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ii
Revealing the Cognition, Ideologies, and Socio -
Culture of Kajang: A Cognitive Linguistics Study.
Writer:
Dr. Nirwanto Maruf
Editor:
Dr. Nirwanto
Qiara Media Team
Layouter:
Nur Fahmi Hariyanto
Designer Cover:
Dema
Publisher:
CV. Penerbit Qiara Media - Pasuruan, Jawa Timur. Indonesia.
iii
LAWS OF THE REPUBLIC INDONESIA
NUMBER 19 OF 2002
ABOUT COPYRIGHT
ARTICLE 72
CRIMINAL PROVISIONS
SANCTIONS OF VIOLATIONS
iv
PREFACE
v
conceptual metaphor developed by Lakoff and Johnson (1980,1999,
2002), and the approach of critical metaphor analysis developed by
Jonathan Charteris – Black (2004).
Nirwanto Maruf
Postgraduate Program of Teacher Training and Education.
University of Muhammadiyah Gresik.
May 2020.
vi
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
Praise to the Almighty Allah SWT, God of the universe, and also
praise to the prophet Muhammad peace be upon him.
This book would have never been completed without support from
a number of individuals. Therefore, I would like to express my
gratitude to my esteemed Professors Prof. Dr. H. Hamzah A.
Machmoed, M.A. also to Dr. Harlina Sahib, M.Hum. for their
contribution of thoughts in this book. Also, a special gratitude that I
would like to express to the culturist of Kajang, Mansyur Embas for
his great assistances during my research in Kajang Village.
Nirwanto Maruf
vii
TABLE OF CONTENTS
PREFACE v
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT vii
TABLE OF CONTENTS viii
viii
Q. Ritual in the Ethnic Kajang 67
R. Conceptual Framework 70
ix
16. EARTH IS MOTHER 145
17. FIRMNESS IS A FIXED LAW 147
18. DESTINY IS SIMPLICITY… 150
BIBLIOGRAPHY 178
Appendix 1: Pasang ri Kajang and Images 190
List of Acronyms and Abbreviations 217
x
CHAPTER 1
GENERAL INTRODUCTION
1
metaphorical. When we hear somebody say, “His father is a block
of ice,” or “she is a rainbow to me,” we directly assume that the
speaker does not mean what he/she speaks literally, but in fact he/she
is speaking metaphorically. The existence of such utterances in
which different from what they mean literally are lead us to the
theories of language.
2
cognitive, conceptual and structural. In addition, it can be a window
to probe and comprehend the mechanism of a culture.
3
species of “catachresis” which he defines as the use of a word in
some new sense in order to remedy a gap in the vocabulary. In
another words, putting of new senses into new words.
4
Talking about conceptual system and physical experiences,
Noam Chomsky sees languages as different from one another only
in form. Therefore, he believes that the lexicon of a language not as
a unique system of categorization found on external reality, but
essentially as of labels to be attached to concepts which are language
independent and are determined not culturally but biologically. He
states:
Language and thought are awakened in the mind,
andfollow a largely predetermined course, much like
other biological properties. Human knowledge and
understanding in these areas is not derived by
induction but rather, it grows in the mind, on the basis
of our biological nature, triggered by appropriate
experience, and in a limited way shaped by experience
that settles options left open by the innate structure of
the mind (Chomsky in Wierzbicka, 1992:4).
5
“target” domain which describes metaphorically, and “source”
domain which provides the metaphor. The source domain is
characteristically concrete thing and the target domain
characteristically abstract thing that we try to comprehend through
the use of the source domain. These two domains are systematically
correspondences with a linker called as “mappings”. For example,
LOVE IS A JOURNEY (Lakoff and Johnson. 1980, 2003:44-45),
“journey” is the source domain, which is concrete; “love” is the target
domain, which is an abstract idea. Ideas and knowledge from the
source domain of “journey” are mapped onto the target domain of
emotions, called love. It is further explained that conceptual
metaphors function at the level of thought. Thus, they can be seen
as a way of describing the connection that appears among two groups
of ideas in people‟s minds. Here, the conceptual metaphors refer
to those “abstract notions”, while a linguistic metaphor is the actual
or concrete words, phrases, or sentences that realize those notions
in one way to another. Conceptual metaphors are systematic
mappings across two conceptual domains. The source domain is
mapped onto the target domain. The target domain is that which is
described, the source domain provides the terms which the target is
described. As in LOVE IS A JOURNEY, Lakoff and Johnson
dissociate the metaphors as described below:
- The relationship isn‟t going anywhere
6
- Our relationship is off the track
- The marriage is on the bumpy road
- Our relations is at the crossroads right now
- Look how far our relationship have come
- We may have to go our separate ways
7
Black, 2004:34). This research analyzes metaphor expressions
found in Pasang in order to reveal the intention, ideologies, and
social – culture aspects of Kajang people.
8
the intention of speaker. All of them are reflect to the concept of
human. That is why we can conceptualize them into FOREST IS
HUMAN. Here forest and human are different kind of things but
forest is partially structure, understood and treated in terms of
human. This is what Lakoff and Johnson mean concerning the
essence of metaphor, according to them the essence of metaphor is
“understanding and experiencing one kind of thing in terms of
another.” (Lakoff and Johnson,1980:5).
9
particular word or phrase to deliver their whole intention or
cognition. For instance, a husband says to his wife “it will rain
soon”. She respons with immediately go to the back yard to take all
clothes on the sun dried. Things like this happen in everyday
situation and in everyday language. Therefore, the study of
metaphor is significant in order to reveal the intention or cognition
of language users. In the other hand, study on Pasang ri Kajang still
has its own attraction to study since this ethnic is very unique and
different to others, especially the oral tradition that they have. The
contain of Pasang is full of metaphors, and in order to reveal the
cognition, ideologies, and socio – culture of ethnic Kajang, Pasang is
the way to reveal them. This book is composed to reveal the
cognition, ideologies, and socio culture of Kajang people by
employed conceptual metaphor analysis. As Charteris – Black
(2004:34) mention that critical metaphor analysis is an approach that
aims to reveal the hidden intention or cognition of language users
and further develop the readers’ awareness of social relations that
are loaded in metaphoric expression. Cognition is the ability to
process information through experience, and subjective
characteristics that allow us to integrate all of the informations to
evaluate and interpret our world, as Lakoff and Johnson (1980)
argue that metaphor is cognitive instrument whereby we conceive
our surrounding world.
10
CHAPTER 2
DEFINITION AND UNDERSTANDING
11
metaphor work on each other by sharing some obvious features. He
then defined metaphor as "giving the thing a name that belongs to
something else." Aristotle considers metaphor as part of the figure of
speech, being used mainly in poetry.
According to Donald Davidson (1975) that to know a sentence's
meaning is to know the conditions under which that sentence would
be true. Thus, he rejects metaphorical meaning and denies linguistic
mechanisms by which metaphorical importance is expressed. He
argues "Metaphors mean what the words, in their most literal
interpretation, mean, and nothing more". For example in
Shakespeare's Romeo and Juliet, "Juliet is the sun". Here Davidson
considers that when Romeo said it, he just saying that Juliet was
literally the sun. But we aware that it is not like that at all. So,
obviously, Davidson against or rejects metaphorical meaning. He
claims that few human utterances are entirely nothing to do with
metaphorical elements.
Searle (1979) offers a version of metaphor by rejecting
linguistic ambiguity view and thinking that metaphorical utterance is
truly linguistic communication. He views metaphor as simply a kind
of indirect communication. According to Searle (1979:92-93):
The problem of explaining how metaphors work is a
special case of the general problem of explaining how
speaker meaning and sentence or word meaning come
apart… Our task in constructing a theory of metaphor is to
12
try to state the principles which relate literal sentence
meaning to metaphorical (speaker's) utterance meaning.
Searle considers the interpretive process into three stages. First, the
hearer should determine whether to look for a non – literal
interpretation. Second, if the hearer has decided to seek
metaphorical interpretation, he or she should use several strategies
to work out the possible speaker meaning. Third, the hearer must
also use more principles or strategies to identify the exact meaning
of the situation. According to Searle, the hearer should first
cooperatively accept and determine what the speaker is trying to
express that something other than the literal meaning, then the
hearer works out the intended meaning of the utterance. So, here
Searle intends to say that the speaker meaning is more or less the
metaphorical meaning.
Max Black (1962) has a different view of metaphor. Black
proposes an alternative view in which he claims that "a metaphor is
where a metaphorical expression is used in place of some equivalent
literal expression". He defines metaphor as the use of a word in some
new sense in order to remedy a gap in the vocabulary. In other
words, putting off new senses into new words. He developed on the
basis of the substitution theory which states that metaphorical
expression is a product of an interaction between a metaphorical
13
expression called the „focus", and its "surrounding literal frame"
(1993:27). He argues that metaphors sometimes take its role as
„cognitive instruments". Metaphor must not be treated as solely as a
tool in perceiving analogies of structure between two things belong
to different domains, without concern to the state of mind of the
person who proclaims the metaphorical statement.
Lakoff and Johnson (1980) claim that our conceptual system,
in terms of which human beings both think and act, is basically
metaphoric in nature. Furthermore, they claim that the way humans
think, what we experience, and what we do every day, is very much
a matter of metaphor. Metaphor then seems to function at the
conceptual level. They also state that metaphor is a cognitive
instrument whereby we conceive of our world.
Lakoff and Johnson notice that people often talk about
abstract things or ideas by employing the words for more concrete
concepts. People use words from a concrete source to talk about
abstract ideas. Lakoff and Johnson (1980:5) explain in interpreting
metaphor, we understand one kind of thing or experience in terms
of something else of a different kind. A metaphor is a productive
phenomenon that operates at the level of mental processes.
According to them "Metaphor is not merely a property of language
but is also a property of thought."
Lakoff and Johnson in their seminal book with title
14
Metaphor We Live By (1980) claim that our language is full of
metaphors and rooted in bodily experiences. They also state that our
language is metaphorical simply because our conceptual system is
metaphorical. Through our bodily experiences, we learn to connect
one thing to something else. Thus, the use of metaphor reflects
speaker's ideas and the interaction with the world.
Kӧvecses (2002) mentioned that conventional notion of
metaphor can be summarized into five commonly features. First, a
metaphor is a linguistic phenomenon and a property of words.
Second, a metaphor is used for an imaginative and rhetorical
purpose which Aristotle mentions, it is primarily ornamental. Third,
a metaphor is based on a similarity between the two entities that are
compared and identified. Fourth, as Aristotle states metaphor is a
conscious and deliberate use of words, and one should have a special
talent to be able to construct a good metaphor. Fifth, metaphor is
the figure of speech that we use it for certain effects, and it is not an
unavoidable part of everyday communication.
Although insufficient, those early studies of metaphor have a
role to help us to understand some important properties of
metaphor. Charteris – Black (2004:14) states that Aristotle's theory
of metaphor, the notion of movement is important since "it is the
possibility of movement and change that creates the potential for the
metaphor to evoke emotional responses". Those early researchers
15
or theories serve as stepping stones to linguistic research on
metaphor.
B. Dead Metaphors
16
running out. Max Black (1962) argues that dead metaphor should
not be classified as metaphors, but should be renamed as another
part of speech or literature. While Gibbs (1997) states that a
metaphor can only be dead if it loses its ability to become a
metaphor, which never occurs.
17
comparison some similarity markers such as, "like", "as". In literal
texts, a simile is used to enhance the effect and beauty of the text. It
is the simplest way of delivering the beauty of message which is used
in poetry, prose, and also everyday conversation. The use of simile
as a comparison, like metaphor, it is a semantic figure. It's a cognitive
process perform a central role in the way we think and talk about the
world surrounding, which often relates to the different area.
A simile is much less studied than the metaphor, therefore
there is not much about simile. According to Fromilhague (1995), a
simile has various functions. First, they attend to communicate
concisely and efficiently. They are one of the sets of linguistic tools
which extends the linguistic resources available. Second, they can
function as cognitive tools for thought in that they enable us to think
of the world in alternative ways. In discourse, they can also fulfill
more specific functions depending on the textual genre in which they
occur. In scientific texts, simile has roles as a comparison and
analogical reasoning.
Metaphors and similes are both understood as comparison
statements. According to Ortony (1975:52), "in simile, if there is a
comparison at all, rather than transfer, the comparison can only be
with respect to certain characteristics. Determining what these
features are what is involved in understanding the simile." When we
are comparing metaphor to simile, the distinction is easy to identify,
18
unlike comparing to other figurative languages such as metonymy.
The difference between metaphor and simile only in the absence of
the word "like". These two statements "Mary is an angel" and "Mary
is like an angel", both are likely to lead the hearer to the same kinds
of ideas about Mary's personality or appearance. But unlike Ortony,
Donoghue (2009) in his article titled is a metaphor (like) a simile?
states metaphor and simile are fundamentally quite different
phenomena. They are never properly interchangeable, in the sense
that one could be used in place of the other without compromising
the meaning. The phase "Mary is an angel" may well be paraphrased
as "Mary is like an angel in some respect" this for most of the people
consider as metaphor as "elliptical simile" but according to
Donoghue, this phrase for any context-bound utterance of the
original metaphor, a simile could not be directly transposed without
changing the meaning. In order to sharpen his argument he gives
another example "My Lawyer is (like) a shark", the simile refers
directly to the encoded concept of "shark", while the metaphor to a
superordinate category which involves both real shark and the
lawyer. Another example like "The mind is (like) a computer", in the
simile perspective this sentence lead the hearer to think that the two
concepts (mind and computer) might be comparable, both function
as process and store information, consider as in terms of circuits and
pathways. In contrast when we look from the metaphor point of
19
view. It leads to the complexity of the human brain.
20
identifies that metonymy is diverse and occurs in the variety of
forms in the language. Gibbs (1999:74) also argues that "people
experience little difficult thinking of, speaking of, and understanding
the metonymic language".
Kӧvecses (2002:144-145) mentions that "most metonymic
expressions are not isolated but come in larger groups that are
characterized by a particular relationship between one kind of entity
and another kind of entity." He characterizes "metonymy as a stand
for relationship between two elements within a single conceptual
domain and metaphor is understood as the relationship between two
conceptually distant domains" (Kӧvecses, 2002: 227). Thus, he states
that metonymy is a one domain model and metaphor is a two-
domain model.
Lakoff and Johnson (2003:35) in their book Metaphor we
live by mentioned that metonymy is "using or putting one entity to
refer to another that is related to it". Here the sentences describe the
metonymy: "The Times hasn't arrived at the press conference yet."
(Times refers to the reporter from the Times), "He likes to read
Marquis de Sade" (Marquis de Sade refers to the writing of the
Marquis). "There are a lot of good heads in the university (good
heads refer to intelligent people), "I've got a new set of wheels" (a new
set of wheels refers to the car or motorcycle).
Metaphor and metonymy are different kinds of processes. A
21
metaphor is fundamentally a way of considering of one thing in terms
of another, and the primary function is understanding. Whereas
metonymy has a primary function as referential, therefore it allows
us to use one entity to refer to another (Lakoff & Johnson, 2003:36).
Nevertheless, they also mention that metonymy is not only as a
referential tool. It also serve the function of providing understanding,
for instance when we say "we need some good heads on the project",
here good heads refer to intelligent people, the point is not just to
use a part of body (head) to stand for a whole person, but rather than
to pick out a certain characteristic of the person, namely intelligence
in which associated with the head. The same case with "The Times
hasn't arrived at the press conference yet", the use of The Times not
only refer to a particular reporter who works for Times magazines
but also mean the importance of the institution the reporter
represents. The above two examples as the part of metonymic
concept (The part of the whole) are part of the ordinary, everyday
way we think and act as well as talk. This quit the same with
metaphor feature which mentioned that "our conceptual system is
largely metaphorical, and that the way we think, what we experience,
and what we do every day is very much a matter of metaphor" (Lakoff
& Johnson, 1980).
Metonymic concepts allow us to conceptualize one thing by
means of its relation to something else. As we think Picasso, we are
22
not only thinking of a work of art done by Picasso, but we think the
all the terms that related to Picasso, like his conception of art, his
technique, his role in art history, etc. So, metonymy not only effects
our thought but also our action. Thus, like metaphors, metonymic
concepts shape not just "our language but our thought, attitudes, and
action" (L&J, 2003:40). And furthermore, like metaphoric concepts,
metonymic concepts are grounded in our experience. But the
grounding of metonymic concepts is more obvious than metaphoric
concepts because metonymic concepts usually involve direct
physical or causal association.
In sum, like metaphors, metonymic concepts structure not
just our language but our thoughts, attitudes, and actions. Also, it
grounded in our experience.
The following below is the Metaphor and Metonymy compared in
cognitive linguistic based on Kӧvecses (2002:146-149)
Metaphor Metonymy
1. The two conceptual domain (A 1.The vehicle and target entities
and B) participating in metaphor in a metonymy are based on
stand in relation of similarity. contiguity.
2. Metaphor involves two distant2.Metonymy involves a single
domains, distant in ourdomain.
conceptual system which called
source domain (more concrete)
and target domain (abstract).
23
Metaphor Metonymy
3. The main function of metaphor 3.The main function of
is to understand a whole system of metonymy is to provide mental
entities through another system. access to a single entity within a
single domain.
It allows us to use one entity to
stand for another entity.
4. Metaphor occurs between 4.Metonymy occurs between
concepts. one word and one concepts as well as between word
referent.
forms and things and between
linguistic forms and concepts
such
as a linguistic sign which contain
24
container. In general, ontological metaphors enable us to see more
sharply described a structure where it is very little or none. It has
specific functions such as to refers, to quantity, to identify aspects of
the experience that has been made more described.
Kӧvecses adds that in personification, human qualities are
given to nonhuman entities. Furthermore, personification is
common in literature but it also abounds in everyday conversation
or discourse.
The words of theory, life, inflation, cancer, and computer are
not humans, but they are given the characteristics of human beings,
such as explaining, cheating, eating, catching up and went dead. By
personifying nonhuman as humans, we can understand those
sentences better.
With personification speakers and writers make the objects
or idea like a person and hence, they personify it. Word of personify
defined as to transform into a character endued with human-like
characteristics. Personify also means to embody or symbolize.
Statements like "cancer finally caught up with him", "inflation is eating
up our profits", "life has cheated me." (Lakoff and Johnson, 2003).
Those statements are showing us something nonhuman act as a
human. But here Lakoff and Johnson emphasize that
"personification is not a single unified general process" and that each
personification "differs in terms of the aspects of people that are
25
picked out" (2003:33). "Inflation is eating up our profits", here as
Lakoff and Johnson argue that we do not merely see an inflation is
a person, but as particular kind of person, such as destroyer that why
the relevant conceptual metaphor is "Inflation is a destroyer."
Modern conceptual theories of metaphor regard
personification as a key component and product of the metaphorical
instruments used in language, discourse, and thought. Hamilton
(2002) proposes "a metaphor in language normally reveals a related
conceptual metaphor in thought". Therefore, the reason people to
personification is that because they first think in personification.
26
Both of them create a relationship in which one thing or idea stand
in for another, but the specific of this relationship is different. Those
difference are; in synecdoche, the relationship is one of either part
of whole or whole to part. In metonymy, the relationship between
the two things is not part of whole or whole to part but is rather one
of being closely conceptually related. For example, "the pen is
powerful than the sword". This phrase contains two metonymies;
one in which "pen" which stands for writing, and another in which
"sword' stands in for physical power. Here, a pen is not a part of
writing, and a sword is not part of the physical power. But each thing
is related to the concept it raises.
Synecdoche appears often in everyday language and
literature form prose to poetry. Often as a part of idioms that have
become so well known that few people ever stop to think about the
fact that these expressions do not mean what they literally say.
Synecdoche is a multipurpose literary device, writers use synecdoche
for many reasons. Often synecdoche can elevate language, making a
sentence or phrase sound more interesting or more poetic. It can
also help to writer create a strong voice for a character or for a
narrator. There are two main types of synecdoche, microcosms, and
macrocosms. A microcosm is when a part of something is used to
refer to the whole. Phrases or sentences like "Nice wheels!" a
synecdoche in which "wheels" mean for the car that they are a part of
27
it. "The brain helped me with my homework." A part of the whole
synecdoche in which smart students are referred to as "brains."
While a macrocosm is the opposite, when the whole structure of
something is used to refer to a small part, for instance „the world"
when the speaker really means a certain country or part of the world,
not the whole countries in the world.
Sapir (1977: 13-19) distinguishes two varieties of synecdoche,
they are namely taxonomic and anatomical. Anatomical wherever it
is a physical part or the whole relationship, for examples; "just direct
your feet to the sunny side of the street", here with no implication
that you should leave the rest of your body behind, therefore your
feet means your body or yourself. Some anatomical synecdoche also
regards almost any part of the human body, like "he is a brain". (very
intellectual person or the thinker). While taxonomic defines as one
kind of thing, for examples "Caucasians" refers to white people,
"paper" for Journal article or newspaper, "armor" for tanks, etc.
28
which shared by the members of a community. Hill (2009: 116)
describes culture as a system of norms and values shad among a
group of people. Hill also mentions that “values are abstract ideals
about what a society believes to be good, right, and desirable”.
Meanwhile, “Norms are social rules and guidelines that prescribe
appropriate behavior in particular situation”.
According to Cognitive theory, cognitive and culture are
intimately related, since human cognition works with the notion of
embodiment, such as the bodily, physical and cultural grounding of
human cognition. Cognitive linguistics studies the central role of the
body and its interaction with culture to reveal more about human
meaning and understanding. Lakoff and Johnson (1980) emphasize
this intimate relationship by the mention that experience cannot be
disassociated from culture, and therefore, every conceptual
metaphor carries culture content. They also argue that a person's
culture shapes all the image schemas they have for the world around
them. Therefore, these images are specific to each individual and
would be different for people raised in a different culture. For
instance, the conceptual metaphor of "Times is Money" which taken
from source domain you are wasting my time, only comprehended
in industrialized cultures (Lakoff and Johnson.1980:8-9), but non-
industrialized cultures may have a different value which results in
different interpretations of common experiences.
29
The metaphors of each culture are varied because the
concept of thought of a society in every culture is different. Culture
and life experiences constantly influence the creation of metaphor.
Therefore, in order to comprehend the real meaning of a
metaphorical expression or metaphoric concepts, one must know
the context and culture in which the metaphor it appears. If the
context and culture are not known, then the interpretation of the real
meaning in a metaphor can be wrong or misinterpreted. As Searle
(1979: 85) argues ".... the hearer requires something more than his
knowledge of a language, his awareness of the conditions of the
utterance and background assumption that share with the speakers
". Lyons (1996: 280-281) also has a similar opinion, he states that we
need context and the situation of conversation to figure whether a
phrase only has literal meaning or metaphorical meaning. For
instance, a phrase like “John is a tiger” can be mean john is a name
of a tiger or has metaphorical meaning.
30
processes in our social and cultural practices. To prove this claim,
Kӧvecses provides the following examples of conceptual metaphor;
"Significant is Higher", and "Less Significant is Lower" (Kӧvecses,
2005:142). Here, he points out that in seating arrangement at any
formal meeting usually, important people tend to sit higher or
centrally than people who less important. According to Kӧvecses
(2006:3-4) that metaphors are used in order to conceptualize and
build the non – physical and abstract world. This conceptualization
could be done through the embodied experience which correlates
with cultural background. He also argues that conceptual metaphor
produces cultural models or frames which operate in thought.
(2005:126). He adds that the importance of culture in metaphor
cross-cultural and within – culture variation that culture guides the
choice of those elements that participate in conceptual metaphor.
Cross – cultural in conceptual metaphor, Emanation (1999) urges
that the notion that metaphors are “congruence by degree”. In his
research, he was comparing the metaphors concerning the
metaphors concerning sex and lust, he found out that many
similarities and differences in metaphors in Chagga people and
English people. He identifies variations or even different metaphors
between Chagga people and English people. He agrees that many
abstract concepts are motivated metaphorically via our embodied
experience. The conceptual metaphor show high congruence (high
31
congruent metaphors) across cultures since physiological experience
is much alike across cultures.
32
way of conceptualizing the world around us. It is reflected in our
everyday behavior. Cognitive linguistics claims that how we construe
our experience with the world is mediated by the nature of our
bodies and we organize our embodied experience metaphorically.
33
is the part of linguistic within cognitive science that conceive language
creation, learning and usage as a part of a psychological theory of
how humans understand the world. It understands linguistic
phenomena in terms of conceptualization. It has focused on human
neural make – up as it impacts language and cognition. Cognitive
linguistics has long tended to neglect the sociocultural situation of
cognition or its connections to discourse. One of the basic principles
of cognitive linguistic approach to metaphor is human cognition and
language behavior, as Lakoff and Johnson (1980) state that metaphor
as basic to human cognition and language behavior. Meanwhile,
Evans and Greeen (2006:170) state that our language is one of the
tools to study “the organization of our conceptual system is highly
metaphorical”.
34
grammar. Cognitive semantics views conceptualization as meaning
construction. It aims to study the relationship between experience,
embodied cognition, and language. While the other one is cognitive
approach to grammar. Here, grammar is viewed as involving our
cognitive processes and is grounded in language use. Grammar is
not simply looked as a system of words and rules of language but a
symbolic or constructional view of language.
35
we understand each other when we speak. Meanwhile cognitive
semantics is part of cognitive linguistics notion. It holds that language
is part of a more general human cognitive ability. It has function to
describe the world as people conceive, since there is some difference
between conceptual world or abstract things with the real world or
concrete things.
36
known as the sets of systematic correspondences between the two
semantic areas or domains. The domain that is described
metaphorically is called the target domain in which it is typically
abstract, and the domain that provides the metaphor is called the
source domain, which typically concrete. For example, in the
metaphor LOVE IS JOURNEY, journey is the source domain,
which is concrete; love is the target domain, which is an abstract idea.
Ideas and knowledge from the source domain of journey are
mapped onto the target domain of feeling, namely love.
37
G. Metaphor and Pragmatic
The goal of a pragmatic account of metaphor is to explain
how metaphor is understood, and in particular, how addressees
construct an interpretation of the communicator‟s meaning when a
word or other linguistic expression is used metaphorically. This is a
special case of the more general pragmatic goal of explaining how
addressees bridge the gap between the encoded linguistic meaning
of an utterance and the speaker‟s meaning. Since sentence meaning
is often fragmentary and incomplete, and speaker‟s meaning
typically goes beyond it, this gap is pervasive in verbal
communication, but it is particularly obvious in cases of
metaphorical use. Let us consider this following utterance:
- Anandra is a princess
38
Existing pragmatic accounts differ on several important
points. One is their view of how metaphorical use affects the truth
conditional content of utterances. The speaker in metaphor does not
“say” anything, but merely “make as if to say” something that is not
itself communicated, but is merely a vehicle for conveying the
speaker‟s implicit meaning. As the above utterance for instance, the
speaker might “make as if to say” that Anandara is a princess in order
to implicate that she is spoiled, indulged girl, etc. According to an
alternative semantic or truth – conditional pragmatic view that
metaphor affects not only the implicatures of an utterance but also
its truth – conditional content, and more generally the content of any
assertions or other direct speech act that it is used to perform. In
utterance of Anandra is a princess, the speaker might be seen as
asserting that Anandara is a PRINCESS, where PRINCESS here is
a modification of the encoded concept PRINCESS is both a part of
what is explicitly communicated and a vehicle for implicatures.
39
is this therefore best accounted for with reference to a theory of
pragmatics. This view also has support from Levinson (1983:156):
40
H. Metaphor and the Notion of Embodiment
41
metaphor theory are closely connected with the notion of
embodiment.
Since conceptual metaphors are based on our embodied
experience, it is believed that many conceptual metaphors are
universal because many of our bodily experiences are much alike
across cultures. Many researches on psycholinguistics and linguistics
have provided empirical evidences about the correlation of
embodied experience with metaphorical language. Gibbs et al
(2004) examine how human feeling about hunger has motivated the
conceptual metaphor DESIRE IS HUNGER among American
English and Brazilian Portuguese. They studied the different sets of
question were given to investigate the kinds of linguistic expressions
concerning “hunger” that are often employed by these students to
metaphorize “desire”. While in linguistic level, Sweetser‟s analysis
(1990: 28 – 30) about the MIND AS BODY metaphor also supports
the idea that many conceptual metaphors are motivated by our
bodily experience.
42
human cognition. The core notion of conceptual integration theory
(CIT) is that many types of human thought consist of the integration
or blending of mental spaces, and that the ability to perform certain
types of conceptual blends is what distinguishes human from other
beings.
Like metaphor in Conceptual Metaphor Theory, blending is
understood as a pervasive phenomenon in human thought, which
affects everyday language. It plays a fundamental role in the
construction of meaning in everyday life, especially in the social and
behavioral sciences. In conceptual metaphor theory, metaphors are
cross – domain mapping of source and target domains, and the
connection between the two domains is established by the
metaphor‟s basis. Basis elements of the source domain are mapped
onto elements of the target domain, each source has an entailment
potential that can be mapped onto the target.
Lakoff and Johnson (1999) consider conceptual blending as
part of the Integrated Theory of Primary Metaphor. In a way,
conceptual metaphor is also based on cross-space (domain)
mapping, although conceptual integration has more components
and additional mechanisms involved as discussed above. Also,
whereas the two-domain model is highly parsimonious, and is useful
and effective for a number of purposes such as the ongoing hunt for
conventional metaphors, it is claimed that the many-space model
43
explains a range of phenomena invisible or untreatable under the
two-domain model and reveals previously unrecognized aspects of
even the most familiar basic metaphors. A brief analysis of both
theories reveals that each theory has its own strengths and
weaknesses. However, the strength of any particular theory depends
on its applicability to a specific context. The specific context in
question here is the cognitive process, metaphor.
44
and supported by a single word or phrase.” He divides metaphor
into two parts: the tenor and the vehicle. For instance metaphor like
“Men are Wolves”. Here Men is the tenor whereas wolves is vehicle.
Men as tenor is understood in terms of the vehicle ( Wolves)
metaphorically.
Black (1993) also attempts to interpret metaphors at a
cognitive – conceptual level, a level which different from treating
metaphors as merely language. He argues that metaphor is the
interaction of the “systems of implication” of the two domains,. This
idea similar to Richards‟ notion of “interaction between two
thoughts.” This claims by Richards, and Black that metaphor is the
“interaction between two thoughts” and metaphor is “the system of
implication” reveal the complete nature of metaphor. In other words
in order to understand metaphor involves the concepts and beliefs
shared by the speakers‟, readers‟ or listeners‟ community, other
than merely the linguistic meaning of the figurative expressions.
45
implicatures, metaphors, and coherence. Meanwhile, Wolf and
Polzenhagen (2003:268) state that “global ideological pattern may
arise from the application of particular metaphors and the neglect of
alternative ones.” Therefore, since language is ideological and since
language is invaded by ideology such as metaphor, so metaphor is
also ideological.
46
representations, d) ideologies are reproduced through their everyday
uses by social members in the accomplishment of social practices in
general, and of discourse in particular. Such uses not only have social
foundations but also cognitive ones, such as the personal
experiences, knowledge and opinions of social members. In order
to relate the social dimension of ideologies with their personal uses,
only a cognitive theory is able to provide the necessary interface.
47
characteristically abstract thing that we try to comprehend through
the use of the source domain (Lakoff and Johnson, 1980). These
two domains are systematically correspondences with a linker called
as “mappings”. Mapping is the sets of systematic correspondences
between the source and the target domain (Lakoff and Johnson,
1980). People use words of concrete source field to talk about an
abstract target field. According to cognitive view of metaphor, people
understand one conceptual domain in term of another conceptual
domain. In other words, we are trying to understand the abstract
concept through the use of the concrete one. The target domain is
the domain that we try to understand by using the source domain.
For example, ARGUMENT IS WAR is a conceptual metaphor:
48
demolished, won, shoot, strategy and shot down reflect to concept
of war. That is why we conceptualize them into “Argument is war.” This
is an example of what it means for a metaphorical concept. Argument and
war are different kind of things. Argument is a verbal discourse, and war is
armed conflict, they performed different kinds of actions. But “argument”
is partially structured, understood, performed, and talked about in terms
of “war”. It explains the essence of metaphor is “understanding and
experiencing one kind of thing in terms of another” (Lakoff and Johnson,
1980:5).
49
anger are motivated by conceptual metaphor ANGER IS HEATED
FLUID IN A CONTAINER. The linguistic metaphors (source
domain) which related to this are: “She got all steamed up” and “I
was fuming.” (Gibbs, 2004:203). In this case, we perceive our own
body as a container. When we become angry, we experience
physical sensations of heat and internal pressure which threaten to
build up to dangerous levels within the perceived container.
Furthermore, Gibbs (1997) argues that significant aspects of cultural
experiences should be taken into consideration when trying to
understand what is conceptual about metaphor, because “public,
cultural representation of conceptual metaphors have indispensable
cognitive function that allow people to carry less of a mental burden
during every day thought and language use” (Gibb, 1997:146).
Conceptual Metaphor Theory rejects the notion that
metaphor is a decorative device, peripheral to language and thought.
Instead, the theory holds that metaphor is central to thought, and
therefore to language. From this starting point, a number of tenets
are derived. These tenets are: metaphors structure thinking,
metaphors structure knowledge, metaphor is central to abstract
language, metaphor is grounded in physical experience, metaphor is
ideological (Deignan, 2005).
As mentioned above that metaphor is in our thought,
therefore metaphor is known or renamed as conceptual metaphor
50
in conceptual metaphor theory. A conceptual metaphor is
formulated or postulated as “X IS Y”, whereby Y as the source
domain is used to understand X as the target domain. Conceptual
metaphor is written in capital letters to distinguist it from its linguistic
expressions (Charteris – Black, 2004), for instance the conceptual
metaphor FOREST IS HUMAN. Here HUMAN is the source
domain by which we understand the target domain (FOREST).
a. Structural Metaphors
51
concept. With this kind of metaphor, we can use the words
concerning one concept to talk about another concept. For example
ARGUMENT IS WAR metaphor, here WAR is a concept that is
frequently mapped into the target domain ARGUMENT. As we
know that war is a concrete concept that we are very familiar with.
We know that war is a very complex process that involves plan,
attack, defense, counter attack, fight, win, lose, etc, and argument is
abstract concept. As the result, the knowledge of war can be used to
talk about the unknown abstract concept that is war. War and
Argument share many similarities, as we can see on these following
expressions:
- He shot down all of my arguments
- Your claims are indefensible
- I demolished his arguments
- If you use that strategy, he‟ll wipe you out.
- I‟ve never won an argument with him
(Lakoff & Johnson, 1980: 5)
b. Orientation Metaphors
52
and Johnson (1980: 14) argue that “they are not arbitrary. They are
based on our physical and cultural experiences.”
The diversity of our direct experiences in both physical and
cultural environment creates several metaphors which have an
internal coherence and lead to a complete understanding of those
experiences. These metaphors will be linked in one way or another
to the experience that gives rise to them and they will be more or
less successful according to the culture especially those related to
space and the most abstract concepts. The following examples are
kind of orientation metaphors with some linguistic expressions that
express them and their physical basis:
HAPPY IS UP; SAD IS DOWN.
- I‟m feeling up.
- That boosted my spirits
- My spirits rose
- You‟re in high spirits
- I‟m feeling down
- He‟s really low these days
- I fell into a depression
- My spirits sank
53
CONSCIOUS IS UP; UNCONSCIOUS IS DOWN
- Get up
- Wake up
- He rises early in the morning
- He fell asleep
- He dropped off to sleep
- He‟s under hypnosis
- He sank into a coma
- I‟m up already
The physical basis: human and most other mammals sleep lying
down and stand up when they awaken.
HEALTH AND LIFE ARE UP; SICKNESS AND DEATH ARE
DOWN.
- He‟s at the peak of heath
- Lazarus rose from the dead
- He‟s in top shape
- He‟s way up there
- He‟s sinking fast
- He came down with the flu
- His health is declining
- He dropped dead
- As to his health, he‟s way up there.
54
The physical basis: serious illness forces us to lie down physically.
When you‟re dead, you are physically down.
(Lakoff & Johnson, 1980: 15)
c. Ontological Metaphors
55
brought to life in human terms.
For examples:
- Inflation is eating up our profits
- Life has cheated me
- Cancer finally caught up with him
For examples:
56
actions, activities and states. Here events and actions are
conceptualized metaphorically as objects, meanwhile activities as
sub-stances, and states as containers (Lakoff & Johnson, 1980:31).
M. Metaphorical Mapping
57
expression. The transference of metaphor in meaning is realized by
structuring mapping between two domains (Lakoff and Johnson,
1980:5). For instance, in the metaphor TIME IS MONEY, the
source domain MONEY is mapped onto the target domain TIME.
Lakoff (1993: 206 – 207) argues that there are ontological
correspondences in mapping which the aspects in TIME
correspond to the aspects in MONEY. Conceptual metaphor are
presented as capitalized formula A IS B, where A is the target
domain and B is the source domain, with A being described as B.
Through mapping source domain (B), the target domain (A) is
reified by source (B), for example ARGUMENT IS WAR
metaphor reifies the target domain (abstract) ARGUMENT to the
source domain (concrete) WAR. In order to comprehend the
sentences like “your claims are indefensible” and “I demolished his
argument”, our understanding of the domain of argument is
processed through understanding the domain of war. The
experience of argument evokes our knowledge about war, in other
words, the knowledge we use to comprehend war is used to
comprehend argument through the use of metaphors, and the
knowledge we use to reason about war is used to reason about
arguments.(Lakoff and Johnson, 1980: 5).
The thing that we should be understood regarding this
metaphorical mapping is the source domain and the target domain
58
should not identical because the target domain is just partially
understood in terms of the source domain. If they were identical,
there would be no metaphorical sense and its literal sense, but just a
word with a single meaning (Lakoff & Johnson, 1980: 109).
59
integrate linguistic, semantic, cognitive, and pragmatic criteria
because metaphor cannot be explained only by means of linguistic,
cognitive, pragmatic theory. The framework used to analyze
metaphor must combine three components: linguistic, cognitive and
pragmatic criteria since any one component itself is not sufficient to
give comprehensive explanation of metaphoric expressions.
CMA has three steps; Identification, interpretation, and explanation
of conceptual metaphors.
a. Metaphor identification indicates a close reading of a sample
of texts to figure out candidate metaphors. These candidate
metaphors have metaphoric potential, but they can be
confirmed as metaphoric expression or abandoned because
they are not metaphorical expressions by a qualitative phase in
detailed corpus analysis.
b. Metaphor interpretation is concerned with ascertaining the
relationship between metaphors and the cognitive and
pragmatic elements that determine them, which indicates the
identification of conceptual metaphors, and where feasible,
conceptual keys. Conceptual metaphors are used to resolve
the semantic tension between metaphors while conceptual keys
are identified to solve the semantic tension between conceptual
metaphors.
c. Metaphor explanation: The reasons why these metaphors
60
instead of the others are chosen in a certain situation. To
explain a metaphoric usage, it needs to identify the social
agency that is involved in the production of metaphoric
expressions and their social role in persuasion, that is to say,
the ideological and rhetorical motivation of a metaphorical
expression. The formation of conceptual metaphors and
conceptual keys and illustration of the typical evaluation of the
metaphors will assist in explaining why they can be persuasive
(Charteris – Black, 2004:39). The explanation should reveal
“understanding of thought patterns which construct people‟s
beliefs and action” (Cameron & Low, 1999:88).
61
religious, livelihood, culture, environment, and leadership system. It
mentions in Pasang that every individual who against of it, it will bring
serious consequences to him or her. He or she will be get rid of the
village and/or suffer from a disease in this world, also be punished
in the hereafter where he/she will miss the opportunity to meet
his/her ancestors. His or her spirit will not be accepted by God and
will transform into a form of an animal who behaves exactly the same
as himself/herself when he/she was still alive.
62
political system, the socio-cultural including the mutual excitement
and religious system.
63
be done and which can be done or forbidden.
In relation to conceptual metaphor, Pasang ri Kajang
contains many metaphorical expressions, and in order to understand
those expressions, we need to comprehend the concept and
experiences stored in mind of Kajang people, since metaphor is a
cognitive instrument whereby we conceive of our world. According
to Lakoff and Johnson (1980:5), in interpreting metaphor, we need
to understand one kind of thing or experience in terms of something
else of a different kind, because the essence of metaphor is
“understanding and experiencing one kind of thing in terms of
another”. Here some Pasang which contained metaphorical
expressions:
64
the forest functions as irrigation.
- Injo boronga anrek nakkule nipanraki, punna nipanraki
boronga, nupanraki kallenu
Translation: The forest should not be destroyed, if you destroy
the forest it means you destroyed yourself.
P. Pasang as Corpora
As have been described above that Pasang means messages.
These messages inherited from ancestors of Kajang people. It is an
oral tradition which passed down from generation to generation. For
Ammatoans, Pasang is not just messages, but it is considered as very
sacral and implemented in everyday practices. It is a guide f or every
member of Kajang community in any aspects of life such as in social,
65
religious, rituals cultural, environment and leadership system.
66
(Kajang luar). Also, it is taken from some scholars‟ works like Usop
(1978), Katu (2000), Mc Kanzie (1999). But the data which I took
from other scholars‟ works have been checked and confirmed by
my reliable informants for their reliability.
The word "ritual" comes from Latin word ritualis meaning "of
rites". According to the American Heritage Dictionary of the English
Language (AHDEL) mentions that ritual is a ceremonial act or a
series of such acts, the performance of such acts. In theoretical
discourse, rituals are generally regarded as possessing two structural
patterns. Firstly, on the foundational level, rituals are regarded as
actions as against to cognitive beliefs, and often described as
"thoughtless action – routinized, habitual, obsessive, or mimetic –
and therefore the purely formal, secondary, and mere physical
expression of logically prior ideas" (Bell, 1992:19). Edward Shils in
Bell (1992:19) argues that rituals are considered to be separable
from beliefs although rituals and beliefs are tied together. Shils also
states that "beliefs could exist without rituals; rituals, however, could
not exist without beliefs." Thus, in theoretical discourse, rituals are
more as summarized units of community beliefs, values and
expressed in actions. These beliefs, values, and actions live in a
communal composition which is defined and determined by the
67
resident community.
Generally, ritual perceives as a form of prayer, meditation,
or art which can assist people to connect their inner being with others
and to godly the spirit or the holy power. Turner (1969:2) views all
rituals as containing religious or spiritual components in the
referents which the symbolism involved. He also viewed ritual as the
essential mechanism for transmission of cultural identity, and
assesses ritual and its symbolism, together with the experience of
community for those making the transition from one phase to
another. Turner (1969:19) defined ritual as "prescribed formal
behavior for occasions not given over to technological routine,
having reference to beliefs in mystical beings and powers." He argues
that ritual as a symbolic action by saying that "Rituals are storehouses
of meaningful symbols by which information is revealed and
regarded as authoritative, as dealing with the crucial values of the
community (Turner 1969:2).
Ritual for Kajang community is very important aspects and
they are very common that they are integral parts of everyday
practice. It does not mean that everyday practice is ritual, however
ritual and everyday practice are tied together in complex bonds.
Rituals in Kajang community (Ammatoans) are categories
into five major types. First, the rituals of journey of life which
included tompolo (the seventh day of birth), kalomba (for the safe
68
life of a child), akkatterek (haircut), pakbuntingan (wedding), and
funeral that consists of several different kinds of rituals such as tilapo,
dampo, lajo-lajo, and pakdangangngang. The second category is
house ritual, such as naik ri bola (moving into a new house), and
situruk - turuk (mutual assistance) in constructing a new house. The
third is rituals of belief that include ukmattang (ancestral veneration),
doangang (praying), tinja and samaja (oath), tarabogoro mange ri tau
salama’ (come to visit great ancestors), addingingngi (a placatory
appeal in the forest), and apparuntu panganro (praying in the forest).
Fourth is agricultural rituals, this include before planting and after
harvesting rice and corn. This agricultural rituals such as akborong
gallung (for land fertility), and aknganro ri Sapo (praying in Sapo, it
conducts when problems of agriculture are happened). The fifth is
inauguration ritual, especially for a new Ammatoa (the chief of Ammatoa
community).
69
R. Conceptual Framework
70
The conceptual framework above shows that Pasang ri Kajang as
the corpus is analyzed using conceptual metaphor theory and critical
metaphor analysis. Critical metaphor analysis (CMA) is described
into three processes; data identification process, data interpretation
process, and data explanation process. In data identification process,
after the carefully reading of the text established, then we look for
the candidate metaphors in corpus, those candidate metaphors
should meet one of the criterion as mentioned by Charteris – Black
(2004: 21, 35): linguistic, pragmatic, and cognitive in order to
determine whether a certain linguistic expression is a candidate
metaphor or not. Linguistic criteria looks a metaphor is a word or
phrase that causes semantic tension by (1) Reification, referring to
something that is abstract using a word or phrase that in other
contexts refers to something that is concrete, (2) Personification,
referring to something that is inanimate using a word or phrase that
in other contexts refers to something that is animate, (3)
Depersonification, referring to something that is animate using a
word or phrase that in other contexts refers to something that is
inanimate. Pragmatic criteria looks a metaphor is an incongruous
linguistic representation that has the underlying purpose or
influencing opinions and judgments by persuasions, this purpose is
often hidden and reflects speaker intentions within particular
contexts of use. In cognitive criteria looks a metaphor is caused by
71
and may cause by a shift in the conceptual system. The basis for the
conceptual shift is the relevance of, or psychological association
between the attributes of the referent of a linguistic expression in its
original source context and those of the referent in its novel target
context. This relevance or association is usually based in some
previously unperceived similarity between the referents in those
contexts.
72
illustration of the typical evaluation of metaphors assisted in
explaining why they can be persuasive. It is concerned with textual
meaning that is the way that metaphors are interrelated and become
coherent with reference to the situation in which they occur. It
permits us to establish the ideological and rhetorical motivation, and
the evidence of these ideological and rhetorical motivation comes
from the corpus in which metaphors occurs. All those processes are
meant to analyze metaphor expressions found in Pasang in order to
reveal the intention, ideologies, and social – cultural aspects of
Kajang people.
73
abstract things. We are trying to understand the abstract concept
through the use of concrete one. The target domain is the domain
that we try to understand by using the source domain.
74
CHAPTER 3
HOW THE CORPUS ANALYZED
A. Data Sources
The data or corpus in this book are are categories into two kinds of
data, primary and secondary data.
1. Primary Data
The primary data of this book was Pasang ri Kajang and they
were taken from people or members of community on the site of
research who have capabilities, reliable, and have very important role
in the Ammatoans community. These people I called Community
of Interpreters. They were as follow; Ammatowa (the leader/chief of
Ammatoans community), Galla (chief assistant of Buhe Amma),
75
culturists of Ammatoans Kajang and others who consider
understand Pasang very well. The data collected through fieldwork
by asking several people or members of community who have very
important role in Ammatoans community, they were as follows:
Ammatowa himself and his assistances such as Galla Pantama, Galla
Kajang, Galla Lombok, Galla Puto, culturalists of Kajang, former of
chief village, and others who consider understand Pasang very well.
2. Secondary Data
76
1. Semi - structured Interviews. The semi – structured interview is a
qualitative data collection strategy. Through this kind of interview
data are collected gathered information by asking questions about
the data that the researcher needed
3. Recording. It was one way to record the data that taken from
people or the community of interpreters when they are being
interviewed so that no data missed. This was very challenging
method of collecting data that researcher conducted since the
utilizing of modern tools in are forbidden in area of “Kajang Dalam”
(inner territory of Kajang).
4. Note taking. Note taking was employed to write down all the
relevant data when the interview is conducted. All information or
messages that delivered nonverbally or verbally which consider
relevant with the purpose of the research were noted.
77
Metaphor Analysis (CMA) developed by Charteris – Black (2004)
were employeed. CMA believes that metaphor is central to thought
and language and it is an approach to analysis of metaphor that aims
to identify the intention underlying language used (Charteris – Black.
2004:34). Charteris – Black describes 3(three) stages in CMA; first
metaphors are identified, second they are interpreted, and then they
are explained. Charteris – Black (2004:34-35) state that:
78
metaphors by showing them to be related.” Nevertheless, for the
purpose of this research, the researcher also used the definition of
conceptual metaphor by Kovecses (2002: 248):
The identification stage involves two main stages. The first stage is a
close or carefully reading of the text (Pasang) in order to identify
candidate metaphors found in Pasang ri Kajang. The second stage
is to identify candidate keywords, which are words or phrases that
meet at least one of Charteris – Black three metaphorical criteria:
Linguistic, pragmatic, and cognitive (2004:35). The presence of
79
incongruity or semantic tension either at linguistic, pragmatic or
cognitive levels which found in words or phrases in Pasang ri Kajang
use as the criterion to determine whether a certain linguistic
expression is a candidate metaphor or not. A semantic tension refers
to the “abnormal” use of domains. First step, we identify the
candidate metaphor in linguistic level. A linguistic metaphor is any
expression which involving three linguistic criteria: (1) Reification
which means a word or phrase representing something abstract as
concrete, (2) Personification which means reference to an inanimate
object as being alive, (3) depersonification means reference to a
living being as an inanimate object. If they are not involved linguistic
criterion, then we move to the second step. Does the candidate
keyword of metaphor have qualities of pragmatic tension. Pragmatic
tension refers to an incongruous word or phrase being used to
influence opinions. Then, third step is look for the cognitive tension
which refers to a shift in understanding as result of the metaphor.
After the candidate metaphor keywords are decided, then, we move
to the second technique of analyzing data.
80
This interpretation stage has two main functions. First,
spotlights the semantic tension that has justified the
expression‟s classification as a metaphor. Second, it identifies
the key conceptual domains underlying the linguistic
metaphor. Here the conceptual metaphors are used to resolve
the semantic tension between metaphors, and conceptual keys
are identified to solve the semantic tension between
conceptual metaphors.
3. Data explanation: this stage determines the involvement of
identifying the social agency which implied in metaphors
production and their social role contained. The formation of
conceptual metaphors, conceptual keys, and illustration of the
typical evaluation of metaphors assisted in explaining why they
can be persuasive. It is concerned with textual meaning that is
the way that metaphors are interrelated and become coherent
with reference to the situation in which they occur.
D. Data Validation
In validating the data, data triangulation method was employeed.
Data triangulation method involves using the different sources of
information in order to increase the validity of the study. These
informants are people that consist of very reliable people who have
81
significant roles in Ammatoan community namely the chief of tribe
of Kajang (Ammatowa), assistants of Ammatowa, culturalists of
Kajang, former of chief villages, and public figures who consider
understand Pasang very well.
82
CHAPTER 4
ANALYSING THE CORPUS
The corpus of this book is taken from the indigenous oral discourse
of Kajang people so called Pasang ri Kajang. The collected data or
corpus was analyzed to figure out the conceptual metaphor themes
based on the model of conceptual metaphor theory (Lakoff &
Johnson, 1980), and critical metaphor analysis (Charteris – Black,
2004). According to Charteris – Black (2004: 35), the identification
stage involves two main stages. The first stage is a close or carefully
reading of the text (Pasang) in order to identify candidate of
metaphors found in Pasang ri Kajang. The second stage is to identify
candidate of keywords, which are words or phrases that meet at least
one of Charteris – Black three metaphorical criteria: Linguistic,
pragmatic, and cognitive (2004:35). Nevertheless, in the metaphor
identification process was also involved Metaphor Identification
Procedure (MIP) developed by Group (2007). This MIP conducted
to find out the metaphorically used lexical units in the corpus.
According to the MIP (Group, 2007), the identification should
includ several stages such as manual reading, determining the lexical
unit, then determining the meaning of the lexical unit. If the
83
contextual meaning differs from basic meaning, then it is marked as
metaphor. This process led to the selection of Pasang ri Kajang,
the lexical items that were marked as metaphors.
1. FOREST IS HUMAN
Knowledge concerning human is used to map the abstract
concept by attributing them to human attributes. The personification
supports to conceptualize a large number of abstract concepts in
human terms (Lakoff, 1993, Lakoff & Johnson, 1980). These
human attributes have been found in source domain in Pasang as
follows;
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MB¹ : ia-mi-intu / borong / ak - kiyok / bosi / angge - na /ere – ya/
PS¹ : That / forest / ACT.call / rain / Prep. Poss/ water /
MB² : ni- pake /ak - lamung/pare,/bakdok/akpakriek/ timbusu
PS² : PSV.used/ACT.plant / rice /corn / produce/
spring.
LT : It is/ a forest/ calls / rain, /until/ the water/ uses/ to
plant/ rice,/ corn,/ produces / springs.
IT. : The rainforest brings a lot of water which
people use to grow rice and corn and which also
ensures that water remains available in spring.
85
be a natural irrigation system by the villagers.
86
life and provide the supply of water for Ammatoan‟s daily needs and
the plant as well. Forest (trees) is the source of water supply for
Ammatoan village, there is no irrigation in the village, because they
believe that irrigation may damage their forest. Also, forest in the
eyes of Ammatoan is a very sacral place. They believe that forest is
the stairs for the human souls to heaven from the earth and to ascend
to the heaven. This belief is based on the legend of how the first man
(Tau Manurung) had descended from heaven to the earth and he
landed in the forest, and also in the same forest he returned to
heaven from earth. Until now, some ritual activities are also
performed in forest.
2. FOREST IS HERITAGE
87
PS¹ : Pron / forest / Adv. /heritage
/Pron./ forest /
MB² : ang- konta- i/ bosi-ya/ akak- na/ ak-paka
/lompo-i/ timbusu.
PS² v : ACT.absorb/ rain / Pron.ACT/ ACT.
V./ enlarge/ spring.
88
/wood /in /the forest/, it‟s /said /by /customary
law.
89
Almighty God), and it is the duty of Ammatowa to preserve the
world and everything in it, including the relationship between people
and the natural surroundings. The customary law prohibits people
from damaging or cutting down the trees in the forest. If trees are cut
down, it will decrease the rain, and dry off the springs (timbusu).
They believe forest brings rain and trees produce springs. These
messages are inheritance from their ancestors long before them.
3. FOREST IS A SPRINGS
A metaphor is frequently found in Pasang ri Kajang. Pasang
contains ancient messages related to all knowledge and messages of
90
life. Some of them can only be expressed by referring to what is
experienced in the physical world because some Pasang mean by
which the “unknown can be conceptualized in terms of what is
already known” (Charteris – Black, 2004). Also Lakoff and Johnson
in their book titled Metaphor We Live By (1980) mentioned that
through our bodily experiences we learn to connect one thing to
something else. Thus, the use of metaphor reflects speaker‟s ideas
and the interaction with the world. In relation to the statements
above, here are some Pasang which refer to the experience in the
physical world.
MB¹ : Na- riek/ kaloro/ battu/ ri /borong-a/ na- riek/ timbusu/ battu/
IT. : The existence of river was due to the existence of the forest,
and the existence of springs is due to the existence of trees
91
because the forest and trees bring water to the river and supply
water for the spring.
92
IT. : The ancestors state in customary law
(Pasang) that if we cut down the trees in the
forest, then we should pray to the God
Almighty not to reduce the rainfall and get
rid of water in springs.
These Pasang are based on the close relation between people and
earth. Spring (timbusu) is the only water supply in Ammatoa
community. Therefore, Ammatoans are depending their needs for
the water in springs that they have in the village. They believe that
roots produce spring, leaves bring rain for them. Lakoff and Johnson
(1980) state that human conceptual metaphor is a system of
metaphorically structured and defined. On conceptual metaphor
above, FOREST has been explained through the source domain of
SPRING (timbusu). Thus, it indicates that it is conceptualized as
SPRING since those expressions (Pasang) form a map into the
underlying concept of FOREST. Hence, the area of metaphor
93
occurs in the way we conceptualize “one cognitive domain in term
of another” (Lakoff & Johnson, 1980). So, the conceptual metaphor
of “FOREST IS A SPRING” is explained with analogies deriving its
structure from the basic metaphor of mother earth. Ammatoans
believe that leafs of trees have a function to call for rain, and spring
is made by forest (roots of trees). The target domain of FOREST
are mapped into the underlying concept of SPRINGS which
described by source domain (the above Pasang).
4. FOREST IS A CUSTOM
Critical metaphor analysis is a way of revealing underlying
ideologies, attitudes and belief. (Charteris – Black, 2004:42). Kajang
people believe that their ancestor (Ammatowa the first) landed for
the first time in forest, and they also believe that forest is an
inhabitation of their ancestors. Thus, they consider forest is a very
sacral place and it is guarded by holy spirits in every corners of it.
Custom requires them to protect and preserve the forest. Forest is a
restrictive area. It forbids for everyone to perform any activities in
sacred forest (Borong Karama‟) except ritual activities. The
conceptual metaphor FOREST IS A CUSTOM means that forest
is understood in terms of custom, in the other words that the
structure of the source domain (CUSTOM) is mapped into the
94
target domain (FOREST). Here FOREST is conceptualized as a
CUSTOM. The target domain of FOREST has been explained
through the source domain of CUSTOM (adak) as seen in the
following Pasang:
95
MB : Ni- kasipalli- angi/ ang- manrak – manrak-i /borong.
PS : Pass.forbid. / ACT. destroyObj. /forest.
96
IT. : According to the the rule of custom, if
someone violates the law regarding forest
management, he/she will be punished base on
whether his/her violation such as serious
violation, medium violation, or light violation.
Table 4.4 Mapping for FOREST IS CUSTOM
97
The lexical item of Nikasipalliangi is from the root kasipalli which
means taboo or forbidden. Taboo is a part of culture of Kajang
people, in managing their way of life. Several things that are
forbidden (kasipalli) in forest such as cutting tree (takbang kaju),
catching shrimps (rao doang), cutting rattans (tatta’ uhe), and
harvesting honey (tunu bani). If all the taboo or forbidden things are
violated, sanctions will be granted according to the kind of violation.
There are three kinds of sanctions regarding violation done in the
sacred forest, light violation (cappa bakbala), medium violation
(tangnga bakbala), serious violation (poko bakbala). Bakbala literally
means a whip. The word of bakbala is used for sanctions base on
their level of the violation. If the violation committed is categorized
as serious violation, the sanctions given are poko bakbala which
literally means the handle of a whip. Pokok bakbala is the highest
sanction of fine. The fine of this sanction is sampulonna real (12
Arabic real) or 24 ohang, plus one roll of white fabric, and the wood
taken from the forest should be returned. The second sanction is
tangnga bakbala. Tangnga bakbala is literally means the thong of a
whip. The fine of this sanction is sangantuju real (8 Arabic real) or
12 ohang plus one roll of white fabric. The last sanction is called
cappa bakbala literally means popper of a whip. It is categorized as
the lightest sanction with fine of appa real (4 real) or 8 ohang plus
one roll of white fabric.
98
5. HEREAFTER IS SUFFICIENT AND ETERNAL LIFE
99
leading a simple life.
MB¹ : Kalumanyang/kaluppepeang / ri
/allo /ri / boko- na
PS¹ : Well - off /extraordinary
/PREP./day/PREP./PREP.end.POSS/ MB²
: Tu Riek Akrana
PS² : God.
LT : Rich / extraordinary / in/ the day /in /
hereafter / of / God.
IT : We are ordered to live in simplicity,
because the extraordinary wealth will only be
provided in the hereafter by Almighty God
100
Table 4.5 Mapping for HEREAFTER IS SUFFICIENT AND
ETERNAL LIFE
101
The source domain must map the target domain. In this case, the
conceptual metaphor of HERE AFTER IS SUFFICIENT AND
ETERNAL LIFE consists of a structured set of narrative
relationship that map from the source domain of SUFFICIENT
AND ETERNAL LIFE and to the target domain of HEREAFTER.
According to the Ammatoan community, the essence of human life
is how to live based on what is ordered in Pasang. The main aspect
which mentioned in Pasang is to trust in God Almighty (Tu Rie
Akrana), and it is implemented through the obedience by carrying
out his commands and not doing what is prohibited. One of the
concrete forms of their obedience is to live in simplicity ( Kamase –
masea), because Ammatoan believes that living in Kamase – masea
is God‟s will for them. They have faith to Pasang which teaches them
to live in simplicity as the principle of Kamase – masea. Live in
Kamase – masea means to live on what have been provided or
“existed” (Lekba) by Tu Rie Akrana with full of sincerity and
resignation (Appisokna), contemplation (Tapakkoro), and patience
(Sakbara). Therefore, to preserve the wholeness of “existed”
(Lekba), the Ammatoan choose to settle in certain area which they
call Butta Kamase – masea (a land of simplicity), an area where there
is no excessive life or wealth (pammatangang karakrakkang) since
they believe that sufficient and eternal life are only provided later on
in hereafter by God Almighty (ri allo ri bokona Tu Riek Akrakna).
102
They also believe that in the hereafter, everyone will be provided
with a luxury house in the heaven that does not exist in the world
(bola tepu anre’ rapanna ri lino) by Tu Riek Akrana.
6. AMMATOWA IS A LAW
Ammatowa is the supreme leader of the existing law in
Ammatoan community. He owns the ultimate decision in solving the
problems that occur in Ammatoan community. He is as a custom
leader who believes to be the representation of God ( Tu Riek
Akrana) on earth as all his actions and deeds are considered to be
God‟s will. Therefore, Ammatowa should always uphold the
principle of honesty (panggukang lambusu) in everyday life. He is
required to be in contemplation or surrender ( Tapakkoro) to Tu
Riek Akrakna to carry out his commandments and prohibitions.
The descriptions above are elaborated in the following Pasang:
103
PS² : Ammatowa / ordered.
LT : You /are / custom, /you / are /king./ Straight /
firmness, /Ammatowa / said.
IT. : You are the Ammatowa, you are the ruler and the king,
therefore you are required to be honest to your people, and
maintain firmness, as you have been ordered by God
Almighty.
104
ang /an-raik – raik/
PS¹ : Follow/ too/Prep./cultivate.ACT/ go there/
MB² : pamarenta- ta / ang-raik / tok-ki / kalak –
kalau-ka / pamarenta-ta/
PS² : government / ACT.go /west /toward
the sea/ government/
MB³ : kalauk / tok-ki
PS³ : toward the sea/ west.
LT : Follow /the tool/ to cultivate/ the soil,/ /government/ go to/
west /we / go to/ west /too, /east /government / go /we /go to
/ east/ too.
IT. : Obey the leader by carrying out his orders and do not
violate his prohibition.
The above Pasang gives an idea that the Ammatoan must obey their
leader, because for them the leader (Ammatowa) is a chosen man of
God, they believe that Ammatowa is the representative of God in
the world. Pasang and Ammatowa are very significant and
determinate in life of the Ammatoan. Their existence is analogous
to the holy books which must be obeyed and his commands should
be followed. Therefore, in order to understand the existence of the
Ammatoan, we have to understand adequately the communal
105
concept of both Pasang and Ammatowa. The Pasang (13) above also
mentions that if the leader goes there (anraik – raik), they should to
there too, and if the leader goes another way or an opposite way
(kalau) literal meaning toward the sea, then they will go to that way
as well. It describes that Ammatoan should obey their leader. Others
Pasang also say:
106
PS¹ : 2nd Sing./ king /be friend/custom/ take
nd
care/fingers 2 .POSS/
MB² : nasabak / punna/ salak-i / jari – jari-nu / i-ya-rieka/riek
/pa-uan-na
PS² : because/ if /wrong/ fingers 2nd POSS/ words
/then/3rd.PLU.
MB³ : nan-jari / pamarenta /a-manra-ki/ tau / takbala,/ tanna/
PS³ : because/government/ damage /people/NEG. / become/
107
Karaeng (nobles) executor of custom law =
custom law executor.
108
who produces Adak. According to Kajang mythology, when humans
have not much inhabited the earth, the name of Ammatowa has not
been known. There is only Sanro Lohe (magic shaman). Sanro Lohe
is not just as a healer who can cure illness, but also a leader in the
ritual ceremony as well and the leader of the community. When
numbers of human are multiplied, the term of Ammatowa became
recognized. Then, Ammatowa formed the division of power as
mentioned in above Pasang (14) which means that Ammatowa is a
custom and he is a king (karaeng) as well. He is the one who
manifested adak (custom) and produced karaeng (nobles). In
carrying out the customary rules, Ammatowa is assisted by five
assistants so- called Adak lima, they are as follows (1) Galla Puto who
is acts as a spokeman for Amma Toa, (2) Galla Lombo who is in
charge of government affairs at inner territory (illayang embaya) and
outer territory (ipantarang embaya) of Kajang, (3) Galla Kajang who
takes care of religious rituals, (4) Galla Pantama for agriculture affair,
and (5) Galla Maleleng for fisheries.
109
meaning of word based on its association to another. In this case,
“jari – jari” (fingers) is associated with the way of Ammatowa rules
his people. Base on that Pasang mentioned above, then, we postulate
a conceptual metaphor of AMMATOWA IS A LAW. Here, the
target domain AMMATOWA is explained through the source
domain LAW as described in above mentioned Pasang.
7. AMMATOWA IS A SHELTER
MB : Ammatowa / pak-laklang-ang-ta/ngasek.
PS : Ammatowa/ACT.protect /1st
FOC.Plu. LT : Ammatowa / shelter/ for / all of us
IT : Ammatowa is a place where we can find
shelter for all of us.
110
Corpus (17): Kunni – kunnina, Aklaklangngasek mako ri nakke,
nasabak nakke najokjok pangellai ri Turiek Akrakna.
MB¹ : Kunni - kunni-na/ ak-laklang-asek / mako / ri / nakke,
PS¹ : meanwhile /ACT.take all /2nd Plu.Obj./Prep./1st
Sings.
111
IT : We have been ordered to take shelter in
Ammatowa as our leader, and to firmly hold to the
customary law (Pasang).
- A man provides
proctection
Aklalang
(haven/shelter) - A man appointed by God
for haven/shelter
Kaju Lompoa (a big Amma Toa considers as a big
tree)
tree where people can find a
shelter for protection or “Tuni
Paklaklangi” (a place for shelter)
112
word of Aklalang is associated with the role of Ammatowa as
customary leader. His role is to maintain not only the life of the
community but also the world, and to take care not only of the life
of human beings, but also the crops and the environment. In his
cosmological status, Ammatowa represents divine being, and his
“office” is a divine kingship. Being the direct descendent of the
divine, Ammatowa personhood is perceived as the incarnation or
representation of God (Tu Rie Akrana). The Ammatowa plays a
divine role in maintaining the order of the world. Ammatowa
performs his divine personhood to control the world for orderliness
and the land for fertility. To assure fertility, Ammatowa must ritually
lead at agricultural activities, and to assure the prosperity of the
community, every activity is directed and centered on extensive
process of rituals.
The word of “Kaju Lompoa” (a big tree) refers to
Ammatowa himself. He as a king ( Karaeng) considers as a big tree
where people can find a shelter for protection or “Tuni Paklaklangi”
(a place for shelter). As a king, he has power to rules any business of
the community. All activities have to be under control of the
Ammatowa. Without the approval of the Ammatowa, any ritual
performed does not count. All the ritual should ask the
Ammatowa‟s advice and endorsement.
The word of “cinaguria” is associated with a kind of plant
113
which is very difficult to pull up. It stands for the Pasang. It suggests
that one firmly holding the Pasang would not go astray. As
mentioned before that Ammatowa and Pasang are very significant
and determinent in life of the Ammatoans. Their existence is like
two sides of coin that cannot be separated. Ammatoans should
follow Pasang and should listen to his commands as another Pasang
mentions “Amma nilanggere, nituruki, siagang nipaklalangngi”
(Heard Amma‟s advice, followed his deeds, and made him as a role
model).
The conceptual metaphor AMMATOWA IS A SHELTER
which described metaphorically by source domain (Pasang above) is
categorized as a container metaphor (ontological metaphors). We
use ontological metaphors to comprehend events, activities or
actions, and states. Events, and actions are conceptualized
metaphorically as objects, activities as sub – stances, states as
containers. Lakoff and Johnson (1980: 30) argue that “each of us is
a container, with a bounding surface and an in – out orientation.”
We project our own in – out orientation onto other physical objects
that are bounded by surfaces. Bounded objects can be human being,
rocks, or land areas (Lakoff and Johnson, 1980:31). A shelter is a
container object, while things or people inside of it is a container
sub-stance (Lakoff and Johnson, 1980: 30). Ammatowa as a
protector for his people is considered as a container (shelter) for the
114
bounded objects namely his people – Ammatoans.
8. AMMATOWA IS UNIFIER
The conceptual metaphor also can be arranged along with
symbols. The image in the symbol constitutes the source domain,
and the meaning content constitutes the target domain to be
expressed. Analogically, the use of metaphors and symbols is based
on intuitive capacity to perceive various dimensions of reality. The
symbol has function to describe the relationship of social
relationships and the structure of the society as describe in following
Pasang:
115
PS³ : embarrass RECIPROC.
116
Source: UNIFIER Target: AMMA TOA
117
used to symbolize roundness (firmness) of unity like the round
shape of a lime. A lime is consists of several elements such as the
peel, the flesh with various taste. The peel symbolizes as Ammatowa
who has function or duty to cover or protect the flesh (Ammatoans).
The flesh itself has various in taste which symbolizes the diversity of
traits of Ammatoan. Ammatowa and his people are united in the
frame of assikajangeng with Pasang as the guidance.
118
a term of person who made things become one, but AMMATOWA
is understood, and performed in term of UNIFIER. It is
“understanding and experiencing one kind of thing in terms of
another (Lakoff and Johnson, 1980:5).
Corpus (22): Riek sakra battu ri Tau Riek Akrakna: ikau tokmintu
119
Ammatowa, na ikau tokmintu appakriek anutallu, na ikau tokmintu
angkamuai tanatowa.
MB¹ : Riek /sakra /battu /ri /Tau Riek Akrakna:/ i-kau / to-
mintu/
PS¹ : ADV/voice/come/Prep./ Creator /2nd Obj. Sing./Aux.
MB². : Ammatowa,/ na i-kau /tok-mintu /appak-riek /anu- tallu,/ na-
i- kau
PS² : Ammatowa/ 2nd.Sing/ Aux. / creator / three /also 2 nd.
Sing.
MB³ : tok- mintu / ang- kamua-i / tanatowa.
PS³ : Aux. /ACT. Know /tanatowa.
LT : There‟s / a voice / from /the creator:/ you / are
/Ammatowa,/ and / you /are /also /creator /the three /, and
/you /also/know/ tanatowa.
IT : There is one voice came from the God Almighty
mentioned that you are the leader, you are the one who
should create the three nobles who will assist you to
govern the land, and you are also the one who should
guard the old land (Kajang).
120
Table 4.9 Mapping for AMMATOWA IS BEGINNING
121
The lexical item of “tallua” (three) explains that Ammatowa
created the Karaeng Tallua (the three nobles). They assist
Ammatowa in the field of government (ada 'tanaya'), beside Karaeng
Tallu, Amma Toa also created Karaeng limaya (five nobles) or Adak
Limaya. Karaeng limaya or Adak Limaya assists Ammatowa with
customary issues (customary councils). Karaeng Tallua is a trinity
concept in the field of government as mention in Pasang "Karaeng
tallu mingka sekreji" means that if one of them has attended the
ceremony, then Karaeng Tallu is considered present.
Conceptual metaphor and ideology are closely connected.
Teun van Dijk (1998:7) defines ideologies as “the fundamental
beliefs of a group and its members”. People form ideologies, since
they want to differentiate themselves or their group from others, as
well as to identify themselves within a given group. The conceptual
metaphor AMMATOWA IS THE BEGINNING, it is a cognitive
dimension of Ammatoans‟s ideologies which are found in the above
Pasang.
122
conceptual metaphor LIFE IS KAMASE – MASEA, the target
domain of LIFE can be described in term of KAMASE – MASEA
as the source domain in which supported by a several following
Pasang.
Corpus (23): Anrek kalumanyanyang kalupepeang riek kamase –
masea.
MB : Anrek /kalumanyanyang /kalupepeang, /riek
/kamase – masea/
PS : None/ wealthy / extraordinary/ only / simplicity
LT : None / rich / extraordinary, / only / simplicity.
FT : The state of prosperity or extraordinary wealth
does not exist in this land (Kajang), only simplicity
of life.
MB¹ : Ang-kanre/ na- riek,/ care - care/ na- riek,/pang- halli/ juku/
PS¹ : ACT.food/ available/ clothing/ available /NOM.Suff.buy/fish/
MB² : na-riek,/ tana / koko /galung / na- riek,/ bola / si- tuju - tuju./
MB² : available/land/farm / rice / available/ house/ simple/
LT: Food / Available,/ clothing,/ available/ money to buy / fish,/
available / land /, farm, /rice / available/ a simple house .
123
IT: Our encestors taught and demand us to live in simple life,
simple life is when food is available, clothes are available, money to
buy fish (dishes) available, fields for growing rice and other plants
available and also a simple house to live in, nothing more.
124
Table 4.10. Mapping for LIFE IS “KAMASE – MASEA”
The above Pasang do not explicitly mention about life. However, the
concept of life can be inferred from the context of Kamase – masea
and found at the conceptual level. Kamase – masea is a life style or
cultural behavior undertaken by Ammatoans in carrying out their life
in simplicity or humble ways. This is the way of Ammatoan apply
their ancestors‟ ideology to live in simplicity or humble way. It
requires them to receive whatever already provided by the Tau Riek
Akrakna (the God Almighty) without desire of looking for others
things to lead their lives. In practicing kamase
– masea, there is one ideology that related to it so called “gannak”
(fulfilled, enough). The idea of gannak (fulfilled, enough) is that one
has food to eat (Angnganre nariek), clothes to wear (care-care
125
nariek), money to buy fish or dishes (pammalli juku nariek), land for
garden and/or for rice field (tana koko galung nariek), and a simple
house to live in (Bola situju- tuju). The practice of kamase – masea
and the idea of gannak would prevent someone from having things
which do not belong to him/her. They encourage Ammatoans to
conduct a friendly and strong community, each individual care for
the others, and respect each other belongings.
Akib (2003: 2) argues that kamase – masea contains ideas or
conceptions taken from the values containing in Pasang ri Kajang. In
addition, he (2008:8) states that the principle of Kamase – masea is
covered by emotional bundle, which cannot be separated from belief
system since it has a sacred value, reward and sanction. Ammatoan
community is required to take care their behavior, they have to
practice the value of humble in everyday life even when they stand
(Ammenteng), sit (accidong), walk (akdakka) and talk (akmiakko) as
described in Pasang. Kamase - masea is essentially a commitment to
live in modesty, self – fulfillment, self – reliance, and sufficiency.
126
Corpus (26). Napaccidommi adak lima Karaeng tallu
Five assistants of
adak lima (costumary Ammatowa who assist in
devices) costumary issues including rituals.
They assist Ammatowa
with
Karaeng Tallu (three govern issues (adak
nobles) tanaya). One of them should be
present in
every ritual. if one of them has
attended the ceremony, then
Karaeng Tallu is considered
present.
127
Ammatoan engages rituals daily. For Ammatoan, rituals are
inseparably related to everyday life, and they have their own system
of categorization for rituals. They put rituals into three types namely
akdaga, aknganro, and baca doang. Akdaga (feasts) includes all
rituals that involve feasts, animal sacrifices, erang berasa (gifts of
rice), solok (gifts of money). This kind of ritual involves animal
sacrifices such as horses, cows, and water buffalos. Ammatoan
categories akdaga includes some lifes cycle rituals such as akkalomba
(life safe of a child), akkattere (haircut), pakbottingang (weddings),
pamatengang (funerals), minro baji (status reparation), and naik ri
bola (moving into a new house). The second types of ritual is
aknganro (invocations). Rituals of aknganro are kind of rituals
without any animal sacrifice and feast involve. These rituals include
rituals in the forest such as addingingngi, apparuntu panganro, and
akborong gallung, rituals perform at certain hamlets such as akngaro
ri sapo and inauguration, ritual performs at rivers such as tinja
(vows), and rituals perform at graves tarabagoro mange ri tau salamak
and abbattasa jerak (cleaning graves). The last type of ritual is baca
doing, this is a small and simple ritual. This kind of ritual is usually
performs whenever they find their business successful as the act of
thanksgiving or when they recover from disease and illness or others,
such as naik ribola (moving into a new house), tuka (making a new ladder),
128
sunnak (circumcision), angngisi (teeth filing), duppa ulang (welcoming
Ramadan), pallappasak ulang (farewell of Ramadan), and shukkuruk
(thanksgiving). All these rituals indicate that Ammatoan engages or conduct
rituals daily. Rituals become their everyday practices, since every single
aspect of life has each own ritual.
129
God MB³ : na-ki ak- palak do-ang.
PS³ : ACT.ask. only.
130
Corpus (29). Jeknek takluka, sambayang tamatappuk.
131
hard to do.
132
is the sole power of the Absolute and the source of all beings.
For the Ammatoan community to grow a single divine concept, they
believe that if there is more than one God, then the world becomes
unbalanced and chaotic as the above Pasang (27) describes.
Tau Riek Akrakna is a dogmatic expression consisting of
four words that each word has its own meaning. “Tau” means
person, “Riek” means exist or have, and “akrak” means the will.
While the word “na” is the possessive pronoun. So, Tau Riek
Akrakna means the one who has of the will or the infinite willing or
the Almighty (Katu: 2005:25).
133
above. These Pasang explain that by doing good things to fellow
human beings is considered performing sholat (prayers) and other
religious activities in accordance with Islam shari‟a (syariat Islam).
134
“PATUNTUNG” is postulated from the following Pasang:
135
Table 4.13. Mapping for FAITH IS “PATUNTUNG”
Source: PATUNTUNG Target: FAITH
136
reconcile the conflict between what is said and what is meant. The
concept of “PATUNTUNG” is interpreted as a faith system by
Ammatoan, because it is recognized as a belief system of society that
inherited from Ammatoan‟s ancestors, and it becomes a faith system
of Kajang community especially the ones who live in illalalang
embaya (inner territory). The faith system is value reflection of
Pasang through spiritual aspect.
137
MB¹ : Hajik / toje- ki/mate-a/ pak-lingka-nga/ ri- anja / rakjing-i/
PS¹ :Adj.good/Indeed/death/NOM.journey/Prep.hereafter/ Adj.
difficult/
MB² : rolo/ nampa/ lumbak /balasak-na
PS² : first / then /easy /N. reward.POSS.
138
hereafter if the soul still remains in the grave.
MB : Lino/pang-mari-mari ang-ji,/ahera/pang-mantang-
nga/ka-rakrak-ang.
PS : world/temporary ACT.only/hereafter/ NOM.stay
/forever/
LT : World /temporary only/, hereafter/ is place to stay/
forever
Paklingkaang=“Lingka”
(Journey) Death is Entering eternal life in
hereafter
139
In Kajang ethnic when someone passes away, people usually chime
a drum (Palingoro) to inform that one member of the community
passes away. During three months and ten days there are some
activities done by the members of grieving family. A dead person is
usually handled by a person with magical powers called (tu paruru
tu mate). Before performing the ritual, the family has to decide the
types of death ritual that they want to which depending on the
financial ability and social status of family members. There are two
types of death ritual namely akdampok for wealthy family, a’lajo –
lajo for family who is not quite well-of, and dangang biasa for
commoners. If family members decide to perform a’lajo – lajo ritual,
they should not state the dead person‟s original descendants. But if,
they want to conduct akdampok death ritual, they have to state their
original descendants in front of the customary devices. It
symbolizes that the family meet the requirements for this kind of
ritual namely the social status aspect, and financial aspect.
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Ammatowa as the customary leader is expected to attend the
ritual since he will lead the ritual performance. But, if Amma Toa
cannot attend it due to a particular reason, he may appoint one of
the customary apparatus. Several things should be done during the
death ritual. One of them, the son of the dead person delivers a
container containing lime and gambir, betel vine, matches and
cigarettes which all bring to a person with magical power called tau
paruru tumate. Magical power mantra are by paruru tumate, and
paruru tumate will also recites mantra for the long flues ( basing)
(Sahib, 2018).
141
conceptual association of journey as the source domain.
142
FT : Almighty God do what he wants and keep his wills as
he wishes.
143
Table4.15 Mapping for THE DIVINE IS “TAU RIEK AKRAK
Source: TAU RIEK Target: DIVINE
AKRAKNA
Tau Riek Akrakna (the one - Suprime being
who has wills)
- Final destination for
everything
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experiences, moral practices, and spiritual awareness. Metaphors are
grounded in people‟s every day experiences, and process of
conceptualization involves the moving from concrete to abstract
(Lakoff, 1993: 244 – 245). The conceptual metaphor THE DIVINE
IS TAU “RIEK AKRAKNA” is the ontological mapping process
from the concrete thing of TAU RIEK AKRANA (source domain)
to abstract thing of THE DIVINE (target domain) as found in the
above Pasang (34), (35).
145
PS : like /PASS.say/mother / PASS.say / soil
LT : Like /it said / mother / is soil
146
called Pasang. Ammatoans never use footwear when they go for
walk, they always go for walk in bearfoot, because they should not
be ashamed of their mother (ground/earth). They believe by using
footwear (sandals or shoes) means disrespect their mother
(ground/earth) who gives them life. That is the reason why when we
enter their village (ilalalang embaya), we are not allowed to use
footwear (sandals or shoes) because it considered disrespect to their
mother.
147
Corpus (38): Lekbak nutalekbak pau – pau: Anrek nakkulle nipinra
punna anu lekbak, anrek nakulle nigiling, nipinra.
MB¹ : Lekbak /nu- ta- lekbak/ pau – pau: /Anrek/ na-kulle/ ni-
pinra/
148
LT : Althought/ our son/if commit violation//will awarded/
punishment
IT : Although our family, we may not defend or protect
them from the punishmen if they commit violation.
149
losing without any interference from anyone. Even though the
rooster belongs to the king or king‟s relatives, he should not be
defended or be a winner because everybody witnessed it.
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LT : Limp in/ simplicity,/ weak /in his body:/ do not/ look
around,/ do not/ jumping around,/ do not/ hearing
around,/ rich luxury/ can not/ enter /in the land of
/simplicity.
- Ammatoan is Predestined to
Kamase- masea (simpilicity)
life in simplicity.
- Life Principle of Ammatoan
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Ammatoan to hold on to their principle that inherence from their
ancestors. They are ordered to control their sight (itte), jumping
(lumpa), and hearing (toli)) which mean person must control
her/himself in facing temptation. This Pasang insists Ammatoan to
maintain the simple way of life (kamase – masea). Ammatoan
believes that every new things coming to them as dangerous things,
which are considered will destroy their religious teaching or way of
life. Indeed, they can see anything new of what we regard as
„modern‟ equipments or tools, but they always try to avoid
consuming them. In short, they already consider that “kamase-
masea” is their way of life.
Ammatoan considers Pasang as a body of knowledge and
reference in conducting their everyday life. Pasang ri Kajang is a set
of messages inherited from Ammatoan‟s ancestors. It is an oral
discourse which delivered from generation to generation in which
contains messages of guidance, messages of mandate, messages of
counsel, and messages of warning or reminders. It contains many
metaphorical expressions as we can find in the following Pasang:
“Manna pokok kaju aknapasa tongi” ( even the tress are breathing)
and “Dampengangi raung kaju lolo talammengoa” (make the non –
toxic young leafs become your fiancé). Here, the lexical items of
aknapasa (breathing), raung (fiancé) are usually use for human
attributes but they are used in this Pasang in order to give emphasis
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on the intention of the speaker that trees (forest) are also living things
that should be protected and preserved. Meanwhile, the word of
raung in the above Pasang means that a man as the head of a
family should always provides young leafs (vegetables) or food for
his family. Due to this obligation or responsibility, so he is requested
always to bring home the young leafs (vegetables) or food for his
family. This obligation makes a man should consider young leafs
(vegetables) as his fiancé. The meaning of fiancé in Bahasa
Indonesia is Bertunangan which means two people are engage to be
marriage. They are meant to be always together, it same with a man
in Ammatoan community, he is meant to be together with young
leafs (vegetables) for feding his family. The use of those lexical items
is what we call metaphor. The coherent of those two different
concepts above describes the essence of metaphor, as what Lakoff
and Johnson (1980:5) state that the essence of the metaphor is
“understanding and experiencing one kind of thing in terms of
another”.
Lakoff and Johnson (1980) state that a conceptual metaphor
is when we understand one conceptual domain in terms of another
conceptual domain. In conceptual metaphor, there are two semantic
domains which related to each other namely target domain and
source domain. These two domains are systematically
correspondences with a linker so – called “mapping”. Charteris –
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Black (2004:22) add that “a conceptual metaphor is a statement that
resolves the semantic tension of a set of metaphors by showing them
to be related”. The conceptual metaphor FOREST IS HUMAN is
formed from the two semantic domains, FOREST as the target
domain and HUMAN as the source domain. These two domains
are mapped base on the Pasang (1), (2), (3) which coherent with
them. From those Pasang, the words of aknapasa (breathing), akkiyo
(calling), and kontaki (sucking) have role to describe the target
domain by link the source domain to it. We try to link the source
domain HUMAN with target domain FOREST by using Aknapasa
(breathing) in which trees (forest) are also inhale air for life, akkiyo
(calling) coherent with transpiration process is essentially
evaporation of water from plant leaves, and kontaki (sucking) is
related to roots of trees as absorption of water.
Charteris – Black (2004:35) mention that the identification of
candidate keywords of metaphor should meet at least one of three
metaphorical criterias namely linguistic, pragmatic, and cognitive.
The presence of incongruity of semantic tention of Pasang (1), (2),
(3) meets the linguistic criteria since involving personification aspect.
Personification is the rhetorical figure by which something not
human is given a human identity of qualities. With personification
speakers make the objects or ideas like a person and hence, they
personify it. Aknapasa (breathing), akkiyo (calling), and kontaki
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(sucking) are the human attributes or identity which used to give a
better understand and a connection with the things which are
describes.
The conceptualization of FOREST IS HERITAGE arises
from the principle of understanding the domain of heritage term of
the domain of forest as Lakoff and Johnson (1980) mention that the
conceptual metaphor is about understanding one conceptual
domain in terms of another conceptual domain. In the other word,
the metaphors can be understood as mappings from the source
domain (HERITAGE) to a target domain (FOREST). In Pasang (4),
(5) which mention that Pusaka (inheritance) and Adaktana
(customary inheritance) describe the target domain FOREST. Here,
Pusaka (inheritance) describes forest as the heritage from the
ancestors. It should be guarded and protected from the desctructive
attemps from human. Adaktana (customary inheritance) describes
the disallowance of cutting tree in the forest. This is the customary
law of Ammatoan community. The presence of incongruity of
semantic tention of Pasang (4), (5) meets the pragmatic criteria, one
of the three criterias states by Charteris – Black (2004:35) as
mentioned above. Pusaka (inheritance) and Adaktana (customary
inheritance) as mention in Pasang (4), (5) have a purpose to reflects
speaker intentions within particular contexts of use. Pusaka
(inheritance) and Adaktana (customary inheritance) are used to
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describe the speaker (Ammatoan) intentions that the obligation to
protect and preserve forest is the message inheritance from the
ancestors, and it is a customary inheritance that should be maintains.
Pasang (6), (7) as the conceptual correspondences of the conceptual
metaphor FOREST IS SPRINGS describes that tumbusu (springs)
is a metaphor keyword that resolves the semantic tension of the
above mentioned conceptual metaphor by showing them to be
related. As the target domain, FOREST is described by tumbusu
(springs) as the storage of water or as a reservoir since Ammatoan
believes that forest (root of trees) produces springs (tumbusu). The
conceptual metaphor FOREST IS SPRINGS can be categories as
ontological metaphor, more precisely container metaphor. A
container metaphor is an ontological metaphor in which some
concept is represented as having an inside and outside, and capable
of holding something else. Forest is considered as a container since
it has a function as a reservoir or storage of water which capable to
holding water in it. As we can see on Pasang (6) mentions that “narie’
timbusu battu rikajua” (springs exists from trees), this means that
trees (forest) are the causal of the existence of springs ( tumbusu)
because they are store or holding water in the ground.
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domain and FOREST as the target domain. This conceptual
metaphor postulates base on the conceptual correspondences as
found in Pasang (8), (9), (10) which coherent with it. The metaphor
keyword of Adak (custom) describes forest as a place for rituals, and
Kasipalli (taboo/forbidden) describes forest as a very sacral place, it
forbidden to conduct activities except rituals. Ammatoan believes
that forest is the place where their ancestors landed for the first time.
Custom requires them to protect and preserve the forest. Forest is a
restrictive area. It forbids for everyone to perform any activities in
sacred forest (Borong Karama‟) except ritual activities. Any violation
in forest will be granted by a sanction according to the kind of
violation (Pasang 10).
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journey is Pasang as their guidance of life. Along this journey, they
reguested to practice good deeds in order they seize Kalumannyang
kaluppepeang (wealthy or sufficient life) and pammatangngang
karakkang (eternal life) in hereafter. Kalumannyang kaluppepeang
(wealthy or sufficient life) and pammatangngang kara’kang (eternal
life) are part of Ammatoan‟s ideology. Wealthy or sufficient life is
not belongs to their community. They prefer to life in simplicity in
this world as taught by their ancestors. This ideology of life can found
in Pasang which mentions “anre kalumanyang – kalupepeang rie
kamase – masea” (there is no wealthy life in the land of Tana Toa).
Kalumannyang kaluppepeang can only be found in hereafter.
Pasang is also tought Ammatoan that life in this world only for
temporary (inne linoa pammari – mariangji), the eternal life or
pammatangngang karakang only in hereafter.
Holyoak and Thagard (1995: 220) mention that a metaphor is
understood by finding an analogy mapping between the target
domain and the source domain. Analogy is a cognitive process of
transferring information or meaning from a particular subject
(source) to another (the target), or a linguistic expression
corresponding to such a process. Analogy can also refer to the
relation between the source and the target themselves, which is often
(though not always) a similarities.
The conceptual metaphor AMMA TOA IS A LAW is postulated
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base on the conceptual correspondent found in Pasang (13) and
(16). Pasang (13) mentions that “ikau ada’a, ikau karaeng” (you are
the rules, you are the king), Ikau refers to Amma Toa as the costum
leader of Ammatoan, while adaa refers to Adat or customary law. In
Indonesian word “adat” is translated as custom or customary law.
Pasang (16) mentions that “Amma mana’ ada’, Amma mana’
karaeng” (Amma Toa gave birth (created) adat, Amma Toa gave
birth (created) king) means that Amma Toa as the customary leader
who creates Ada’ and Karaeng is consider as Law (customary law).
All Ammatoan should obey Amma Toa as their customary leader
since they believe that Amma Toa is the representative of God ( Tu
Rie A’rana) and the one who created Adak (customary law) and
Karaeng (nobels) from the beginning. These Pasang indicate that the
lexical items of Adak and Karaeng are the analogy mapping between
one particular subject (source domain) A LAW to another (target
domain) AMMA TOA as shown in Pasang (13), (16).
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bounded by surfaces.
We use ontological metaphors when we imagine a boundary
around a colletion of things, such as the group of people in a
community or trees in a forest, and conceive them as being a
container (Langacke, 1987: 191 – 197). We can then think of
“things” like a community or forest as if they were a single entity. We
can also understand processes and activities as if they were things
with boundaries. Bounded entity can be human being, rocks, or land
areas (Lakoff and Johnson, 1980: 31). The conceptual metaphor
AMMA TOA IS A SHELTER is a container metaphor. Amma Toa
who as a protector for his people is considers as a container (shelter)
for the bounded objects namely his people (Ammatoans).
The conceptual metaphor AMMA TOA IS A SHELTER
postulates base on the conceptual correspondent found in Pasang
(18), (19), (20). Pasang mentions that “Amma toa paklalangan ta’
ngasse” (Amma toa is a place for shelter to all). The metaphor
keyword of “paklalangan” means a place for shelter. Amma toa as a
customary leader is consider as a place for shelter for Ammatoan
community. Pasang (20) mentions that “aklalang rikajua lompoa,
akkambian ri cinaguria” (take a shelter to the big tree, be hold to the
cinaguaria plant), “Aklalang” (shelter) describes Amma toa as a man
provides protection, a man appointed by God for shelter for all
ammatoan community. The metaphor keyword of “Kaju lompa” (a
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big tree) describes that Amma toa as leader considers as a big tree
where people can find a shelter or tuni pa’la’langi (a place for
protection). The word of “cinaguria” is taken from a name of plant
which is vey difficult to uproot, and it refers to Pasang. It suggests
that if someone put or hold (akkambian) Pasang as his/her guidance
of life, he/she will not go astray.
The conceptual metaphor AMMA TOA IS UNIFIER is
postulated base on the Pasang (21) as the conceptual
correspondence which coherent with it. AMMA TOA as the target
domain describes metaphorically by metaphor keywords found in
Pasang (21) namely Akbulo sipappa’ (a bar of bamboo), and Aklemo
sihatu (one lime). The use of these two symbols represent the
harmony of Amma Toa and his people (Ammatoan). Shaw (1981:
367) presents the definition of symbol, “symbols is something used
for, or regarded as, representing something else.” To be more
specific, a symbol is a word, phrase, or other expression having a
complex of associated meaning. In this sense, a symbols is viewed as
having values different from those is being symbolized.
Akbulo sipappa’ (a bar of bamboo) which means a single bar of
bamboo which sustained by its strong roots, it symbolized as the
unity and harmony between the leader (Amma toa) and his
community. Aklemo sihatu (one lime) uses to symbolize the
roundness (firmness) of unity like the round shape of a lime. A lime
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is consists of several elements such as the peel, the fill, and the taste
varies. The peel is symbolized as Amma Toa which has function or
duty to cover or protect the fill (Ammatoan). The fill itself which has
varied in taste is symbolized as the diversity of traits of Ammatoan.
The metaphor keyword of “Manyu 'siparampe” (drifting remind
each others) means to remind each other to go to the right path when
drifting by new thing. The right path refers to Amma toa.
The conceptual metaphor AMMATOWA IS
BEGINNING is postulated from the conceptual correspondent of
Pasang (22), (23) with the metaphor keywords “simemangana lino”
(the spirit/beginning of the world) and “angkamiki” (guardian). The
target domain AMMATOWA has been described by the source
domain BEGINNING with conceptual correspondent of Pasang
(22), (23). The lexical item of “simemangana lino” describes that
Amma Toa as the spirit or the beginning of the world who came
down from heaven was the first man exists in the world, and pointed
by Tau Riek Akrakna (the Almighty God) to become “angkamiki ”
(guardian) for Tana Towa (Kajang). The lexical item of “tallua”
(three) in Pasang (23) describes that Ammatowa who appointed by
Tau Riek Akrakna (the Almighty God) as the leader in Tana Towa
was ordered to created (appariek) Karaeng Tallua (the three nobles).
These three nobels assist Ammatowa to govern Tana Towa (Kajang).
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conceptual metaphor LIFE IS KAMASE - MASEA describes that
the lexical item of kamase – masea (simplicity/humble life) in Pasang
(24), (26) is the metaphor keyword that resolves the semantic
tension of the conceptual metaphor above by showing them to be
related. LIFE as the target domain is described by source domain
through the conceptual correspondences. The word of Kamase –
masea (simplicity/humble life) describes the Ammatoan‟s way of
life, and the term of “gannak” which refers to the life principle of
Ammatoan that teaches them not looking for more, only things
provided by God. They are required to be thankfull for everything
that already provided, and not to seek other things. They thankful to
God for providing them the food to eat (Angnganre na rie’), clothes
to wear (care-care na riek), money to buy fish (Pammalli juku na
riek), land for garden and/or for rice field (tana koko na galung riek),
and a simple house for live (Bola situju-tuju).
The presence of incongruity of semantic tention in Pasang
(24), (25), (26) meets the cognitive criteria (Charteris – Black, 2004:
21) since it caused by a shift in the conceptual system. The word of
Kamase – masea coherents with the conceptual system of
Ammatoan associate in their principle of life as the inheritance
ideology from their ancestors.
According to Lakoff and Johnson (2003: 35), metonymy allows us
to conceptualize one thing by means of its relation to something else.
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Like the conceptual metaphor RELIGION IS “TAREKAT”,
religion (or practicing religion) and tarekat are considered as the
same concept, since Ammatoan believes that religion (Islam) is the
same thing with their ancestral teaching so – called tarekat. By
practicing tarekat, they believe that they are practicing religion
(Islam). This perception found in Pasang (28), (29), (30), (31). The
lexical items of jekne talluka (unbroken ablution) and Pakabaji
tekaknu (fix your intention/behavior) explains that religion (Islamic
law) applies base on the comprehension of tarekat. Tarekat is the
part of Patuntung. It is a belief system of Ammatoan which believes
that Tau Riek Akrakna is the God Almighty, Ammatowa is
customary leader, Pasang is way of life, hereafter is the eternal life,
and they believe in fate. And according to the tarekat, Pakabaji
tekaknu (fix your intention/behavior) explains that religion is to do
good things. They believe that religion is a matter of doing good
things to the fellow humans, environment, and others. By having
good intention/behavior, they believe they are performing religion
(Islamic law) and jekne talluka (unbroken ablution) means that never
stop perform good deeds, and by performing good deed is
considered perfoming sholat (prayers).
The conceptualization of FAITH IS PATUNTUNG arises
from the principle of understanding the source domain
PATUNTUNG in term of the source target FAITH as Lakoff and
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Johnson (1980) mention that the conceptual metaphor is about
understanding one conceptual domain in terms of another
conceptual domain. In the other word, the metaphors can be
understood as mappings from the source domain PATUNTUNG
to a target domain FAITH. Conceptual metaphor FAITH IS
PATUNTUNG postulates base on the conceptual correspondence
of Pasang (32). This Pasang is the reality in Ammatoan community.
They believe that Patuntung is a faith system which is taken from
their ancestral teaching. Patuntung as the faith system is found in
Ammatoan‟s self – identification as Muslim (Ammatowa: 2017).
The Ammatoan who believe in Islam should embrace Patuntung in
himself/herself, vise versa if he/she puts Patuntung as his/her faith,
he/she should embraces Islam as their religion. Thus, having faith in
Patuntung means embrace Islam as the religion as decribes in above
Pasang (32).
Conceptual metaphor DEATH IS A JOURNEY is raised
from the principle of understanding the domain of Death in terms
of the domain of Journey. The act of dying corresponds to the act of
leaving (Jammeng and Lingka), the destination corresponds to an
encounter with Tau Riek Akrakna (God Almighty) in hereafter
(ahera), and the death person (matea) corresponds to a traveller.
The lexical item of Jammeng (sailing) describes a death person
(matea) is sailing (travelling/journey) to the particular place
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(hereafter), while the lexical item of Palingkaang which derived from
the root of Lingka explained that the death person is entering eternal
life in hereafter. But Pasang (34) specifically describes that only a
good death (soul) will travel to the hereafter, since the Ammatoan
believes that only good soul will be rewarded with Karakkang
(eternal life) and Kalumannyang kaluppepeang (extraordinary
wealth) in hereafter (ahera).
The conceptual metaphor THE DIVINE IS TAU RIEK
AKRAKNA is postulated from the conceptual correspondent of
Pasang (36), (37) with the metaphor keyword “Tau Riek Akrakna”
(the one who have wills) explains that he/it as the one who have wills
is a surprime being, and the final destination for everything. In this
metaphor, divine is understood in terms of Tau Riek Akrakna as
decribes in Pasang (36) “Tau Riek Akrakna ammantangngi ri
pangakrakangna” (the One who have will stays on his will). Tau Riek
Akrakna is the supreme being, he acts as he wishes and he stays or
determines (ammantangngi) his wills (pangakrakangna).
Metaphorical expression in Pasang (38) explains that soil or earth
(butta) is symbolized as mother (anrong) by Ammatoan. They
consider that the soil or earth as their mother, since they both have
similar functions or similar idea. Butta (soil/earth) provides them
plant for food, a springs (timbusu) for their need of water, and
provides them a place or land for construct their houses or shelters.
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Anrong (mother) is a person who also provides food for her
children, provides water for her children when they get thirsty,
provides a place or a house to stay. These two different concepts
interact to each other. Richards (1936:93) argues that metaphor is
“an interaction between two thought of different things active
together and supported by a single word or phrase”. The interaction
between Butta (soil/earth) and Anrong (mother) mapp in our
conceptual system, then we postulate the conceptual metaphor
EARTH IS MOTHER. Therefore, we understand the domain of
Earth in terms of the domain of Mother. The lexical item of butta
(soil/earth) which considers as anrong (mother) describes that earth
(soil) provides everything (food, water, shelter) for life as a mother
provides for her children.
According to Lakoff and Johnson (1980:19) that metaphors
are grounded or embedded in our physical experience. Kovecses
(2006:246) also argues that our understanding and conceptualization
of the world are based on our physical environment. The conceptual
metaphor FIRMNESS IS A FIXED LAW is postulated from the
conceptual correspondent of Pasang (39), (40) with the metaphor
keyword Lekba (fixed). The word of Lek\ba (fixed) is embedded in
everyday life of Ammatoans. In the eyes of Ammatoans that
everything which already fixed (Lekba) cannot be reversed (nigiling)
and changed (nipinra). According to them the customary law is a
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fixed thing, cannot be changed, and cannot be reversed. Everyone
committes a violation should be punished without any exception,
even for the relative or family of Amma Toa himself. Amma Toa is
required to be firm (Gattang) in in law enforcement.
The conceptual metaphor DESTINI IS SIMPLICITY is
raised from the conceptual correspondent of Pasang (41) with the
metaphor keyword “Kamase - mase” (simplicity). The target domain
DESTINY has been described by the source domain
SIMPLICITY. The lexical item of “Kamase - mase” describes that
Ammatoan is predestines to life in simplicity. Kamase – mase is
their life principle of Ammatoan that inherence from their ancestors.
Kamase - masea is essentially a commitment to live in modesty, self
– fulfillment, self – reliance, and sufficiency. They require to keep
their sight (ite) from anything that bring bad influences for the
community, they are not suppose to jumping around or too exciting
(lumpa-lumpa) about anything, and to keep their hearing from
something not good for their community. In the other words, they
have to control themselves from any temptation.
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CHAPTER 5
CONCLUSION
169
1. The Postulation of Pasang ri Kajang into conceptual
metaphors.
170
RELIGION IS “TAREKAT”, FAITH IS “PATUNTUNG”, THE
DIVINE IS TAU RIEK AKRAKNA, and DESTINY IS
SIMPLICITY.
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believe that forest (roots of trees) produces spring, leaves brings the
rain for them. They believe that forest is a customary inheritage from
their ancestors that has to be preserved; they also believe that forest
is a part of their custom (ada‟) because mostly their daily activities
related to forest especially to rituals.
The conceptual metaphors relate to customary leadship such
as AMMATOWA IS A LAW, AMMATOWA IS A SHELTER,
AMMATOWA IS UNIFIER, and AMMATOWA IS THE
BEGINNING reveal that Ammatoan is required to obey their
leader (Ammatowa), because they believe that Ammatowa is the
representative of God in the world. In their ideology, Pasang and
Ammatowa are considered very significant and determining in life of
Ammatoan. Ammatowa as a customary leader also consider as
shelter and the unifier. These ideologies mentioned in Pasang
“Amma toa paklalangan ta’ ngasse” (Ammatowa is a place for shelter
to all). Also, Ammatowa as a customary leader is always strives to
maintain the unity and togetherness of Kajang community both in
inner territory (Ilalang embaya) and in outer territory (ipantarang
embaya) which both still have genealogical and cultural relationship
to each other. Ammatowa is considered as the first human being in
earth by Ammatoans. Tau – manurung or the first Ammatowa was
the first in the family tree of the Tu – Kentarang in Kajang.
The conceptual metaphor of FIRMNESS IS A FIXED
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LAW reveals that the customary law is seen as a fixed law ( Lebba).
In implementing the law, Ammatowa is required to be firm (Gattang)
to any cases without any exception or dispensation even to his child
if he/she committed violation, he/she should be punished.
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He acts as He wishes. Ammatoan belives that if they obey his
commandments and avoid all his prohibitions, they will meet Tau
Riek Akrakna in hereafter.
Destiny for Ammatoan community is parallel with the
teaching of “kamase-masea” (simplicity). They believe that Tau Riek
Akrakna has predestined simplicity for them. They contrast the
“kamase-masea” with “kalumanyang” (richness/prosperity), in which they
have to avoid. They willingly maintain a life of simplicity or humble life
(kamase- masea), because it is a legacy from their ancestors.
The conceptual metaphors relate to the world and hereafter such as
EARTH IS MOTHER, LIFE IS “KAMASE – MASEA and
HEREAFTER IS SUFFICENT AND ETERNAL LIFE reveal that
in Ammatoans‟ ideology, earth (soil) is considered as their mother
(anrong), since earth or soil is a thing which gives them food and
water, it gives them space to build their houses for shelter, and when
they pass away, they bury the body in the ground, return to their
mother (earth). Ammatoan treats their soil with great care. They
never have intention to damaging their environment. Ammatoan
never use footwear when they go for walk, they always go for walk in
bearfoot, because they should not be ashamed of their mother
(soil/earth). They believe by using footwear (sandals or shoes) means
disrespect their mother (soil/earth) who gives them life. That the
reason when we enter their village (ilalalang embaya), we are
174
forbidden to use footwear (sandals or shoes) because it considers
disrespect their mother.
Kamase – masea is a life style undertaken by Ammatoan in
carrying out their life in simplicity or humble ways. This is the way
of Ammatoan applies their ancestors‟ ideology to live in simplicity
or humble way. It requires them to receive whatever already
provided by the Tau Riek Akrakna (the God Almighty) without
having desire of looking for others things to runs their lives. In
practicing kamase – masea, there is one ideology that related to it so
called “gannak” (fulfilled, enough).
The essence of human life for Ammatoan is how to live
based on what is mentioned in Pasang. Ammatoan believes that a
sufficient life or wealthy is only provided later on in hereafter by God
Almighty. They also believe that in the hereafter, everyone will be
provided with a luxury house in the heaven that does not exist in the
world (bola tepu anre’ rapanna ri lino) by Tu Rie A’rana.
The conceptual metaphors relate to death and rituals like
DEATH IS A JOURNEY, and LIFE IS RITUALS reveal that the
concept of death to Ammatoans has a very significant meaning. They
believe that life on earth is mortal life, and actions during life on
earth will be rewarded in hereafter by Tau Riek Akrakna accordance
with the quality of these acts and deed. Preparing their self well
before death becomes the faith of Ammatoan community. They
175
consider life in the world is a process of journey to enter the eternal
life in hereafter.
Ammatoan considers rituals are inseparably related to
everyday life. Rituals emerge in every aspects of life. In every circle
of life has its own ritual, as well as in every activity conduct by the
Ammatoan such as akkalomba (life safe of a child), akkattere
(haircut), pakbottingang (weddings), pametengang (funerals), naik ri
bola (moving into a new house), duppa ulang (welcoming Ramadan),
pallappasak ulang (farewell of Ramadan), shukkuruk (thanksgiving),
abbattasa jerak (cleaning graves), many others.
Despite the extensive studies on conceptual metaphors and
Pasang ri Kajang during the last decades, but this research is the first
time that Pasang ri Kajang was analyzed in the context of Conceptual
Metaphor theories. It is the first time that Pasang ri Kajang was
researched by incorporating both cognitive and critical metaphor
analysis to study the cognition, ideologies and socio - culture of
Kajang people. This book postulated several conceptual metaphors
that not been postulated before by any scholar who studied
conceptual metaphors such as EARTH IS MOTHER, FOREST IS
HUMAN, FOREST IS HERITAGE, DEVINE IS SIMPLICITY,
LIFE IS RITUALS.
176
to reveal the cognitive, ideologies, and socio – culture of Kajang
people especially who life in inner territory (ilallang embaya). But
the corpus of this book was only analyzed a small piece of the overall
of Pasang. Although the corpus was relatively small, but the results
provided a good view into how to comprehend the cognition,
ideologies, and socio –culture of Kajang people that contain in any
Pasang that analyzed in this research.
The writer realized that this book contains a limitation, thus
he would like to recommend a suggestion for the future writer or
scholars who intent to study Pasang ri Kajang with focus in
conceptual metaphor study: whoever intends to study linguistic
aspect of Pasang ri Kajang, it is suggested to consider the conceptual
metaphor analysis with extended corpus then the previous study,
because this area of study is still relatively small.
177
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189
APPENDIX 1.
PASANG RI KAJANG
NO PASANG
1 Corpus (1): Manna pokok kaju aknapasa tokji.
190
NO PASANG
3. Corpus (3): Injo boronga ia kontaki bosiya nasaba kunnimae
191
NO PASANG
6 Corpus (6): Nariek kaloro battu ri boronga, nariek timbusu
battu rikajua
LT : There / river/ come/ from/ forest/, there/
springs/come/ from/ trees.
IT. : The existence of river was due to the existence of
the forest, and the existence of springs is due to the existence
of trees because the forest and trees bring water to the
river and supply water for the spring.
7 Corpus (7): Punna nitakbang kajua ri boronga
nunipappiurangiang ri Tau Riek Akrakna angngurangi bosi
patanre timbusu. Nibicara Pasang ri turioloa.
LT : If / you /cut down /wood /in/forest,/wish (pray) / to/
God / not reduce /rain,/ eliminate / spring / said the costumary
law/ since long time ago.
IT. : The ancestors state in customary law (Pasang) that if
we cut down the trees in the forest, then we should pray to the
God Almighty not to reduce the rainfall and get rid of water in
springs.
192
NO PASANG
8 Corpus (8): injo nattahang ri boronga nasabak Pasang. Riettoi
tanayya rettoi adaa.
LT : That / preserve / in / forest / because / customary
law./ there „s/ a soil /,There‟s / a custom.
IT : Forest is sustainable because it is quarded by
customary law (Pasang). If we destroy the land that means we
destroy
the custom.
9 Corpus (9): Nikasipalliangi ammanrak – manraki borong.
LT : Forbidden / destroy / forest.
IT. : It is forbidden or taboo to destroy the forest.
10 Corpus (10): injo atoranna adaa punna riek palanggarang nihaju
ri boronga takbage tallui iamintu pokok babala, tangnga
babbala, cappa babbalak.
LT : that / the rules of /custom / if / there‟s / violation / in
/ forest / divided / into / three / namely / main / whip /
medium / whip
/light / whip.
IT. : According to the the rule of custom, if someone
violates the law regarding forest management, he/she will be
punished base on whether his/her violation such as serious
violation,
193
NO PASANG
medium violation, or light violation.
194
NO PASANG
13 Corpus (13): Ikau adaka, ikau karaenga. Lambusu bukrungko,
paklalanganga angkuayaa.
LT : You /are / custom, /you / are /king./ Straight /
firmness,
/Ammatowa / said.
IT. : You are the Ammatowa, you are the ruler and the
king, therefore you are required to be honest to your people,
and maintain firmness, as you have been ordered by God
Almighty.
14 Corpus (14): Sallukriajowa ammulu ri adahang, anraik – raik
pamarentata anraik tokki kalak – kalauka pamarentata kalauk
tokki.
LT : Follow /the tool/ to cultivate/ the soil,/ /government/ go to/
west /we / go to/ west /too, /east /government / go /we /go to /
east / too.
IT. : Obey the leader by carrying out his orders and do not
violate his prohibition.
195
NO PASANG
15 Corpus (15): Amma ammana adak, Amma ammanak karaeng
LT : Ammatowa / gives birth / custom, /Ammatowa/ gives
birth
/nobles.
IT : Ammatowa is the one who created custom (Adat),
and he appointed the nobles as well.
16 Corpus (16): Ikau Karaenga siurang adaka, pakahajii jari –
jarinu nasabak punna salai jari – jarinu iyareka riek pauawanna
anjari pamarenta, ammanraki tau takbala, tanna kajariangi erang
pole.
LT : You /are / king, / be friends /custom,/ take care
/your fingers,/ if /wrong /your fingers /or /your words, /then /
they / become /official /damaging /people, /not /become
/anything/ too.
IT : You are the king who acts and speaks on behalf of
custom, be careful with your commands and your words since
when you deliver a command, it become an official statement
of the government. And if you treat your people improperly,
they will yield nothing but disaster.
196
NO PASANG
17 Corpus (17): Ammatowa paklaklanganta ngasek.
LT : Ammatowa / shelter/ for / all of us
IT : Ammatowa is a place where we can find shelter
for all of us.
18 Corpus (18): Kunni – kunnina, Aklaklangngasek mako ri
Akrakna.
responsible for sheltering you all, and you all come under
my responsibility.
19 Corpus (19): Aklalang rikaju lompoa, akkambiang
ricinaguria.
LT : take in/into /the big tree,/ and /to hold /on /the
cinaguaria
197
NO PASANG
20 Corpus (20): Akbulo sipappak, aklemo sibatu, tallang sipahua,
manyuk siparampe, lingu sipakainga, sipalatautang sipakasirik.
LT : A bunch of /bamboo, /one /lime, /drowning /help
/each other,/ drifting / help / each other,/ lost / remind /each
other,/ telling /each other /embarrass / each other.
IT : We must be strong in unity like a bunch of bamboo
which sticks in the ground strongly. We have to unite in
diversity under the proctection of Ammatowa, and when bad
things occur, we should reunite in the spirit, and when we
lulled by new circumstances which go against custom we should
remind one another, not embarrass one to another.
198
22 Corpus (22): Riek sakra battu ri Tau Riek Akrakna: ikau
tokmintu Ammatowa, na ikau tokmintu appakriek anutallu, na
ikau tokmintu angkamuai tanatowa.
LT : There‟s / a voice / from /the creator:/ you / are
/Ammatowa,/ and /you /are /also /creator /the three /, and /you
/also/know/ tanatowa.
IT : There is one voice came from the God Almighty
mentioned that you are the leader, you are the one who should
create the three nobles who will assist you to govern the land,
and you are also the one who should guard the old land
(Kajang).
23 Corpus (23): Anrek kalumanyanyang kalupepeang riek
kamase – masea.
LT : None / rich / extraordinary, / only / simplicity.
199
NO PASANG
24 Corpus (24): Angnganre nariek, care-care nariek, pammalli
juku nariek, tana koko galung nariek, Bola situju-tuju
LT : Food / Available,/ clothing,/ available/ money to
buy / fish,/ available / land /, farm, /rice / available/ a simple
house .
house to live
200
NO PASANG
25 Corpus (25): Amentengko nukamase – mase, acidongko
nukamase
– mase.
carried out in everyday life, even when you stand, sit, and
talk. It teaches
201
NO PASANG
27 Corpus (27). Tau Riek Akrakna ammantangi ri
pangaraknna, Anrek niissei riek na anrekna Tau Akrana,
nakipalakdoang.
LT : God /lives /in /his wish,/ not /known /exist /or
/not/, God /we
/ask (pray) /only.
IT : Almighty God does everything as He wishes, no
one knows his existence. Human being only pray in him
to ask everything but all depend on God, whether he
fulfills our
wishes or not.
28 Corpus (28). Sitte makinjo punna nigaukangi
passuroanna, naliliang pappisangkanna.
LT : We/ consider /meet/ him/ if/ we /do/his
order/and /avoid/ his prohibition.
202
NO PASANG
29 Corpus (29). Jeknek takluka, sambayang tamatappuk.
so hard to do
203
NO PASANG
31 Corpus (31): Guru sarak tangattappak ri patuntunga
kaguruanna, guru patuntung tangattappa ri guru saraka
kapatuntunganna.
LT : Religion /teacher/does not believe/ patuntung
/his knowledge is useless/ patuntung /teacher/ does not
believe in/ religion/ his patuntung is useless.
IT : Islamic teachings and mandatory ancestral
teachings (patuntung) are two in one concept. Therefore,
Islamic teacher who does not believe in patuntung, his
knowledge is invalid, and patuntung teacher who does not
believe in
Islamic knowledge, his patuntung knowledge is invalid.
32
Corpus (32): Hajik tojeki matea paklingkaanga rianja
204
NO PASANG
33
Corpus (33): Tala jammengi matea aklikanaja ri anja iyaji
jammeng nungtaklea ri jampea.
LT : None/the soul / of death/ journey /to
hereafter/only/the soul/not found /in /grave
travel to
pammantangngang Karakrakkang.
to live forever.
205
NO PASANG
35 Corpus (35):Tau Riek Akrakna ammantangi ri
pangakrakangna
wills as he wishes.
36 Corpus (36): Anrek nissei riekna anrekna Tau Riek
Akrakna, nakippalak doang padatokji pole, nitarimana
paknganrota’, iya tojekna.
LT : Do not /know/ the existance /or not existance
of/God /we evoke/ only,/ just the same/ accepted or not/
your invocation.
IT : Noone knows for sure about the presence or
the absence of
efforts.
37 Corpus (37): Rapanginjo nikuaya anrong nikuaya butta
206
NO PASANG
38 Corpus (38): Lekbak nutalekbak pau – pau: Anrek
nakkulle nipinra punna anu lekbak, anrek nakulle
nigiling, nipinra.
LT : Done/ undone/ the talk/ can not /be changed /if
awarded/ punishment
207
NO PASANG
40 Corpus (40): Dodongi kamase-masea, hujuki rikalenna;
/simplicity.
208
Image 1:
Conducting Interview with Informant at Dusun
Benteng.
Image 1:
In front of Inner territory’s gate with informant
209
Image 2:
210
Image 3:
Image 4
211
Image 5:
212
Image 6:
213
Image 7:
Image 8:
214
Image 9:
Image 10:
215
Image 11:
216
List of Acronyms and Abbreviations
217