ment. Among Indonesian authors on this subject the names of
A. K. Pringgodigdo (1950) and Sitorus (1947) can be mentioned.
Besides works of a descriptive nature, an analysis of the National
Movement as an empirical phenomenon it also needed. In this
* A paper submitted to the 1st International Conference of South-East Asian
Historians, Singapore, January 1961.

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 INDONESIA

way the student will be able to understand more clearly the charac
teristics of Indonesian Nationalism so that a classification can be
made of the trends prevalent within this movement. An identifi
cation of Indonesian Nationalism will also provide an explanation
of the meaning of nationalism in general.
It appeared that, with regard to terminology, there exists no un
animity among scholars when denominating the historical pheno
menon of the genesis of nationalism. Blumberger and Pluvier use
the term "Nationalist Movement", while Kahin calls it the "Natio
nalistic Movement". In addition there are also names such as
"National Awakening" (Vandenbosch) or "National Reveille"
(A. von Arx).
The use of the term "National Movement" is found in the works
of Ramsay Muir (1917), of F. Hertz (1951), and in the report of
the Royal Institute of International Affairs. (1939) The latter says
that the word "National is used as the adjective form of nation in
both senses and in the political sense has a further significance that
it refers to the whole body of citizens. .." With respect to the
word "nation" the report says that the term is ". . .to denote an
aggregation of individuals united by other, as well as political ties ?
ties, commonly of race, religion, language, or tradition." (ibid, p.
xvii).
The fact that the word "national" is used in this paper as an
adjective of movement does not refer to ties as said in the citation,
but it is only used with the purpose to comprise the totality of acti
vities pertaining to the movement in all fields of life with the un
animous objective to fight against the colonial power. Further
more, the term National Movement refers to the whole process of
genesis and growth of Indonesian Nationalism in its manifestations
as nationalistic organizations based on the consciousness, common
sentiment and desires to fight for the freedom of the people within
the frame of a unitary state. The terminological enigma, how
ever, still exists in the study of nationalism and no solution can be
found which will be completely satisfactory.
The use of these terms should be put back into the context of
its historical milieu, thus enabling us to discover its real connota
tion or the user's bias when encountering or experiencing the
process as is indicated by the terms.
At the outset Dutch authors used the term "Jong Java Beweging"
(Young Java Movement), (Het Tijdschrift, 1911-12, p. 95); later
the term "Inlandsche Beweging" ?- Native Movement (De Gids,
1914, p. 23) was generally accepted in order to include all move
ments of other Indonesian groups. The term "Indische Beweging"
(Koloniaal Tijdschrift 1913, II, p. 1312) was associated with the
movement aiming at integration of all groups of people in Indo
nesia. The contemporary usage of these terms showed a parallel
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 INDONESIA

ism with the growth of nationalism itself. The use of the word
"nationalism" in the early stages of the history of the movement
was usually accompanied by a qualifying attribute, such as Java
nese Nationalism, Indies' Nationalism, etc. and only later the term
Indonesian Nationalism became known. With the spread of the
idea of unity and the idea of freedom this term became a generally
adopted phrase among the nationalists. On the other hand the
terminology used by the colonizer was an indication of a state of
inertia in the colonial ideology.
At the same time the name "Indonesia" has a symbolizing func
tion in the history of the National Movement and the springing up
of movements with the appellation "Indonesia" is historically deter
mined and formed a new phase in the development of Indonesian
Nationalism.
What is usually called the History of the National Movement is
that part of Indonesian history covering the period beginning as
from 1908, i.e. the establishment of Boedi Oetomo as the first natio
nal organization, up to 1942, the outbreak of the Pacific War.
The National Movement as a historical phenomenon is a product
of various factors such as economic, social, political, and cultural,
with all their interrelations, involving thus a complexity and multi
dimensionality. The application of this multidisciplinary approach
will permit us to explain the various aspects of the National Move
ment. Hence it can be considered as an economic, social, political,
as well as a cultural movement or process. This is also rationalized
in the various national organizations and explicity defining its pur
poses which provide an orientation of their respective activities.
In order to comprehend the characteristics of Indonesian Natio
nalism such as manifested in the Nationalist Movement, besides
concentrating on different aspects by applying a multidisciplinary
approach, a methodological conceptualization is also necessary which
will yield concepts to be used as principles in order to enable us
to draw up characterizations and classifications.
Furthermore a chronological method will give a historical per
spective so that the dynamics of the National Movement might be
viewed clearly as a progressive movement. The scope of this paper,
however, does not allow the application of such a method; therefore,
this analysis of several aspects with the use of some concepts as a
starting point of discussion is intended merely as an introduction
to some problems of the history of the National Movement in
Indonesia.
When we take nationalism in its state of genesis as object for
study, it is necessary to keep a distance from this object. This can
be acquired through objectivication; in our case it means that we
must try to bring back every event to its situational context. Natio
nalism is a "state of mind", according to H. Kohn (1944), thus
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 INDONESIA

implying that the history of the National Movement should be

regarded mainly as a history of ideas. The sociological concept of
ideas, thoughts, motives, consciousness, is always connected with
a concrete setting of a socio-historical situation.
National consciousness, ideas, sentiment, or will, in the National
Movement must be studied from the aspect of "Situationgebunden
heit" of the social groups which possess it. (K. Mannheim, 1954, p.
3) In this "Situationgebundenheit" cultural elements are also found
in the form of patterns of human behaviour according to norms
and values prevalent in the respective societies.
The National Movement can be considered as a group-action or a
collective activity to face a condition of life by responding according
to the position of the group. The colonial situation created a
challenge to the colonized people who concentrated its collective
activity on self-defence and efforts to change this situation. This
resulted into national consciousness, national feeling as well as
national will which was expressed in various ways.
Nationalism in Indonesia as in other Southeast Asian countries
has its historical basis in colonialism, hence anti-colonialism be
comes its primary ingredient.
An interdependence exists, therefore, between nationalism and
colonialism in general and also a reciprocal influence is felt espe
cially between the growing nationalism and the colonial policy
with its colonial ideology.
In a colonial situation nationalism can be regarded as a social
force which has an orientation towards the future, while the colo
nial ideology faces the past. In this paper the treatment of colo
nial ideology is understood as an antagonistic force of nationalism.
In the study of nationalism as an effective force in social life and
as a powerful emotion predominating the thought and action of the
majority of the people, historians play an important part. In his
position as being essentially objectivist, the historian through his
methodology and approach must be able to explain the meaning
of nationalism by projecting it against the background of the whole
historical development.
Nationalism which is studied here is not connected with political
activity. However, it constantly demands loyalty of the historian
without necessarily creating controversy to objectivity in the study
of history.

II. Multidimensional aspects.

The National Movement in Indonesia may be considered as a re
generation in the general sense of the word; it is not only a move
ment restricted to the field of politics, but extends over the eco
nomic, social and cultural fields as well. The universality of this
phenomenon gives this movement its multidimensional aspects. In
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 INDONESIA

experiencing this regeneration the participants become aware of

everything ? the old as well as the modern, he is driven towards
advancement and is actively engaged in all kinds of action.
This has also manifested itself in the nationalistic organizations,
most of them having a pluralistic nature as is evidently mentioned
in their statutes. Their objectives are to bring about a renovation
in various fields. Which field of activity was chosen as the focus
of these nationalistic organizations, depended on internal as well as
external factors. The orientation of activity of each organization
shows a remarkable correspondence with the participating social
groups which have formed the respective organizations, being insti
tutionalizations of their group-actions. The responsiveness towards
the situational change such as the turn in the colonial policy, has
influenced the orientational aspect of the movement. A concrete
example is that, as long as Article No. 111 of the Regerings Regle
ment (Government Regulation) still prohibited the Indonesians to
stage political activities and put restrictions to the right to hold
conferences and the right to speak, so long could the movement
not resort to political actions. During that phase more stress was
laid on either the socio-cultural field such as in the early years of
Boedi Oetomo (Soembangsih, 1918, p. 17-25), or upon the economic
and religious field as in the case of Sarekat Islam.
There are also movements which in principle chose a special
scope of activity, for example, the social programme of Muham
madijah or the cultural sphere of Taman Siswa. These two organi
zations banned explicity political activities from their programmes.
A general trend in the history of the National Movement was the
inclination to move gradually in the direction of the political field
as it was more and more felt that political power was the principal
means for self-determination in every aspect of life. The differen
tiation of the National Movement into various types can only be
interpreted in this way that each movement as a unit of group-action
is born with a simultaneous involvement of these features. The
National Movement in its concrete historical actuality shows plu
ralistic characteristics so that multidimensional approach is metho
dolocally necessary. The differentiation into these divers aspects
will be useful as it offers a comparative analysis of the National Move
ment: the similarities and dissimilarities between these nationalistic
organizations as concrete structures, and also the interrelationship
between these organizations. This analysis will serve as a supple
ment to the historical picture obtained by studying the nationalistic
organizations viewing them as combinations of these different as
pects. For a characterization of nationalism it is considered neces
sary to ascertain the degree of similarities and dissimilarities of
these nationalistic organizations, at the same time determining
which structural features of a certain period has become most im
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 INDONESIA

portant, so that in this way a periodization will be possible for the

history of the National Movement.

1) Economic aspects of the National Movement.

Nationalism in colonized countries is a reaction against colonial
ism, originating from the system of exploitation which has always
brought about a permanent conflict of interests. The colonizer has
exercised actual economic and political power to protect his eco
nomic interests, thus the economic motive becomes in a colonial
situation a dominating factor in determining the state of relations
between the social groups. Although the colonial ideology of the
20th Century abolished the term "wingewest" (profit-district),
nevertheless the colonial government maintained and even legalized
economic exploitation by private capital. The interests of the
colonial capitalists received priority to that of the colonized people.
The conflict of interests caused a rather backward living con
dition for the people who, because of their obsolete means of pro
duction, become defenseless against colonial capitalism with its
modern organization and technology which revolutionized the
existing economy.
The privileged position of the colonizer was secured through
exploitation and discrimination, hence efforts towards economic
emancipation were always suppressed. This overall disappointing
experience as a result of the socio-economic system hampering the
economic activities of the Indonesian people, necessitated the for
mation of solidarity. This solidarity was realized in the form of
pronounced reaction and violent agitation against the foreigners.
Especially the Chinese, owing to their commercial operations, pro
voked a trade-animosity from the side of the Indonesians. Natio
nalist movements such as the Sarekat Islam, were manifestations
of the desire for commerce. Although the predicate "trade" was
abandoned from the name of the previous organization, its fore
most goal was still the elevation of the economic life of the people
by promoting trade and protecting its material interests. The reli
gious basis strengthened its action and hastened at the same time
its spread; in some towns even the economic aims came to the fore.
The economic pursuits of the Sarekat Islam made other organiza
tions more sensitive to the economic problems: the Boedi Ootomo,
Pasundan and Bond of Regents accordingly adopted also the objec
tive of economic emancipation in their own programmes. (Blum
berger, 1931, p. 24, 38), (T.B.B., 1911, p. 147)
In its congresses severe criticism was voiced against the deplor
able socio-economic situation: low standard of wages, a labour force
without any rights, problems of landrent, private land, sugar indus
try, etc. In its resolutions at the second congress held in 1917 the
clause "economic struggle" to oppose the "sinful capitalism" was
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 INDONESIA

added to the basic aim, i.e. the battle against "political domina
tion". (Mededeelingen, 1918, p. 2-3) Since that event the economic
struggle assumed the character of a mass movement, hence its stimu
lating influence on the political movement.
This economic movement since the end of the World War I grew
steadily to a pitch culminating in the communistic revolution of
1926.
During this period the antithesis between colonizer and colonized
became increasingly sharper. On the one side the big capitalists
with an accumulated profit of millions and millions, on the other the
mass of people suffering a "Verelendung". (Gedenkboek I.V., 1923,
p. 37) The Government of the liberal Governor General Fock (1921
26) exercized a policy of economizing, adopting exorbitant rights
while putting restrictions to the freedom of holding meetings and
of speaking, increased taxes to be borne by the people and from
which the colonial capitalist group was exempted. (Indonesia Mer
deka, 1924, p. 28-32) All these things constituted a step backward
from the policy as carried out by Governor General Van Limburg
Stirum (1916-21) who in his November-promise presumed an in
creased tempo of change in the colonial government. (Bergmeijer,
1925, p. 36, 37)
The ever deteriorating socio-economic situation urged the move
ment to switch into a more radical and revolutionary direction.
The strike of the pawnshop workers in 1922 and of the railway
labour group in 1923 were outlets of this socio-economic crisis
which the people had to go through.
The political aspects of the National Movement in those years
showed a shift towards an anti-Dutch and a non-cooperative trend.
Discrimination in the economic field such as restrictions and the
levying of special taxes on private rubber income, or the ordinance
with regard to the establishment of native sugar factories, intensi
fied the economic conflict and caused a deeper economic conscious
ness among the nationalists. (Koch, 1950, p. 61-74)
The colonial capital hampered every effort toward economic
emancipation, because the quintessence of the colonial policy
which was carried by capitalist interests was to keep colonies for
the benefit of the mother-country.
As the National Movement became aware of such a colonial
policy which granted monopolistic privileges to the group of colo
nizers, the movement moved gradually to the political plane. The
struggle against economic subjection and exploitation was fought
especially with political means based on the consciousness of the
nationalists that economic freedom would be obtained only after
political independence had been realized.
This does not mean that the plurality of the independent activi
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 INDONESIA

ties has been abandoned; only the economic aspects however, is now
being subordinated to the political.
Rigorous measures from the side of the colonial government stir
red up much more economic orientation in some organizations such
as the Boedi Oetomo and the Partai Bangsa Indonesia (Party of the
Indonesian People). (Blumberger, 1931, p. 277-293, 433-436) Con
structive work of these parties in the economic sphere on a modest
scale gave concrete forms to the national economic aspirations and it
regarded as a stronger evidence of the self-help principle.

2) Social aspects.
When studying the history of the National Movement one observes
a tangible socio-historical phenomenon, i.e. the emergence and
development of organizations as an institutionalization of social
actions directed toward economic, political or cultural ends. Social
tensions brought about the formation of groups according to the
new stratification and differentiation. By introducing a modern
system of production and technology, Western education and
government organization, the colonial society with its semi-feudal
structure underwent a modernization with all its adherent social
changes. It resulted into the weakening of authority and prestige
of the feudal group, and the transfer of these powers to the intellec
tual group as a new ?lite; a new group-formation according to the
new social foci was going on, particularly with regard to the
National Movement. The teleological orientation of the collective
activity as exercized by these organizations expressed the specific
group-interests which was determined by the "Situation-gebunden
heit" of its constituent members.
The formation of the nationalist organizations was encouraged
by the conflict of social interests with the colonizers' group which
was the more serious because of racial differences. The organiza
tion functioned more distinctly and emphasized the difference of
interests, thus forming a means to a building-up of social power.
The Boedi Oetomo attracted members from the nobility, intellec
tuals and government employees of different strata, who were
usually called collectively by the name of "priyayi". The govern
ment employees element gave it a moderate political orientation
cooperative to the colonizer, such as preferred by the nobility.
From the time it was founded the Boedi Oetomo had never been
a mass organization as it did not succeed to draw people from the
lower classes within its circle. (Soembangsih, 1918, p. 19) Much
later, in the twenties, when the younger elements in the Boedi
Oetomo stepped to the foreground, its orientation switched to a
more progressive course. (Indonesia Merdeka, 1924, p. 19-24) The
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 INDONESIA

activities of Boedi Oetomo in its early period was directed primarily

to an improvement and expansion of education opportunities where
as attention to improvements in the economic field such as stated in
its constitution was very minimal. (Indische Gids, 1913, II, p. 1016)
The establishment of Boedi Oetomo can be considered as a new
social fact, viz. that besides the native rulers as traditional leaders
of the people new leaders emerged who through their organization
began to pay full attention to the well-being of the people and
fought for the improvement of their standards of living. (De
Locomotief, 7 Oct. 1908).
The effect of the founding of Boedi Oetomo with regard to the
native rulers, the old ?lite, was negative, causing, therefore, the long
period of growth of this organization. As a reaction against the
desire for emancipation among the broad masses of the people
these rulers formed a union of their own, the Bond of Regents,
which served their own interests in a special way. (Koloniaal
Weekblad, 31 Dec. 1908)
Because of the differentiation in the government system and the
democratization as a consequence of education, many among this
group of native rulers had to loose their "old glory". With the
powerful growth of the National Movement their position as tools
of the colonial government were very much weakened while the
people now were looking up to the new leaders. Several facts in
the history of Sarekat Islam seem to prove this. (Bescheiden, 1913,
p. 8-14)
The Sarekat Islam had as its nucleus a membership of merchants
who chose religion as basis for their organization; it was the reason
why they succeeded in attracting people from the lower classes, i.e.
farmers and industrial labourers. The religious concept streng
thened the national sentiment enormously and it welded an effec
tive form of solidarity embracing the whole complex of activities
of the group. In the early years national zeal was exuberant and
Sarekat Islam's prestige surpassed the prestige of the traditional
rulers.
Excesses of the social power of Sarekat Islam in several places
resulted in the rejection by the Government to legalize its statutes.
Only organization on a local basis were allowed which fact must be
interpreted as a tactical move to break down the power of S.I. as a
mass-movement. Yet the loyalty of Sarikat Islam to the colonial
government was again and angain declared after this rejection.
(Oetoesan Hindia, 1 July 1915)
Towards the year 1920 owing to influences of representatives of
the industrial labour force and the city proletariat, the S.I. showed
syndicalistic tendencies. (Mededeelingen, 1920, p. 1-15)
The S.I. crisis in 1921 ended with the expulsion of the socialist
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 INDONESIA

elements on the grounds of party discipline; later the tendency of

d?sint?gration in the Sarekat Islam which gravely hurt her position
was caused by the presence of a social conservative group of
"Kyahis" and a modern group consisting mainly of intellectuals
who leaned toward the idea of Pan-Islamism.
With the growth of social differentiation, the number of national
ist organizations increased with variations in their objectives for the
protection of their respective interests while fighting colonialism.
The nobility coming from the Principalities as well as from the
outer islands, adopted a conservative economic attitude, a moderate
political viewpoint, and a nationalistic-conservative cultural orien
tation.
The group of government employees scattered over various orga
nizations basically adopted a moderate and cooperative policy to
ward the Netherlands Indies government.
Many members of the intellectual group were sympathetic to the
proletariat in the cities and they formed nationalistic progressive
organizations which were non-cooperative in nature. This view
point was followed by the middle-class: merchants, clerical class,
small-scale industrialists, well-to-do farmers and those with inde
pendent jobs.
The substance of this solidarity in the National Movement was
entertaining more and more the principle of Indonesia nationalism
and democracy, so that classification based on regional crit?rium
and social stratification was diminishing gradually.
In a colonial society every non-cooperator of every social class
became political outcasts. This situation brought about that by
institutionalizing the idea of non-cooperation the intellectual group
being the natural leaders of the community ? although isolated by
the monopolistic colonial policy ? was successful in the allocation
of authority, and thus played an important role as leaders. It is
obvious, therefore, that the social structure in a colonial society
carried within itself an anomaly and that the colonial policy wanted
the preservation of political leadership which they had obtruded
upon the people by outside forces.
The National Movement should be considered as a social process;
once started it could never be stopped again and it only terminated
with the liquidation of colonialism. Whether it was the paternal
policy of Van Limburg Stirum or that of De Graeff, or the oppres
sive policy of Fock or de Jong, all had a stimulating effect upon the
growth of nationalism.
Another social aspect of the National Movement which likewise
requires our attention is the role of differentiation among the natio
nalist organizations. In general the part played by an organization
has been consciously chosen and recognized. Boedi Oetomo was fol
lowed by later organizations such as Muhammadijah and Taman
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 INDONESIA

Siswa. Especially the latter may be considered as an institution

with an educational system functioning within the context of the
National Movement as a group striving for a free society. The
idea of freedom and unity was made the guiding principle for prac
tical pedagogy, thus proclaiming that education functioned as the
socialization of nationalism. Its founder justly stated that National
Education was the right way to work productively in order to attain
independence for the people. The indigenous culture served as
its basic principle. (Timboel, 1928, p. 30-31)
3) Cultural aspects.
Indonesian Nationalism in its first stages of genesis is also known
as a narrow-nationalism of a local or regional character. Names
such as Sarekat Ambon (Ambon Union), Rukun Minahasa (Mina
hasa Family), Pasoendan, Sarekat Sumatra (Sumatra Union) showed
a kind of regionalism or ethnocentrism.
Boedi Oetomo as mother organization of the National Movement
was established within regional limits and its basis was cultural
unity. Boedi Oetomo as an expression of Javanese nationalism
restricted itself in its activities ? it did not want to intrude into
other groups and it wanted to preserve and develop the indigenous
cultlre. Its character was not exclusive, however, and it was always
open for cooperation with other groups of Indonesians to form a
unity to fight the colonizer. This consciousness brought about the
desire to express oneself in one's own cultural form. This con
sciousness was regarded as the seed of nationalism which must be
possessed in order to counteract the culture of the West. (Soerio
koesoemo)
It can also be said, therefore, that the National Movement is a
cultural struggle.
Discussions were held at the Young Java Congress, i.e. the meet
ing at which the Boedi Oetomo was founded, to decide which atti
tude had to be taken with regard to Western culture. There were
two opposing views: the first group wanted the Javanese (sic) people
to develop along its own course and to make them keep their
oriental character whereas the second one considered the example
of the West as more practical, and thus worthy to be followed.
(De Locomotief, 6 Oct. 1908)
The resolutions of the "Congress for the development of Java
nese Culture" (Congres voor Javaansche Cultuurontwikkeling) held
in Solo in 1910, however, proved that opinions on this problem
differed greatly from one another. The effective influence of Wes
tern Culture was heavily felt, so its was imperative to make a com
parison between Eastern and Western Culture, and to find a course
for its own culture. The inspiration for it was on the one hand
the belief in the glorious past, and on the other the unsatisfactory
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 INDONESIA

experiences as a result of the impact of Western Culture, that is to

say, the loss of an independent national life.
Once more the antithesis which came up in 1908 at the Boedi
Oetomo Congress flared up again. The conservative group was of
the opinion that the old culture had to be the basis for building
up the people whereas the progressive group did not desire a move
backward and rejected the exclusiveness of Javanism. They wanted
to fight the West by Western means and methods. Stress was laid
on the dynamicity in the cultural life which needed integration
and exchange. They thought that a static attitude meant degene
ration.
The most influential group at the Cultural Congress wanted be
sides renovation also conservation. They were of the opinion that
their own culture with its customs, language, art and moral was not
inferior to the West's, but that it was necessary to learn Western
methods. (Timboel, 1930, p. 144 etc.)
Apart from that there was a group who wanted also Western
knowledge and technology; but only these elements of Western cul
two were adopted which were considered necessary in the inter
course with the Western people. In their confrontation with the
West and Moslem religious group took over only the organization
and methods of the West which was then practised in their activi
ties for islamization. Some ancient native elements opposed to the
religion was likewise rejected.
Next to these trends there were gradually developing a tide which
wanted an All-Indonesian Culture which aspired after the ideals
of common language, similarity in dresses, a single nation and
country. Conscious of Indonesia's position in the international
world and of the situation of its people, this group felt that a
synthesis between West and East was necessary without merely
being imitative. (Timboel, 1930, p. 148)
The cultural movement strengthened national consciousness and
formed a supplement to the economic movement which aimed at
a free economic life for the people. The national movement
wanted to build up a new culture as a basis for a new life by
taking over Western elements. This renovation was considered
as a means to realize political aspirations, hence in facing Western
Culture the nationalists rejected the idea of assimilation within
the framework of a Greater Netherlands.

4) Political aspects.
The National Movement as a form of general revivalism in a
community of colonial relation is necessarily experiencing a poli
ticalization and ever since its early stages it has actually showed
a general political orientation.
In a colonized territory the economic and political interests are
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linked closely to each other: political domination protests the

monopolistic economy of the colonial capital using the State as its
powerful tool. A State which is governed by economic interests
produces official laws and every nationalistic aspiration is held in
its reins. The colonial system is opposed to democratic influences
and a colonial government per s? gives priority to interests of the
colonial capital rather than to that of the people. Every popular
movement is regarded as of criminal nature because it endangers
the social order within the existing colonial relationships.
Henceforth it was realized that political power was needed to
force the colonial government to pay attention to the people's well
being. Political aspirations, although not yet explicitly formu
lated, were evident when Boedi Oetomo was established. In simple
language it was stated that this organization desired to participate
in governing the life of the people and improving its lot. Until
the installation of the People's Council (Volksraad) the colonial
regulations did not permit organizations to engage themselves in
political undertakings. With the people increasingly being aware
of the alien power, the emancipation movements became more and
more politically oriented. Incidents like the exile of prominents
?of the Indies Party (Indische Partij) in 1913, the rejection of the
Sarekat Islam statutes in the same year, the First World War with
the problem of Indonesia's defence, provoked demands such as
freedom to hold meetings and to express opinions, equal rights to
assume official posts, the right to vote and the right of self-determi
nation. (Koloniale Studien, 1917, II, p. 3-29)
With the establishment of the Volksraad, however, political
desires could be officially channeled to the colonial government.
The experiences within the Volksraad, however, resulted into the
conviction that through "cooperation" the people's interests were
not protected so that the group of nationalists regarded the for
mation of power of the people of primary importance for taking
over political power. The formulation of political aims was also
becoming more and more specified. Perhimpunan Indonesia, a
students organization of Indonesians in the Netherlands, made a
precise analysis of the colonial relationships by taking a resolution
that the National Movement must be directed towards an Inde
pendent Indonesia while rejecting cooperation with the colonizer.
(Indonesia Merdeka, 1927, p. 77)
These principles after the revolution of 1926 were put into prac
tice by some political parties

III. Some elements of Indonesian Nationalism.

The National Movement seen as a genetic concept showed his
torical processes of birth and development of nationalism. When
studying nationalism it is evident that a luxuriant growth of con

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cepts and a plurality of its approaches exist. What attracts our

attention in this connection is that it is widely agreed upon that
nationalism in some sense is historical in origin and development
so that the history of the National Movement is essential for a
study of nationalism. The form, characteristics and consequences
differ according to historic circumstances.
The formative elements of nationalism have been fashioned by
peculiar and fortuitous circumstances or created through the trials
of historical circumstances.
Nationalism as a historical phenomenon has emerged as a res
ponse to special historical political, economic, and social conditions.
The study of nationalism as a phenomenon of great complexity
requires also a multidisciplinary approach, hence its clear multi
dimensional aspects. In order to know the characteristic features
of nationalism an investigation is also necessary on the formative
elements of nationalism, alongside a multiple approach as mentioned
above.
Nationalism in its formative stages such as during the period of
National Movement is more related to subjective elements such as
group-consciousness, we-sentiment, corporate will and other sorts of
mental facts. Nationalism in this phase does not yet include objec
tive elements of concrete historical realities such as common state,
territory, language, tradition. The objective factors of nationalism
during the period of the movement were not yet existing as historical
actualities, but only as conceptual facts. Hence a discussion on
nationalism in this formative period is more inclined to emphasize
its subjective elements.
By some authors Nationalism is linked to socio-psychological
factors: K. Lamprecht (1920) uses the term "social souls", F.
Meinecke (1908) speaks of mental communities, F. Hertz (1951)
calles it a multitude of feelings and vague ideas, Brin ton (1950)
refers to a sense of belonging, and Kohn (1944) sees it as a "state
of mind and an act of consciousness".
These terms indicate that nationalism can be seen as a socio
psychological fact, espeically in its developing stages such as during
the period of the National Movement. Group-consciousness, group
sentiment and will, and its manifestations in various nationalist
organizations forming a realization and institutionalization of
group-action.
Therefore, the National Movement can be seen as a social move
ment where the totality of nationalist organizations constituted the
in-group possessing the consciousness of national solidarity, attack
ing the colonial conflict-situation which has been created by the
out-group. Most essential to the development of this national con
sciousness are such elements as common suffering, when experienc

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ing colonialism, and common aspirations, to create a free environ

ment for living.
The phenomenon of history is substantially the activity of man.
The whole world of action and ideas of man, the concrete world
of human experiences in the past, is studied in its totality by his
tory as is evidenced by documents.
The history of the National Movement, starting from the meaning
of nationalism as a socio-psychological fact, examines how the mani
festations of activities of the Indonesian people in tackling with the
colonial situation have taken shape such as are preserved in the
documents. From statements, statutes and reports we should de
duct the form of consciousness, sentiments and desires which formed
the basis of this activity.
The application of these latter terms is generally vague; owing
to the fact that they are component of a state of mind less distinc
tion is made so that it is difficult to use them as terminological or
analytical concepts when looking for a structure and characteristics
of nationalism.
A methodological conceptualization of nationalism may be de
rived from the point of view of nationalism as a socio-psychological
fact. As a human group-action three aspects may be distinguished:
a) cognitive aspects, b) goal- or value-orientation aspects, c) affective
aspects. (Levy, 1952)
We can explain briefly that the cognitive aspects refer to know
ledge or understanding of a situation or phenomenon; in our case
that involve a knowledge of the colonial situation in all its pro
portion.
The goal- or value-orientation aspects refer to a state of affairs
considered desirable by the actors concerned; thus, in our case they
are considered as the goal to attain a way of life free from colo
nialism.
The affective aspects of a group-action refer to a situation with
pleasurable or painful significance to the actors. Various kinds
of discrimination in a colonial society give birth to these affective
aspects.
These three kinds of aspects are only analytical structures. Struc
ture in this connection refers to an aspect of empirical phenomena
such as empirical actions, ideas, organizations, which show observ
able uniformity. An analytical structure is a structure which can
be defined as a patterned aspect of human actions which are not,
even though in theory, capable of concrete separation from other
patterned aspects of actions, (ibid. p. 88-89)
These three kinds of aspects cannot be separated from one an
other for there are always interrelations and interdependences be
tween them. Organizations as concrete structures, however, can

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be separated from one another. The application of analytical

structures is beneficial in carrying out a comparative analysis to
discover characteristics of nationalism: the differences and simi
larities between organizations as concrete structures.
A characterization of nationalism by distinguishing analytical
aspects like political, economic or social substructures has yet to be
completed, or synchronized, with a structural analysis of the socio
psychological elements of nationalism.
Through this procedure we may discover the pattern of group
action as a social movement, together with the most important
structural features of the historical phenomenon.

1) The Cognitive Aspect

Every human action involves some elements of cognition which
enable man to make adaptations or/and manipulations of the situa
tion of his undertakings. The cognition of the social situation in
a colonial society must be retraced to the period preceding the
National Movement.
The movement of emancipation since the end of the nineteenth
century is a manifestation of a growing consciousness of the social
situation. The title of the compiled letters of the pioneer of the
movement for feminine emancipation, R. A. Kartini, very symboli
cally indicates the period of change as experienced by the Indo
nesian society at that time. This title, "Door duisternis tot licht"
(Through darkness to light) implies a full consciousness of the situa
tion of backwardness owing to conservatism and colonialism, it is
at the same time also full of a yearning for modernization and of an
idealism concerning the Indonesian people. (Abendanon, 1923)
The firm contacts with the Western world through schools, lite
rature and social intercourse have awakened this idealism.
After Kartini had opened this emancipational movement, the
urge for advancement became overwhelming; there was a great
demand for education. One of the nuclei of supporters of the
emancipation idea was the group of students from the Dokter-Djawa
(sic) school who ignited the idea of organization, a concrete form of
group solidarity. Boedi Oetomo as the first organization is a crea
tion of this group. (De Locomotief, 22, 24 July 1908)
The presence of an alien group possessing an alien civilization
caused an awareness of differences which was more and more felt
because of discrimination in all fields of life. By making discrimi
nations the people became conscious of their backward position
and of the situation of unequal rights. Colonial relations brought
about to the Indonesian people an awareness of being subordinated.
As a reaction then a desire for advancement was born, the need
for education, and, at the historical moment in the process of the
National Movement, the consciousness to state concerted action

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for improvement. The objective of Boedi Oetomo reflected this

consciousness, hence in contemporary reports the establishment of
Boedi Oetomo was hailed with the phraseology: "The sleeping
beauty wakes up". (De Gids, 1909, IV)
The awareness of unity against the colonizer was still restricted
on account of the cultural horizon. On the other hand the cul
tural factor provided an awareness of a vitality of its own and the
desire for self-determination emerged. (De Taak, 1918, p. 593-595)
Self-realization and self-assertion in the cultural field require well
established social-economic and political conditions. Henceforth
the general emancipation movement became more and more go
verned by political consciousness.
The colonial government with its patriarchal authority accord
ing to the Ethical Policy ended with the emergence of nationalist
organizations directed by a policy of emancipation.
Political consciousness was intensified during the colonial-reac
tionary government of Governor General Fock. The antagonism
between colonial capitalist interests and those of the people in
creased the economic consciousness, and problems of objective, atti
tudes and tactics of the organizations began to be discussed. Owing
to the prevalence of a mass "Verelendung" at that time and sharp
ened by the conflict between colonizer and the colonized people, a
consciousness emerged for unity and consolidation. (Indonesia
Merdeka, 1927, p. 77)
Until that time the idea of unity was frequently expressed but as
yet unorganized. Boedi Oetomo with its intellectual awareness was
incapable to mould it into a concrete form, as it was still living
within the bonds of group loyalty. Its merit was that it aroused
the force of unity and organization.
Sharekat Islam took religion as its unitary basis whereas "Indische
Partij" leant on the idea of common suffering in a colony. Even
tually it was "Perhimpunan Indonesia" (Indonesian Association)
which succeeded in drawing up the principle of unity. This prin
ciple was not merely a result of theoretical considerations, but it
was based on experience in the National Movement. Also much
profit was gained by studying the colonial government and its
tactics. It was expressed that colonial domination is a complex of
interest conflicts which could only be overcome by a change in
power relations. (Indonesia Merdeka, 1927, p. 77)
The principles set up during 1924/25 were:
a. The liberation of Indonesia through self-conscious nationalistic
mass action while relying on own forces.
b. All levels of the community must participate.
c. Intensification of conflicts between colonizer and colonized
people.
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 INDONESIA

These principles became the guide lines for the national struggle
in the subsequent period. These formulations were the expression
of the most pure national consciousness, hence the parties which
are to realize them were regarded by the colonizer as the most
The aspect of goal-orientation is closely related to the focusing
of attention to the teleological idea of the National Movement
expressed as the objective of nationalist organizations and which
became the motivation of its activities. Viewed with the crit?rium
of freedom and national unity as essential elements of nationalism,
the objective of the National Movement experienced a progress.
The growth of this objective can be seen as a facet of the process
of integration to which the Indonesian society is being submitted.
All organizations in their respective levels were experiencing this
development. A correlation among these organizations, the inter
extreme and radical group.
2) Goal-orientation Aspect.
Action between colonial government and the nationalist groups in
their individual situation became the pushing factor towards a per
fection of the target.
With the founding of the "Volksraad" the organizations adopted
a political orientation with the aim of co-partnership in the govern
ment and democratization. The attitude towards the colonizer was
cooperative. (Koloniale Studien, 1917, II) As stated above, the
bitter experiences in the "Volksraad" which was considered as a
pseudo-parliament by the nationalists, resulted into a non-coopera
tive attitude. (Gedenkboek I. V., 1923, p. 37)
The sharpening of the conflict of interests directed the national
struggle towards the idea of liberation, also called the "Free from
Holland" movement. The conception of the idea of unity was
hampered by the basic problem regarding the leading ideology in
the independence struggle, i.e. the alternative between a religious
nationalism and an Indonesian nationalism. (Timboel, 1930, p.
300-301) The political unity of the National Movement found its
manifestations in the organizing of Permufakatan Perhimpunan2
Politik Kebangsaan Indonesia (P.P.P.K.I.) (Union of Political Asso
ciations of the Indonesian People) in 1927, as a concentration of
national organizations with the aim of political and economic inde
pendence. Although its form was federative, its idea was Indo
nesian Unitarian which fitted in the idea of unity within Indonesian
nationalism. The religious principle was recognized, but as a basis
no single religion was chosen. Herewith a firm goal of nationalism
was attained.
The next idea for unity which came up later was realized at the
Indonesia Raya Congress (Great Indonesia Congress) in 1937 and
the Political Alliance of 1939. The political aspiration was also
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 INDONESIA

actualized at the gathering of October 28, 1928, later known as

Youth Oath Day with the proclamation of "One Country, One
Nation, One Language". (Pringgodigdo, 1950, p. 121) Surely it
was an event of great symbolical value for the process of indonesia
nization. On that historic occasion the objective factors of natio
nalism was explicitly stipulated.
In this case consciousness of unity did not only exist as such,
but it was also recognized. The objective factors turned into tele
ological functions in the National Movement, and could give a
practical effect to the process of integration by increasing national
consciousness. Here again is proved the presence of interdepen
dence between the cognitive and goal-orientation aspect of the
National Movement both promoting one another; both aspects are
distinct features in themselves, but they cannot be separated.

3) Affective Aspects.
Hand in hand with the various forms of consciousness and
rational confrontation against the colonial situation, we can still
point out some psychological response as a result of the social condi
tions in a colonial society, but which are not directly related to the
intellect: feelings of inferiority, fear, hostility, need for security,
desire for protection, sense of belonging, etc. These emotional
factors constituted a location of a reservoir of passions, forming
a pushing power for the National Movement. The antagonistic
relationship in a colonial society provoked passions and affectively
charged situations. What is meant by affective aspects here are the
emotional reactions which are usually designated by: sympathy, anti
pathy, hate, fear, anger, pity, etc.
The National Movement with an emotional involvement could
create a situational conflict which could be very explosive. The
affective state in the nationalist organizations may be expressed as
approval or disapproval, avoidance or intimacy toward the coloni
zer, or an attitude of loyalty or disloyalty, cooperative or non-coope
rative. At certain moments in the National Movement there were
group actions which were not based on full consciousness, but which
were caused by the effective power of common sentiments.
Sentiments of justice, solidarity or sense of belonging, feelings of
conflict, opposition or discontentness, all of these belong to the
affective elements of nationalism.
The situational conflict in a colonial society made this reservoir
of passions and emotions as a potential force of the National Move
ment, e.g. by strengthening solidarity, fostering anti-colonial or anti
Western attitudes, opposing capitalism, widening of social distances
between the colonizer and colonized, radicalism, etc.
In the National Movement moments can be pointed out in which
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latent group feelings were actualized by colonial threats, and in

which affective actions were produced.
The action against Chinese merchants in Solo and Surabaya in
1912-13 which was carried out by S.I. ? followers was heavily
charged with emotions. (Bescheiden, 1913, p. 33-41) Reactions,
against "hatred-sowing" articles in newspapers which were most
contemptuous to Indonesians caused anxiety and a need for security
in a hostile world (N.v.d.D.v.N.L, 3 July 1915) and strengthened
group feelings. Other facts like the economizing policy of Focky
the application of exorbitant rights, arrests of political leaders such
as Soekarno c.s., the problem of majority for the indigenous group
in the Volksraad, all of these created a community of feelings and
sentiments.
Colonial conditions with mutually antagonistic groups and inte
rests caused situations where collective sentiments had different
forms of expression through various organizations. The organi
zation as an embodiment of concerted action regulates affective ex
pressions and can transfer and spread sentiment.
Many sorts of affective orientation of the organizations enable lis
to draw up a classificational distinction such as cooperative or non
cooperative organizations, loyal or disloyal groups.
The institutionalization of affective elements of nationalism in
the case of some organizations were as yet capable of deviations. A
unitary body with a federative form such as the P.P.P.K.I. embraced
various kinds of associations with differing affective principles. Its
solidarity was founded on the common cognitive and goal-orienta
tion aspects.
Affective forces are centered around the feeling of anti-colonial
ism which became a tremendous motivating force to stage an oppo
sition against discrimination in all fields. Racial discrimination
as a basic fact in colonialism did not result, however, in feelings
against the Dutch or European "race" as such. Central emotional
qualities came into play when experiencing social and political dis
crimination.
The nationalist organizations succeeded in organizing emotions by
imposing upon them a common end and subjecting them to a com
mon cause, viz., national unity and freedom.

4) Colonial antithesis.
The colonial society consisted of two distinct groups, the colonizer
and the colonized, who, being two entities of opposing interests,
created a permanent situational conflict in various fields of activi
ties. The principle of discrimination in a colonial society as a
means to maintain colonial rights worsened this conflict. National
ism which was born, developed as well as realized by the National
Movement, is a form of response to that situation. Nationalism as
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a factor of power has also determined the course of colonial policy.

If on one side the National Movement pushed toward a realization
of political freedom, on the other hand there were indications that
counter forces were developed by the opponent which regarded a
continuation of colonial exploitation a principal aim of colonial
policy.
The two antagonistic ideas are: the one fighting for a united and
independent Indonesia, the other aiming at preserving colonialism
with Indonesia attached to the Dutch Kingdom as part of a Greater
Netherlands.
The colonial ideology corresponds to the interests of the groups
which include those who "propagate" this idea as well as those who
4'profess" it, according to the degree in which they are involved in
the exploitation system of colonial capitalism.
Outside these groups there are prominent people who as idealists
support a special form of colonial ideology.
The Ethical Policy emerged about simultaneously with, and was
made possible by, the new trends in the colonial policy of the Dutch
parties; it is a colonial policy of moral education. (Japikse, 1918)
The idealistic aim was "to include the Indonesian people into the
cultural orbit of the ruler, making them possess Western civiliza
tion", (De Gids, 1940, p. 27) The colonial duty was then regarded
as a cultural missions with a moral character and the policy of
"profit-making" was abandoned. The Ethical Policy was also called
a policy of "paternalization" or "protection" (Indologenblad, 1913/
14, p. 78-81); the Indonesian people were treated as object rather
than as active participant in the government. The role of the Indo
nesians remained passive. With the genesis of the National Move
ment as an expression of self-determination, and since the colonial
policy after World War I returned to a powerful domination as a
consequence of measures from capital interests, it can be assumed
that the Ethical Policy had to give way. (Koloniale Studien, 1916/
17, p. 37-51)
The course of Ethical Policy was parallel to the Idea of Associa
tion. The basic thought was the feeling of unity and the desire
in the colonized territories to reject domination and colonization.
The idea of association sees the colonizer and the colonized as
friends, hence all barriers of racial differences should be pulled
down.
It was considered that the time was not ripe yet for an assimila
tion implying absolute equality. The dissemination of culture was
performed by means of Dutch culture. The political aim was to
provide an equal place to all citizens of the Netherlands Indies.
As another reaction against revolutionary propaganda as well as
against the statesmanship of Governor General van Limburg Stirum
and also with the purpose to put into practice the idea of association,
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a Nederlandsche Associatie Partij (Dutch Association Party) was

founded in 1919, called the Politiek Economische Bond (Political
Economic Bond).
Its purpose was through a harmonious cooperation with the
Indonesian people to build an Indonesian nation by maintaining
Dutch leadership which was regarded indispensable for the benefit
of all groups of people as a unit. (De Rijkseenheid, 1931/32, p.
122-125) Thus the P.E.B. was opposed to the "Free-from-Holland"
and the non-cooperation movement. In principle the P.E.B. did
not want a pure democracy with equal rights, and it likewise sup
ports the idea of "paternalization" or "guardianship", (Hindia
Poetra, 1922, p. 58-61)
In subsequent years this current was driven into a corner as the
trend in the colonial development showed a sharpening of interest
conflicts and a deepening of national consciousness as a consequence
of racial discrimination.
The policy of Governor General de Graeff who wanted to give
precedence to the Indonesian people's interests rather than to other
groups', gravely weekend the associational policy.
As a protest of the alien group against this policy the "Vader
landsche Club" (1929) was founded serving as a "white front".
Its aim was to keep Dutch leadership in Indonesia intact and to
strengthen the bonds between Indonesia and the Netherlands so
that the interests of the Dutch groups in the economic, social and
financial field were guaranteed. (Alg. Landb. Weekblad, 1928, p.
1316-1317) The founding of the V.C. as an exclusively European
party was a special facet of the colonial policy. The V.C. was the
personification of the conservative trend in the colonial policy.
According to its aim a "Greater Netherlands" was to be formed with
Indonesia as autonomous part of the Dutch Kingdom. Therefore,
it was against the National Movement.
Differing with the V.C, the "Stuwgroep" (1930) was of the opin
ion that political emancipation must in the end result into auto
nomy within the frame of an "Indies' Commonwealth". Its simi
larity with the V.C. was that the "Stuwgroep" also wanted perma
nent ties between the "Indian State" and the Netherlands. The
problem of rhythm and time was not discussed and no active policy
was carried out. (De Stuw, 1932, p. 245-248)
Close to the "Stuwgroep" was the "Leidsche groep" which also
supported the policy for an autonomous Netherlands Indies based
on widespread democratization. This group worked toward a bet
ter understanding of the oriental personality and it made up a colo
nial policy which was founded on Eastern fundamentals. They
recognized that the diversity of the elements in the Indonesian
society had common features within Dutch supremacy. Besides it
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was also admitted that the Indonesian people possessed a new poli
tiacl bond the importance of which was growing gradually and be
coming more important. (Koloniaal Tijdschrift, 1925, p. 204-206)
If the Leyden-group may be considered as the idealistic exponent
of colonialism, the Utrecht group and the group of enterprisers led
by Treub could be called the materialistic group. In this antagon
ism Colijn as the leader of the Anti-Revolutionary Party represented
the middle group.
After the revolution of 1926 a violent reaction materialized in
the form of the V.C. organization and colonial materialistic ideas
as formulated by Treub came to the fore. (1927)
The importance of the social force of the National Movement was
categorically denied. The Indonesian people was regarded as im
mature for a parlementary system and autonomy, thus it was op
posed to all kinds of government change. It suggested a return to
the situation of 1900 by forming again a distance between the
people of the Netherlands and Indonesia; the government should
resume its autocratic character. (Koloniale Studien, 1928, I, p.
117-121)
Being a representative of the group of entrepreneurs it tackled
the Indonesian problem from the viewpoint of capitalistic interests
only so that it could curb by political means the emancipation efforts
of the Indonesian people.
Colijn's viewpoint (1928) was almost similar to the policy of
Treub, viz. non-acknowledgement of Indonesian unity, the Indies
were incapable of standing on its own; he was of the opinion that
one could not be certain when the time would be ripe to grant
Indonesians autonomy. (Timboel, 1928, p. 305-309)
Based on the essential differences between East and West, he re
commended that the indigenous oriental characteristic should be
maintained. Moreover he stressed affirmatively that the eastern
people had not the characteristics to enable them to assume auto
nomy. He agreed upon the idea of an eternal relationship be
tween Indonesia and the Netherlands such as professed by the
Leyden-group; the difference with Colijn was that the latter wanted
to foster this relationship by materialistic ties whereas the Leyden
group stressed on spiritual bounds.
The development of the colonial ideology as the antithesis of a
contemporary nationalistic utopism involved a most extensive prob
lem, namely, the relations between East and West.
The problem of East-West relations was contemplated by the
colonial groups and idealists of colonialism, in which the relations
between East and West were treated nomatively by presuming the
principle of Western superiority and its substantial difference with
the East. This way of thinking may, therefore, be considered as a
rationalization of colonial policy which desired paternalization and
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 INDONESIA

preservation of colonial interests within the existing colonial rela

tions.
Different from this pattern of thought, de Kat Angelino (1930)
conceived a colonial philosophy to serve as a basis for a colonial
policy of emancipation, which was later known as the "Synthesis
Idea". He said that the basic thought was the possibility of a meet
ing of East and West parallel to human solidarity or panhumanism.
The role of the West was not to supersede the East but to develop
and to improve it. The West can give moral and spiritual power
to give life to the evolution of the East, creating thus a harmonious
East-West cooperation by respecting each personality in every field.
The obstructing factor to this Synthesis-Idea was the difference in
skin colour. The colonial policy had to promote this synthesis in
a colonial society where Western leadership could not be neglected.
Dutch leadership had a moral obligation to effect the meeting of
East and West.
The colonial ideology in all its manifestation proved to be
influenced by a European-centric pattern of thought which in the
terminology of colonial policy was expressed as Western leadership,
policy of moral obligation, ethical policy, policy of guardianship, etc.
Although the expression "exploitation" was no more in use
the colonial ideology was still determined by the exploitative
nature of colonialism. The form in which this colonialism was
rationalized and justified indicated the existence of an awareness
that colonialism was a part of a wider cultural-philosophical
problem.
V. Summing up.
In order to understand the meaning and nature of nationalism
a historical study of its genesis and development is of fundamental
importance. As a historical process in a civilization of growing
complexity nationalism has a pluralistic character showing multi
dimensional aspects. Nationalism has emerged as a response to
political, social, economic and cultural conditions in a colonial
situation, so that its manifestations have, reasonably, various as
pects, too. Historical writing on nationalism as a history of the
National Movement have usually concentrated attention on the
national organizations which constitute institutionalized forms of
group-action directed by a community of consciousness, senti
ments, and ideals.
These organizations may be methodologically considered as con
crete structures which in historical actuality possess a factual reality
so that the investigation of facts concerning these organizations
becomes an effective basis for selection. The parallelism in the
development of these organization may serve as indications to the
phases of growth and the structure as well as to the characteristics
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 INDONESIA

of nationalism. For making a characterization of nationalism,

besides a description of organizations as concrete structures, analy
tical structures may also be employed to complement it.
A multidimensional approach may discover analytical aspects of
nationalism which may then be used as conceptual constructs, thus
more illuminating the nature of nationalism. Analytical struc
tures such as cultural nationalism, economic nationalism, political
nationalism are directly related to certain characteristics in Indo
nesian nationalism. To identify further nationalism in Indonesia
two more items are necessary to pay attention to:
1. Nationalism in its formative period is more related to sub
jective than to objective aspects. In historical actuality they started
as conceptual facts, gradually developing into more concrete forms
and becoming objective facts.
An analysis of nationalism as a socio-psychological fact based on
its component elements shows gradations in the development of
nationalism in all its aspects and variations in the nationalistic
responses toward colonialism.
The three aspects of nationalism ? the cognitive, goal-orientation
and affective aspects ?, can be applied as criteria for categorical
distinctions as the conceiving of a typology of various organizations
of the National Movement.
2. Nationalism should also be returned to its existential basis:
especially nationalism as an idea in all its manifestations should
be examined in its correspondence and relations with the situa
tional context in a certain historical reality. Its manifestations
should be connected with the respective social groups which sup
port them, the structural change should be explained by its corres
pondence with group-dynamism and the degree of its integration.
The national idea is incongruous with reality and is oriented to
the object which does not yet exist in the actual situation. Natio
nalism wants to transcend the colonial situation and is directed
toward the future. The National Movement transforms ideas into
group actions to oppose the existing order. The utopistic men
tality of nationalism is destructive in nature with regard to that
order. The logical consequence of nationalism is the liquidation
of colonialism. Therefore, it can be said that a perfect goal
orientation is the realization in defining its objective of indepen
dence and unity.
In general the development of national transforms historical
reality. The national idea plays an active functions and is ex
pressed in various forms. Variations and differentiations in the
National Movement correspond to the historical time-perspective
of the social groups in the Indonesian society. Hence the goal
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 INDONESIA

orientation aspect of national organizations may be used as crit?

rium in their categoric distinction.
In a colonial situation there is co-existence of nationalism and
colonialism as its components. The effective concrete and func
tioning order is the colonial situation which is dominated by eco
nomic powers.
The colonial groups takes an essentially conservative attitude and
is identical to that group which is interested in the preservation of
the existing order. Colonialism in its various forms may be identi
fied as an ideology with the aim of preserving the existing order.
The nature of its relation with colonial exploitation causes grada
tions but basically its objective is to keep the status quo although
it is often rationalized as a "mission sacr?e", policy of moral obli
gation or synthesis policy.
Conservatism considers the existing order as most natural and
the maintenancse of colonial authority is based on historic rights.
Consequently the colonial power takes a hostile attitude towards
and opposes the National Movement. It tries to prevent the dis
appearance of the existing order as a functioning reality. The colo
nial ideology clearly shows its orientation toward the past and has
no outlook to the future. On the contrary, the extreme conserva
tive group wants to bring the future back to the past. (Treub,
1927, p. 41-62) Evidently the time concept may be used as a crit?
rium for the inner structrue of group-mentality and group-ideas.
In the history of the National Movement a formulation and
acceptance of the principle of unity and independence proved that
the national aspirations of the Indonesian people are oriented by
the perspective of time toward the future, thus a transcendence of
the colonial situation as a functioning order.
We are encountering here a conceptual construct as one of the
working principles which is most necessary to historians in their
joint efforts in looking for broad fundamentals of nationalism in
general and Asian nationalism in particular.

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