Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Introduction
The epidemic of COVID-19 recently has continued for about half a year, making
life difficult by having an unprecedented impact on each field. Even more problematic is
that infectious diseases like COVID-19 are not fair to everyone. Of course, anyone can
ask back what is not fair in the situation where we are in the same danger. But this
fairness means social and cognitive, not biological or pathological. It is about the social
discriminatory view of minority groups in our society at the same time as the spread of
COVID-19. In fact, our society has long had numerous prejudices against minority
groups. According to a study that explains how our media reports on sexual minorities,
43.9 percent of the media reported homosexuality from the perspective of prejudice and
avoidance (Han, 2013). In fact, provocative media coverage based on these stereotypes
and discrimination plays a greater role in today's disaster situation. With stereotypes
already in place, this could lead to a social isolation of extreme exclusivity if added to
specific groups. In fact, the COVID-19 can put anyone at risk, but our media necessarily
emphasize that "sexual minorities" and "pseudo-groups" have been exposed to the
disease. They even report on the percentage of certain groups of confirmed cases or
suspected cases, giving the impression that "We're fine. 'Cause we're not like them.” This
is not just a problem for Korea. In the United States, a multicultural country composed
of diverse ethnic groups, it has been revealed that socially discriminated racial minorities
are more vulnerable to COVID-19 and have a higher mortality rate, raising the issue of
health inequality as well as the seriousness of discrimination (Ro, 2020). In fact, the gist
of these findings was that certain minority groups have already lived in vulnerable
environments due to social discrimination and alienation, so there are too many factors
that expose them to viruses and make treatment difficult. However, as people read the
article, they only recognize that certain ethnic groups are more susceptible to COVID-
Thus, there is a risk that disease reporting on minority groups could lead to
extreme discriminatory attitudes. This study seeks to find out what cognitive processes
previous studies have explained the relationship between media coverage and perception
of minorities or outgroups(Armstrong, & Neuendorf, 1992; Das et al., 2009; Dixon &
Azocar, 2007; Fujioka, 1999; Schiappa, E., Gregg, P. B., & Hewes, D. E., 2005), but no
studies have been reported on how much this affects existing perceptions when focusing
study noted the role of minority stigma as mediator to see how indirect contact with
these media reports affects attitudes toward the group. Stigma is to distinguish certain
groups and give them negative and biased characteristics (Goffman, 1963), and this
study looked at social stigma against sexual minorities. Precedent studies have revealed
the relationship between the impact of media on the formation of stigma and the ripple
effect of stigma (Baek et al, 2017; Kim, 2010; Lim et al, 2012). This paper would like to
examine the structural relationship of the portrayal of the sexual minority group
reproduced in the media coverage to the discriminatory attitude toward the sexual
minority by forming the sexual minority stigma. The purpose of this study is to discuss
the need to reduce stigma on social media through a review of the mediated role of
minority stigma. In particular, from the perspective of the media literacy, if the media
used on a daily basis forms and strengthens minority stigma, this indicates that social
media should be used as educational programs to reduce stigma. This paper would like
to highlight the meaning and ripple effects of the image of minority groups reproduced
in the media, and then discuss the need for a change in perception.
Literature Review
The reason for analyzing images of minority groups in the media lies in the role
of the media's frame. Frame is a word that means 'structure,’ explaining that the
perspective and attitude of the receiver vary depending on what frame the media reports
about the event (Iyengar, 1991). Iyengar (1991) used the word 'framing' for the first time
and divided it into 'thematic frame' that reveals the results through structural causes and
backgrounds in the frame process and 'episodic frame' that goes through the overall
In the United States, where active discussions on homosexuality are taking place,
Li & Liu (2010), who analyzed the press frame on gay marriage, a social issue in the
United States, distinguished and analyzed the topic-centered frame and anecdotal frame
of same-sex marriage that appeared in American newspapers. It can be seen that more
than 80 percent of the total five newspaper articles were focused on the story. It was also
divided into three categories, pro, anti and neutral, to frame the article's argument, which
showed no major difference among the media companies and the article was found to be
fair and well balanced overall. However, Chomsky & Barclay (2007) analyzed the
attitudes of American media toward homosexuality. Studies have shown that most media
citizens. At the same time, it can be seen that the news frame is taking a pro- and anti-
(McFarland, 2011).
In Korea, there are mainly studies that analyze the ideology of each newspaper
based on research on minorities, considering the limited research on the press frame for
homosexuals. Hong (2010) analyzed the frame of news about marriage immigrant
women in the minority, focusing on the Chosun, Dong-A, Kyunghyang, and Hankyoreh.
The progressive media Hankyoreh and Kyunghyang reported favorable and positive
articles suggesting problems and alternatives for immigrant women, including the
progressive media, devotes more space to the minority and the weak compared to the
conservative Chosun. On the other hand, the Chosun can be seen as a good
representation of the ideology of the press, which focuses on the social center,
conservative, or privileged class’s interests (Baek, 2006). There is also an argument that
distorted media coverage of homosexuality still exists, playing a role in producing only
reproduced through social media are limited to general perceptions in general situations,
a review of the impact of images of specific groups in media reports in disaster situations
on perceptions and attitudes toward minority groups is required. In particular, this paper
would like to explore the influence on perception according to how sexual minorities are
contact, indirect contact through the media also greatly affects the recognition or attitude
formation(Schiappa, E., Gregg, P. B., & Hewes, D. E., 2005). Precedence studies have
confirmed that stereotypes and attitudes vary depending on how the media describes a
particular group. For example, people may see positive news about certain group
members and evaluate them more positively (Armstrong, & Neuendorf, 1992; Fujioka,
1999), or have negative prejudices against them after seeing criminal reports (Das et al.,
2009; Dixon & Azocar, 2007). The previous study was conducted on how the level of
use of swine flu news affects distance to people infected with the virus, and the more
people who watch the news about the virus, the more negative attitudes it has taken
against it, and the more negative images it has (Kim, 2010).
contact hypothesis (Allport, 1954). According to the theory of contact, the outgroup
contact with people results in a positive attitude toward the outgroup (Allport, 1954).
Therefore, contact is a strategy that reduces prejudice or stigma. It can be used, where
contact is divided into direct and indirect contact. Direct contact can be made through
face-to-face contact with the person, and indirect contact can be made through the media
(Herek & Capitanio, 1997). According to prior studies that explained the effects of
indirect contact through media, indirect contact using television reduced the stigma on
people with AIDS (Herek & Capitanio, 1997), and changed attitudes toward illegal
Theory (Pettigrew & Tropp, 2006), intergroup contact clearly reduces prejudice and
intergroup contact can be generalized not only in contact sites but also in other
intergroup anxiety, which reduces bias because inter-group anxiety is reduced. In the
same context, it can be explained that if there is more indirect contact with sexual
minorities and the content of indirect contact is positive, a positive attitude toward sexual
minorities is formed.
framework, the Integrated Threat Theory (Stephan & Stephan, 2000; Tauch, et al.,2007).
The theory of integrated threats described threats as realistic threats (the threat of the
political and economic parts of the ingroup), symbol threats (the threat to the belief and
value system of the ingroup), and intergroup attitude (the anxiety caused by the
interaction of the outgroup members of the ingroup). Stephan and Renfro (2003) also
said that realistic and symbol threats occur at the group level, and intergroup attitude
occurs at the individual level. With respect to the threats described above, the study by
Pettigrew et al (2007) suggest differences in the intermediation of direct and indirect
contact. Both direct and indirect contacts (extended contacts) showed a reduction in bias
due to a reduction in group-level threats (realistic and symbol threats), whereas the
contact (extended contacts). In other words, direct contact reduces prejudice against
outgroups (in the process of each), but indirect contact reduces prejudice against external
groups due to the reduction of collective-level threats rather than individual-level threats.
Unlike the contact hypothesis, people can rather keep their existing attitudes even
though they have come into contact with the outgroup. According to the Social Identity
Theory (Tajfel & Turner,1979), the identity of individuals is divided into individual and
social identities. Individual identity is a sense of individual uniqueness and one’s own
who have a high identity for their group try to maintain their self-respect by comparing
others with their own group and by favoring their own group and disparaging their outer
group. Many previous studies have shown that the higher the social identity, the higher
the favoritism of my group (Tajfel & Turner, 1979; Turner& Brown, 1978; Wright et al,
1990). In addition, studies have shown that Koreans have a relatively stronger racial bias
than foreigners, particularly in favor of whites, but explicitly not in favor of Southeast
outgroup, avoiding contact, and have a higher bias against the outer group
(Petigrew,1998).
A study that identified the effect of regulating the identity of the ingroup that affects
inter-group prejudice found that people with low group identity had a bias reduction
effect after considering the common characteristics of the ingroup and the outgroup,
while those with high ingroup identity did not (Crisp & Beck, 2005). However, the effect
of reducing prejudice by contact can also be seen in people with high group identity with
high inter-group instability. Studies have shown that people who have shown strong
group identity in heterosexual groups also have the effect of contact, reducing prejudice
Based on the above two theories, one can predict how COVID-19-related media
reports on sexual minorities affect individual perceptions. Media reports that classify
indirect contact with certain groups. It can be inferred that if there is less indirect contact
with homosexual groups and the content of indirect contact is negative, a negative
attitude toward sexual minorities is formed. This can strengthen the phenomenon of
ingroup favoritism and outgroup derogation, which is explained in the social identity
theory.
Society stigmas people with characteristics that pose a threat to their groups in
functioning effectively (Neuberg et al, 2000). Gofman (1963) defined stigma as 'a
disgraceful attribute that appears to those who have an undesirable difference.' A stigma
Stigmatization appears in a way that recognizes the category of a particular group that
corresponds to it based on visible markings and further devalues their value (Brown et
al., 2003). Until now, social stigma on health defects such as disease and disability has
been discussed as a major issue of health communication. Typical health issues with
high stigma include AIDS and tuberculosis, mental illness and smoking, and drug
diseases and limits their identity to stigma as well as social exclusion, rejection and
raising the need to pay attention to social stigma from the perspective of health
communication.
stigma, about a particular group (Fujioka, 1999; Jeong et al., 2011). Repeated exposure
to images on the media leads to forming stereotypes about specific groups, and these
formed stereotypes move toward social discrimination. Studies on stigma show that
media content causes discrimination and attitude toward certain groups through stigma
(Kim, 2010). News exposure to immigrant women has raised positive or negative
memories of news, and this news memory has affected the stigma of migrant women. As
immigrant women as a mediator (Jeong et al., 2011). Stigma is the sociocultural product
and can be formed, reproduced, and strengthened through the media. It means that
discrimination can be minimized through the reduction of stigma if the stigma is formed
by media reports related to sexual minorities and ultimately acts as a variable that causes
gender discrimination.
Research Hypothesis and Model
This study seeks to examine structurally the influence of indirect contact with
sexual minorities through media on attitudes toward sexual minorities. Specifically, the
research models and hypotheses are presented to comprehensively verify the direct and
Hypothesis 1: The more negative the exposure with the minority group related to
COVID-19 through the media, the more discriminatory against the minority group will
be.
Hypothesis 2: The more negative indirect contact with sexual minority groups about
COVID-19 through the media, the more likely the sexual minority stigma will be, which
Indirect contact through the media can be measured by frequency of contact and
descriptions and evaluations of representations (Tan, Fujioka, & Lucht, 1997). Therefore, this
study defined indirect contact with sexual minorities through social media as subjective
perception of sexual minority representation shown on media coverage, which examined the
subjective perception that respondents felt about the proportion of sexual minority-related
Specifically, referring to the study by Lee(2010), indirect contact through social media
consisted of the following items, measured on a five-point recert scale (1 point: strongly
disagree, 5 points: strongly agree): 'COVID-19-related media reports seem to describe sexual
minorities as ____’' 'The media reports related to COVID-19 don't talk much about sexual
minorities' ‘I often read sexual minorities in media reports about COVID-19.’ In other words,
the proportion of sexual minority-related content encountered in media reports and how
respondents felt about the images were measured, and the larger the number, the higher the
generations have about the abilities or tendencies of sexual minorities. Yet a measure of
stigma for sexual minorities has not yet been developed. Thus, the same minority group, the
stigma scale for the mentally disabled, was revised and used: A total of five factors are
divided into: 'unrecoverable,' 'separate treatment needed,' 'risk,' 'violence,' and 'incompetence’
(Kim, 2003). In this study, survey questions was as follows: 'I think sexual minorities need
treatment,' 'I think they should be isolated from society,' 'I think sexual minorities are
personally dangerous,' 'I think sexual minorities are socially dangerous,' 'I think sexual
developed by Jones et al (2014), called Ally Identity Measure (AIM), consists of in detail (a)
knowledge and skills, (b) openness and support, and (c) oppression awareness, which means
that sexual minorities are evaluated positively in three dimensions by separating them from
other groups. Referring to the scale, the study asked two questions for each of the three
factors and measure the perception of sexual minorities with a total of six questions: ‘I know
about resources (for example: books, Web sites, support groups, etc.) for sexual minority
people in my area’ ‘I have developed the skills necessary to provide support if a sexual
minority person needs my help’ ‘I have engaged in efforts to promote more widespread
acceptance of sexual minority people’ ‘I have taken a public stand on important issues facing
sexual minority people.’ ‘I think the sexual minority groups are oppressed by society in the
United States’ ‘I think sexual minority individuals face barriers in the workplace that are not
faced by heterosexuals’
Control Variables
Gender, age, income, educational background, and opportunities for interaction with
sexual minorities were used as control variables. Since the results of the experiment may vary
other words, this paper wanted to look at how indirect contact through the media affects
perception by controlling the above variables that affect sexual minority awareness and
discrimination.
References
김여라. (2010). 신종플루 뉴스 이용 정도가 감염자에 대한 사회적 거리감에 미치는 영향에 관한 연구:
낙인효과 (stigma effect) 를 중심으로. 한국언론학보, 54(3), 206-227.
김정남. (2003). 정신장애인에 대한 사회적 낙인 척도개발. 한국심리학회지: 건강, 8(3), 595-617.
노경란, & 방희정. (2008). 한국대학생과 국내체류 외국대학생 간에 인종에 대한 명시적 및 암묵적
태도의 차이. 한국심리학회지: 사회 및 성격, 22(4), 75-92.
백선기. (2006). 한국 언론의 ‘소수자ㆍ약자’보도 경향과 사회문화적 함축 의미. 한국방송학회
학술대회 논문집, 95-132.
백선기, & 김소라. (1998). 2. 매스 미디어와 커뮤니케이션: 지배담론과 대항 담론: 동성애에 대한'매스
미디어'와'게이커뮤니티'의 담론관계를 중심으로. 커뮤니케이션학 연구, 6, 78-114.
백혜진, 조혜진, & 김정현. (2017). 정신질환의 낙인과 귀인에 대한 언론 보도
분석. 한국언론학보, 61(4), 7-43.
이수연, 최인희, & 김인순. (2010). 남녀노인의 세대갈등 현황과 통합방안 연구.
정연구, 송현주, 윤태일, & 심훈. (2011). 뉴스 미디어의 결혼이주여성 보도가 수용자의 부정적
고정관념과 다문화지향성에 미치는 영향. 한국언론학보, 55(2), 405-427.
임인숙, & 김민주. (2012). 한국 다이어트 서바이벌 프로의 비만 낙인 재생산:‘빅토리’와
‘다이어트워’를 중심으로. 한국여성학, 28(4), 1-38.
한윤화. "동성애 관련 뉴스 프레임 연구." 국내석사학위논문 중앙대학교 대학원, 2013. 서울
홍지아. (2008). 드라마에 나타난 낭만적 동성애의 재현과 사랑 지상주의적 서사:< 커피 프린스 1
호점>을 중심으로. 한국방송학보, 22(1), 162-200.
홍지아. (2010). 젠더적 시각에서 바라본 한국 언론의 다문화 담론: 경향, 동아, 조선,
한겨레 기사분석을 중심으로. 언론과학연구, 10(4), 644-678.
Allport, G. W. (1954). The nature of prejudice. Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley.
Brown, L., Macintyre, K., & Trujillo, L. (2003). Interventions to reduce HIV/AIDS stigma:
what have we learned?. AIDS education and prevention, 15(1), 49-69.
Chomsky, D., & Barclay, S. (2007). Grocery shops or newspapers: explaining media opinion
on same sex marriage.
Crisp, R. J., & Beck, S. R. (2005). Reducing intergroup bias: The moderating role of ingroup
identification. Group Processes & Intergroup Relations, 8(2), 173-185.
Das, E., Bushman, B. J., Bezemer, M. D., Kerkhof, P., & Vermeulen, I. E. (2009). How
terrorism news reports increase prejudice against outgroups: A terror management
account. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 45, 453–459.
Dixon,T. L., & Azocar, C. L. (2007). Priming crime and activating blackness: Understanding
the psychological impact of the overrepresentation of blacks as lawbreakers on
television news. Journal of Communication, 57, 229–253.
Herek, G. M., & Capitanio, J. P. (1997). AIDS stigma and contact with persons with AIDS:
Effects of direct and vicarious contact. 1. Journal of Applied Social Psychology,
27(1), 1-36.
Hodson, G., Dovidio, J. F., & Esses, V. M. (2003). Ingroup identification as a moderator of
positive–negative asymmetry in social discrimination. European Journal of Social
Psychology, 33(2), 215-233.
Iyengar, S. (1994). Is anyone responsible?: How television frames political issues. University
of Chicago Press.
Iyengar, S., & Simon, A. (1993). News coverage of the Gulf crisis and public opinion: A
study of agenda-setting, priming, and framing. Communication research, 20(3), 365-
383.
Jones, K. N., Brewster, M. E., & Jones, J. A. (2014). The creation and validation of the
LGBT Ally Identity Measure. Psychology of Sexual Orientation and Gender
Diversity, 1(2), 181.
Li, X., & Liu, X. (2010). Framing and coverage of same-sex marriage in US newspapers. The
Howard Journal of Communications, 21(1), 72-91.
McFarland, K. (2011). Media influence and frame diversity in the debate over same-sex
marriage. The Communication Review, 14(4), 255-278.
Neuberg, S. L., Smith, D. M., & Asher, T. (2000). Why people stigmatize: Toward a
biocultural framework.
Renfro, C., & Stephan, W. (2003). The role of threats in men’s attitudes toward women.
Manuscrito somet ido a publicación.
Ro, C. (n.d.). From discrimination to language, a variety of factors are affecting different
groups’ vulnerability to coronavirus — with sometimes devastating results. Retrieved
July 1, 2020, from https://www.bbc.com/future/article/20200420-coronavirus-why-
some-racial-groups-are-more-vulnerable
Scheff, T. J. (1974). The labelling theory of mental illness. American sociological review,
444-452.
Schiappa, E., Gregg, P. B., & Hewes, D. E. (2005). The Parasocial Contact Hypothesis.
Communication Monographs, 72, 92–115.
Schiappa, E., Gregg, P. B., & Hewes, D. E. (2006). Can one TV show make a difference?:
Will
& Grace and the parasocial contact hypothesis. Journal of Homosexuality, 51, 15–37.
Stephan, W. G., Stephan, C. W., & Gudykunst, W. B. (1999). Anxiety in intergroup relations:
A comparison of anxiety/uncertainty management theory and integrated threat theory.
International Journal of Intercultural Relations, 23(4), 613-628.
Paolini, S., Harwood, J., Rubin, M., Husnu, S., Joyce, N., & Hewstone, M. (2014). Positive
and extensive intergroup contact in the past buffers against the disproportionate
impact of negative contact in the present. European Journal of Social Psychology,
44(6), 548-562.
Pettigrew, T. F. (1998). Intergroup contact theory. Annual review of psychology, 49(1), 65-
85.
Pettigrew, T. F., Christ, O., Wagner, U., & Stellmacher, J. (2007). Direct and indirect
intergroup contact effects on prejudice: A normative interpretation. International
Journal of intercultural relations, 31(4), 411-425.
Pettigrew, T. F., & Tropp, L. R. (2006). A meta-analytic test of intergroup contact theory.
Journal of personality and social psychology, 90(5), 751.
Tan, A., Fujioka, Y., & Lucht, N. (1997). Native American stereotypes, TV portrayals, and
personal contact. Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly, 74(2), 265-284.
Tausch, N., Hewstone, M., Kenworthy, J., Cairns, E., & Christ, O. (2007). Cross‐community
contact, perceived status differences, and intergroup attitudes in Northern Ireland: The
mediating roles of individual‐level versus group‐level threats and the moderating role
of social identification. Political Psychology, 28(1), 53-68.
Turner, J. C., & Tajfel, H. (1986). The social identity theory of intergroup behavior.
Psychology of intergroup relations, 5, 7–24.
Turner, J. C., & Brown, R. (1978). Social status, cognitive alternatives and intergroup
relations.
Differentiation between social groups: Studies in the social psychology of intergroup
relations, 201-234.
Wright, S. C., Aron, A., McLaughlin-Volpe, T., & Ropp, S. A. (1997). The extended contact
effect: Knowledge of cross-group friendships and prejudice. Journal of Personality
and Social psychology, 73(1), 73.