Biographies of Eminent Monks

Volume I
Draft – Do not cite or print!
Imre Galambos

Written by the Liang 梁 dynasty śramaṇa Shi Huijiao 釋慧皎 of the Jiaxiang temple 嘉祥寺 in
Kuaiji 會稽

Sūtra translators I

1. Kāśyapa Mātaṅga1
Kāśyapa Mātaṅga 攝摩騰 was originally a native of Central India. He had an elegant and
graceful appearance, understood the sūtras of both the Great and Small Vehicles, and travelled
around teaching as his main task. Formerly he had journeyed to a small state which was a
dependency of India and preached the Sūtra of Golden Light there. Just at this time an enemy
state invaded and Mātaṅga proclaimed: “The sūtra says, ‘he who can explicate the dharma
contained in this sūtra is protected by the gods of the land who ensure that he lives in peace and
happiness.’2 Now that swords and arrows have begun to be used, is it going to be of any help?”
With this he vowed to disregard his own safety and go in person to advocate peace. Later on, the
two states restored friendly relations, and as a result Mātaṅga gained prominence.

During the Yongping 永平 reign (AD 58–75) of the Han dynasty, Emperor Ming 明 (r. 57–75)
dreamt at night that a golden man flew over to him from across the sky. Thus he assembled all
his ministers to divine the dream. The learned Fu Yi 傅毅 offerred the following answer: “I have
heard that in the Western Regions there is a deity called the Buddha, and Your Majesty must
have dreamt about him.” The emperor thought that this was indeed the case and he despatched
gentleman-of-the-interior (langzhong) Cai Yin 蔡愔, erudite disciple (boshi dizi) Qin Jing 秦景
and others to India in search of the Buddhist dharma. Over there, Cai Yin and the others met
Mātaṅga and invited him to come back with them to the land of the Han.3 Mātaṅga resolved to
spread [the dharma] throughout the realm and, taking no notice of hardship and fatigue, crossed
the Shifting Sands and reached the city of Luoyang 雒陽. Emperor Ming welcomed him with
admiration and generosity, and established a pure abode for his sake outside the Western Gates.
This was the first time a śramaṇa came to the land the Han. But at this first instance of the spread
of the Great Dharma, there were no believers yet. Thus Mātaṅga possessed a profound
understanding [of the dharma] but had no one to hand it down to. A little later he died in
Luoyang.

1
The Chinese edition has section titles but the Taisho does not seem to. ???
2
These words do not seem to be a direct quote from the Sūtra of Golden Light, at least not from the canonical
Chinese version. But do they match any other version?
3
In later years Han became a common designation for China and its people but at this time it might specifically refer
to the Han dynasty.
A record says:4 “Mātaṅga translated the Sishi’er zhang jing 四十二章經 in one scroll. Initially, it
was kept in the fourteenth chamber of the Orchid Terrace (Lantai 蘭臺) cave. Today, there is the
White Horse (Baima 白馬) temple outside the Yong Gates 雍門 on the western side of the city
wall of Luoyang, and this is where Mātaṅga lived.”5 There is a legend which retells the story
how once a king of a foreign state began destroying all the monasteries and the Zhaoti monastery
招提寺 was the only one not yet destroyed. During the night a white horse circled around the
monastery’s stūpa, neighing sorrowfully. This made the king come to a realization and he at once
stopped the destruction of monasteries. On this account, they changed the name of the monastery
from Zhaoti to White Horse. This is the reason why when choosing a name for a monastery, they
often name it such.

2. Dharmaratna (Dobharana6)
Dharmaratna (Zhu falan 竺法蘭) was also a native of Central India. He claimed that he could
recite tens of thousands of sections from the sūtras and śāstras, and that he was the teacher of
Indian scholars. When Cai Yin had arrived in his country, Dharmaratna and Kāśyapa Mātaṅga
agreed that they would travel together to convert people. Thus they were to come one after the
other. This was the time when Dharmaratna’s students were becoming an impediment for him so
he took the the opportunity to leave.7 Arriving at Luoyang, he stayed together with Mātaṅga.
Soon he was able to to speak good Chinese and translated five sūtras from among those brought
back from the Western Regions by [Cai] Yin, namely, the Shidi duanjie 十地斷結, Fo bensheng
佛本生, Fahai zang 法海藏, Fo benxing 佛本行, and Sishi’er zhang 四十二章. When the
capital was moved and there were rebellions and disorder, four of these texts were lost and their
transmission ended. Today only the Sishi’er zhang jing survives in the Jiangzuo 江左 region,
amounting to two thousand some characters. Among the sūtras preserved in the land of the Han,
this is the only one from those initially translated. Cai Yin had also obtained a wonderful painted
image of Śākyamuni from the Western Regions, which was the fourth masterpiece of the
sandalwood sculptor master of King Udayana.8 When the image arrived in Luoyang, Emperor
Ming ordered his painters to paint copies of it, one of which he placed in the Cool and
Refreshing Terrace (Qingliang tai 清涼臺) and the other, above the Xianjieling 顯節陵
mausoleum. The original image is no longer extant today.

Also, in the past when Emperor Wu 武 (r. 141–87 BC) had the Kunming Lake 昆明池 dug out,
at the bottom they found black ash. They asked Dongfang Shuo 東方朔 about this but he said he
had no knowledge of this and they should ask someone from the Western Regions.9 Later on,
when Dharmaratna arrived, there were many people asking him about this, and he said: “These
ashes are what remains when the world comes to an end and the conflagration burns it down
4
This record was probably an inscription on a stele, or something of similar nature. ???
5
Cf. Luoyang jielan ji, juan 4. What does it say?
6
The Iwanami dictionary gives Dharmaratna and Lancaster's Catalogue Dharmarakṣa for this name. Ermakov also
translates the name as Dharmaratna, although adding a question mark at the first instance to indicate uncertainty. So
which one is correct?
7
This is translated differently by Ermakov. What about the French version?
8
This is a bit chaotic. Was it King Udayana who was the master and he made it, or did he have a master who made
it for him? Cf. also Faxian, which talks about this.
9
Dongfang Shuo xxxxxx.
completely.”10 Dongfang Shuo’s words were thus verified and there were a great many people
who believed this. Dharmaratna later died in Luoyang at the age of sixty some years.

3. An Qing 安清 (An Shigao 安世高)

An Qing 安清 had the cognomen Shigao 世高. He was the crown prince of the king of Parthia
安息, born from the main queen. In his youth, he was acclaimed for his filial conduct towards his
parents. In addition, he was intelligent in purpose and conduct, focussed and fond of studying.11
He was equally knowledgeable about foreign scriptures, the special arts 異術 of the Seven
Luminaries, the five elements and medical prescriptions, and even the sounds of birds and beasts.
Once he had seen a flock of swallows and told his companions: “The swallows say that someone
is about to bring them food.” And behold, in a little while someone arrived there [with food].
Everyone around him was astonished and therefore news of his exceptional talent spread early
throughout the Western Regions. Even though Shigao lived at home, he strictly observed the
precepts. When the king passed away, he succeded him on the throne. Thereupon he deeply
contemplated the futility of suffering and the escape from the physical world. Having finished
morning his father, he ceded the country to his uncle and he himself became a monk to cultivate
the Way. He became exceedingly knowledgeable in the collection of scriptures, and was
especially learned with regards to the study of Abhidharma. He could recite the Chanjing 禪經
[Dhyāna sutra] and fully understood its mysteries.12 Later on, he went travelling to spread the
teaching. He has traversed many countries and in the beginning of the reign of Emperor Huan 桓
(r. 147–167) of the Han for the first time he arrived in China.

He was quick-witted and could comprehend anything after just one hearing. Not too long after
his arrival, he had completely mastered Chinese language and thus expounded the translation
宣譯 of several scriptures, translating those from hu language to Chinese (Han 漢).13 He
completed the Anban shouyi 安般守意, the Yinchiru 陰持入, the Great and Small Shi’er men
大小十二門, and the Bailiushi pin 百六十品 scriptures. Initially, the foreign Tripiṭaka Master
Zhonghu 眾護 (Sangharaksha?) had compiled a synopsis of various sutras in twenty-seven
chapters, and Shigao dissected seven chapters from Zhonghu’s collection and translated those

10
This story appears in a number of sources, some of which are earlier than the Gaosengzhuan. Ermakov’s
translation seems to be amiss here. Dong is simply an adverb which means “completely, thoroughly”.
11
We see a very similar way of describing the youth of two other monks in the Gaoseng zhuan. The first one is
Zhufachong 竺法崇, of whom we learn that “in his youth he entered the Way (bcame a monk?) and was acclaimed
for his simplicity; when he grew older, he was also intelligent and was fond of studying.” The other Sengsheng
僧盛, whose biography says that “in his youth he had an expression full of intelligence; when he grew older, he set
his mind on learning and optimistic(?)/diligent(?) 翹勤.” This shows that Huijiao in some cases made use of
formulaic structures that may not have come from external sources. (Elaborate; other examples.)
12
The original text says “more or less understood its mysteries” 略盡其妙 but a Ming edition has 備 (“fully”) in
place of 略 (“roughly, more or less”). Based on the context, I am following Ming reading in my translation.
13
Here the word used for “foreign” is hu, which is usually understood as “barbarian”, yet it clearly has no negative
connotation in this place. Also, the word hu technically is used in later times for Iranian languages and peoples but it
can also be used more broadly, which is probably how it is to be understood in this context. Yuan and Ming editions
of the text use the word fan 梵, which may be a later correction of the apparent anomaly of translating from Iranian
languages. But it may also be the case that An Shigao was actually using sources in some Iranian language and it
was only later that the Chinese thought that all scriptures should have been translated from Indic sources.
into Chinese. This was the Daodi jing 道地經. During his time of activity, Shigao translated a
total of thirty-nine sutras and shastras. Their meaning is clear and the writing style is
straightforward, eloquent without being extravagant, factual without being crude, it completely
absorbs the reader and makes one read on untiringly. Shigao exhaustively investigated the
underlying principles and inborn nature, he realized of himself that karma often had wondrous
manifestations that could not be fathomed by anyone.14

At the onset, Shigao claimed that in a previous life he had already been a monk and at that time
he had had a fellow student who was prone to get angry. Whenever almsgivers did not give him
alms, he would immediately become full of hatred. Even though Shigao repeatedly talked to him
about this, admonishing him, he never changed his ways. This went on for more than twenty
years, until he decided to say goodbye to his fellow student, saying: “I am about to go to
Guangzhou 廣州 to settle my karma from past lives. In understanding the scriptures and
vigorous striving you are just as good as me, yet your have a fiery temperament. Once you pass
through this life, you are bound to receive a hideous bodily form. If I obtain the Way, I will
definitely lead you to salvation too.” With this, he went to Guangzhou and on the way there
encountered a great havoc caused by bandits. On the road, he met a young lad who nonchalantly
pulled out his blade and said, “Now I really got you!” Shigao laughed, saying, “I owe you a debt
from a former life, which is why I travelled from afar to repay it to you. Your rage is also the
result of a former life.” With this, he placed his neck under the blade without showing the
slightest sign of fear. And so the bandit killed him. There were quite a few witnesses and
everyone was astonished at the extraordinary nature of this incident.

Following this Shigao, through divine knowledge (design?), returned to the world as the crown
prince of the king of Parthia, that is, the Shigao of our current age. He travelled to China to
spread the teaching. Just at the time when he finished his project of translating scriptures 宣經,
the Guanluo 關雒 rebellion broke out at the end of the time of Emperor Ling 靈. Shigao took his
staff and walked to the area south of the Yangzi River, saying, “I will pass through Mount Lu
廬山 and will save my former fellow student.

Along the journey, he arrived at the shrine of Lake Gongting. For quite some time, the shrine had
had a spirit. When merchants and travellers prayed to it, it apportioned the winds for the two
parts of the journey so that there was no delay in either direction. Once someone asked the spirit
for bamboo but took it before being permitted to do so, and so his boat turned over and sank, and
the bamboo returned to its original place. From this time on, men travelling on boat were all in
awe of the spirit and feared even its shadow. Shigao travelled in a boat along with more than
thirty people. They gave offerings and asked for good fortune, to which the spirt gave a
pronouncement: “On the boat there is a śramaṇa, call him up here.” The travellers were all
stupefied and asked Shigao to enter the shrine. The spirit told Shigao, “In the past I used to live
in a foreign country and together with my son became a monk to study the Way. I was fond of
giving alms but had a fiery temperament. And now I became the spirit of the Gongting Shrine
and rule over an area of a thousand li in circumference. Because I used to give offerings I now
have plenty of riches; because I was full of anger, I am reborn as this spirit. Seeing you, my

14
窮理盡性 is from the Yijing, Legge translates it as “they (thus) made an exhaustive discrimination of what was
right, and effected the complete development of (every) nature.”
fellow student, I am truly sad and happy at the same time. My life will be over shortly but my
body is ugly and enormous. If I die here, I will pollute the river and the lake, and this is why I
will move to the marshes on the western side of the mountain. When this body dies, I am afraid I
will fall into hell. I have a thousand bolts of silk and lots of treasures, which could be used for
manifesting the dharma 立法 and building a stupa so that I may be reborn in a good place.”
Shigao said, “I expressly came here to save you, why wouldn’t you show yourself?” The spirit
said, “My body is very ugly, it always frightens people.” Shigao said, “Just come out, nobody
will find you monstrous.” The spirit stuck its head out from behind the couch and it turned out to
be a large serpent with an extremely long tail. As it reached beside Shigao’s knee, Shigao turned
to it and recited several hymns in fan language. The serpent wept tears of sorrow and in a short
while went back to hide again.

Shigao then took the bolts of silk, bid farewell and left. When his fellow travellers raised the
sails, the serpent showed itself again, crawled up the mountain and looked at them from up there.
The people raised their hands [to point at it] but at that moment it disappeared. In a short while
they reached Yuzhang 豫章 where Shigao built the Eastern Monastery 東寺 using the things
taken from the shrine. After Shigao left, the spirit expired. In the evening a young man came
aboard and knelt for a long time in front of Shigao and, having received his blessings, suddenly
disappeared. Shigao told the people on the boat, “The young man just now was the spirit of the
Gongting Shrine who obtained release from his hideous bodily form.” With this the spirit of the
shrine came to an end and there were no more miracles. Later on, in the marshes on the western
side of the mountain people found a large dead serpent, several li long from head to tail. This is
today the location of Snake Village 蛇村 in Xunyang commandery 潯陽郡.

Subsequently, Shigao returned to Guangzhou and sought out the young lad who had murdered
him in his previous life. The young lad was still alive. Shigao went to his home and spoke of the
matter of returning a debt from the past, and recounted the story of their karmic connection. He
happily told the young man, “There is still something I need to repay, and I am going to Kuaiji to
settle this.” The man from Guangzhou realized that Shigao was an extraordinary person. He
suddenly understood what had happened and regretted his former wrongdoings. He made a
generous donation and then went along with Shigao on his journey eastward until they reached
Kuaiji. Upon their arrival, they immediately went to the market. Just at this time, a tumult broke
out in the market. The fighters accidentally hit Shigao in the head and he died at once. Thus the
man from Guangzhou successively witnessed both repayments. Thereupon he devoted himself to
the dharma of the Buddha and fully comprehended the preordained causes of affairs. Far and
near, those who heard about what happened were all struck by grief and understood that there
were explicit signs and portents throughout the There Periods (i.e. past, present and future).

Since Shigao was from a royal family, people call those travellers who are coming from the
Western Regions “Prince An” (Parthian Prince). This is how they are still called today. The
people of India call their own script the “heavenly script” and the language “heavenly language.”
It has an intricate pronunciation and meaning, and differs greatly from Chinese. Other translators
before and after Shigao introduced lots of mistakes and wrote in a superfluous manner. Shigao’s
translations, however, are superior to those of all other translators. Venerable Daoan believes that
meeting him face to face would have been the same as meeting a sage. For generations, the wise
and virtuous men all praised and admired him.
I have searched the catalogues and the records on Venerable Shigao are full of discrepancies.
Either we need to discard the variations as temporary appearances 權迹, or due to the
misunderstandings of the bibliographers we end up with contradictions. I will record the varying
accounts so that they may be evaluated.

Now the Catalogue of Sutras 經錄 of Shi Daoan says: “During the twenty some year period from
the second year of the Jianhe 建和 reign (148) of Emperor Huan 桓 of the Han until the Jianning
建寧 reign (168–172) of Emperor Ling, An Shigao translated more than thirty sutras.” But then a
separate biography says: “At the end of the Taikang 康末 (280–289) reign of the [Western] Jin
晉 dynasty, the practitioner Parthian Prince came to Sangyuan 桑垣 and was engaged in the
translation of sutras.15 In the end, he conferred a casket with them upon the monastery and said
that they may open it only four years later. At the end of the Wu 吳 period he arrived in
Yangzhou where he asked someone to sell a chest full of objects in order to buy a slave called
Fushan 福善, saying: ‘This is my spiritual friend (kalyāṇa-mitra).’ In addition, he went with the
slave to Yuzhang and saved the spirit of the Gongting Shrine and erected a temple for him. In the
end, Fushan stabbed the Parthian Prince in the side of his chest with a sword, who died as a
result of this. At this point the people of Sangyuan opened the casket he conferred on them and
the grain of the wood by itself formed some characters, which read: ‘The person who will
observe my teaching is the lay person Chen Hui 陳慧; the person who will transmit the Chanjing
禪經 [Dhyāna sutra ] is the bhikṣu [Kang] Senghui [康]僧會.’16 This day it was exacly four
years later.”

Moreover, the Jingzhou ji 荊州記 [Records of Jingzhou] of Yu Zhongyong 庾仲雍 says: “At the
beginning of the Jin dynasty, the śramaṇa An Shigao saved the spirit of the Gongting Shrine and
used the precious objects he obtained to build the White Horse Monastery 白馬寺 at the south-
eastern corner of the Jingzhou city wall.”

The Xuanyan ji 宣驗記 [Records of proclaimed miracles] of Prince Kang 康王 of Linchuan 臨川

of the [Liu] Song dynasty says: “The large serpent died at the end of the Wu period.”17

The Tansi ji 塔寺記 [Records of stupas and monasteries] of Tanzong 曇宗 says: “At the Waguan
Monastery 瓦官寺 in Danyang 丹陽 was erected by the śramaṇa Huili 慧力 during the reign of
Emperor Ai 哀 (r. 362–365) of the Jin dynasty. Later on, the śramaṇa An Shigao restored it using
the treasures left from the Gongting Shrine.”

But Master Daoan proofread the text of the sutras and annotated the transmitted translations, thus
there should not be any mistakes. From the second year of the Jianhe reign of Emperor Yuan of
the Han until the end of the Taikang reign of the Jin dynasty is more than a hundred and forty

15
Yoshida and Funayama cannot offer a suggestion whether this is a small town or a name of a monastery.
Yermakov claims that it is a city in modern Henan province.
16
This prophecy is very similar to the one we read in the Lunheng where whatshisname opens the casket by
Confucius, which makes a similar prophesy. Check! Yermakov’s translation is wrong here.
17
Yermakov notes that this was Prince Lü Yijing (403–444), a known author of several works.
years. A person like Venerable Shigao may have been able to live for so long but the facts do not
concur with this. Why is that?

The preface of Anban shouyi jing 安般守意經 annotated by Kang Senghui 康僧會 says: “This
sutra was translated by Shigao but remained unknown for a long time. I had a chance to meet
with Han Lin 韓林 from Nanyang 南陽, Wen Ye 文業 from Yingchuan 穎川 and Chen Hui
from Kuaiji, all three of whom were true and ardent believers of the Way. I asked the three of
them to confer this sutra on me. Chen Hui added commentaries and I helped in the process of
deliberation.” Senghui died soon after this in the first year of the Taikang reign (280) and this
sutra, as mentioned above, remained unknown for a long time after its translation. Besides, the
note in the casket conferred by Shigao said: “The person who will observe my teaching is the lay
person Chen Hui; the person who will transmit the Chanjing is the bhikṣu Senghui.” Now in its
explanations, the Anban [shouyi jing] lays added emphasis on elucidating tbe actions(?) of
dhyāna 禪業. This is how we know that the note on the casket was surely not a fabrication. The
fact that it said that those two people were to transmit his teaching, why would that mean that
they were contemporaries? Moreover, in the separate biography Shigao said himself that “the
person who will transmit the Chanjing [Dhyana sutra ] is the bhikṣu Senghui,” yet Senghui had
already died at the beginning of the Taikang reign. How could we accept that at the end of the
Taikang reign the practitioner Parthian Prince was still alive? The beginning [of the account]
contradicts its end. It seems reasonable to assume that there was one work that mistakenly cited
the beginning of the Jin period, and when later authors referred to the Taikang reign or the end of
the Wu period, they simply followed suit and jumped into hasty conclusions, without
investigating the matter themselves. As it is nevertheless difficult to accept the reference to the
beginning of the Jin dynasty, and yet Tanzong’s account claims that Shigao restored the
monastery during the reign of Emperor Ai of the Jin, he must be mistaken and this is an
unsubstantiated claim.

4. Lokakṣema
Lokakṣema (Zhiloujichen 支樓迦讖), also abbreviated as Zhichen 支讖, was originally from the
kingdom of Yuezhi 月支 (i.e. Kushan). His was honourable in conduct and his personality was
liberal and understanding. He was acclaimed for meticulously upholding the dharma precepts.
He was able to recite by heart many sutras and devoted himself to spreading the dharma. In the
time of Emperor Ling of the Han dynasty (r. 168–189) he travelled to Luoyang and during the
Guanghe 光和 (178–184) and Zhongping 中平 (185–189) reigns translated texts from fan
versions. Thus he translated the Bore daoxing 般若道行, the Banzhou 般舟 and Shoulengyan
首楞嚴 sutras, as well as the Adu shi wang 阿闍世王 and Baoji 寶積 sutras, in total amounting
to more than ten scriptures. These have been done a long time ago and thus are not recorded. The
Venerable Daoan examined and corrected these old and new texts, paying close attention to their
writing style, and he said that they seem to have been translated by Lokakṣema. As a general
principle, these sutras truly capture the original sense without any embellishment. It can be said
that he was very good at propagating the dharma and disseminating the teachings. Nothing is
known of his death.
At that time there was an Indian śramaṇa called Zhu Foshuo 竺佛朔 who likewise brought with
him a copy of the [Bore] Daoxing jing during the time of Emperor Ling. He came to Luoyang
and started making translations from fan into Chinese. As a translator, he sometimes runs into
difficulties and may be at a loss, and in such cases he chooses substance over wording and
adeptly grasps the meaning of the sutra. In the second year of the Guanghe 光和 reign (179) Zhu
Foshuo translated in Luoyang the Banzhou sanmei 般舟三昧. Lokakṣema did the oral
translation, whereas Meng Fu 孟福 from Luoyang, Henan 河南 and Zhang Lian 張蓮 received it
in writing.18

At the time there was an upāsaka called An Xuan 安玄, originally from the kingdom of Parthia.
By nature he was fair-minded and honest, serene and intellectual. He was able to recite a large
number of sutras by heart and with many of them he reached a high level of proficiency. At the
end of the reign of Emperor Ling of the Han, as an itinerant merchant he also visited Luoyang
where due to his merits they called him Commander of Cavalry. Tranquil and deferential by
nature, he considered Buddhist services 法事 as his main task. He gradually learned Chinese and
devoted himself to propagating the scriptures. He often debated the Way with other śramaṇas,
which is why the people named him Commander of Cavalry. An Xuan translated the Fajing jing
法鏡經 [Dharma mirror sutra] together with the śramaṇa Yan Fodiao 嚴佛調. An Xuan
translated the fan text orally and Yan Fodiao received it in writing. The translations grasp the
essence of the original, faithfully reproduce the sounds and fully express the subtle nuances of
meaning. Their exceptional mastery is described in later sources.

Yan Fodiao was a native of Linhuai 臨淮. Already at a tender age he had great talent, was
intelligent and fond of learning. At the time these three translators, that is, the Parthian Prince
(i.e. An Shigao), the Commander of Cavalry (i.e. An Xuan) and Yan Fodiao, were called “hard
to follow.” In addition, Yan Fodiao also composed the Shihui 十慧 [Ten wisdoms], a work that
was transmitted to later times. The Venerable Daoan describes the sutras translated by Yan
Fodiao as concise and to the point, ingenious in every respect.

Furthermore, there were also the śramaṇas, such as Zhi Yao 支曜, Kang Ju 康巨 and Kang
Mengxiang 康孟詳, who during the reign of Emperors Ling (r. 168–189) and Xian 獻 (r. 190–
219) were famed for combining wisdom and knowledge. They rode to the capital Luoyang where
Zhi Yao translated the Chengju dingyi 成具定意 [Integral mental fixation], the Xiaobenqi
小本起 [Small origin] and other texts,19 whereas Kang Ju translated the Wen diyu shi jing
問地獄事經 [Sutra on questions about matters of hells]. They both used straightforward and
lucid wording without any ornamentation. Kang Mengxiang translated the Zhong benqi 中本起
[Middle origin] and Xiuxing benqi 修行本起 [Origin of cultivation] from fan manuscripts that
had been obtained by śramaṇa Tanguo 曇果 in the kingdom of Kapilavastu. Kang Mengxiang
was translating into Chinese together with Zhu Dali 竺大力. The Venerable Daoan said that the
translations of Kang Mengxiang are smooth and effortless, and possess considerable charm.
18
The term bishou 筆受 (lit. “receive with the brush”) is essentually what is known in western tradition as an
amanuensis.
19
The complete titles of these two sutras are Chengju guangming dingyi jing 成具光明定意經 [Sutra on the mental
fixation on integral illumination] and the Xiao benqi jing 小本起經 [Small sutra on the origins] – not in Taisho?
5. Dharmakāla
Dharmakāla (Tankejialuo 曇柯迦羅) means Time of the Dharma. He was originally from India,
his family had great wealth and always cultivated pure practices (brahma-cārin). In his youth
Dharmakāla was gifted and surpassed his peers in intelligence and appearance. When studying,
he could thoroughly understand the meaning of the text just after one reading, he excelled at
studying the Four Vedas and was also completely familiar with every kind of divination,
including those based on the wind and clouds, the stars and constellations, and diagrams and
portents. He used to boast that all the knowledge under the sky was in his possession. When he
reached the age of twenty-four, he visited a monastery and came across a copy of the Fasheng
pitan 法勝毘曇 [Abhidharma of Dharmaśrī], which he nonchalantly read through but could not
understand at all.20 Earnestly, he examined it once again more assiduously, becoming even more
baffled, sighing, “I have been accumulating knowledge for many years, light-heartedly read the
classics and could comprehend ancient writings without much effort, never having to reflect on
the meaning of the text or having to read it again. This time I glanced at a Buddhist work and it is
unexpectedly beyond my comprehension. I must throw in the hook of my intellect deeper, as this
text has a particularly sophisticated essence.”21 Therefore, he took with him the scroll and
entered one of the homes and asked a bhikṣu to give him some succint explanation.

Subsequently, he reached a profound understanding of the causes and effects and fully
recognized their function in the Three Periods. For the first time he realized that secular writings
were incapable of reaching the breadth of the teaching of Buddha. As a result, he gave up the
glory of the world and became a monk to devote himself to practicing the Way, recited the sutras
of the Great and Small Vehicles and of the various parts of the Vinaya. He always considered
travelling around and spreading the teaching valuable and was not content with practice alone.22

During the Jiaping 嘉平 reign (249–254) of the Wei 魏 dynasty, Dharmakāla came to Luoyang.
Even though at that time the dharma of the Buddha was present in the Wei domain, the practice
of the Way was erroneous and subverted. There were also monks who had not accepted the
precepts but differentiated themselves from layity simply by shaving their head. Even if they
performed the rituals of fasting and confession, they modelled these on the sacrifices at ancestral
temples. When Dharmakāla arrived there, he actively promoted the dharma of the Buddha. At
the time the monks together asked Dharmakāla to translate the Precepts and the Vinaya. Because
the Vinaya had convoluted rules presented in a writing style that was complex and lengthy,
Dharmakāla felt that it would not be of much use in a place where the Buddha’s teaching were

20
The full title is Fasheng Abitan xin lun 法勝阿毘曇心論 [*Abhidharmasāra or *Abhidharmahṛdaya]. Other
reconstructions of the name Fasheng [Victory of the Dharma] include *Dharmaśreṣṭhin and *Dharmôttara.
21
The lizhi gou shen 理致鉤深 translated here as “throw in the hook of my intellect deeper” goes back to the Xici
繫辭 commentary to the Book of Changes, which uses the fishing metaphor gou shen zhiyuan 鉤深致遠 (“to throw
the hook in deeper to reach farther”). In Han and later texts, this became a relatively common expression meaning
that one has to try harder to achieve something.
22
Yermakov interprets the this last clause as “he was not satisfied with personal salvation”, whereas Yoshida and
Funayama that “he was unwilling to stay in one place. The key term is zhuanshou 專守 the two parts of which mean
“to focus; solely” and “maintaining, preserving”. My own translation is based on understanding it as focussing
exclusively on practice (e.g. meditation) as opposed to doing more social activities such as spreading the teaching.
not prosperous yet. Thereupon he translated the Sengqi jiexin 僧祇戒心 [Essence of saṃgha
precepts], which only contained information pertaining the morning and evening services. In
addition, he invited Indian monks and established the karman dharma 羯磨法 ordination. This
was the beginning of the Precepts and Vinaya in China. Nothing is known of Dharmakāla’s
death.

At that time there was another foreign śramaṇa called Saṃghavarman (Kang Sengkai 康僧鎧)
who also came to Luoyang at the end of the Jiaping reign. He translated four sutras, including the
Yujia zhangzhe 郁伽長者 [The elder Ugra].

There was also the śramaṇa Tandi 曇帝 from the kingdom of Parthia. He was also an expert on
the Vinaya and arrived in Luoyang during the Zhengyuan 正元 reign (254–256) of the Wei
dynasty. He translated the Tanwude jiemo 曇無德羯磨 [Dharmagupta karma].

There was also the śramaṇa Bo Yan 帛延 of unknown origin, he was also highly talented and
possessed profound knowledge. He translated during the Ganlu 甘露 reign (256–260) of the Wei
dynasty a total of six sutras, including the Wuliang qingjing pingdeng jue jing
無量清淨平等覺經 [Sutra of immesurable life]. Nothing is known of his death.

6. Kang Senghui
Kang Senghui’s 康僧會 ancestors were from Sogdiana 康居 but his family had lived in India for
generations. His father moved to Jiaozhi 交趾 (in modern Vietnam) to do trade. When Senghui
was only a little more than ten years old, both of his parents died. As an utterly filial child, he
completed the mourning period and then became a monk. He was extremely strict in his practice
and by nature was sophisticated and possessed great knowledge. He was passionately fond of
learning, understood the Tripiṭaka and was thoroughly versed in the Six Confucian Classics.23 He
was also familiar with the content of astronomy and prophetic charts (tuwei 圖緯). He
understood the fundamentals of governance and was especially good at composing written
works.

At the time the region left of the Yangzi was already under Sun Quan’s 孫權 (r. 299–252)
control but the Buddha’s teaching was not practiced there yet. Earlier, there had been the
upāsaka Zhiqian 支謙, whose cognomen was Gongming 恭明, and who was also known under
the name of Yue 越. He was originally from among the Yuezhi but came to the Han domain.
Formerly, during the time of Emperors Huan (r. 147–167) and Ling (r. 168–189) many of the
sutras had been translated by Lokakṣema. Zhiliang 支亮, whose cognomen was Jiming 紀明,
learned from Lokakṣema. Zhiliang, in turn, handed down his teachings to Zhiqian, who was
widely read in the classics and perfected himelf in all possible subjects. His learning also
encompassed many of the techniques and arts of the secular world. He had widely studied rare
manuscripts and was fluent in the languages of six countries. In terms of his physical appearance,

23
This part is very close in wording to what is said about Dharmarakṣa below. 篤至好學。明解三藏。博覽六經。
vs. 篤志好學。萬里尋師。是以博覽六經.
he was tall, dark and lean, the whites of his eyes were large and his pupils were yellow. At the
time people had a doggerel about him:

Young man Zhiqian is a fellow

with eyes that are yellow
his build may be slender and lean
but he is a bag of wisdom no one has ever seen

During the turmoil at the end of the reign of Emperor Xian (190–219) of the Han, Zhiqian fled to
Wu 吳. When Sun Quan heard about his talent and wisdom, he summoned him for an audience
and, having been pleased with him, granted him the title of Erudite (boshi 博士) and entrusted
him with tutoring the crown prince. Along with Wei Yao 韋曜 (204–273) and others, Ziqian
rendered extensive service to the state but since he was born in a foreign country, the Wuzhi 吳志
[Record of Wu] does not mention him.24 Zhiqian thought that even though the Great Teaching
were already cultivated, the sutras were mainly in fan manuscripts and not all of them had been
translated. Having a prodigious talent for foreign languages, he collected a multitude of
manuscripts and translated those into Chinese. From the first year of the Huangwu 黃武 reign
(222) of the Wu dynasty until the Jianxing 建興 reign (252–253), he translated forty-nine sutras,
including the Weimo 維摩 [Vimalakīrti], Da banniyuan 大般泥洹 [Mahāparinirvāṇa], Faju 法句
[Dharmapada] and Ruiying benqi 瑞應本起 [Origin of auspicious responses]. He was able to
fully grasp the sacred meaning of the texts and to present it in a language that was refined both in
style and purpose. He relied on the Wuliang shou [Immesurable life] and the Zhong benqi
[Middle origin] scriptures, he composed three hymns called Pusa lianju 菩薩連句 [Linked
verses on the Bodhisattva].25 In addition, he also added commentaries to sutras, including the
Liao ben shengsi jing 了本生死經 [Sutra on fathoming the origin of birth and death]. All of
these works were handed down to our day.

At that time the Wu domain had only been touched by Great Teaching but had not been fully
transformed. Kang Senghui wanted to bring about the prosperity of the Way left of the Yangzi
and to erect stupas and monasteries there. Therefore he travelled eastward with his staff in hand.
In the tenth year of the Chiwu 赤烏 reign (247) of the Wu dynasty he first arrived in Jianye 建鄴
(today’s Nanjing 南京) and built a straw hut where he erected a statue of the Buddha and made
processions round it. This was the first time when the people in Wu saw a śramaṇa. They only
perceived his outer appearance but did not understand his teachings. Suspecting that he was a
fraud, a supervisor submitted a memorial to the throne, saying: “A hu barbarian entered our
domain and claims to be a śramaṇa. Both his face and his clothing are out of the ordinary, this
whole matter should be investigated.” Sun Quan said: “In the past, emperor Ming of the Han
dynasty dreamt of a spirit who was called the Buddha. Could the one this barbarian serves be
linked to this ancient tradition?” He therefore summoned Senghui and questioned him: “What
miraculous powers do you possess?” Senghui answered: “The Tathāgata left us more than a
24
The Wuzhi is the section dealing with the state of Wu in Chen Shou’s 陳壽 (233–297) famous work Sanguozhi
三國志 [Record of the Three Kingdoms]. It is partly based on the Wei Yao’s Wushu 吳書 [The book of Wu].
25
In the original edition the text uses the word puti 菩提 [bodhi; enlightenment] instead of pusa 菩薩 [Bodhisattva]
but Song, Yuan and Ming editions, as well as occurrences of this passage in other texts attest that this is an error and
the correct reading is that of pusa.
thousand years ago but his śarīra relics emit divine radiance in unlimited quantities. In the past
king Aśoka erected eighty-four thousand stupas, and the reason the stupas and monasteries could
flourish is because they contained the remains [of the Buddha] 遺化.” Sun Quan thought that this
was an exaggeration and so he told Senghui: “If you can obtain a śarīra, I will build a stupa
around it. But if you are lying, you will be punished according to the standards of our state.”
Senghui asked for a period of seven days. Thereupon he turned to his followers and said: “The
rise or fall of the dharma depends on this one enterprise. If we do not actualize our perfect
sincerety in this moment, how would we be able to do this later?” Thus they all together purified
themselves and observed silence inside the room. They put a bronze pot on a low table and
burned insence in it and performed the ritual of asking. When the period of seven days ended,
everything remained quiet and there was no response. Senghui asked for a second period of
seven days but, once again, nothing happened. Sun Quan said: “This is trickery!” and was about
to punish him. But Senghui asked for a third period of seven days and Sun Quan once more
exceptionally granted this to him. Senghui told his followers in the dharma: “Confucius had a
saying that ‘once king Wen 文 died, is culture (wen 文) not here anymore?’ The miracles of
dharma would descend but we are lacking in spiritual resonance. Why should we do this for the
sake of the king? We must pledge our lives for this period!” In the evening at the end of the third
seven-day period still nothing could be seen and everyone was terrified. It was already the fifth
watch of the night when suddenly they heard a clinking noise inside the pot. Senghui went over
himself to look inside and behold, he found a śarīra there.

The next morning he showed it to Sun Quan, and the entire court gathered around to look at it. A
five-colour radiance glowed above the pot, and Sun Quan held the pot himself and poured its
content out onto a bronze platter. When the śarīra hit the platter, it immediately shattered the
platter into pieces. Sun Quan was filled with deep veneration and said: “This is an exceptionally
auspicious sign!” Senghui stepped forward and said: “How could the divine power of śarīra
manifest itself merely through an emanation of light? It cannot be burnt by the fire of kalpa
conflagration, cannot be shattered by the diamond pestle.” Sun Quan ordered to test this. Senghui
then made a vow: “The cloud of dharma will reach all those people who look upwards for its
blessing. So let there be another divine sign to demonstrate the supernatural power!” Thereupon
he placed the śarīra on the iron anvil and made a strong man strike it. As a result, both the anvil
and the hammer were damaged but the śarīra remained unharmed. Sun Quan gasped in
admiration and consequently had a stupa built for the śarīra. Because this was the first
monastery, they named it Jianchu [Establishing the beginning] monastery 建初寺. They also
named that place Fotuoli 佛陀里 [Buddha village]. Following this incident, the Great Teaching
flourished in the region to the left of the Yangzi.

When Sun Hao 孫皓 (r. 264–280) came to power, his laws were severe and cruel. He abolished
licentious worshipping practices26 and was he likewise was about to demolish Buddhist
monasteries. He asked: “How come these were erected? If this teaching is orthodox and
conforms with the sagely classics, it should be continued to be revered.27 But if it has have no
true substance, the monasteries should be all burned down. His ministers all said: “The power of
the Buddha is different from that of other deities. Kang Senghui evoked an auspicious sign and

26
This is in reference to popular religious practices not sponsored by the state.
27
The “classics of the sages” refers to the Confucian classics.
the Great Emperor 大皇 (i.e. Sun Quan) built the monasteries.28 If Your Majesty were to rashly
destroy them, we are afraid that You Majesty would regret this in the future.” Sun Hao sent
Zhang Yu 張昱 to visit the monastery and interview Senghui. Zhang Yu was a sophosticated
man with a talent for debate, and he presented difficult questions from all possible angles.
Senghui always responded in a manner appropriate for the given situation, giving free rein to his
words but always adapting to the questions. From early morning till late night Zhang Yu was not
able to defeat him. When he was returning, Senghui saw him off to the gates. At this time there
were some licentious worshippers near the monastery and Zhang Yu said: “I have been
convinced by your mystical conversions 玄化既孚 but how come these people are so close to
you and yet they do not change?” Senghui replied: “The thunder splinters mountains yet the deaf
cannot hear it, but this is not because the sound is frail. If the abiding principle is unhindered,
then there will be a response from the distance of ten thousand li. But if there are are obstructions
then even people as close to us as the liver to the gall bladder will be as isolated from us as the
states of Chu 楚 and Yue 越.29

When Zhang Yu returned, he sighed with admiration as said: “Senghui’s intelligence and
wisdom is not something this humble subject can grasp. I wish Your Majesty would examine
him personally.” Sun Hao assembled together the learned men of the court and sent a carriage
with horses to welcome Senghui. When Senghui was seated, Sun Hao asked: “The teaching of
the Buddha make it clear that there is retribution for both good and evil. Which one of these is
right? Senghui replied: “Now when enlightened rulers educated the world using filial piety and
parental love, the Red Bird flew across the sky and the Old Man star was seen.30 If the ruler
nurtured the myriad things with benevolence and virtue, then sweet spring water gushed forth
and fine sprouts germinated. As good things have their omens, bad things have theirs. Therefore,
if one does evil in secret, he is detected and punished by the spirits, if one does evil openly, he is
detected and punished by men. The Book of Changes says that ‘accumulating goodness will lead
to a surplus of future happiness’ 積善餘慶,31 whereas the Book of Odes talks about ‘Seeking for
happiness by no crooked ways’ 求福不回.32 Even though these are maxims from the Confucian
Classics, they provide just as much luminous guidance for the Buddha’s teaching.” Sun Hao
said: “If this is the case then the Duke of Zhou and Confucius have already already explained
everything, what use is there for the teaching of the Buddha?” Senghui replied: “The Duke of
Zhou and Confucius gave brief revelations concerning immediate consequences, whereas the
teaching of the Buddha exhaustively cover even the most remote and subtle things. Thus for
those who do evil, there is hell with long-lasting suffering; for those who do good, there is the
celestial palace with eternal bliss. These are proffered in order to elucidate what should and what

28
Great Emperor was the temple name of Sun Quan.
29
The metaphor about the liver and gall bladder vs. the states of Chu and Yue is an idiom which originally comes
from the Zhuangzi, where it is spoken by Confucius.
30
In Confucian writings both of these sightings are omens signalling the presence of a sagely ruler in the world. See
xxxxxxx.
31
Technically speaking, this four-character idiom is not a direct quote from the Book of Changes, where the same
idea is expressed in a more elaborate way as “the home that accumulates goodness will inevitable have a surplus of
future happiness” 積善之家，必有餘慶. The abbreviated form cited here became relatively well-known and
appears already in the writings of Cai Yong 蔡邕 (133–192) from the second century AD; see xxxxxx.
32
This is a quote from the last line of the poem “The foot of the Han” 旱麓 (Mao 239), in James Legge’s
translation; see xxxxx.
should not be done. Isn’t this magnificent!” At this moment Sun Hao could not put forth any
counter-arguments.

Even though Sun Hao has heard the true dharma, he was by nature ignorant and cruel, and could
not overcome his viciousness. Later on, he made the soldiers of the Imperial Bodyguard enter the
Imperial Harem to restore the park. The soldiers found in the ground a golden statue several feet
tall, and presented it to Sun Hao.33 Sun Hao told them to toss it in an unclean place and urinated
on it, while his ministers all laughed at it because they found it amusing. Suddenly his whole
body swelled up and his private parts were particularly painful so that his screams reached
heaven. The grand astrologer divined: “This is caused by offending a great spirit.” He then
offered sacrifices at many shrines and temples but did not get any better. Thereupon one of the
concubines who was already been devoted to the dharma asked him: “Has Your Majesty gone to
a Buddhist temple to pray for blessings?” Sun Hao raised his head and asked: “Is the Buddha
such a great spirit?” The concubine replied: “The Buddha is indeed a great spirit.” At this point
Sun Hao’s mind awoke and he told her everything that had happened. The concubine
immediately broght the statue back and placed it on a pedestal. She washed it dozens of times,
then burned incense and performed a confession in front of it. Sun Hao kowtowed on a pillow,
professing his offense, and in a short while his pain dissipated. He sent a messenger to the
monastery to make inquires of the monks and to invite Senghui to preach the dharma.

Senghui came back to the palace along with the messenger. Sun Hao enquired in detail about the
causes of good and bad karma, and Senghui methodically analysed these in a succinct manner.
Originally a gifted and intelligent person, Sun Hao was pleased and content. Thereupon he asked
to be shown the śramaṇa precepts. Senghui thought that texts of the precepts were restricted and
could not be disclosed frivolously, therefore he selected the three hundred and fifteen vows taken
by the Buddha in his former lives, dividing those into two hundred and fifty items. Walking and
standing, sitting and lying, all these were vowed to be done for the benefit of all sentient beings.
Seeing the universal extent of compassionate vows, he was increasingly filled with good
intentions and approached Senghui to receive the five precepts. Ten days later he was completely
cured from his illness. Thereupon he added further adornments to the place where Senghui was
staying and announced that everyone from the royal clan must pay reverence.

Senghui again and again preached the true dharma at the Wu court. Thinking that, on account of
his brutal and boorish nature, Sun Hao would not be able to comprehend the marvellous concepts
[of the teaching], he only related to him the ordinary matters of retribution in order to awaken his
mind.

At the Jianchu monastery Senghui translated a number of sutras, such as the Anan jianmi
阿難念彌, Jingmian wang 鏡面王 [Mirror’s surface king], Chawei wang 察微王 and Fanhuang
梵皇 scriptures. In addition, he also translated the Xiaopin 小品 [Short version of the
Mahāprajñāpāramitā], Liudu ji 六度集 [Collection of six perfections] and Za piyu 雜譬喻
[Miscellaneous parables]. In all cases he brilliantly grasped the substance of the scripture and put
it into an eloquent and accurate language. Furthermore, he also handed down the pronunciation

33
The expression jinren 金像, translated here as “golden statue” could also mean “metal statue” which is equally a
possibility, especially considering that it was several feet tall. Another possibility is that this was a guilded statue.
of the hymns of the Nirvāṇa 泥洹 [sutra?]. They were fresh and magnificent, clear and resonant,
serving as models for an entire generation. He also annotated the Anban shouyi 安般守意,
Fajing 法鏡 and Daoshu 道樹 sutras and wrote prefaces for them. His words were sophisticated
and graceful, his meaning subtle and succinct. All have all been preserved to our day.

In the fourth month of the fourth year of the Tianji 天紀 (280) reign of the Wu dynasty, Sun Hao
surrendered to the Jin 晉. In the ninth month Senghui unexpectedly fell ill and died. This
happened in the first year of the Taikang reign of the Jin dynasty. During the Xianhe 咸和 reign
(326–334) of emperor Cheng 成 (r. 326–342) of the Jin, Su Jun 蘇峻 (d. 328) rebelled. He
burned down the stupa built by Senghui. Later it was rebuilt anew by Minister of Works He
Chong 何充 (292–346). General of Quelling the West (pingxi jiangjun 平西將軍) Zhao You
趙誘 (d. 317), whose family had not believed in the dharma, was arrogant and haughty with
respect to the Three Treasures 三寶. He entered the monastery and said to the monks: “I have
heard in the past that this stupa from time to time radiates light but I cannot believe such absurd
nonsense without experiencing it myself. If I were to see it for myself, I would not contest it.” As
soon as he finished saying this, the stupa emitted a five-coloured radiance, illuminating the entire
hall and monastery. Zhao You’s was filled with deep veneration to extent that his hair stood on
end. From this moment on, he was filled with faith and reverence. He erected a small stupa east
of the monastery. From a long-term perspective, this was due to the divine inspiration of the
Great Sage (i.e. the Buddha), whereas on a more immediate level, to the power of Kang Senghui.
Therefore someone painted an image of him, which survives to this day and to which Sun Chuo
孫綽 (314–371) wrote the following eulogy:

Venerable Senghui, lonely and quiet;

But in truth, he was a superior man.
His mind was free of the fetters of affection
And his heart was utterly untroubled.

He belonged to this world of darkness,

And awakened the rejected and abhored ones,
Gone alone to a distant land
He was outstanding, towering above others!

There are records claiming that Sun Hao’s striking the śarīra in order to test it happened not in
the time of Sun Quan.34 But as I have mentioned, when Sun Hao was about to destroy the
monasteries, his ministers responded saying that “Kang Senghui evoked an auspicious sign and
the Great Emperor (i.e. Sun Quan) built the monasteries.” From this we can see that the initial
miracle of the śarīra indisputably occurred during the time of Sun Quan. This is why several
authors of biographical records all concur that it was Sun Quan who experienced the miracle of
the śarīra in the Wu palace. Subsequently, its divine efficacy was tested again, and this may
have been done by Sun Hao.

34
Here Huijiao attempts to clear up a chronological mismatch in Kang Senghui’s biography. Check!!!
7. Vighna
Vighna (Weiqinan 維祇難) was a native of India, his family believed in another faith which
regarded fire worship as the orthodox way. In those days there was an Indian śramaṇa who
followed the Small Vehicle and was especially involved in practing the tantric(?) arts. At one
time, when he had travelled a long way and the night was nearning, he wanted to stop for the
night at Vighna’s home. Since Vighna’s family believed in another faith, they were distrustful
towards a son of the Buddha (śākya-putra) and thus they put him up outside the door in the open
air. During the night the śramaṇa secretly cast a spell and made fire their family worshipped
suddenly go out. As a result, the whole family came out and begged the śramaṇa to come inside
the house and give offerings. The śramaṇa once again used a spell to ignite the fire. Having seen
that supernatural powers of the śramaṇa are superior to his own, Vighna was greatly filled with
faith and joy towards the dharma of the Buddha, he gave up his original faith and became a
monk and stepped on the Way. He followed this śramaṇa as his preceptor (upâdhyāya). He
received instructions in the Tripiṭaka and became exceptionall knowledgeable in the four
Āgamas. He travelled through many countries teaching, and there was no one [he preached to]
who would not become a believer.

In the third year of the Huangwu 黃武 reign (224) of the Wu dynasty, Vighna, along with his
companion Zhu Lüyan 竺律炎, came to Wuchang 武昌. They brought with them a fan
manuscript of the Tanbo jing 曇鉢經 (Dharmapada), which is also known as the Faju jing
法句經. At the time the Wu scholars asked them to translate the scripture but since Vighna was
not yet proficient in Chinese, he did the translation together with his companion Zhu Lüyan. But
Zhu Lüyan was not yet proficient in Chinese either so their final work is quite immature. They
made an effort to preserve the meaning of the original but their style was trivial and basic.

At the end of the reign of emperor Hui 惠 (r. 290–306) of the Jin, there was the śramaṇa Fali
法立 who made a new five-juan translation, which was put down on paper by the śramaṇa Faju
法巨. Their words are somewhat more sophisticated. Fali also translated four or so smaller
scriptures35 until his work was interrupted by the turmoil at the end of the Yongjia 永嘉 reign
(307–317). Most of these works did not survive.

Here Chinese language is referred to as 國語. But this probably only means the language of the
country.

8. Dharmarakṣa
Dharmarakṣa (Zhu Tanmoluocha 竺曇摩羅剎) means Protected by the Dharma 法護. He was of
Yuezhi ancestry and his original surname was Zhi 支. His family lived in Dunhuang
commandery. When he was seven years of age, he became a monk and followed the foreign

35
There seems to be something wrong here with the text. The measure word for texts is shou whereas everywhere
else it is bu.
śramaṇa Zhu Gaozuo 竺高座 as his master. He recited sutras ten thousand words a day, he was
able to remember them just by reading through them. By nature, he was pure and admirable, and
he trained with dedication and strictness. He was passionately fond of learning, and would not
mind travelling for ten thousand li in search of a teacher.36 As a result, he widely read the Six
Classics and was completely at home with the Seven Registers 七籍.37 He was never concerned
with the praise and blame in worldly affairs.

This was the during the time of emperor Wu 武 (r. 265–289) of the Jin. Even though the
monasteries and temples, paintings and statues of the Buddha were revered in the capital,38 the
profound vaipulya (i.e. Mahāyāna) scriptures remained beyond the Pamirs. Dharmarakṣa was
deeply dissatisfied and made a resolution to devote himself to spreading the Great Way. Thus he
followed his master to the Western Regions and travelled through the various countries there. He
learned thirty-six foreign languages, including their scripts. He thouroughly mastered the
techniques of philology (xungu 詁訓) and was equally proficient at interpreting the sounds and
meanings of words, as well as their written forms. Subsequently he brought back fan scriptures
in large quantities and took those to China. During the entire journey from Dunhuang to
Chang’an he was translating scriptures and was having them written down in the language of the
Jin (i.e. Chinese). The scriptures he obtained amounted to one hundred and sixty-five items,
including the Xianjie 賢劫, Zhengfahua 正法華 and Guangzan 光讚 sutras. He worked
diligently on his mission and devoted himself exclusively to spreading the dharma far and wide.
He continued translating scriptures all his life, never complaining about being exhausted. The
fact that the dharma and the scriptures spread throughout China is the result of Dharmarakṣa’s
efforts.

At the end of the reign of emperor Wu of the Jin, Dharmarakṣa lived in seclusion in a remote
mountain. The mountain had a clean stream and this is where Dharmarakṣa always washed
himself and rinsed his mouth. Once there were some people collecting firewood and they
polluted the water side, as a result of which the water soon dried up. Dharmarakṣa paced up and
down, sighing: “People are disgraceful! This is why the flow of the clean spring stopped. If it
ceased permanently, I will simply not be able support myself and will have to move away!” As
soon as he finished saying this, water gushed forth from the spring and filled up the stream. Such
was the efficacious power of his profound sincerety! Therefore, Zhidun 支遁 wrote the following
eulogy for a portrait of Dharmarakṣa:

Venerable Dharmarakṣa, pure and quiet,

Whose virtue of the Way was profound and flawless,
Softly lamenting over the desiccated valley
He made the dry spring gush forth water;

36
This seems like a quote from some Confucian work. Check!!
37
Yermakov proposes that the Seven Registers refer to the bibliographic treatise Qilüe 七略 [Seven Outlines] that in
its structure contained a classification of the Chinese written tradition. It was initially compiled by Liu Xin (d. AD
23) but later was expanded by Ruan Xiaoxue (479–536) who added Daoist and Buddhist works as the sixth and
seventh categories. (But then why was it called Qilüe in the Han?) Funayama offers no explanation. What does
Boucher say?
38
The capital at this time was at Luoyang, until it was moved in 312 to Chang’an (modern Xi’an) and then once
again in 317 to Jiankang (modern Nanjing).
Gone away is, alas, Venerable Dharmarakṣa,
From birth a magnificent and fine person,
He washed his feet in the Shifting Sands,39
And could extract the mysterious principles.

Afterwards Dharmarakṣa established a monastery outside the Qingmen 青門 gate of Chang’an.40

He diligently practiced the Way and, as a result, his virtuous influence spread far and wide and
his name became known in all directions. He had thousands of followers and was revered by all
of them. When emperor Hui of the Jin fled westward, the Guanzhong 關中 region was in total
chaos and commoners were fleeing in masses. Dharmarakṣa and his disciples also had to find
shelter so he travelled eastwards to Mianchi 澠池, where he unexpectedly fell in and died.41 He
was seventy-seven years old.

In later years Sun Chuo composed the Daoxian lun 道賢論 [Treatise on the worthies of the
Way], in which he likens seven Indian monks to the seven worthies of the bamboo grove. He
pairs Dharmarakṣa with Shan Juyuan 山巨源 (i.e. Shan Tao 山濤, 205–283) and says:
“Venerable Dharmarakṣa’s virtue was such that he was esteemed by all. Shan Juyuan had such
an elevated position that he could freely discuss the Way. The virtuous lives of these two
venerable men were both exceptional, making them a good match for each other. This is how
admired Dharmarakṣa was by later generations!

At about the same time there was a lay disciple by the name of Nie Chengyuan 聶承遠. He was a
bright and talented individual who had determined to devote himself to the dharma. He often
helped to proofread the scriptures Venerable Dharmarakṣa was translating. The initial translation
of the Chao riming jing 超日明經 was quite lengthy and repetitious, and Nie Chengyuan cut
down and edited the text, which resulted in the two-juan version we have today. Other cases
when he was involved in the final editing of texts were also like this.

Nie Chengyuan had a son called Daozhen 道真 who also excelled in Brahmanic studies (fanxue
梵學).42 These two gentlemen, father and son, were equally sophisticated and graceful in their
composition, without being confined by archaism.

There was also people such as Zhu Fashou 竺法首, Chen Shilun 陳士倫, Sun Bohu 孫伯虎 and
Yu Shiya 虞世雅, all of whom continued the legacy of Dharmarakṣa as scribes and proofreaders.
The Venerable Daoan said: “Among the translations of Dharmarakṣa, if they are really the result

39
The washing one’s feet is a reference to the Mengzi where Confucius overhears a boy talking about washing the
strings of his cap in the river when it is clear and washing his feet when muddy. Why is it referenced here?
40
The Qingmen gate was on the south-eastern side of the city, called “black gate” because of its colour.
41
Mianchi was located between Chang’an and Luoyang, about 100–150 km west of Luoyang. Today it is a county
under the jurisdiction of the city of Sanmenxia 三門峽, Henan province.
42
The term fanxue 梵學 can literally means the study of Indian or Brahmanic languages or subjects but can also
mean the study of Buddhist writings or Buddhism in particular. In the Song and Gong(?) editions of this biography,
instead of fan we have the word hu 胡 (“barbarian”) which usually refers to Western ethnicities, especially those of
Iranian descent.
of his own work, their main ideas are certainly correct. As a general principle, even though his
translations do not stand out in terms of their eloquence and gracefulness, they are nevertheless
learned and high-spirited. He is particularly skilfull in describing the concept of no rebirth
(wusheng 無生), which he did relying on insights and without adding embellishments, being
simple and staying close to the original.” He is always praised in such terms. Dharmarakṣa’s
family lived in Dunhuang 燉煌 but he taught and spread the teaching far and wide.43 At the time
the people all called him the Bodhisattva of Dunhuang.

9. Boyuan 帛遠
Boyuan’s cognomen was Fazu 法祖 [Dharma patriarch]. His original surname was Wan 萬 and
he was a native of Henei 河內. His father Weida 威達 was famed for his sophistication as a
Confucian scholar. He has declined offers for a post on a prefectural and municipal level and did
not take any of these. While still young, Fazu resolved to follow the Way and told his father that
he would become a monk. His words and reasons were so sincere and thoughtful that his father
could not make him change his mind. Thus Fazu changed his attire and went to follow the Way.
Fazu was extremely gifted and had a penetrating mind, his intelligence was unparalleled. When
chanting sutras, he could do this at the rate of eight-nine thousand words a day. He specialized in
the vaipulya (i.e. Mahāyāna) scriptures and skilfully gained access to the most obscure nuances.
He was also well versed in most of the ancient esoteric texts of the secular tradition. Thereupon
he built a vihāra in Chang’an so that he could preach and practice as his primary vocation. There
were nearly a thousand laymen and clergy who venerated him.

Towards the end of the reign of emperor Hui (290–306) of the Jin dynasty, the Guanzhong 關中
region was under the control of Grand Steward Sima Yong 司馬顒 (d. 306), Prince of Hejian
河間王. He was humble and respectful [towards Fazu] and treated him with the respect due to a
teacher and a friend. Every time he had some spare morning or a quiet evening, they would talk
about the Way and the virtue. This was the time when the Western Court (xifu 西府) was first
established, and subsequently it began to thrive. All the scholars with rhetorical talent admired
the breadth of Fazu’s knowledge and wisdom.

Seeing that the war between powerful fighters was just had just begun, Fazu wished to quietly
withdraw to the Longyou 隴右 region to protect his integrity. Just at this time Zhang Fu 張輔
became the prefect of Qinzhou 秦州 and he was stationed at Longshang 隴上. Thus Fazu
travelled along with him. Fazu was remarkably well-known for his virtue and the people were
drawn to him, and for this reason Zhang Fu wanted to make him disrobe and become his
assisstant in his new office. Fazu held his resolve firmly and could not be persuaded, as a result
of which Zhang Fu became offended. Before this, there was a man from that prefecture by the
name of Guan Fan 管蕃 who had held debates with Fazu and had been repeatedly defeated. He
felt deeply humiliated and took every opportunity to slander Fazu’s name. When Fazu reached
Qianxian 汧縣, he suddenly said to his followers and disciples: “In a few days my match (i.e.
counterpart) will arrive.” Then he bid farewell, wrote a letter and distributed his scriptures,

43
I am reading the phrase huadao zhouji 化道周給, which is hard to interpret, according to the variant that occurs in
the xxxx edition, i.e. huadao zhouqia 化導周洽
images and possessions. The following morning he paid a visit to Zhang Fu to have a talk with
him. Suddenly, he insulted Zhang Fu who had him seized in order to execute him. Everyone was
bewildered but Fazu said: “I came here to settle my karma. This is a bond which is the result of
my previous lives, it is not a matter of the present.” Then he called out to the buddhas of the ten
directions: “I am happy that I can settle the karma incurred as a result of my crimes in previous
lives. I wish that in the future Zhang Fu and I will be spiritual friends (kalyāṇa-mitra) and that he
would incur the crime of killing someone!” After this he was whipped with fifty lashes and
rapidly expired. Later on Zhang Fu learned the details of what had happend and at that point
became greatly regretted the matter.

News of Fazu’s propagating the teaching had spread all over the Guanzhong and Longyou
regions. In the lands to the right of Mount Xiao 崤山 and the Hangu Pass 函谷關 he was revered
as if he was a deity. Barbarians and Chinese were equally grief-stricken, they walked around
with tears running down their faces. The Qianghu 羌胡 tribes of the Longshang region led five
thousand select riders with the aim to meet him and bring him back to the west. They heard the
news of his tragedy on the road and their sorrow knew no limit. They all felt indignant and
wanted to avenge Fazu. Zhang Fu sent troops to the Longshang region44 and the Qianghu light
cavalry opposed them in battle. At this point Fu Zheng 富整, former Camp Supervisor
(zhangxiadu 涱[帳]下督) of Tianshui 天水 became enraged and executed Zhang Fu. Since the
barbarian tribes felt that their anger hatred and humiliation had been avenged, declared their
approval and returned. Fazu’s remains were divided and a sutra was erected above each piece.

Zhang Fu had the cognomen Shiwei 世偉 [Held great by the world]. He was a native of Nanyang
南陽 and a descendant of Zhang Heng 張衡 (78–139). Even though he was talented and bright,
he was also irrationally cruel. When he unjustly killed Feng Shang 封尚 (d. 305), Governor of
Tianshui, the commoners became distrustful and apprehensive. Zhang Fu was was executed
because of the [ensuing] rebellion. Guan Fan was also killed, his trouble-making conduct leading
to his own demise.

Shortly after this there was a man with the surname Li 李 and the given name Tong 通, who had
died but then came back to live again. He said: “I saw Master Fazu at King Yama’s place where
he was preaching the Shou lengyan jing首楞嚴經 (Śūraṃgama-sūtra) to the king. He said that
once he finishes his preaching, he must go to the Heaven of the Thirty-three Gods. I also saw the
libationer Wang Fu 王浮, also known as the Daoist master Ji Gongci 基公次.45 He was shackled
and begged Fazu for a confession.”

In the past, in their ordinary lives, Fazu and Wang Fu used to debate about evil and good. Wang
Fu time after time lost and became filled with uncontrollable anger. Then he composed the Laozi
huahu jing 老子化胡經 [Laozi converting the barbarians] in order to vilify the teaching of the

44
The text originally has the two syllables of the toponym Longshang reversed as Shanglong but it is clear that the
same place is meant as above. In addition, there is supporting evidence from other versions of the same text for
reading the place name as Longshang (e.g. xxxxxxxxxxx).
45
It is possible that the correct form of the name Ji Gongci is Ji Gong, and the last syllable should not be taken as
part of the name. xxxxxxxxxxxxxx.
Buddha. Calamity did not befall on him in his life,46 therefore he only regretted his actions after
his death.

In his Daoxian lun 道賢論 [Treatise on the worthies of the Way], Sun Chuo 孫綽 (314–371)
likens Fazu with Ji Kang 嵆康 (223–262/263), saying: “The hostility agains Bo Fazu began with
Guan Fan, whereas the calamity of Zhongsan 中散 (i.e. Ji Kang) arose with Zhong Hui 鍾會
(225–264).47 On account of their brilliant and bold character, both of these worthies remained
unconcerned about their own well-being48 and focussed their attention beyond their personal
affair, calling disaster upon themselves. Indeed, they were quite alike!” This is the way Fazu was
praised.

Fazu was widely read and possessed diverse types of knowledge, was proficient in both Indian
and Chinese languages. He translated three scriptures, namely, the Weidai 惟逮, Dizi ben 弟子本
and the Wubu seng 五部僧 and also annotated the Shou lengyan jing (Śūraṃgama-sūtra). In
addition, he translated a number of smaller scriptures but these were lost during troubled times
and their titles are unknown.

To a lesser degree, Fazu’s younger brother Fazuo 法祚 was also renown. He had been recruited
to become an erudite scholar (boshi 博士) but he did not accept the offer and at the age of
twenty-four he became a monk. He reached a profound understanding of the doctrine of the
Buddha and became famous in the Guanzhong and Longyou region. At the time Zhang Guang
張光, the Prefect of Liangzhou 梁州, thought that Fazuo’s elder brother was killed because he
was unwilling to disrobe, and therefore he started to pressurize Fazuo, trying to force him to
abandon the Way. But Fazuo was resolute and vowed to remained faithful to death and thus he
was afterwards killed by Zhang Guang. He was forty-six years old. He had annotated the
Fangguang bore jing 放光般若經 and composed the Xianzong lun 顯宗論. He had the
cognomen Jingwu 景武 and was a native of Jiangxi 江夏.49 Later on, when Yang Nandi 楊難敵
(d. 334) lay a siege to Wudu 武都, he died in a fit of resentment. This was during the reign of
Emperor Hui (r. 290–306) of the Jin dynasty.

In addition, there was also an upāsaka called Wei Shidu 衛士度 who translated the Daoxing bore
jing 道行般若經 in two juan. He was originally from Jijun 汲郡 commandery, Sizhou 司州
prefecture. His family had sunk into poverty but he was content with being poor and found joy in

46
This expression (殃有所歸) is a reference to the Hanshu where Chen Ying’s 陳嬰 (xxx–3xx?) mother advises her
son to attach himself to attach himself to a new lord, saying: “if you are successful you may receive somewhat less
profit, but if things go badly then misfortune will fall on someone else” 事成少受其利，不成禍有所歸 (tr. by
Anthony E. Clark; see Clark 2008, 172).
47
Zhongsan is an abbreviation of zhongsan dafu 中散大夫 [Grand Master of Palace Leisure], a title Ji Kang once
held. What happened with Zhong Hui?
48
The expression tushen 圖身 in the phrase “remain unconcerned about their own well-being” 昧其圖身之慮 is a
reference from the Hanshu: 野王行能高妙，內足與圖身，外足以慮化. It also occurs in the Houhanshu in the
biography of Zhang Heng. It is otherwise not so common and has been misunderstood by both Hirai and Yermakov
(what about Funayama?).
49
This is interesting because his elder brother was a native of Henei prefecture, which implies that the two of them
were from a different place.
the Way.50 He always kept the teaching of the Buddha as his primary focus. On the day of his
dying, he purified himself and bathed, recited five hundred words worth of scriptures, then
pulled his robe over his body, lay down and abruptly died.51

10. Śrīmitra
Śrīmitra (Bo Shilimiduoluo 帛尸梨密多羅) means Lucky Friend. He was a native of the
Western Regions and at the time people called him High Seat (gaozuo 高座). His biography
says: “He was the son of a king and should have succeeded to the throne. But he ceded the
kingdom to his younger brother, unknowingly following the example of Taibo 太伯.52 Before
long, his mind awakened to a higher inspiration and thereupon he became a śramaṇa. By nature,
Śrīmitra was tall and cheerful, surpassing other men in terms of his demeanour. As a result, he
immediately stood out among others.

Śrīmitra first came to China during the Yongjia 永嘉 reign (307–313) of the Jin dynasty. This
was a time of turmoil and so he crossed the Yangzi river and stayed at the Jianchu monastery
建初寺. Chancellor Wang Dao 王導 was in awe of him from the moment he met him, and
became his follower. As a result, Śrīmitra became famous. Eminent scholars who were his
contemporaries, such as Defender-in-chief Yu Yuangui 庾元規 (289–340), Grand Master for
Splendid Happiness Zhou Boren 周伯仁 (269–322), Chamberlain for Ceremonials Xie Youyu
謝幼輿 (i.e. Xie Kun 谢鲲, 281–323), and Chamberlain for Law Enforcement Huan Maolun
桓茂倫 (i.e. Huan Yi 桓彝 276–328), all remained captivated by him long after meeting him.53
They unfastened their upper garment54 and became good friends.55 When Wang Dao visited him,
Śrīmitra untied his belt and lay down, and their conversations were inspirational.

At that time the Director of the Imperial Secretariat Bian Wangzhi 卞望之 (280-327) also
became on friendly terms with Śrīmitra. Soon Bian Wangzhi came to visit and Śrīmitra put his
garment in order, composed his features and sat upright, facing his guest. When someone asked
the reason for this, he said: “Chancellor Wang’s character is such that he knows others in
advance, whereas Director Bian is well-ordered and scrupulous.56 This is why I treat them this
way.” Thereupon all scholars marvelled at his unencumbered spirit and how he treated everyone
in the appropriate way.

50
The phrase 安貧樂潛 comes from classical Chinese works, such as the Wenzi and the Houhanshu. Even though
the Way originally had a Confucian or Daoist connotation, here it obviously refers to the teaching of the Buddha.
This is a good example of taking expressions and phrases from classical works and embodying them with new
meaning. (Also, luchen and hanmen...)
51
The expression yinyi 引衣 is yet another classical reference.
52
Taibo (also written as 泰伯), belonged to the Zhou clan. There are quite a few classical references and several
examples of pairing Buddhist worthies with Confucian or Daoist ones. Quite interesting. The parallel is present both
in language (quotes, allusions) and as direct comparisons.
53
累歎 is from the Houhanshu, from the eulogy at the end of Liang Tong’s biography.
54
Pijin is normally written as 披襟, but this very way of writing it also occurs in a Liang source. Who wrote it first?
55
Zhiqie 致契 comes from the poem 定情詩 by the Han-dynasty scholar Fan Qin 繁欽. Qiekuo means “form a bond
of friendship”.
56
These terms must be coming from somewhere, they are very specific and otherwise rare.
Chamberlain Huan Maolun once tried to characterize Śrīmitra but he was unable to do this for a
while. Someone said: “Śrīmitra might be called exeptionally dazzling.”57 Thereupon
Chamberlain Huan let out a deep sigh of approval and thought that the description was perfect.

When General-in-chief Wang Chuzhong 王處仲 (266–324)58 was in Nanxia 南夏, he heard that
eminent scholars such as Wang Bo and Zhou Boren admired Śrīmitra but suspected that they
were wrong about him. Yet when he met Śrīmitra himself, he was pleasantly surprised and
rushed towards him. After just one meeting, he became a devout admirer.

When Zhou Yi 周顗 (269–322) was Chief Administrator and was in charge of official
recruitments, on the way to his post he passed Śrīmitra’s residence and paid him a visit.
Thereupon he sighed: “If we could have managed to recruit this worthy during the Taiping 太平
reign (300–301), there would be no regrets indeed!”

Not long after this Zhou Yi was executed and Śrīmitra went to see his orphans, sitting straight in
front of them. He recited three hymns in a foreign language and the sound of his Indian chanting
reached the sky. Next he recited several thousand words of spells in a loud and clear voice and
without changing his expression. After this he wiped off his tears, stopped weeping and his
countenance became calm and at ease. This was always how he experienced grief and joy, failure
and triumph.

Chancellor Wang Dao once commented about Śrīmitra: “You, Sir, are the only nobleman among
foreigners!” Śrīmitra laughed and said: “If I was like other noblemen, how would I be able to be
here today?” At the time everyone thought that this was a witty remark. As Śrīmitra’s nature was
high-minded and unceremonious, he did not study the language of the Jin (i.e. Chinese). Yet
when scholars conversed with him, even though he relied on an interpreter, Śrīmitra was able to
comprehend the meaning before the words were finished.59 Everyone was amazed at his natural
talent;60 his intuitive capacity for comprehension was extraordinary.

Śrīmitra was thoroughly familiar with the art of spells (mantra), and could accomplish anything
he wished to. Initially the practice of chanting spells were not known in the Jiangdong 江東 area
but Śrīmitra translated the Kongque wang jing 孔雀王經 which provided explanations for many
supernatural spells. Moreover, he also taught his disciple Mili 覓歷 the loud chanting of Indian
hymns, and this technique was transmitted to our days.

Śrīmitra died in the Xiankang 咸康 reign (335–342) of the Jin dynasty, at the ag of seventy-nine.
When the honourable (go back and change 公 to honourable gentleman or scholar everywhere)

57
This passage relies on the Shishuo xinyu, which is a bit earlier than the Gaoseng zhuan. There the same incident is
described in the following manner: “At the time, people wanted to characterize High Seat (i.e. Śrīmitra) but were
unable to do so. Chamberlain for Law Enforcement Huan [Maolun] asked Marquis Zhou (i.e. Zhou Yi 周顗, 269–
322) who replied: ‘He might be called exceptionally dazzling.’ Chamberlain Huan said: ‘This [designation] evokes
his spirit from the debth.’” For an alternative translation, see Mather 2002, 241.
58
In some sources (which?) Wang Chuzhong’s name appears as Wang Chuchong 王處冲.
59
The phrase 頓盡 is from the Shishuo xinyu, where it is in reference to Wang Dun(?) and Zhou Yi.
60
The ziran tianba might be a reference to 謝客 吐言天拔，出於自然.
scholars heard this, they grieved and shed tears of sorrow. Huan Xuanwu 桓宣武 (i.e. Huan Wen
桓温, 312–373) often mentioned that he had seen High Seat in his youth and claimed that his
spirit was exceptional among his contemporaries.

Wang Min 王珉 (351–388) from Langye 瑯瑘 commandery had studied with Śrīmitra and
composed a preface [for his biography], saying: “During the Spring and Autumn period the
states of Wu 吳 and Chu 楚 were called ‘sons’ (i.e. of subordinate status). Commentators
consider the Central States as primary and the states of the four barbarians secondary. But isn’t
this because the descendants of the Three Periods practiced rites belonging to diverse customs
and because the Rong 戎 and Di 狄 barbarians were greedy, lacking benevolent deference?61 Yet
sometimes men of outstanding brilliance are born in those lands, and some of these exceptional
talents rival those here. Accordingly, when heaven bestows talent and greatness, how could we
know whether it will be among the Chinese or barbarians? Since those ancient times there has
been only Jin Midi 金日磾 (134–86 BC) of the Han period. Yet the merits of Jin Midi kimerül
do not extend beyond filiality, loyalty, trustworthiness and sincerity; he was never praised for his
intellectual abilities. As for High Seat, his intellectual abilities reached extreme heights, in his
interaction with other talented men, he was like a god. In terms of his power of comprehension
and brightness, he surpassed Jin Midi by a long way.”

Since Śrīmitra often practiced austerities (dhūta) to the east of Shizigang 石子岡, they burried
him there after his death. Emperor Cheng 成 (r. 326–342) out of affection for his charisma, had a
stupa erected for him at his grave site. Later on, a śramaṇa from Guanyou 關右 came to the
capital and at built a monastery at the grave. Xie Kun 謝琨 (381?– 412)62 from Chenjun 陳郡
commantery commended Śrīmitra for his accomplishments and posthumously gave him an
honorary bestowal. The monastery is still called High Seat monastery (Gaozuosi 高座寺).63

11. Saṃghabhadra

61
The Three Periods refer to the Xia, Shang and Zhou periods, stretching from the end of the third millennium BC
until the mid-third century BC. Traditional Chinese historiography thought that the barbarians and the people of the
Central Plains had the same ancestors and their differences arose only later. The Rong and Di barbarians mentioned
in the text refer to the western and northern neighbours of China, which were generally seen as being militant and
having no written culture, which was the considered the prerequisite of civilization. Needless to say, this is in
contrast with the southern and south-western neighbours exemplified here with the states of Wu and Chu but by
extension also applying to the regions from which Buddhism spread to China, including Śrīmitra’s native land.
Renrang is a phrase from the Houhanshu.
62
More commonly written Xie Hun 謝混, also known as Xie Yishou 謝益壽. For a short biography, see Knechtges
and Chang 2014, 1589.
63
Some of these biographies are included in the Yuan dynasty work 新修科分六學僧傳 (30卷) by Tan’e 昙噩.
There are some differences there, it seems that the Liuxue liezhuan already tries to interpret and clarify some of the
meanings. Could explore what goes on there. Did Tan’e have additional information or was simply trying to
interpret and clarify the existing text? My first impression is that it is essentially a commentary, almost a translation
into a more understandable language. Especially the Shishuo xinyu seems to be important among the sources, partly
describing the same anecdotes abot Srimitra. Is it an important source only for Srimitra’s biography or for the whole
book? Check!
Saṃghabhadra (Sengjiabacheng 僧伽跋澄) means Manifested by the Community (zhongxian
眾現).64 He was a native of Jibin 罽賓 (Kashmir). He was resolute and possessed the measure of
highest excellence,65 sought out eminent teachers to thoroughly study the Tripiṭaka, widely read
the classical works and was especially proficient in the scriptures of numerical categories 數經
(abhidharma?). He could recite by heart the Apitan piposha 阿毘曇毘婆沙 (Abhidharma-
vibhāṣā śāstra) and penetrated into it down to its subtle nuances. He often indulged himself in
wandering from place to place, observing local customs and spreading the teaching.

In the seventeeth year of the Jianyuan 建元 reign (381) of Fu Jian 苻堅 (r. 357–385),
Saṃghabhadra came to the Guanzhong region. Before this, works of the Mahāyāna had not been
widely known and it was the study of dhyāna and numerical categories (abhidharma?) that most
prospered. Following Saṃghabhadra’s arrival in Chang’an, everyone called him the Dharma
Crafstman (fajiang 法匠). Zhao Zheng 趙正, Fu Jian’s Assistant in the Palace Library, highly
revered the Great Teaching. He had heard that foreign countries primarily studied the
Abhidharma-vibhāṣā śāstra and that Saṃghabhadra could recite it by heart, he performed the
ritual of Four Provisions (sishi ligong 四事禮供)66 and asked him to make a translation from the
fan original. Thereupon together with other masters, including the virtuous Shi Daoan 釋道安,
they gathered the monks and expounded the translation 宣譯. Saṃghabhadra made an oral
translation of the text of the scripture, the foreign śramaṇa Dharmanandin 曇摩難提 received it
in fan writing.67 Buddharakṣa 佛圖羅剎 expounded the translation 宣譯, whereas the Qin (i.e.
Chinese) śramaṇa Minzhi 敏智 wrote it down as the Jin (i.e. Chinese) version.68 The translation
was completed in the nineteenth year of the Jianyuan 建元 reign (383) of the illegitimate Qin
(i.e. Former Qin) dynasty, after having worked on it from the early summer (i.e. fourth) month
until the middle authumn (i.e. eighth) month.69

Initially Saṃghabhadra had also brought along with him an Indian version of the Poxumi 婆須蜜
(Vasumitra?). The following year Zhao Zheng, once again, asked him to translate it. Therefore
Saṃghabhadra, together with Dharmanandin and Saṃghadeva, held the fan version,70 the Qin
(i.e. Chinese) śramaṇas Fonian 佛念 expounded the translation 宣譯 and Huisong 慧嵩 received
it in writing, then the Venerable Daoan and Fahe 法和 collaborated in checking and proofreading
the text. As a result, these two scriptures are circulated and studied to this day.71

64
Paul Demiéville points out that the character 現 must have been a mistake for 顯, which would be the proper
translation of the Indic word bhadra; Demiéville 1951, 364.
65
The phrase yuanyi comes from classical literature. Here it is most likely a reference to the Houhanshu where it is
used to describe xxxxxx in his biography.
66
The Four Provisions for a monk are (i) food; (ii) clothing; (iii) bedding and (iv) medicine.
67
The text specifically states that Tanmonanti wrote the oral translation in Indian (fan) writing. Other (which?)
editions change the character fan to hu, which makes it more general, simply saying that the oral translation was
written down in a ‘barbarian’ (i.e. foreign) script.
68
So what is going on here with the translation? Do we have an Iranian original in which the terminology is
translated (back) into Indic and then it is translated into Chinese?
69
The Former Qin was not recognized as a legitimate state by the xxxxxxxx. This is why Huijiao also calls the
emperor Fu Jian by his ordinary name, rather than using his temple name Shizu 世祖.
70
The other (which?) version once again has hu in place of fan. Is this a systematic change? What is the agenda?
71
It seems to be a pattern to use the designation jing even for texts that are not jing. Maybe it was before the
distinction of what is and what is not jing became standardized.
Saṃghabhadra strictly observed the precepts in an orderly and dignified manner, he was tranquil
and unconcerned with the worries of the ordinary world. Accordingly, the saṃgha of the
Guanzhong emulated him. Nothing is known of his death.

Buddharakṣa’s home country is unknown. He was pure in his meritorious activities and widely
read the scriptures. He travelled the central lands (i.e. China) for a long time and knew Chinese
well. His ability to expound the translations of Indian texts was highly valued during the reign of
Fu Jian.

12. Dharmanandin
Dharmanandin (Tanmonanti 曇摩難提) means Joy of the Dharma. He was a native of Tokhara
(Douqule 兜佉勒). He had left the ordinary world behind in his youth and, being bright and
intelligent, matured early. He studied and recited the scriptures and by concentrating his efforts
was able to bring about results. He read through the entire Tripiṭaka and could recite by heart the
Zengyi Ahan jing 增一阿含經 (Ekôttarāgama-sūtra). He possessed comprehensive knowledge
and was no subject he was not familiar with. For this reason people throughout the country, far
and near, all admired him. In his youth, he had travelled around and visited many countries,
always saying that the essence of spreading the dharma lied in promulgating it where it had not
been heard yet. Consequently, he took his chances across the Shifting Sands and ‘carrying his
treasure’ (i.e. his talent) went eastward.72

Dharmanandin arrived in Chang’an during the Jianyuan reign (365–385) of Fu Jian. Due to his
erudite learning, he became extremely well-known and was treated by Fu Jian with great
courtesy. Before this time, the Four Āgamas had not been among the scriptures available in
China. Zhao Zheng 趙正, a minister of Fu Jian and the Governor of Wuwei 武威 wanted to ask
Dharmanandin to translate these sutras.73 At the time, Murong Chong 慕容沖 (ca. 359–386; r.
385–386) had just rebelled and attacked Fu Jian with his troops. The Guanzhong region fell into
chaos. Zhao Zheng had a deep reverence for the teaching and unreservedly dedicated himself to
the Way. He therefore requested Venerable Daoan and others to gather the exegetes from among
the monks in the city of Chang’an, and asked Dharmanandin to translate the Zhong Ahan jing
中阿含經 and the Zeng yi Ahan jing 增一阿含經, as well as other hitherto untranslated works
such as the Pitan xin 毘曇心 [Abhidharmasāra] and San fadu 三法度 [Tridharmaka], amounting
to a total of one hundred and six juan. Fonian 佛念 was transmitting the translation 傳譯
[orally], whereas Huisong 慧嵩 wrote it down. Working from summer until spring, it took two
years before the final text was completed. When Yao Chang 姚萇 (d. 393) invaded the Guannei
area 關內 and the people felt in danger, Dharmanandin bid farewell and returned to the Western
Regions and it is unknown what happened to him afterwards.

72
Huaibao is a classical reference, occurs, among other sources, in theHouhanshu, where it is used in the phrase
被褐懷寶, signifying someone wearing coarse clothes but carrying treature (i.e. his talent) in his bossom.
73
The fact that Zhao Zheng is once again introduced quite elaborately but differently from how he appeared in the
previous biography shows that these biographies may have been pieced together from completely different sources.
It is also possible that the parts taken from earlier sources were not re-written. Could we find some sources?
This was the time when Fu Jian was defeated for the first time and an internal war erupted.
The troops and the demons (rongyao 戎妖)74 gave free rein to violence and the people scattered
in the four directions. Yet the translators still managed to complete most of the translation, which
was the result of Zhao Zheng’s efforts. Zhao Zheng, whose cognomen was Wenye 文業, was a
native of Qingshui 清水, Lüeyang 略陽.75 According to some sources, he was a native of Jiyin
濟陰. At the age of seventeen, he was appointed court gentleman at the illegitimate Qin (i.e.
Former Qin) court. Later on, he became gentleman-attendant at the Palace Gate and governor of
Wuwei 武威. In terms of his appearance, he was thin and without facial hair. Since he had a wife
and concubines but no children, and there were rumours that he was a eunuch. Nevertheless, he
had a magnanimous personality and brilliant mind, and studied both Buddhist and other types of
works. By nature he was fond of teasing and criticism and would go to any length. During his
last years Fu Jian started favouring Xianbei 鮮卑 officials and this had disastrous results for his
governance. Therefore Zhao Zheng wrote a song to admonish him, saying:

I have heard that above Mengjin 孟津 the Yellow River

Has one bend for a thousand li;
The river is clear at the start
So who stirs it to become turbid?

Fu Jian’s changed in face and he said: “This is about me!” Thereupon Zhao Zheng produced
another song:

In the northern park there is a jujube tree,

Its spreading leaves offer thick shade;
Even though the fruits are prickly on the outside,
Inside they have a red core.76

Fu Jian said, laughing: “Isn’t this about you, Zhao Wenye (i.e. Zhao Zheng)?” This is how witty
his impudent jokes always were. Afterwards, as the Teaching of the Buddha prospered in the
Guanzhong region, Zhao Zheng wanted to become a monk but Fu Jian was so attached to him
that he did not permit this. It was only after the death of Fu Jian that he could follow his wish.
Since he took the monastic name Daozheng 道整, he wrote a hymn saying:

Why was the Buddha born so late?

How early he retired into Nirvāṇa!
I commit myself to the scriptures of the Buddha,
Henceforth I devote myself to the Great Way.77

74
This must be a textual corruption, rongyao does not occur anywhere else but in this text, both in the Gaoseng
zhuan and the Fayuan zhulin.
75
The original text has Luoyang instead of Lüeyang, which is clearly a mistake. Other versions (which?) correct the
mistake. In the Fayuan zhulin, he is a native of Changshui/Qingshui, Luoyang/Lüeyang.
76
The words “red core” (chixin 赤心) is a pun because as a phrase it means “sincere loyalty” (lit. “naked heart”).
77
There are some variations. xxxxxxxxxxxxx. A version of the same hymn, or its antecedent, is quoted from a now
lost “old version” of the Huahu jing. xxxxxxxxx
Later on, he withdraw to Mount Shangluo 商洛山 and dedicated himself to sutras and the
Vinaya. Xi Hui 郄恢 (468–499), governor of Yongzhou 雍州 during the [Eastern] Jin period,
was fond of Zhao Zheng’s character and pressed him to travel along with him. He died in
Xiangyang 襄陽 at the age of sixty some years.

12. Saṃghadeva
Saṃghadeva (Sengjiatipo 僧伽提婆) means Deity of the Community. Sometimes his name (i.e.
deva) is written as tihe 提和 but this is the result of a phonetic corruption. His original surname
was Gautama (Jutan 瞿曇), and he was a native of Kashmir (罽賓 Jibin). When he became a
monk and began his training, he sought out eminent teachers from afar. He thoroughly studied
the Tripiṭaka and was especially knowledgeable in the Abhidharmasāra (Apitanxin 阿毘曇心),
having penetrated it to its most subtle nuances. He often recited the San fadu lun 三法度論,
relishing it day and night, and thinking that he had discovered the treasury of the Teaching. As a
person, he was handsome, bright and highly insightful, whereas in terms of his appearance and
behaviour, he was kind and respectful. He devoted his efforts at teaching others, doing this
tiredlessly and with utmost sincerity.

In the Jianyuan reign (365–385) of Fu Jian, Saṃghadeva came to Chang’an to propagate and
teach the dharma. At first Saṃghabhadra translated the Poxumi 婆須蜜 and Dharmanandin
translated texts amounting to more than a million words, including the two Āgamas 阿含, Pitan
毘曇, Guangshuo 廣說 and San fadu 三法度. This was the time of Murong Chong’s rebellion,
when armed enemy troops brought chaos to the region, so both translators worked under time
pressure and did not do a thorough job.78 As a consequence, both the meaning and the written
style of the text are often unsatisfactory. The Venerable Daoan, because of his sudden death,
could not make the corrections either. Afterwards, the Shandong 山東 region quietened down
and thereupon Saṃghadeva, together with śramaṇa Fahe 法和 from Jizhou 冀州, came to
Luoyang. He spent four or five years on studying and preaching the above scriptures. After his
years of living in China have accumulated, his command of Chinese became excellent and this is
when he realized that the translations of these scriptures had some flaws and errors. Fahe was
disappointed at them being imperfect and thus asked Saṃghadeva to translate the Apitan 阿毘曇
and Guangshuo 廣說 sutras.

Soon after Yao Xing 姚興 (r. 394–416) rose to the throne of the [Latter] Qin dynasty. As he was
greatly devoted to serving the dharma, Fahe went to Guanzhong, whereas Saṃghadeva crossed
the Yangzi River. From before, Master Huiyuan 慧遠 at Mount Lu 廬山 had been a keenly fond
of the marvellous scriptures and had already amassed a large collection of sutras. Humble and
modest, he always welcomed visitors from distand places.79 Having heard of Saṃghadeva’s
arrival, he invited him to visit Mount Lu. During the Taiyuan 太元 reign (376–396) of the Jin
dynasty, he asked Saṃghadeva to translate the Apitan xin 阿毘曇心 and San fadu sutras.
Saṃghadeva sat on the Prajñā Terrace, holding in his hand the Indian text and orally expounded

78
The expression 造次未 is from the Houhanshu.
79
The expression yanwang 延望 is from the Houhanshu.
it in Chinese. He sacrificed stylistic elegance for the sake of substance, aiming to exhaustively
capture the original meaning. The translations in use today are the ones completed by him.

In the first year of the Long’an 隆安 reign (397) Saṃghadeva travelled to the capital. The
nobility of the Jin court, the distinguished scholars and other celebrities all welcomed him with
great deference. At the time Wang Xun 王珣 (349–400) from Langye 瑯瑘, Marquis of
Dongting 衛軍東亭侯, was a man of highest excellence and possessed deep faith. He supported
the true dharma and built a vihāra, inviting learned monks from everywhere. When Saṃghadeva
arrived, Wang Xun extended an invitation to him and so he lectured on the Adhidharma in his
vihāra, while all of the famous monks gathered around. Saṃghadeva’s exposition was superb as
his words were clear and expressed the inherent meaning of the teaching.80 Everyone in the
audience was delighted and understood his meaning. At the time Wang Mi 王彌 was also among
the listeners and afterwards he gave a lecture himself in a different building. Wang Xun asked
the monk Fagang 法綱: “How did it work out for our dear Wang Mi?” Fagang replied: “The
general ideas were accurate but smaller details have not been substantiated in a sophisticated
manner.” This is how inspiring the clarity and accessibility of his expositions were.

That winter Wang Xun gathered more than forty exegetes in the capital, including śramaṇa Shi
Huichi 釋慧持. He also asked Saṃghadeva to translate once again the Zhong Ahan 中阿含 and
other texts. Śramaṇa Saṃgharakṣa (Sengjia luocha 僧伽羅叉) from Kashmir (Jibin 罽賓) held
the Indian81 text, and Saṃghadeva translated it into Chinese. They only finished the following
summer. The texts Saṃghadeva translated in the Jiangluo 江洛 region amounted to over a
million words.

Saṃghadeva travelled throughout China and the barbarian lands, becoming well acquainted with
local customs. He was easy-going but vigilant, and was good at both talking and laughing. There
wasn’t anyone who did not hear of his spreading the teaching. Nothing is known about his death.

13. Zhu Fonian

Zhu Fonian 竺佛念 was a native of Liangzhou 涼州. He became a monk as a child, and was
clear and resolute in terms of his objectives and conduct. Being agreeable on the outside and
serence on the inside, he was a mirror of penetrating brightness. He recited and studied the sutras
but had also cursorily studied the Confucian classics. He was especially brilliant in the fields of
lexicography and philology (xungu 詁訓). From his youth, he enjoyed travelling around and so
he had observed many a local customs. His family had lived in the Xihe 西河 region82 and he
was fluent in the local languages. Be it Chinese or barbarian tongues, he could equally well grasp
their sounds and meanings. Thus even though he did not have a reputation of being an exegete,
he was well-known for his broad learnedness.

80
既精 comes from the Houhanshu.
81
variant: hu.
82
This is the basin of the part of the Yellow River that flows through modern Shaanxi and Shanxi provinces.
During the Jianyuan 建元 reign (381) of Fu Jian 苻堅 (r. 357–385), Saṃghabhadra,
Dharmanandin and others came to Chang’an, where Zhao Zheng 趙正 asked them to translate
several scriptures. At the time, none of these eminent scholars was able to translate (well?),
instead, they all recommended Zhu Fonian. Therefore, Saṃghabhadra held the Indian text,
whereas Zhu Fonian translated it into Chinese. He deciphered doubtful meanings until both
sound and orthography were clear.

In the first month of the twentieth year of the Jianyuan reign (xxxx), Dharmanandin was again
asked to translate the Zeng yi Ahan 增一阿含 and the Zhong Ahan 中阿含. They gathered the
exegete śramaṇas in the city of Chang’an and asked them to read the text aloud for the
translation. He analysed and carefully inspected the text, completing it only after two years. The
clarity of the two Āgamas is the achievement of the translation 宣譯 work of Zhu Fonian.
Nobody was able to surpass him as a translator since An Shigao 安世高 and Zhi Qian 支謙. He
was the role model of translators during the reign of the Fu 苻 and Yao 姚 families (i.e. during
the Former Qin [350–394] and Later Qin [384–417] dynasties). Accordingly, everyone admired
him among the saṃgha of the Guanzhong region.

Afterwards, Zhu Fonian continued to translate other works, including the Pusa yingluo
菩薩瓔珞, Shizhu duanjie 十住斷結, as well as the Chuyao 出曜 (Dharmapāda), Tai jing 胎經
and Zhongyin jing 中陰經. But he only began doing the corrections and proofreading, leaving
many meanings not fully established. He subsequently became ill and died in Chang’an. Whether
far or near, clergy or laity, everyone grieved for him.

14. Dharmayaśas
Dharmayaśas (Tanmoyeshe 曇摩耶舍) means Light of the Dharma. He was a native of Kashmir
罽賓. Since his youth, he was fond of learning, and when he was thirteen years of age, he was
noticed by Puṇyatāra 弗若多羅. When he grew older, he became cheerful and sophisticated, in
possession of spiritual wisdom. He extensively read the sutras and the Vinaya, excelling from
among others with his keen understanding. He had focussed his thoughts on the eight dhyānas
(bachan 八禪) and was completely at home with the seven factors of enlightenment (qijue
七覺).83 His contemporaries likened him to Buddhadhabra 浮頭婆馱. He travelled across
mountains and valleys alone, not trying to hide from jackals and tigers.84 He stayed by himself
and engaged in contemplation, moving around day and night. Once he was sitting under a tree
and suddenly(?) he reproached himself: “I am almost thirty years old and yet have not attained
any results. How lazy I am!” Consequently, he did not sleep or eat for several days, focussing his
energies on austerities in order to repent his former sins. Thereupon he saw a the heavenly king
Bocha 博叉 who said to him: “A śramaṇa should travel around spreading the teaching, aspiring
to save all beings. Why do you cling on to your petty integrity and only try to benefit yourself?
The Way depends on myriad conditions, which need time to ripen. If you try forcing something

83
Is there any numerical symbolism here? Earlier in the biography of Dharmaraksa there was the statement
博覽六經遊心七籍. Has the same structure and uses the same word youxin. But the objects are changed.
84
Compare with Chen Jinhua’s chapter in Tansen Sen, Buddhism Across Asia: Networks of Material, Intellectual
and Cultural, pp. 104-....
that is not your lot, you will have no realization even if you die trying. Having awoken,
Dharmayaśas deliberated and decided to travel to other places to teach the Way. Soon afterwards
he began his journey through famed lands and distant countries.

In the Long’an 隆安 reign (397–401) of the Jin dynasty, Dharmayaśas for the first time came to
Guangzhou 廣州 and stayed at the Baisha [White Sand] monastery 白沙寺. Since he excelled at
reciting the Piposhalü 毘婆沙律 (Vibhāṣā Vinaya; Samantapāsākikā), everyone called him Great
Vibhāṣā (Da Piposha 大毘婆沙). At this time he was already eighty-five sui old and had eighty-
five followers. There was a lay female disciple Zhang Puming 張普明 requested to receive the
teaching of the Buddha. Dharmayaśas expounded for her the Fo shengyuan qi 佛生緣起 and
translated for her the Jiemo jing 差摩經 [Kṣemavatīvyākaraṇa sūtra?] in one juan.

During the Yixi 義熙 reign (405–418) Dharmayaśas went to Chang’an. At the time Yao Xing
姚興 (r. 394–416), having recently usurped the throne, paid great reverence to the teaching of the
Buddha. Accordingly, upon his arrival, Dharmayaśas was received with special courtesy. It so
happened that the Indian śramaṇa Dharmagupta (Tanmojueduo 曇摩掘多) came to the
Guanzhong region. Since ‘creatures of the same nature seek each other,’85 he and Dharmayaśas
became good friends and together they translated the Shelifu apitan 舍利弗阿毘曇
(Śāriputrâbhidharma). They began writing the text in a fan writing86 at the beginning of the ninth
year of the Hongshi 弘始 reign (407) of the illegitimate Qin dynasty and finished the translation
only in the sixteenth year of that reign (414). The translation made up twenty-two juan. Yao
Hong 姚泓 (388–417, r. 416–417), the crown prince of the illegitimate dynasty personally
supervised the stylistical aspects of the translation, whereas śramaṇa Daobiao 道標 wrote a
preface for it.

Dharmayaśas later travelled south to the Jiangling 江陵 area are stopped at the Xingsi 辛寺
monastery where he widely propagated the dhyāna methods. There were over three hundred
visitors seeking tranquility 味靖 who came disregarding all obstacles. Even though the scholars
and commoners who came to visit were all non-believers, upon seeing him they were all filled
with reverent joy. Dharmayaśas told the story how once there was a teacher and a disciple who
obtained arhatship through cultivation, but their names had been lost.87

On a different occasion, Dharmayaśas was sitting in meditation in a building where the outer
door was locked, when suddenly five or six śramaṇas walked into his room. At another time
there was a śramaṇa flew over to him across the tree tops. Such things were not exceptional but
happened frequently. He often communicated with the spirits (shenming 神明) but could also
talk with the ignorant and vulgar. Even though he is not very well known now, his
contemporaries all said that he had ascended sagehood.

85
These four characters are a quote from the Book of Changes. In later times this has become a commonly used
proverb-like aphorism.
86
書梵書文 So what is going on here again? Writing down the text in an Indic language or script?
87
What is the relevance of this? How does it fit?
During the Yuanjia 元嘉 reign (424–453) of the [Liu] Song dynasty, he left and returned to the
Western Regions. Nothing is known of his death.

Dharmayaśas had a disciple called Fadu 法度.88 He was good at both Indian and Chinese
languages and often served as an interpreter for his teacher. Fadu was the son of Zhu Pole
竺婆勒89 who had stayed in Guangzhou 廣州 for a long time and was going back and forth
doing trade. Once, as he was on the road, he had a son born, and because this happened when he
was in Nankang 南康, they named him Nankang 南康. When he grew up, he was renamed Jinjia
金迦,90 and when he became a monk, he was given the name Fadu. He initially received the
scriptures and the teaching from Dharmayaśas as his disciple but after Dharmayaśas returned
abroad, Fadu shortly fell into dissent and imposed his ideas on others. He thus said: “Only study
the Small Vehicle, you must not read the Vaipulya (i.e. Mahāyāna) scriptures. Only revere
Śākyamuni, there are no buddhas of the ten directions! Use a bronze bowl for eating and have no
other begging bowl!” He also made the nuns walk holding each other, and on the day of
confession to prostrate themselves on the ground facing Fadu.91 Initially, the ones who received
his teaching were only the nun Fahong 法弘, daughter of Yan Jun 顏竣 (d. 459)92 who had been
the former governor of Danyang 丹陽 during the Song 宋 dynasty; and the nun Puming 普明,
daughter of Zhang Mu 張牧, prefect of Jiaozhou 交州. But now the nuns of the Xuanye 宣業
and Hongguang 弘光 monasteries in the capital follow his tradition in their practice, and some of
female congregations to the east also follow his teaching.

88
A fuller account of Fadu and his teachings appears in Sengyou’s Chu Sanzang jiji.
89
Zürcher 2013, 596 suggests that the given name Pole may have been a transcription of Bhallaka.
90
Zürcher (ibid.) suggests that Jinjia may be a transcription of a name that sounded “something like ‘Kiṅka’.”
91
In parallel section of the Chu Sanzang jiji says that the nuns had to hold each other (presumably each other’s
hand) every time they went outside the monastery and during the Poṣadha meeting they had to confess their
transgressions. When doing this, they had to prostrate themselves on the ground facing Fadu (or possibly each
other), rather than kneeling in a ‘barbarian’ (hu) way.
92
The original text has the name Yan Yuan 顏瑗, the correction is made on the basis of Sengyou’s Chu Sanzang jiji.