San Beda University — Manila

College of Arts and Sciences

Department of Political Science

Midterm Paper
Political Dynasty in the Philippines
Philippine Local Governance (PUBAD01)

Submitted to:
Prof. Luisito V. Dela Cruz

Submitted by:
HEÑORGA, Vince Emmanuel
SACLOLO, Jachelle Anne

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BACKGROUND OF THE CASE

Introduction

“In the Philippines, politics is a blood sport. Here, politicians often behave like gladiators: To
survive they have to entertain the spectators. The turmoil from the [Arroyo] scandal has once
again brought Filipinos and their unique brand of rambunctious democracy to international
attention, providing a sideshow to the more pressing problems. Filipinos are no longer surprised
by election fraud. Thanks to the damage Ferdinand Marcos, the dictator, did to the democratic
institutions that American-style democracy helped establish after World War II, and the
prevalence of an almost feudal political structure, particularly in the provinces, Filipinos have
come to accept election cheating as normal.”
— Carlos H. Conde (2005), New York Times

The Philippines is an archipelagic country. With more than 7,000 islands, these structure comes
with advantages and disadvantages. Having these many islands, the Philippines also has many
cultures, religions, practices, and whatnot. The widespread of islands resulted in different quality
of life across the islands, making it hard for the country to be centralized with containing the
culture and tradition of the country.

Mindanao is the second-largest island group in the country, and the island is being called ‘the
land of promise’ because of its natural resources and the diversity of people that live in it.
Regardless of the islands’ abundance, Mindanao is also commonly known for its war and the
rebels. It is with great dismay that how the second largest island group in the Philippines with
such beauty can also be linked to one of the gruesome events that have happened in the country.

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 There have been many conflicts that the island has suffered from the Spaniards having a hard
time conquering the king of the Bangsamoro law to martial law until today. The island has
endured continuing to endure.

PHILIPPINES
Mindanao Humanitarian Situation as of 21 August 2020

MARAWI CONFLICT NORTHEASTERN MINDANAO

DISPLACEMENT
127,000
displaced population 1,700
displaced population
According to UNHCR Mindanao Displacement Dashboard as of 31 July,
2,954 families are staying in transitory sites in Lanao del Sur and Lanao del More than1,700 people remain displaced in northeastern Mindanao due
Norte provinces while more than 22,400 families are staying with host to insecurity, according to the July 2020 Protection Cluster Mindanao
communities. WASH remains an essential need in transitory sites: water for Dashboard. In Davao del Norte, around 800 people, mostly from indigenous
proper hygiene and handwashing, and sanitation due to issues with , septic
communities, are still displaced due to insecurity in their place of origin
tanks. Validation continues especially on the number of IDPs staying in since June 2018. More than 900 people are also still displaced from
community-based centres and host communities. San Fernando, Bukidnon due to clashes between government forces and
the New People’s Army (NPA) in which more than 400 people have been
displaced since November 2018 and are hosted in a parcel of land by the
DISPLACEMENT IN MAGUINDANAO Barangay Local Government Unit as their temporary resettlement area.
Humanitarian agencies face challenges in providing assistance as most of
the displaced indigenous people are not officially registered as IDPs.
5,835
displaced population AGUSAN DEL NORTE NORTH COTABATO AND
According to Ministry of Social Services and Development of the Bangsamoro
Region of Muslim Mindanao (MSSD-BARMM) during the Protection Cluster
DAVAO DEL SUR EARTHQUAKES
meeting on 17 August, more than 2,000 people are still displaced due to armed
conflict between the non-state armed group, Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom
Fighters (BIFF) and government armed forces; while more than 3,600 people Sulu Sea 127,600*
are displaced due to rido and land/political dispute, in the municipalities Marawi City displaced population
of Rajah Buayan, Talitay, Guindulungan, South Upi, Ampatuan, Datu Salibo, LANAO
Shariff Saydona Mustapha and Buluan. Identified needs of the IDPs: Food DEL SUR A series of earthquakes struck in Tulunan and Makilala, North Cotabato,
and non-food items such as blankets and hygiene kits and WASH facilities.
between 16 and 31 October 2019. The earthquakes caused displacement,
loss of lives and extensive damage to property and infrastructure. A fourth
DISPLACEMENT IN ISLAND PROVINCES MAGUINDANAO
NORTH Davao City
earthquake occurred on 15 December with a magnitude of 6.9 in Matanao,
Davao del Sur compounded the impact to previous displacements as well as
COTABATO
exacerbating damage to homes, schools and infrastructure from the October
6,000 BASILAN
DAVAO DEL SUR earthquakes.

displaced population As of 04 August 2020 Tulunan earthquake DROMIC, 20,780 people are still
SOUTH inside evacuation centres (ECs) and 57,970 are outside ECs in North Cotabato
Armed conflict between the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) and the COTABATO and in Davao del Sur from Matanao earthquake DROMIC as of 01 July 2020,
Abu Sayyaf group (ASG) has displaced more than 2,800 people in Sulu
SULU 7,790 people are still inside ECs while 106,800 are outside ECs.
province of which 445 people displaced since 31 July 2020; while more than
3,200 people are displaced in five municipalities of Basilan province since
* Figure for North Cotabato and Davao del Sur inside ECs is taken from the
April 2019 due to armed conflict and rido. The provincial government of Sulu,
Tulunan earthquake DROMIC and Davao del Sur outside ECs is taken from
Basilan and BARMM are providing relief assistance and financial support to
Matanao earthquake DROMIC.
the affected families. IDPs expressed the need for core relief items such as
shelter materials, sleeping kits, hygiene kits and potable water. TAWI-TAWI
DISPLACEMENT IN SOUTH COTABATO
Celebes Sea
DISPLACEMENT IN NORTH COTABATO
620
4,000 displaced population
displaced population On 08 August, residents in Barangay Lumakit in Polomolok municipality fled
their homes due to presence of alleged lawless armed group in the area.
According to the Department of Social Welfare and Development (DSWD)
According to DSWD report, as of 19 August, 620 people are staying in
report as of 31 July, more than 2,500 people are still displaced since 7 June
Barangay Lumakil Gymnasium.
incident in Pikit municipality. As of 12 August DSWD Report, more than 1,500
people are displaced due to land dispute in Carmen municipality since 17 July.
DSWD provided food packs, plastic mats and 1 roll of laminated sacks to
DSWD and local government authorities provided relief assistance to the
LGU Polomolok for the affected families. MSWD conducted validation and
affected families.
monitoring in the area.

The boundaries, names shown and the designations used on this map do not imply official endorsement or acceptance by the United Nations.
Creation date: 21 August 2020 Sources: DSWD-DROMIC, MSSD-BARMM, TFBM, Protection Cluster/UNHCR July Dashboard, PSA/NAMRIA Feedback: ochaphilippines@un.org www.unocha.org www.reliefweb.int

Scope and Limitations

The paper will focus only on the Ampatuan Family. The family has been dubbed as one of the
most powerful families in the country. Nonetheless, the family only really came to light in 2009
during the controversial Maguindanao massacre.

The paper, however, will not be discussing other political dynasties in Mindanao and the other
conflict that has happened in the island. It would also not be discussing the past dynasty that has
reigned on the island. The authors would only want to focus on the chosen political dynasty

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family so that it would give more light to what has happened and what has been happening in the
family. The authors believe that this would be more effective to show the power the family has
over their particular local government.

ISSUES INVOLVED IN THE CASE

1. How did the Ampatuan family rule?

2. How do the family impose their power?
3. How do the family stay in power?

BODY OF THE PAPER (Information Providing the the Issue)

Ronald Mendoza, dean of Ateneo University, wrote a published study in Oxford Development
Studies. He said that the “Ampatuan clan of Maguindanao, one of the poorest provinces in the
country, is an example of a “fat dynasty,” which he said is to blame for the continuing scourge of
poverty in the country.” It is said that the Ampatuans is the largest political dynasty in the
Philippines, and according to the ABS-CBN report in 2016, 20 Ampatuans ran in the election.

According to Ellen Tordesillas, a journalist said that the patriarch of the family, Andal Ampatuan
Sr., was first a vice mayor of Shariff Aguak during the Marcos regime. He served ten years being
a mayor and then governor alongside other family members like sons, nephews, grandsons, and
other government positions. After his appointment as mayor in 1986 as mayor, he continues his
reign when he won as mayor and then governor. The power of the Ampatuans was said to be
solidified during the time of President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo and her party list, Lakas-Kampi.
This proved when Maguindanao was the only province to deliver a clean sweep for Arroyo
during the 2007 senatorial race.

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When the patriarch, Andal Ampatuan Sr., finished his term, his son, Andal Ampatuan Jr., was
being groomed to be the next governor. However, Esmael Mangundadatu runs against Andal
Ampatuan Jr. this was the becoming of the Maguindanao Massacre.

According to an investigation by the international advocacy group Human Rights Watch, the
Ampatuans have a private army, which is composed of militiamen, military personnel, and
police. The family also has been linked to sexual coercions, kidnappings, executions, torture, and
other human rights abuses.

The family, Ampatuans, own properties throughout the province and other cities as well. In 2019,
an article was published citing the assets of the Ampatuans. The Anti-Money Laundering Council
froze all the Ampatuan’s properties. Andal Ampatuan Sr. said to own 224 bank accounts, 77
vehicles, 110 firearms, and 161 pieces of real property. The real property was the AMLC ordered
to be frozen. In total, the real property was said to be around 5,000,000 square meters. The
property is not only in the province of Maguindanao. To make it more interesting, the properties
were not just lands but estates in different cities and provinces such as Davao, Cotabato, Makati,
and many more. In addition, the discovered real properties were only on the initial list.

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Having this kind of power may be intoxicating for the Ampatuans, and when they were
challenged, the gruesome massacre the country has ever seen happened. Before the massacre, the
family was never really famous like other political dynasty families, but the massacre shed light
on the family’s name.

The massacre happened on November 23, 2009, and 58 people were killed, including journalists
that were at the Mangundadatu
compound. The massacre happened
when the convoy of six vehicles was
stopped for a checkpoint because
Esmael Mangundadatu was going to file
for candidacy to oppose the son
patriarch of the Ampatuan. Esmael
feared that something might happen
during the travel, so he arranged for his
wife, sisters, and female lawyers to file
for his candidacy because it is believed in the
Muslim tradition that no harm will come to the
women. In addition, Mangundadatu also

arranged for a military convoy to have a little

more protection. The victims of the massacre
were buried.

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Three days later after the attack, Andal
Ampatuan Jr. was convicted by his family to
give himself up. Arroyo, president at the
time, ordered multiple murder charges.

The Ampatuan family plead not guilty to the

charges against them. They faced 58counts of
murder and will be in jail for 20 to 40 years for
each murder. The trial was in a very snail
phase, and in 2014 two witnesses were
compromised, one killed and another wounded.

In 2019, the court gave verdict a 10-year battle for justice, a decade during thea country’s
gruesome violence come to an end. The Ampatuans were found guilty.

“Say yes or get yourself killed.” This statement of an alleged Ampatuan-militia is a very
testament to how much power the clan has. The long trial, the alleged special treatment in prison,
the power to still run for a government position, and such things are a testament to how powerful
a political dynasty can be when it monopolizes a certain local government and how they can still
manipulate and wield their power.

“JUSTICE DELAYED IS JUSTICE DENIED”

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CONCLUSION

The Philippines’ political realm lies within powerful individuals and their family circles that
originated ever since the time of the datus until it resonates through the course of history that
posed important events. Prominent figures in the Philippine history have surnames that are
embedded in the mindset of a Filipino citizen, thinking that these notable individuals are
powerful in terms of political hold, the vast amount of wealth, and influence to the socio-
economic strands. Moreover, as an archipelagic nation-state, we Filipinos have the touch of local
pride to what makes our nation’s cohesiveness very weak in terms of unification.

To this point, the Philippines is divided into regions that have their very own local governments
that mirror the structure of the United States Government. With the keen sense of regionalism,
political families rose to these areas to establish their control by influencing the local economies,
societies, cultures, and even the local governments to do their own bidding. Patron-Client system
has adhered to the political realm of the Philippines as it is quite obvious that the citizens are
benefitting from the influence of the prominent political families as well as these familial
politicians are benefitting to the citizens through gaining public recognition, public trust, and
most important of all; the securement of the politicians in the upcoming elections for their
dynasty to prosper.

Mindanao, being hailed as the farthest island from the spotlight of the Philippine mainstream,
this island is comprised of rich agricultural aspects, a huge population of Muslims, reputable
tribes, especially the Moros, and warring clans that upholds their local strongholds like
“baluartes”. These clans have great pride in terms of their roots and their political prowess, to
which they are resorting to a more coercive way rather than having peace pacts with other
families. The infamous case of the Ampatuans is the example of radical Warlordism that spent
over a decade in the discretion of the Philippine judiciary. According to the graphical
interpretation of Sir Luisito V. Dela Cruz in the Bossism Framework by Sidel, the local warlords

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are granted the power to rule by the State through which attributes like the local government, the
economy, and local laws are controlled by the local politicians. To put into context, the Marcos
Government picked out Andal Ampatuan Sr. to be in charge of governing Magonoy. Moreover,
the Ampatuan clan flourished more during Cory Aquino’s presidency and Gloria Arroyo’s
presidency. The Arroyo government took care of the Ampatuan family as their own extension to
influence control in Mindanao, in which Gloria Arroyo won the majority of votes in that vast
island. The Ampatuans and Arroyo were such close friends to the point that this is considered as
a high-level Patron-Client relationship.

The Ampatuans’ political strategy in upholding their influence to the political sphere is through
radical measures. They are branded as warlords and local strongmen to their localities in a way
that they have a regularized local militia to do their own agendas, posing a threat of execution to
the people who will try to stop them, resorting to violence as recorded by the Human Rights
Watch, and having complete control over the economy by illegal schemes as well as spreading
out their kin to every seat in their local government. Election-related violence through
intimidation by guns is the tactic of the Ampatuans to remain in their political seats, gunning
down opposition even by the means of including the mass media. This infamous event
overshadowed the geographical beauty of Mindanao with a mention to some clans that are still
practicing coercive measures with backed-up private militias. It also caught the international lens
as this was observed by reputable media entities that kept the updates on a sharp basis. Lastly,
this case was a threat to the very democracy in terms of elections that is imprinted in the political
realm of the Philippines.

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RECOMMENDATION

The structure of this midterm paper is focused on the main topic, which is a political strategy in
retaining power with a complimentary topic of types of governance of these political families,
which the authors included to further empower our points of emphasis in this applied paper. The
authors recommend to the future authors in their future venture in making this type of paper that
they may evaluate the underlying reactions of the societies and the economy to the impending
threat of political families exercising Warlordism in Muslim Mindanao. The future authors may
also observe the behavior and the pattern-of-trend of election-related violence between
prominent clans that have ongoing disputes. The future authors can base the overall definition of
violence in Mindanao and its factual information through the context of the gruesome
Maguindanao Massacre that happened on November 23, 2009. In addition, the help of local
media and its publishing materials like newspaper tabloids, local television coverages, posters,
opinions from credible sources, and internet articles that only covers the entire context of
localities may provide more substance to the particular point of focus of the future authors. On
supporting facts through data gathering, the future authors may conduct an online survey through
Google, or Microsoft forms with Mindanaoan citizens as respondents and with respect to the
Republic Act 10173 or the Data Privacy Act of 2012.

Moreover, the authors recommend the following articles that may assist the future authors in
tackling the context of political clans embedded to the political sphere of Mindanao: The
Bangsamoro Struggle for Self-Determination by Guiamel M. Alim of provides the chronological
historical grassroots of the Muslims in the Philippines particularly in Mindanao and how the
fundamentals of societies, threat of radical Islamist terrorists, local governments, and their
economy work as being away and somehow semi-excluded from the limelight of Philippine
vantage points; The Mindanao Conflict in the Philippines: Roots, Costs, and Potential Peace
Dividend by Salvatore Schiavo-Campo and Mary Judd gives emphasis to the history of disputes
within the realm of Mindanao, how clans established their reputation to their preferred localities

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and how these clans interact with other families through either coercion by private militias or
diplomatic tolerance, and the formation of peace treaties in accordance to stipulated laws
between political groups like the Moro National Liberation Front, Moro Islamic Liberation
Front, Abu Sayaff, etc.; Lastly, Mindanao: Land of Unfulfilled Promise by Mark Turner, R. J.
May, and Lulu Rospall Turner tackles the lens of Mindanao and its external challenges pertaining
to the national government and internal challenges pointing out to clan rivalries through
violence, terrorism threats, and the status of the societies in living within these boundaries.
Overall, these articles provide a foothold of information to the Mindanao context, which would
be beneficial to the allocation of data of the future authors.

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