Western

Africun Studies
Ouidah

Line ages o l'S t u t e Fra gi li t.1, Betpeen tht Seu (l the Lagoon
Rural Civil Societyin Guinea Bissau An Fico-srrcialHistory
J O S I I U AB . F O R R U S ' , T ofthe Anlo ofSouth easternGhana,
c. 1850to RecentTime"
The SocialHistory
il/illing Migrants
SoninkcLabor Diasporas,I 8.{13-1960
I , N I N { A N U [ , I -d K Y } - A \ ' I P ( ) N ( i
of a WestAfrican SlavingtPortt
I ,R A N ( . O I S M A N C H U [ . t . t _ ! _ W'est,lfriun Challenge to Empire
Culturc & History-
t727-1892
in the lblta-llani Anticolonial War
El Dort,l,, in lVest .l./iict
'l'he 1 \ { A H I RS A U I , & P A T R I ( ] K R O Y E R
Gold N{ining Frontrer,
African Lrbor & (lolonial Capitalism
'Citil ROBIN LAW
in the Gold (irast, lli75-1900 l)isorder is tfu D*ease oJ'lhudan'
R A Y i \ I O N I )t r . l ) U \ t l - ' l l ' Chieftrincl & Civic Clulturein a YorubaCitl Pnfi ssoro/',4Jiican H isror.y
R U ' , IH \ { ' A 1 ' S O N LIniz,er sit.y oJ-S t ir ling
Nkrumah (5 the ()hieli
'l-hc (5 Lo.yaI Citizens
Politicsof (lhicftaincl in Ghana, l95l-60 Smugglers, Secessionists
R I ( ] I I A R I )R A ' I ' I I B 0 N [ , tn thL (]huna Tupt Fnntier
-l'he
I-ie ofthe Ilordcrlandssince191.1
C hd na m n Pupula r l:itrim P A U I -N U G L N ' I '
'Thrilling f)iscoveriesin Conjugrl I-if'c'
& Other Tales EuraJi"icans in II/estern .,lJiiru
S 1 ' E P H . { N I EN E W F ] I - I , (irmmerce, Social Status, Gender
& ReligiousObservance
tiom the l6th to the I 8th Century.
Pu ths oJ',lccommodu tion
(;hoR(;F;Il. IIROOKS
Muslim Societies& French (irlonial Authorities
in Senegal& Nlauritanra
l8fi0 1920 Fighting the Slaxe Trude
I ) A \ J I I )R O I } I N S o N \\tst African Stratcgies
s l . t _ \ , t A N uA . I ) t g U l ( t . l ) . )
Slaur.y t5 Re/itrm in Wel A.fi"itu
'lbward 'Kola
Emancipationin Nineteenth is God's Gift'*
Century Senegal& the Gold (bast Agricultural Production,I')xportInitiatives
1 R l : \ , O R R . G l . : ' ,Zt & the Kola Industry in Asante& the Gold (irast
c.I lt2{l-1950
0uidah ut)l\tuNI) AllAK,{
The Social History ofa \ilest African
Slaving'Port' Themes in l\'est .4_lricu's llistor.l'*
t'127 t892 I , t N\tt A N U I , ) . A K l t , : Ar ' 1t ) ( ) N G ( I . j ) . )
ROlllN I-AW
* firrthcoming

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tsritish Librrrrl (,ataloguing in Publicltion Data

To the memory of
[-au,,Robin the more than one million enslavedAfricans
Ouidah : the socirl historr of ir \\'cst Afiican slaving
'port', 1727-lll92.- (\{est African studics) who passedthrough Ouidah
l . S l a \ ct r a d e- A f r i c a ,\ \ ' c s t- H i s t o r \ - l 8 t h c c n t u r v
on their way to slaveryin the Americas
2. Slavctradc - .\fiica, \\iest Ilistori - l9th ccnturv
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 Contents

Lkt ol-Ma1ts (5 Tables vtll

Acbnonledgements ix
,4bbreztialions xi

Introduction

I
Origins
Ouidah heftre the Dahonia.n conquest l8

2
TheDahomian
Conquest
o.t''Ouidah 50

3
DahomianOuidah 7l

4
The Operationof theAtlantic Slaae TrarJe t23
F

5
De Souza'sOuidah
The era of the illegal slaae trade
l8 l -s-39 r55

6
TheEra oJ'Transition
I"ntm slat,ts to pulm oil
I840--s7 189
.,
I

l ) i s s r n s i r n6t l ) t t l i n c
( )ttt,l,th rttt,ll hrn4 (i/,.1t

ls5l.i 77 t.r I
 Contents

8 Acknowledgements
From Dahomian to FrenchRule
l8l8-92 262

Sources6 Bihliograph.y 281

Index 298
Illustrations on chapteropenings:hasedon an appliqud clotlt
representingthe histor.yo./'Ouidah,
Historical Museumat Ouidah

The project of writing a history of Ouidah was initially conceivedin l99l and took
on more concreteshapein a visit to the Republicof B6nin inJanuary 1992.That it
has finally come to fruition is the result of generousassistancereceivedfrom numer-
ous institutions and individuals, for which acknowledgementis gratefully made.
Among the many institutions that have contributed t<l the realization of the
project, thanks are due first to the University of Stirling, not only for maintaining
me in gainful employment, but more particularly for the grant of sabbaticalleave
List of Maps 6 Tables in the autumn semesterof 2001, when much of the final work of writing was done.
During thc academicsession2000/01 I held a visiting position at the Hebrew
Universitv ofJerusalem,when much of my time was likewisedevotedto this work;
my thanks to the Lady Davis F'ellowshipTrust and the Harry S. f'ruman Research
Institute of the Hebrcw University for their support in this period. Othcr institu-
tions that in various ways havesupp<lrtedand assistedthe rcsearch,especiallyby
thc promotion of collaborativenetlr,'orks for the exchangeof ideasand information,
from which it has benefited enormously,are the Nigerian Hinterland Project at
Maps York Univcrsitl', Toronto (and, through its funding of this project, the S<lcia
I The Republic of B6nin xll
Scicncesand Humanities RcsearchCouncil of Canada).and the UNESCO Slave
2 Ouidah, showingthe quartcrsand maior historicalsites ll Route Project.
3 Dahomey and its immediate neighbours 5l
Rcsearch'wasunclcrtirkcnin severalarchivesand libraries, to whose staff grateful
4 Ouidah in 1776 72
thanksrre rccordcd:not:rbh thc libraricsof the University of Stirling and the School
5 The 'ports' of the slavetrade t2+ ot'Oricntrrl ancl Af rican Studics,London; the Public Rccord Office. London: the
,,\rchivcsNirtionrrles, Scctioncl'Or.rtrc-McqAix-en-Provence;the Centre de l)ocu-
l l t e l t t r l t i ( )dnc l r rl ; r r c t r l t i ' r l c s . { r lcst S c i c n c c sI l u m a i n e so f t h e U n i v e r s i t 6N a t i o n a l e
Tuhles t l r r l l i ' n i n , \ l r o r r r t ' r( . r r l r r r i ,r r n t l t l r c \ r ' c l r i v e sN i r t i < l n a l c sP, o r t o - N o v o ,i n B 6 n i n .
3.1 F,stimatcclpopr.rhtion of'Ouidrh, 1772 l89ll 71 \ l t h o r r g hl l t t r t s t : t r tl t l t ; t sl l t ' t ' nr r r : r i r r lbr r r s c rol r r r v o r ki n l r c h i v e so v e r s e a si t, a l s o
- [ . ] P r i c c s o l ' ( i r d u l t r t t i t l e )s l r v c s i r t ( ) t r i t l : r l r ,l 7 - 2 5 9 . ] l.l0 t r i t r t : r l l rt l t p t t t t l tt l , , t tr t t t ' r ' : rrlr s i t sl o l l i r r i l r ,r r o to r r l r t o r v o r ki n k l c r r:l r r c h i v cbsu t
. 5 . 1 S l r r r c p r i c c s r r t ( ) t r i t l i r h i r r t h t ' i l l t ' g : r l l t ' : t t l t ' ,l f i . l ' l { r ' l I 5() ; t l s ol t t t o l l tt I o t . t l t n l o tn r . r t i ( )rrnl ( ) u i r l ; t l:rl l l ( ln r ( ) r '1( '. t t ' r r t ' r l lrilrl r r l i s c u s s i o nr ,sr , i t
6 . I l ' r ' i c t 'o l p r t l t t to r l r r t ( ) r r i t l : r l r ,I l ' i { ' l 7 l i l0l.i l o r ; t l s r l t o l , u \ . n r \ r i r . t t t t t t r l t s t l t t t l l r t r t l o r t t o l l r o s t ' i r r s t i l t t l i o n s l l t : t gl : r r t ' l i r r l r n c i :
f i .I l ) o p t r l : r t i ol ti tq t t t t ' sl o t s o t t l l t tt t t l k t t t t tl o t t r r s ,l t ) i l i . ) I7ti \ t t l l l ) r t l l o r r o n r r , , 1 l l r t r t r t : r t s , r r o t . r l r l t l r t l . r ,t r l t r , r l \ r l s . r r r r l l l r t l ) t p : r l l n r t n l o l '

t\
 Acknowledgements

History of the Universitl' of Stirling, for visits in 1992,1996and 2001,and UNESCQ Abbreaiations
for a visit in 1994.
The individuals who have contributed to this work are too numerous for all to
be acknowledgedhere bv name, but there are some to whom my debts are so great
as to require explicit mention. First, I must make clear my indebtednessto earlier
researchersin the field, upon whose work I have depended even when my own
conclusions havc sometimes differed: especially important has been the work <lf
Ouidah's leading local historian, Casimir Agbo, while among modern academic
scholars,particular acknowledgementis due to Ade Akiniogbin, Edna Ba,v,Patrick
Manning, John Reid, David Ross,Elis6e Soumonni and Jerry Michael Turner. For
their generosity in supplying ideas, material and information, special mention
should be made of Edna Bay, Suzanne Preston Blier, Alberto da Costa e Silva,
L6opold David-Gnahoui, F6lix Iroko, Adam Jones, Kristin Mann and Elis6e
Soumonni; for assistancein tracking down and verifying particular references,I
thank Olatunii Oio and Silke Strickrodt; and for reading and commenting on a
preliminary draft of this work, Ella Keren, Paul Lovejoy, Martin Lynn and David
Richardson. For her assistanceas guide and interprcter in severalvisits to Ouidah, Africa (London) Africa, Journal of the International African Institute
as well as for sharing her profound local knowledge, my thanks to Martine de Africa (Rome) Africa, Rivista trimestrale di studi e documentazionedell'Istituto
Souza. For their generoushospitality and other practical assistancein B6nin, I am Italo-Africano
deeply grateful to Elis6eand Maria Soumonni and Obard and Maryamou Bagodo. ANB Archives Nationales du B6nin, Porto-Novo
This book is not offered with any pretensionsto represent the final word on the ANF Archives Nationales de la France, Aix-en-Provence
history of Ouidah. There is space, and indeed need, for much further work, BIFAIV Bulletin de l'Institut Frangais/ Fondamentald'Afrique Noire
especially(although certainly not exclusively) in areasand periods where my own CEA Cahiersd'Etudes,4fricaines
firsthand research has been restricted, including French archival sources for the CJAS CanadianJournal of African Studies
nineteenth century, Portuguese and Brazilian sources more generally and the ED EtudesDahomiennes
period of Ouidah's transition from Dahomian to French rule in the late nineteenth GLL Le Grand Livre Lolamd (An6ho, Togo)
and early twentieth centuries. I hope that those who work on Ouidah in future will HA Histor.y in Africa
enioy the experience,and especiallyworking in the town itsell; as much as myself. IJAHS International Journal rf AJiican Historical Studies
JAH Journal oJ'African Histor.y
PP ParliamentaryPapers,United Kingdom
jHSN Journal o.fthe Historical Societ.yoJ'l{igeria
PRO Public Record Office, London
RC RecueColoniale
RGCC Ro.yalGold CoastGazetteand CommercialAdaertiser
R/vIC RexueMaritime et Coloniale
S 6,1 Slatery and .4holition
UGDO Union G6n6ralepour lc D6veloppementde Ouidah
UNII Univcrsit6 Nationaledu ll6nin
WN{lvlS \4'cslo'anN'lcthoclist Missionlry SocictyArchives,London
Il',\IQ ll'illitmuttl.llrrl,Qutrtcrll,
 Introduction
Knrimama
G"Y'6
B U R K I N AF A S O

Ouidah is situated in the coastalarea (in thc Department of' Atlantique) of'the
modern Republic of B6nin (formerly the French colony of Dahomey) in West
Africa.r In origin, it is an indigenousAfiican town, which had cxisted l<lngbefore
thc French colonialoccupationin I 892. In the pre-colonialperiod, it had belonged
successivclvto two African states,first the kingdom of Hueda (whence the name
'Ouidah') and from 1727 that of Dahomey, from which
the French colony took its
name;2and the first languageof its inhabitantstoday remainsFon, the languageof
Dahomey, with French inherited from the colonial period as the superimposcd
official languagcof administration and education.Today,,Ouidah has a popula-
tion of around 2-5,000,which by modern standardsis quitc modcst, and it is
dwarfed by thc two leading cities of southern B6nin: the official capital Porto-
NICERIA Novo, 60 km to the east (with a population probably around 200,000),and the
commercial centre and international port of (,otonou, 40 km to the east (perhaps
approaching1,000,000).
In the precolonialperiod, however,Ouidah was the principal commercialcentre
in the region and the secondtown of the Dahomey kingdom, exceededin sizeonly
by the capital Abomev. 100 km inland. In particular, it served as a maior outlet for
'Ihe
the cxport <lf slar,csfor the trans-Atlantic trade. section of thc African coast
on which Ouidah is situated,in geographicalterms the Bight (or Gulf) of Benin,
u'asknown to F,ur<lpcans betwecntht: seventecnthand nineteenthcenturiesas the
'Sl:ne (.orst', fiom its promincncc
ts a source of supply for the Atlantic slave
trrrclc;rrnd uithin this rcgion Ouiclah was b1'far the most important point o{'
crnllirrkirtionfil'slirvcs. lirr outshaclou'ingits ncarestrival, f,agos, 150 km to the
crrst (irr tttotlcrtt Nigcrirr). ()uitlah nrts rt lclcling slaving port fbr almost two
'l
l r t l r t r , l r r r l r r r n l x t , r r r , t l r t r r r t l t t ' , r r r l t r rltl t t r r r l r l i co l l ) i r l r o n r c ri r r l ( ) 6 ( ) .t h c c h r n g c o l ' n a m c t o I ] 6 n i n
l')ir I l r l l r g r u l r l r ,rr l l l r r r r r rs l r , r r l r ll r t r l r s t i r r q r r r s l r lcrtol n r l h c l i n g t l o r r ro l I l e n i n , s i t r r a t e trl n
\\ lr.rlr\ Irrtl.r\ \lr'( | r.l

lrrtlr,1'r,\(rt \\,'rl.l'.rr'rrl,',nlr\rrr t l r , t r . r t r r| ) , r l r , t r r r tr r r r s t r l , , t t l rr r t t l r t c l t t t t r t < t o t l t r ' l l r t e o l o t t i : t

l r n r ' , l , , r r r t l r , r r , , , l , r r l r r r r t , r rr l ' , r r r t r , l , r r , , l t , ' r . . l l , r r r r r
 Introduction Introduction

centuries, from the 1670sto the 1860s.During this period, the Bight of Benin is route [a route des esclaves]'.eThis also led to the town featuring in television
thought to have accounted for around 22 per cent of all slaves exported to the programmes dealing with the slave trade, including a BBC 'Timewatch' pro-
Americas,and Ouidah for around 5l per cent of exports from the Bight.r Given the gramme 1n 1997 and an episodeof the African travels of Henry Louis Gates,Jr, in
current consensual estimate of between 10 and ll million slavesexported from 1999.r0What has hitherto remained lacking, however,is any study basedon detailed
Africa in this period, this suggeststhat Ouidah supplied well over a million slaves, researchof the town's history in general, or of its role in the Atlantic slavetrade in
making it the second most important point of embarkation of slavesin the whole of particular: a deficiency which this volume seeksto redress.
Africa (behind only Luanda, in Angola).*
This prominence of Ouidah in the Atlantic slave trade is reflected in the
occurrenceof versions of its name in various contexts in the African diasporain the S ituating Ouidah's history
'Widah' in
Americas. For example, there is a village called Jamaica, originally a
sugar plantation, presumably so named through being settled with slavesimported The present work represents,at one level, a continuation of my earlier researchon
from Ouidah. In Haiti, one of the principal deities of the Afro-American uaudou the history of the Slave Coast, and in particular its role as a source of supply for the
religion, the goddess Ezili, is distinguished in one of her forms as Ezili-Freda- Atlantic slavetrade.'rA central concern ofthe presentbook, as ofthis earlierwork,
Dahomi, 'Ezili lofl Ouidah [in] Dahomey';s although one modern account has remains the organization of the African end of the slave trade, and the impact of
argued that Ezili is a purely Haitian creation, without African antecedents,there is participation in this trade on the historical development of the African societies
in fact in Ouidah to the present day a shrine of Azili (sic),a female river spirit, who involved. The present work, however, is informed by a significantly different
is evidently the prototype of the Haitian goddess."The name of the town was also perspective.My earlier analysiswas very much written from the viewpoint of the
commemorated in that of the ship of the pirate Sam Bellamy, the Wh.ydah,wrecked Dahomian monarchy, in effect of the inland capital city of Abomey; and this focus
off Cape Cod in what is now the USA in 1717,but located and excavatedby marine is shared by other earlier work on the history of Dahomey, including the maior
archaeologists,to becomethe subject of a museum exhibition in the 1990s,this ship published studies by Ade Akinjogbin (1967) and Edna Bay (1998), and the
having been originally, prior to its capture and appropriation by pirates, engagedin unpublished doctoral thesesof David Ross (1967) and John Reid (1986).12 This
the slave trade and named after the West African town.i Ouidah's prominence in more recent research, on the other hand, in focusing on the coastal commercial
European commerce is also reflected in the application of the name Whidah-bird to centre of Ouidah, represents, if not quite a view from below, nevertheless a
a genus of the weaver-bird that is in fact common throughout tropical Africa but perspectivefrom what was, in political terms, the periphery rather than the centre.
became familiar to the wider world through Ouidah; in English usage,the name It therefore foregrounds rather different aspectsofthe opcration ofthe slavetrade,
was commonly corrupted into'widow-bird' (whence,rather than directly from the including especially the evolution of the merchant community in Ouidah, and in
name Ouidah, its zoologicalname, Vidua), under which form it was celebratedin a particular the growth of a group of private traders that was distinct from the
poem by Shelley. official political establishment,and whose relations with the Dahomian monarchy
In more recent times, Ouidah has hgured in a historical novel dealing with the grew increasinglyproblematic over time.r3
slave trade, by Bruce Chatwin, based on the career of the Brazilian slave-trader " F-orslavctrade commemorationin Ouidah, seeThcreza A. Singleton,
'The slavetrade rememberedon thc
FranciscoFelix de Souza,who settled permanently in the town in the 1820s.'In Iormer Gold and Slavc(ioasts',.9€f.'1,20(1999),150-69;RobertaCafuri,'Silenzi della memoria:la tratta
the 1990sa systematicattempt was made to exploit Ouidah's historical role in the dcgli schiavi', .4.fria (Rome), 55/2 (2000), 244-60; Robin Law, '\{emory, oblivion and return in
'cultural tourism', with the commcmorationof thc Atlantic slavetrade in Ouidah', Republic of B6nin, in Ralph Austen (ed.), ?'ir
Atlantic slave trade for its promotion as a centre of
.Ttlmtic Slutt Trudein .llricun unl Diusloru Memor.l'(forthcoming,I)urham, N.C.). See also the official
development of monuments to the slave trade and its victims al<lngthe road from li6nin governmentpublication,Nour6ini Tidjani Serpos& Patrick .Ecoutin,OuiJuh.La Routt desescla,^e
'the slaves' 'I'he
the town to the beach where slaves were embarked, now designated (l')nglishvcrsion,Ouiluh, Slu't Rorte) (C)otonou,n.d.); and two local tourist guide-books:Martine de
Souza& N{i'rc Jah b,rejrh, Bicnt'enuti Ouilah au Blnin/Wblcometo Ouidah in Benin (Ouidah, [99f1]);
i\{artinede Sortt, Rr.qrnlsur Outduh/.1Bir of'History(Ouidah,2000).
r l)avid Eltis & David Richardson, 'West Africa and the trxnsatlantic shvc trrde: ncw cvidencc of long-run
" ' " l h e \ f i i c a n ' l r a d e ' ,l l l J ( 1 2 , l 9 9 l ' l ;" 1 ' h cS l a v eK i n g d o m s ' ,e p i s o d ei n t h e s c r i c s ' I n t o A f r i c a w i t h H e n r y
'Slavc
trends', S(f,4, l8 (1997), l6-.j5; I)avid I')ltis ct al., tracling l)orts: l{)wlr(ls irn Atlantic rvitlc L o r t i s( i a t c s , . f r l' ,t l l ( ) . | 9 9 9 .
perspectivc',inRobinl-aw&SilkcStrickrodt(eds),/'rirtsol rhr.\lttt Tiarlc(Stirling, l999), 12.14. l . s 1 rI.{ r r l r i rfr. r s . 7 7 r ,. \ ' / n L ( ; , t r s t , t ll l i ' t t l l u t t , l . ; . l l ) 1 7 . 1 0 ( ( ) x f o r dl 9, 9 l ) .
n T h e s e f i g l u r e sr e l a t c t o t h e p e r i o d 1 6 5 0 l l l 7 0 . l ' c r h r p s r l i r r t h c r I r r r i l l i o n s l l r c s w c r c c \ l ) r ) r t c ( l b e l i r r e l ( r 5 0 ; '
| \ \ L r r r r o ( l r i t ,l ) t h l u L y r u , ! t t r \ L r q h h o u r s1 7 0 , \ / , 1 / , ! ( O a n r h r i d g c1, 9 6 7 ) ;F l d n aG . I l a y , W i . ^ e o s .l'the
the Ilight ofllcnin would harc contril)utc(l r nrtrch snrrllcr proporliorr ol tltis trrlicr trrtlc, rntl ()rrirlah l . t , l , i l t t l ( i t n , l , r . l ' , ' l t r t , ' , t u , l( . u l t t t t Lt t t h L k t r p l r t n o / l ) u h o n t y ( ( . h a r k r t t c s v i l l cl 9
, 9 t l ) ;l ) a v i d A . R o s s ,
vcrl little. ' ' l l r t . t t t t , r t t , r t u , , t t s l r t t r i r l , ' n r o l l ) l,ltilltl oi rl tl ri (t )r . 1 ' ( l ) l r l ) t h c s i s . [ , n i r e r s i t r o l [ , o n d o n , l 9 ( r 7 ) ; J o
' A f l i c t l \ ' [ i ' t r r t r r . L t I i u , t , ' u h r r t t t n ( l ' t r r s , I ( ) S l i ) ,] l '\\.tttt,,t.rttst,xr.rt\rr(r!\r\
tlrr'p,rlrtrr.rltllr,tsoltlrttr.rrrsitiotrliorrrthcslrrtlrrrlcloprlnroilconlnlcr
" - f t r r n f ) r r r t t ,l l t t l t . l l t t t t r l ' t u l r h r ( , , , , / ' ( l h r l ( l ( \ . 1 ' ) ' r l i ) , i l i . l , r \ z r l r r r t ( ) t t t r l ; t l r . r (l t l r . r l t t t ri r n t l r l r r r r r ' t r r r t l r , , r r t r r r l r r u ' , l , , r r r , , l| ) . r l r , , r r rr 'r( l ' l r l ) t l r r r r s . I r r r r t , r s i l rr r l S t r r l r r r g ,l ( ) l i ( r )
l f a r r r ( , l i l f t r r t l .L r p t ' l r t r , , ul l l t , / , r l ( \ t u \ , ' r [ . I r ] r , ( ) ) l , r r . r l r r r l t t t t t i l , t t rt t , . r l r r r r l . , r , l { , , 1 ' r r r| . r s I lr r ' r t f r r \ , [ r ( l I r o l u l r o r r o l l l r t r r r t r r l t . r r r tl o r r r r r r r r n i l ti n
'
l f r t r , t . ( l r . r l * r l . / , / r , l r , 1 , , 1 , , 1( ) u r , l , t h l il , n ( 1 " n l. t ) l i l l ) l , , r , l , \ , ' r r z . , , . r rI ' r l , ' s . ( l r . r I t o , . r l r ( ) r r , f . r l r 'r r r l . r s \ \ t r r , l r " , l t / ' , , , r , , ' / ! h ,\ i . ! l','1, ', ,..
 Introduction Introduction

understandingof the growth and functioning of port cities in the Atlantic world in
African coastalentrep6ts such as Ouidah played a critical role in the operation of
the era of the slave trade, since previous studies of Atlantic port towns in this
the Atlantic slave trade, by helping to coordinate exchangesbetu'ecn hinterland
pcriod have concentratedon ports in the Americas.2rBut such American ports
suppliers ancl European ships, thereby acceleratingtheir turn-round, and also by
werc European colonial creations, which functioned as enclaves or centres of
r.,pptui"g them wit-h prouisions to feed the slaveson their voyage.r+In addition to
and deepening understanding of the working of the slave trade' a study European power, a model that is not applicable to Atlantic ports in Africa, rvhich
.*i"nii"!
remainedunder indigenoussovereignty(apart from the exceptionalcaseofLuanda
<lf ouiclah also represcnts a contribution to a second area of growing interest
within Afrlcan hist<lricalstudies, urban historl'. Studies of urban histor.vin in Angola, which uniquely had alreadv hecome a Portuguese colony in the
reccntl),-have
tended to concentrateon the growth of towns during the colonial and sixtecnthcentury).
Africa 'fhere 'port'
have been a number of studies of particular West African coastal
pgst-ccllonial periods;ri but in West Africa cspeciallv. substantial tttwns existed
in the pre-coftrnial period, and ouidah offers an exceptionally well- communities in the pre-colonial period, which haveserved to delineatea number of
"lrerdy Within southern general issues in their history: the organization of overseas commerce, the
documented case-studyof this earlier tradition of urbanism.lo 'second gencration' of pre- relationships between ports and their hinterlands, the effects of their involvement
B6nin, Ouidah provides the premier example of the
maritime trade: what have in Atlantic commerce on their political and social structures and demographic
colonial towns, which served as centres for European 'fort towns
l"^illes-.lortsl',in growth, and the problems posed for them by the transition from thc slavetrade to
been termed, although somewhat infelicit<luslli Much
'first generation' of 'palace-cities
lcitis-puluisl', which served exportsof agricultural produce such as palm oil in the nineteenthcentury.22
distinction from the or
Abomev'r7 of this work, however, has dealt with the general history of the states
as capitalsof indigenousAfrican states,such as
communities in which ports were situated, rather than with the specific history of
T'he study of African coastalcommunities such as Ouidah also has a relevance
'Atlantic historv', i.e. the attempt to treat the port towns themselves.Examples are, within the Slave Coast, studies of two
for the currintly fashionableproiect of
coastalcommunities west of Ouidah, the Gen kingdom (which included the port of
the Atlantic as a historical unii, stressinginteractions among the various statesand
Little Popo, modern An6ho) by Nicou6 Gayibor, and the Anlo confederacy
communities that participated in the construction and operation of the trans-
(including the port of Kcta) by Sandra Greene.rrThose studies which have focused
Atlantic trading system.rsAlthough proponentsof Atlantic history have tended to
on the history of coastal towns specifically have generally related to communities
concentrate on-links between Europe and the Americas, it needs to be recognized 'city-states',in the senseof being indepcndent of outside political
which were
that African societieswere also active participantsin the making of the Atlantic
'Atlantic communitv" the African coastaltowns which authority: examples being, on the eastern Slave Coast, the studv of Badagry by
world.r' If there was an
Caroline Sorensen-Gilmour; and beyond the Slave Coast, in the Bight of Biafra to
served as embarkation points for the trans-Atlantic slavetrade were part of it, their
the east, those of Bonny, by Susan Hargreaves, 9f New Calabar by Waibinte
commercial and ruling elites being involved in political, social and cultural
The study Wariboko, Old Calabar by John I-atham, and Douala by Ralph Austen and
networks, as well ut pu..ly businesslinkages,which spannedthe ocean'20
of such African to*nr, moreover, adds an important comparative dimension to our Jonathan Derrick.2+In consequence,these have a rather different and more diffuse
focus than the present work, which seekst0 highlight cspecially the development
ln A.G. If<rpkins, '4n Economic IIistorl' oJ l|tst A/iira (I-ondon. 1973)' l(]G7' and f unctioning of Ouidah as an urban communit!: The work which comcs closes
r'
1.1)\'.Peel,'Urbanizationandurbanhistoryin\UcstAliica',J''lll,2l\198\l),269-7i' to my own concerns among earlier stucliesof West African port communities is
r,, Sce f)avid lVl. Andcrson & Richard Rathbone (etis), -{/iir'a's IJrhun Past (Oxtbrd, 2(X)0). This includes a Harvey Feinberg's study of L,lmina, on the Gold Coast (modern Ghana), to the
'ouidah: a pre-colonial urbrn ccntrc in coastal
prcliminary treatment o[ thc casc of ouiclah: Robin l,a*" west.2sBut Elmina was a very di{ferent sort of place from Ouidah, not only in being
\\tst Africa, t7Z7-1892',85 9i'
rt lior this classification, sec Alfred (iomlan MondjannrLgni, Canpagnes tt t'illts au vul de lu Ripuhliquc
'' lf.g. Irranklin\\iKnight&Pcgg1'K.Liss(eds),''ltlantirPottOrrr(Princeton, l99l).
prpulaire tlu Binin (paris, 1977), 295 341; the'third gcnerltion'being towns thrt scrvcd as administrativc 1r Scc thr studies collccted in l,arv & Strickrodt, Ports of tfu 'Slat'e Trult.
'fiturth gcneration' thc uniquc casc of (rrtonort
or commercial centres wlthin the colonial system, and the ,, Nicrrtrc L. (ia1ibor, LL Otut'i (l,onre, 1990); Sandra H. Grccnt,Cnder, Ethnitit.l tntl Sutid Changc on tht
'l'hesc 'gcnerirtions',
of tscnin. it shtluld bc stressctl.
as thc m.dern ec<lnomic and dc facto political capital
I i l r f t r . s l d t t O o r s r : . l l l n t o r l , t f r h t l n l o l i n , r '( l , o n r l o n , l 9 9 6 ) . S c c a l s o S i l k e S t r i c k r o d r , ' A f i e l - u r o p e a n
grottps <tl lttrrtls, sittcc the\ nlrv
a r e n o t t o b e u n d e r s t g g d n e c c s s a r i l 1 ' a sd i s t i n g u i s h i n g r m o n g d i f 1 l ' r c n t
()uitl.rh itscll ,'rrFrl)Jle(ls 'l tr)\\l] l r r t l c r c l r ( i 6 q s g q r l r c \ ! r s t r s l S l . r r e( i r r s t , l ( r t h t o l ( J t h r c t r t u t i c s ' ( P h l ) t h c s i s , U n i v e r s i t v o f S t i r l i n g , 2 ( X ) 3 ) .
r e p r c s c n t s u c c c s s i v cp e r i o d s i n t h c h i s t o r r o [ r s i n g l c t o s n : l i r r c r r n r P l e , '' (.rrolint.
Sr)rens(n (iilrrrorrr.
'lhtl.rgrr 178+ llt6.l' (l)hl) thcsis, Univcrsity of Stirling, 1995); Susan M.
gctrcrrtirrrt"l hc lcrnl'tr//r'r
,fthc.sccond gcneratign'but thcn tlctclopctl as r colrnirl toun ol lhc'tlrirtl
l l . r r g 1 6 r t s , " l l r t p , l i r i r : r l ( ( r , r ) . n r \ , l n i r r e t c c t t l ht c n t u r r l l o n n t ' ( P h l ) t h e s i s ,U n i v c r s i t y o f B i r m i n g h a m ,
rs Nlontljrlrnrgrri reLnorrltrlgcs (.10() l{))' lltc l'rtr"It'ttt ct'tlltttcrei'tl
./irrlr'scems unli)rlunate sinet, l"fii). \\ 1,. \\.rrrlr0Lo.
'\t
r r ( . , r l . r b . r.rr n t l t h ( l i r r t . t . so l r . l t r n q c , , . l i ' J 5 0 1 9 . + 5 '( P h l ) t h c s i s , U n i v e r s i t v o f
llolorigrlrrllr)lirrtilietl'
c s t l b l i s h n t c n t s i n t l r c n r l c r e D r ) l1 c ( e s s r r i l \ ( r r r t ll i r r t r r t t t p l t r r r ( ) r r i t l r h \ 1 ( r e l . . r r h . r r i l(,) l , l O t h h t t I / , o l l t , \ ' t ) l ( ( ) r l i r r d , l ( ) 7 3 ) ;R a l p h A . A u s t e n & J o n a t h a n
l f i r r r r r r r q h . r r rI 'rt.r r l y . 1 ; l l
l n l r . g . l l c r n r r r l l h i l r n , . ' l h c i r l t r o l . \ t l r r r t i t h i s l 0 r t " l l r t t t ' t t r , ,l.( l / l ( l t r t ) { r ) .i x ' l l
l l r , l , l l , r r r , t r , , l r l t , ( t u r r , , , ' u , l l r : , r l, h r l ) u t l , r , t u , l r h u t l l t n t t r f u n , l . , . I t t l ) l ) r . / 9 6 1 i ( ( l a m b r i d g
r , S c c . [ r r h r r ' 1 6 ' r r r t r r r r l,l r t , t , t r , l l f 4 t t p t \ p t t l t , l l t l r t r , , , l t h i l t l ' t i l t t ' l l , , r l ' 1 .l l l l l l / t , \ / / ( ( . r r r r l r r r r l s cl .( ) ( ) i ) jl:;,;;,l.
', ( r ' l r l r r r r l l l l lt \l t , , t s r , , 1t l r r \ l r r t ( o r s t ' . l l l l ( ) '
I i r r h r rlr, . t $ & K t r \ t l t \ l . r r r r r , ' \ \ r s t \ l r r . r r r r t l r r \ t l , r r r t r , l l r r , , t I l , , t r t r . t t t ' , t i ll,)1i l l , h u r i l , n l h t ( i , ' l , l ( r t , t t l! u r t n !
( ) r t r , t . r lrrt t : l r r \ l l r t r t t , , [ r r r r r r r r r r ! l \t r r l l " t ' t l l . r r r , r l r r r r l , , r r i , l / , r , t t r , . t u , lI t l t 1 , 1 , 1 , t 4i l \ I l t , t
i f r l . 1 ( l ( l i ) ( ) 1 i. l l l i l , . r l s , ,l l , , l ' r r r| , r s I l r r | t r ' r r , r l
t L , l t , l t r , r r L ( ' n r u rr r l ' l r r l , , l , l 1 ' l I' r' /r \ ' i 1
lfr,lr,lrttr.ttrnlt\ll.llll4ttllt,t"ttllt't"tt"lth'ltltnrt\r'/"rr\///\i//l('r'ltrtrvtrr''lXl'rtil'llrl
 Introduction Introduction

a 'city-state', but also in the preponderant influence exercisedthere by a European where the imposition of colonial rule representedmore of a historical break. The
powe\ in the form of the Dutch West India Company, so that its hist<lry, in experienceof Ouidah under colonialism was essentiallyof economic and political
relation to that of Ouidah, is illuminating as much by way of contrasts as of marginalization; although this processhad begun already in the second half of the
similarities. nineteenth century, and was only intensified and accelerated by the changed
The caseof Ouidah may also serve to refine or qualify some of the conventional conditions of colonial rule.
'port' communities.
conceptual categoriesthat have been applied to West African
most general terms, Ouidah can be interpreted as a 'middleman' community:
In the
this term being understood, as Austen and Derrick propose for the caseof Douala, ReconstructingOuidah's history
not only in relation to the exchangeof commodities, but also with referenceto the
role of such coastal communities as intermediaries in the transmission of cultural Apart from its intrinsic interest as one of the leading African slave-trading ports,
influences, and in the longer term in mediating the accommodation of African the caseof Ouidah also warrants study becausethe documentation availablefor its
societies to European economic and political dominance.Zt'However, the more history is exceptionally rich, and serves to pose or illustrate some significant
specific categoriesthat have been developed in order to elucidate the interstitial methodologicalissuesof more general relevancein the field of pre-colonial African
position of African coastal'middleman' communities seem more problematic. The history, especiallyin the possibilities of combination of information from different
concept of an'enclave-entrep6t', applied to Elmina by F'einberg,for example,does categoriesof material: basically,as between foreign (European) contemporary and
not fit the case of Ouidah, where European power was much more limited, and local traditional sources.r0
'port of trade',
which in this was a more typical case.tTThat of a neutral The greatest mass of detailed documentation for the history of Ouidah derives
propoundedby economicanthropologistsof the'substantivist'school,such as Karl from the European commercial presence,although the most useful sourcesare not
Polanyi, although elaboratedwith referenceto the specific caseof Ouidah, is not in in fact those deriving directly and specifically from the conduct ofEuropean trade.
fact sustained by the detailed empirical evidence relating to the operation of the The most informative sources for the eighteenth century are the records of the
Atlantic trade there.28 permanently organized fortified factories which the three leading European
Chronologically, this study concentrateson the period of Dahomian rule over nations involved - the French, English and Portuguese- maintained in Ouidah;rl
Ouidah, after 1727, although an introductory chapter deals with the town's origins, among which, the best preservedare those of the English.12These provide detailed
including its earlier history under the Hueda kingdom. The justification for this documentation of the forts' day-to-day activities and interactions with the rest of
emphasis relates basically to the nature of the availablesource material, which is the community, and thus constitute a rich source for the social and political, as well
much more abundant for the Dahomian period. This, however,also reflects the fact as the narrowly economic history of the town. With the legal abolition of the slave
that Ouidah became much more important under Dahomian rule, not only as a trade in the early nineteenth century, these forts were abandoned, leaving
commercial centre, but also now as a centre of provincial administration. The study something of a hiatus in the evidenceuntil the 1840s.In the middle decadesof the
effectively concludes with the French occupation in 1892, although with a brief nineteenth century, documentation on the town's history is provided above all by
epilogue treating the fate of the town under colonial rule. This has been done with the records of the British government, relating to its campaign to suppressthe now
some hesitation, since in general there is a strong case for downplaying the illegal slave trade, which included the maintenance of a vice-consulatein Ouidah
conventional perception of the establishmentof colonial rule as a watershed, and bctween ltl49 and ltl52. The French government also intervened in Dahomey, to
for tracing continuities and transformations in the 'middleman' role into the clcf'endFrance's commercial interests, from the 1850s,and likewise maintained a
colonial period, as was illuminatingly done by Austen and Derrick for thc caseof vicc-consulatein Ouidah from 1863. Some material is also provided by Christian
Douala.2"However, whereasin the casesof p<lrtsthat remained prominent into the nrissionsthat opcrated in the town: British Methodists in 185,1-67,and French
colonial period - such as Accra in Ghana, and l,agos in Nigeria, as well as Douala (,atholics in lll6l 7l and again from 1884. There are also a number of detailed
in Cameroun - the reality of continuity is transparent, this is less true of Ouidah,
" ' ( ) n t h i s , t h i s s t t r r l r r c l ) r c s r n l 5 r m o r c o p t i m i s l i c p c r s p c c r i v e t h a n t h a t o f R a l p h A . A u s t e n , ' T h e s l a v et r a d e
rtsltistrrrt ltttl trctttorr: totrliorrlalions ol slaving votage drrcumcntsand communal traditions', ,YMg 58
rn Austen& Derrick, Mildlentn, l-4. (l{xll).ll() 11.
rt lleinbcrg,.'l.fiitansunlI')untpcuns, I 6,155 lt. ( ) r r l r t l r t l r r t r t t l t l o r t l t . t s l t t t n t h t s r t b i tc t o | t l c t r i l c t l s l u ( l \ ' : S i m o n c l l e r b a i n . L e ( ) m p t o i r . f r a n g a i d e
Judu
r " R < r s e m a rAr r n o l t l , ' A p o r l o l l r r t l c : \ \ ' h r t l a h o r r l h c ( i t r i r r e r( r r r s t ' . i r r K r r l l ' o l r r r r ic t a l . ( e d s ) ,' l r t , l r ' r n l 1 ( ) u r , l , t h ) , t\uI I I I r ' r , , / , ( l ' . n i s .l ( , l . l l ) .
. l l t r l v t i r t h t l . u r l 1 ,l i z r p r r r ' r ( N c u \ i r r kl (, ) 5 7 ) , i 5 l 7 { r , K r r lI ' o l t t t i , l ) r h r t n t L t t r rt,hl t . \ ' h i L I r r , l L( S e r l l l t , S t r r r ' l l t r ' , r ( u r , t l l o u n ( l . r t r o trtr l t l r r s l . r r t o r r , i r r t h c l ( r l l ( ) sg. r r c r h t t t l t h e [ , n i o n o l ' l ' ) n g l a n da n d S c o t l a n d
l ( ) 6 6 ) (, , ) ( )l . l ( ) . ( l ; l l i ) . r l r s I t r r l r r l r , . r l l t ,'ll r r q l r r h ' r n r t \ ( . u l r ( \ t I l r , rSstcn t t l r , i t l a t t r b c c r n r c ' l l r i r i s h ' , b u t i n s i s t e n
'Stt
r l . , , l l r r ' < n t p l r . r s i r , , r r p r r , , , l , , t r .r u, r lt ( ( { ( l ( t r t .I ' r l , , l r n l ' . t r l t t , l l , r l r r r l I h t l t t D t ( , , r . \ t , r t , , t t , .l \ ' , , , r t l y r r r l , r r t r r r. ' s 1 r , r . r l l.rr sl l r c r r o r r ll , r r ' l l r i t i s h ' i r rl r o n ( r s r l s o i n I r r c n c h )i s
t l r r r l t s t t t tr r, , , r ( . r r t ( r r l t . r r . r r r l p
rultrly(.,,l,,ut,tl l,,r,r(()rl,'rrl,.)l){lll),\\rrrr..rltlr,,rrrilrllr(\tuil\rt,.rlll,r,rrsrr'rrtlrr|rrttltl,,ltrrlottt,tl r r r L r , t l r r ; i l r r ll r( r l r r t r r l , I l r , r r rt l r r r r l , r r rr o n t n l r ( r l t o r r ' l c rt o t l r e ' l r r g l r s ll ro t t ' i r r t r r r r l i r r r r r ir6r i t h l o t r l
tttl,

{ l
 Introduction Introduction
published accountsby European visitors to Ouidah in this period, among which for the modern historian) is a book by Casimir Agbo, published in l959.rn There
the most infbrmative are those of the Scr-rttishexplorer John Duncan in l8'l-5, the are also a number of histories of particular Ouidah families. Traditions of the de
British naval officer (engaged in the anti-slaving squadron) F-rederickForbes in Souza family, descendedfrom the F'ranciscoFtlix de Souza mentioned above,were
Itt49-50, and the British consul (and pioneer anthropologist)RicharclBurton in published by Norberto F'rancisco de Souza, a grandson of the founder and
lfl63-4.'r successorto the headship of the family, in 1955; and a more extended compilation
Source material of local provcnancealso includes some c(rntemporar)llritten of material from various sources was published by Simone de Souza, t
material, deriving from thc communitv of settlers from Ilrazil that was cstablished F'renchwomanmarried into the family, in 1992.reSubstantial histories also exist of
in the town in the nineteenth c€ntur]'. Occasionalitems of correspondenccfiom or the Dagba familli descended from a man who served as lbvogan, or Dahomian
addressed to Brazilian traders rcsident in Ouidah are preserved in overscas governor, of Ouidah for an exceptionally long period in the nineteenth century
archives, cspecialll in llritain am{)nEi papers seized from illegal slave ships (llt23-1870s); and of the Qu6num family, rvho were rhe mosr prominent
intercepted by thc tsritish navy'.Little comparable material seems to havc been indigenous Dahomian merchants in the town in the second half of the nineteenth
preservedin Ouidah itself, although it is frequcntlv claimed that writtcn records centurv.+r)This materialavailablealreadyin written form hasbeen supplementedby
which once existecl were destroyed by lire or other hazards. A f'ew items do, local fieldwork undertaken by myself, during several visits to ouidah berween
however,survive in local posscssion(or at lcast did so until recently), notably a 1992-2001. Besides interviewing informants in the town, this has involved
letter-book of the Brazilian trader Jos6 F'ranciscodos Santos, containing corres- extensive conversations with cxperts in local history', including members of the
pondencc from lS*4-7 and 1862-7lira and the will of Antonio d'Almeida, an staff of the Historical Museum of ouidah: especiallyMartine de Souza,one of the
African-born freed slavewho had returned ftom tsrazil to resettle in Africa. madc museum guides(and a great-great-great-granddaughter ofthe original de Souza).
out at Ouidah in lfl64.r' Something may be said here of the character of historical 'tradition' in Ouidah.
More substantial,as well as of greater chronologicaldepth, is the infbrmation First, it should be stressedthat it is nor exclusively'oral'; not only has nruch of it
provided by local traditions. Nluch of this matcrial also exists alreadyin written been recorded in writing, as has been seen, since the early twentieth century, but it
fbrm.'Iwo survevs <lf Ouidah traditions werc made by French colonial officials, hasalsoevolvcdin interactionwith written sources.Gavoy'ssurvey of l9l3 already
Marcel Gavov in 1913 and Revnier in 1917; thc purposc of the collectionof this represents an attempt to combine local traditions with information derived from
material was cxplicitly to understirnd thc existing political svsten, in ordcr to contemporary European sources; and this conflation of written and oral material
infbrm administrative arrangementsunder French colonial rule.it' Although these has remained characteristic of local history writing in ouidah ever since. Agbo's
rvere published only milny vears later, thcy evidentll' circulated in Ouidah in Histoire, f<rrexample, cites the carlier studies of Gavo),and Rel'nier, together rvith
typescript earlier, and havc exercisedconsiderableinfluence on local perceptions of' published sources,as well as additi<lnal material of his own; the latter including
histor}l renriniscences of persons with direct personal experienceof the late prc-colonial
There is alsoa substantialtradition of krcalhistoricalwriting by African authors. period, as well as more strictly 'traditional' material relating to earlier times. In
'origins'
Among such rvorks by local writers, the earliest was a study of Ouidah ouidah, as in coastalWest Africa more generally.the'traditions' current nowadays
published in a Roman Catholic church j<-rurnal in 1925-6, by Paul Hazoum6, a in oral fbrm are regularlv subject to the influence of 'feedback' from written
leadingfigure in the literary historv of B6nin, who was in origin liom Porto-Novo sources,including now especiallyAgbo's own work.{r
rather than Ouidah, but had worked firr severalYearsas a schoolmasterin the latter It should also be noted that local traditions provide relatively little in the way
tolvn.rTThe most substantiallocal history (and an indispensablesourceand guide ol' a nirrrative of the historl' of the communitr.,as a whole, apart from certain
major events,such as the original f<rundationof the t<lwn,the arrival of thc first
rr
,fohn I)uncrn,T'rut,els in LLrsttrn .llria (Lontlon, llt47); I"rederick I',. lirrbcs, Dthone.1, unl tht I)ahonats l'.uropeantraders,thc l)ahomian conquestin the 1720s,and the establishmentin
(I-onclon, lll5l); Richard l') Ilurton, I ,llrsion to (jc'ltlt, knt u-/Duhtnu (London, lli{r'l)
'r thc t<lu'not' lirancisco lrclix de Souza in the nineteenth centurv. Local historical
Puhlishcd in lrrcnch trinslation bl Pierrc Verger,'(.ent-douzc lettrcs dc Alfhiatc', in Vcrger ctil., l'r's.'lJro-
u n e r i t u t r t s ( l ) a k a r , l 9 - 5 2 ) , - 5 - j9 9 ( c i t e d h c r c a f t e r r r s ' l ) o s S r n t o r c r r r e s p o n t l c n c c ' ) . R c c e n t e n q u i r i c s i n '' (
,rtsinrjr \glut, t littotrt JL Ounltlt ( \rignon, lr/-59). ( )thcr crlnrpics ol- thc gcnre arc \t'nancc S. QLr6num,
Ouidah lailed to contlrm thc conlinucd cristcnce ol this lettcr brxrk in thc dos Sirntos household thcre; it O u t t l r h . t t t r ; l t r r , t n 4 u r ' J L s " l l u u t , l r " ( l \ L r i t h h l, l ( ) l i 2 l ) ; l ) < x r i n i q u c A v i m a g b o g b i n o u ( ] g e n u n , L ' I l t s r o i r e d t
m r t b c i n t h e p o s s c s s i o no l r l i r n r i l r n t c n r b c r r c s i d c t r l o u l s i t l c l l t c l o r r t r . ( i J L r r t r ( ) t t r , l , t h) ( l ) r k . r r , l ( ) ( ) ( ) ;
't Ihid.,2l
. l ; r r i t h o r i g i n r l I ) o r t t r g u e s el c r l i n I r i c r r c \ e r g e r , ( ) r I t h t r t t t . s L l r ' t ( n u n h t ^ w / r h r ' r ' l u , ! t ' , l r ' r ' J t r u t , t r '
\ o r l r t t l r r l i r r r t r i r t o r l < S o r r z . r , ' ( r ) n l r i l ) u t i o n ; i I ' h i s t r r i r cr l c h l i n r i l l c d c S o u z a ' , f 1 ) , l - l ( 1 9 5 - 5 ) ,l 7 - 2 1 ;
l t l l u h i r n t s r : , r t l t\t/ \ ( S r l r r t L r r . l h l r i r . l t ) ( . ) l ) .l l l 4
S r f r f n ( ( l ( S o r r z . r ./ . , r l , t u t l l t , l t . \ t t r : t , l u l l L u t u l i , L l r t( ( i r t o r t o u , l ( ) ( ) 2 )
'\ott
" h r r t o r i t l r r cs r r r ( ) r r i r j . r hp : r r l ' \ r l r r r i r r i s t r . r t t t t (r i . u r n ( l ' t l i ) ' . / : i ) , I i ( 1 9 5 5 ) , 1 5 7 l ) ; \ N l ] , l l ' , 1 ' { , . " I < , r t r f ' t < t t r ' ( r l r l z , r r , , r r r r t r t r ' l ) 1 , , r t r , t ll )r .. rt q l r , r ./ . , i ( . u l / , , t t i r t t :f t n r l t u h \ u . , 1 4 r n l l o u n n p n l ) t ! ! h a l c v s
' l l r . t h t r t l r e ss r r r I ' o r g . r n r s . r t ilrrrtr( r ( l l ( r l t t , , , r r r t t t . t t t r l c r rttttttrt l t g e t t tl'r. t l { t r t t i t r . ( ) r r i t l . r l Ir , l ) e t . l ( } 1 7 ,
t t t t ! t , t r \ t t t , ' 't , , t t t '( l \ t t t t \ o r o , l ' , S . ' ) , \ l . r r r r r r r l r c r(r. l r r tr r r r r r rl,t , l u , , : l r r t, l t l t l t u r l k ( ) l r ; z i l l ( l , l n g r c s ,
lrrrlrlirlrlrl.rs'()rrrtl,rlr,'rLl,lr\.rtrrn,lrr,,,rrrrrr,rrr,l,!r(nt.llr',r/,,/,.,lulltilru..)11()()i).i(llrS f l ) \ l ) \ r r . t l r r ' . r r l l r t t r r \ { r " r ' n , r l t l r r { ) r r r r r r r r r L r r r rl r rl rs t , , r rl , r r r r t i r l ' o r sl il c r r r ( l t r i n r r n rO. l n i t l o . 4 t r
l ' . r r r Il l . t u , , r r r r r ,\ .l ' r r \ r r l r r r t , ' r r , l r 'rr,r ' 1 , . . , r u . r n ( r , 1 ,( ) r r r , l . r l rr 'r. l r 1 . 1 1 1{ '..r p p . r r r r r t rl lt t r n r l r l ( t ( ' ) l, n / . , / l , i , t l t t t , t , t r l, l , , t ' , | t , ' t ,t' ti t , , r 1 r, t t t , l t \ t l t , t l , L t r t t t l , ' l l , , u , , t t , u
( ) u t u t t t r t \r(r t r r t r o rl r( .) r l l )
li,,"rtu.tt,'ttt, tl,t ttr, tt". | , \ lll l1 1lr/r' l,) ' l ) r r 1 , , ' l l ' .1r , . , , l ) r i r , l l l , r l i , t ) " , 1 1 , t . , , ' '. t t l t t t l , , r r , l , , lr 'rl \ . ' t \ l

|,
l,
I Introduction

memory is in generalmore focusedon the component elementsthat make up the

o O 6* :
town. As it existed by the end of the nineteenth century, Ouidah comprised -P e = e i e E c -L
twelve quarters,each with its own distinct origins and history. These were: first, '"p = o! 5, i-i E E :i -bb! 4
e9.q Eg.F
bgF;
Tov€, the original settlement, rvhich predated European contactJ on the east of i! :F! l o*r 5o Lc< LP; 7c. : U
>\ €5xerE€
the town; second,three quarters associatedwith the European forts which were ilililillililt|

established in the town in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries - r6-
:z o ci 5 : >& I S
from west to east (which is also the chronologicalorder of their establishment)
Ahouandjigo (French), Sogbadji (English) and Docomd (Portuguese);third, two
quarters on the north of the town, which representthe Dahomian administrative
'Fon
establishmentinstalled after the conquest of the 1720s- Fonsaramd,the
[i.e. Dahomian] quarter' (the location of the residence of the Dahomian
viceroy), and Cahosaramd,'Caho's quarter' (originally the site of the Dahomian
military garrison, whose commander had the title Caho); and finally, six further
quarters were added in the nineteenth century, all on the west€rn side of the
town, and all founded by individual merchants - Ganvd, founded by the Afro-
F'rench trader Nicolas d'Oliveira; three quarters associatedwith the Brazilian q)

Francisco Felix de Souza, called Bl6zin, or in French Br6sil (i.e. Brazil), Maro a

and Zomai, and two established by indigenous African traders, Boya and
Qu6num quarters.42Gavoy's survey thus follows a sketch of the history of the t L

town by separate notcs on its various quarters, while Reynier's is wholly a

organized.around the distinctive histories of the twelve quarters, and indeed L

most of its material relates to the origins and history of individual fbmilies
within them; and a large section of Agbo's later Histoire reproduces this
framework (along with most of Reynier's detailed information). In addition, as
noted above, some prominent Ouidah families have published their own q
k
histories; and my own fieldwork has also related mainly to the history of !
particular families and compoundsin the town.
'fhe C'
focus of local tradition on individual families is paralleled by the mass of q)

detailed documentation in contemporary sources,which record the names or titles

bo
of many individuals in Ouidah with whom the various European agencieshad deal-
ings. In many cases,the same persons figure in both traditional and contemporary F
sources;in fact, my own interest in the possibility of a study of the town's social his- a

tory was initially stimulated by the realization, in my first visits to Ouidah in the
G
1980s,that many of the namesof families still living in the town were alreadyfamil-
iar to me from the contemporary documentation of the pre-colonial period. The
combination of traditional and contemporary sourcesoften permits a quite detailed a.t
confrontation between the two, in which each can serve both as a control over G

and to elucidateobscuritiesin the other; and the history of particular familiescan 2.

1r 'I'he l2 quartcrs werc listed hl Rcrnicr in 1917,although hv then llova rnd Ganri uere rrgarded as sub-

d i r i s i o n s o l a s i n g l c q r r r r l t r . S r r b s u r ; r r e nrtn r r l g r n r r l i o n s r c t l u c e ( l t h c n r r n r h c r o f ' r c c o g n i z e d q u a r t e r s t o s i x :
b v t h c l 9 J 0 s , t h c s c u c r e l o r c . \ h o r r r r r t l j r g o , S o g b a d j i l ) o u r n r i ( r r r r r l g r r r r r t c t l i n l ( ) . 1 6 ) ,l i r n s r r l n r i ( n o w ---a( ,
i n r ' l t r t l i n g( . r l r o s . r r r r r r t )l.l o r . r ( i . r r t r r ' . r r r rlll r t r i l ( r r r r o r p o r . r t i r r\gl . r r o . Z r l r r . u . r t r r l( ) t r i r r r r n tt l r r r t c r s ) . ( ) n
lhtotltcrllrtr,l,r,,rrrr'\ul)\l(trou\rrltlrcr,rrgrtt,rll/r;rr.rrtrrrlr.rrcsrrltrtrltttrrtlrrl.rrrrrttl.urton()nlou\sltlus:
t ( t l r t r r ) n r p r r l ( l o l t i r < l l , , r l o t t r rlr.rr n r t l rl ., ' t t r r r t l rp , r t tr r l l , , t r r . r t .r tr r ' ,t s r r , r r . r r l . nt r g . t t , l t , i , r \ . \r( l t . r r i r t (
Y'''o'
r r r r . r r l r 'It l , r r l , r r , , r t . , . u . r l r r r
\

lt) tl
 Introduction Introduction

be traced over sevcralgenerations,in some casesback into the eighteenthcentury. of the murderer. Beyond this, in the tradirion of Leopold von Ranke,aiI am in
A f urthcr important 'source' [<rr the history of Ouidah is the town itself, as it general scepticalabout the enterprise of assigning guilt retrospectively,where this
survives to the present. One consequence of Ouidah's marginalization in the runs the risk of applying standards of moral or legal judgement in an ahistorical
twentieth century was that it was not subject to radical redevelopment.There were manner, as in the case of the slave trade, which, although nowadays consensually
some important changes:notably the elimination of thc office of the Dahomian stigmatized as a 'crime against humanity', was for most of its history legal under
viceroy. together with his official residence, whose site was given for the con- both E,uropeanand African law.{8The historian is more properlv concerned with
struction of the Roman Catholic cathedral in 1901, and the demolition of the issuesof causation than of moral judgement of past events.Here, the view that the
French fort (nou' a public square)in 1908.But the basic layout of thc town as it Atlantic slar.etrade was driven by supply conditions within Africa rather than by
existed in the second half of thc ninetecnth century was preserved;the major demand in the Americas seemsto me perverse.n"Even in narrowly economic terms,
colonial developmentswere added on to the town, as an extensionof it (to the it is difficult to square with the statistics of the trade, which were characterized,at
north-west), rather than disturbing the character of its historical centre. It is thus least from the late seventeenthcentury onrvards, by a combination of increasing
quite possible to use the walking tour of the town in Richard Burton's account volume of exports with rising prices, implying that this expansion was demand-
from the 1860sto find one's way around and identifJ'the maior monumentseven driven.50Beyond this, at a more basic level, it was after all not Afiicans who turnecl
today.+3Moreover, a detailed survey of the town's architectural heritage was up in ships at ports in Europe or America offering cargoesof slavesfor sale. As
undertakenas a joint project of the B6nin governmentwith the French Organiza- King Glele of Dahomey said in 1863,to a British missionurging him to abolishthe
tion for OverscasResearchin 1990-91,and providesinvaluableinformation on the trade, 'He did not send slavesawayin his own ships,but "white men" came to him
town's historl'.{a for them . . . if they did not come,he would not sell'.sl
It may also be said that, in stressingAfrican agency in the slave trade, this work
is consistent with the perceprions of the people of ouidah themselves,who are of
Theproblemof'perspectioe:
Ouidah and the sluuetrade course in many casesdescendantsof the slave merchants prominent in the town's
earlier history. It is sometimes suggestedthat Africans are n<lwadaysreluctant to
Any study of an Af,rican
'middleman' community such as Ouidah in the pre- admit the 'complicity' of their ancestorsin the slavetrade.s2In ouidah, howeveq
colonial period necessarilyemphasizesthe role of specificalh'
'African agency' in there has been littlc disposition to deny this aspectof the community's history. 'fhe
the operation of the Atlantic slave trade.{t I am very conscitlus,in part through local historian Casimir Agbo, lbr example, explicitly invokes the partnership that
some of the responsesto earlier presentations of my own work, that this is a operat€d between European slave-tradersand the local African authorities: 'The
controversial issue, in so far as there is a widespread disposition to regard any Europeanswere very accommodatingin thcir relations with the Hueda kings ...
emphasis on the voluntary cooperation of Africans in the slavc trade as, by and the latter benefited from the situation ... [this] secured large resourcesto the
implication, an attempt to denv or minimize the culpability of Europeansin it.*" throne'; likewise, when Ouidah was brought under the rule of the kings of
My own motive and purpose are quite other: it is becausemy starting point is Dahomel' after 1727,'all these judicious arrangiements [for the administration of
within the history of Africa rather than of the slavetrade as strch,that I approach the town] and above all thc slavetrade enriched the kings and their represenra-
the lamer from the perspectiveof its mode of opcration and ef-fbctswithin Africa. tives'.5rWhen the French authoritiesdemolishcdthe former French fort in Ouidah
Nor do I personally subscribeto the view that the involvement of some Africans in in 1908,this provoked protestsfrom the community that it was a valued monument
the operation ofthe slavetrade servcsto exonerateeither the European socictiesor at Virn
Ranke's famous dictum about telling historv pit es dgtntlirh gdrrcrc, was not, as it is commonlv
the individual Europeanswho engagedin it. In part, this is becauseit implicitly misundcrstood, a claim that the historian can determinc 'objcctivc' truth, but rathcr a rcpudirtion of thc
assumcsa sort of moral calculus, positing a fixed quantum of rcsponsibility view that thc historian should or could act as a judge.
'^ Although
availablefor distribution, which would seembizarre if applied in other contexts- in thc last pcriod of the slavc trade (in Ouidah, cffcctivcll lrom l8l5) it was illegal under
Fiuropcan lau', though still lcgal in Atiican svstems ofla*:
in a case of murdcr, for example, $'here contributorl responsibilit,vassigned to {" Scc \\'illiam (ierrirsc (.lrrence ''l'hc
Smith, tlvnarnics of'thc Afiican slavc tradc', ;uitlcu (1.<trulon),61
others vyouldnot, I think, normally be thought to cancelor evcn diminish the guilt ( l9(,+).275 li6.
irl l'rtricf
\lrnnirrg, .\ltrtr), tu,l llittun Ltli ((.rnrbridgc, 1990),92 9.
rr Burton, ,IIissrott,i,5ll I 16, chaptcr IV,'A rvalk rountl \\rhvdrth'. 'r
P l ' . l ) c s p r t c h t ' . l i o n t ( . o t r r t t t o t l r r c\ \ ' i l n r o t r c s p c c t i n g h i s V i s i t t o t h e K i n g o f - D r h o m e v ( 1 8 6 - 3 ) ,n o . l , 2 9
l' Alain Singu & Ilcrnrrdin ,\gbo (ctls), Ouidth tt sort
futruwtirtL (l)rris,/(rrtonou, l99l); sce llsrt thc coffcc- _Jan I lJ(r.i
'r 'l
t r l r l c s l r i n o l i . \ l a i n S i n o r r , / . , ( : n i l f i t t t r l ( O u n l r h , t n t u l l L t l r i t t i n t s t r t . 4 a l r r r( il ) r r i s , l ( ) ( ) ! ) l t t s r r . t s . t l l t t l r , l ,l , r r t r . t t t t p l t .l r r \ l r r t , r r r \ n r t r i t r r r r sr t s i t l e r r li r r ( i h r n r , i r r t r r n r r t t t i g l r i t h c g n t r o v c r s i c s
r ' l i r r t l r t r ( r ( t ) l l r ( . n ( l l o c r r r p h ; r s i ztch c r o l < o l \ l i i t . r n . r q c r trL i r r l l r < s l r r < l t r t l t . . c t , t ) \ ( t l l r t r ( p l ( \ ( r r l . r l r , r r , , lt l r r ' . l , r r rl r , r l r r r . r l r r s t o r r r . cr lr l r i l r i t i o rrrt l ( . . r t l c( - o a s t( , r s t l e i n t h c 1 9 9 0 s :
l . l r i s . 7 l , l l r , , , , l l l r t , r n . \ / , t ; , r l t rJ h , l n r , r r ' , r r ( ( . . r r r r l r r r r l { t . . ' { l 7l X l ) . r l r ( l ) l l \ l t r l t \ l r r r l l r r k r r ' t r r r r ' ( , , ' r t r \ t r ( l t r r r . u n , r l t r r , r l r ( r i o t t . t t t o l tr\t r r t l( i l t ; l l r ' . ( . r 1 l t , ( i r r s t ( . r s t l c

" I r | . r n ' r r r r . K . r l ' . r . ' l l\rt ,l . r r r t \r l, . r \ (t r . r ( l \' \ . r \ 1 1 , / . r " 1 ' 1 . r , |l ,' ,1' .rIr l, l r l , , , . r t t ' t " , l / r r , , r r t . \ l r r / r , ' l l ' t r t t t . l r l r t l r l t , r r t . ( r ' , . , . . r , ' . r , 1l ,' , ' ,l 1 ' 1 ,t r , , . . . r , , r , i . I r . , , 1 ", r r r \ r r s t r r , l t l , t t t t ,. \ ' 1 t , , I t t , l , .
"t
ll I l'(rlll) | '(l \ r ' 1 , , '/ / , , r , , , , , i l , l l

l.'
 Introduction Introduction

of local history, and in particular of its long associationwith France.saWhy the the Americas was celebrated in the UNESCo-sponsored 'ouidah '92' conference
French demolished the fort is not clear, though many people in the town nowadays (actually held in January 1993), which took the form of a 'world festival of podun
believethat it was out of feelingsof shame at France'searlier role in the slavetrade; arts and cultures'.It can be arguedthat this emphasison the cultural consequences
if this is so, it is ironic, since local people evidently did not have any such feelingsof of the slave trade serves implicitly to silence the sufferings of its victims.5eHow-
shame. ever, the victims of the trade were also commemorated in monuments constructed
There has bccn, at least until very recently,a local consensusthat the slavetrade in connection with the 'ouidah '92' conference along the 'slaves' route' from the
was a good thing for Ouidah. Burton in the 1860sfound that Kpate, the man who town to the sea,notably the'Door of No Return [La Porte du Non-Retour]'at the
according to tradition welcomed the first European traders to Ouidah (and thereby embarkationpoint <lnthe beach.And in 1998an erplicit'ceremony of repentance'
'worshipped as a was instituted in ouidah, held annually in January, at which speechesare made
inaugurated the town's participation in the slave trade) was
benefactor to mankind';ssand the cult of Kpate continues to the present. Under requesting forgivenessfrom the descendantsof enslavedAfricans in the diaspora
French colonial rule, when Ouidah, although now commerciallv marginalized, for the community's historical role in their forcible transporration.
remained a leading centre of French educatir)nand literate culture, the emphasisin In writing the history of ouidah, there is no doubt that part of the problem of
celebration of Kpate shifted from the material benefits of the slavetrade to its role perspectivearises,in my own case,from the experienceof courteous welcome and
in the penetration of European influence: in the 1930s,it was noted that Kpate was generous assistancereceived in the course of my research from members of the
veneratedas 'the hero of the importation of Europeancivilization'.s6 ouidah community nowadays,and a perhaps inevitable tendency to read this
This perspectiveevidently focuseson the implications of the slavetrade f<lr the friendliness back into the historical representation of their ancestors.It is difficult
local community, those who benefited directly or indirectly from the sale of slaves, in any case to attempt to reconstruct the history of a community from within
rather than for the victims of the trade. The experience of the slavesthemselves without historical empathy sliding into a degree of emotional svmpathy. However,
does not appear to have figured largely in local understandings of the trade. the most important dimension of the problem relates to the more basic technical
Attitudes to the slavetrade in Ouidah have also,however,been affected by the fact problem of the nature of the sources.Not only does this study depend mainly on
that some of those exported as slaves returned to resettle in West Africa. One European rather than African sources,but even the Afiican sourcesavailablereflect
quarter of Ouidah, Maro, in the south-west of the town) was settled by former the perspectiveof local beneficiariesof the slave trade - Dahomian administrators
slavesreturning from Brazil, beginning in the 1830s.Casimir Agbo, while acknow- and local nrerchants, or persons providing ancillary services (such as porters and
ledging the brutalities involved in their original cnslavement and transportation, canoemen) * rather than of its victims. Moreover, in so far as local traditions
neverthelessmaintains, on the authority of some of these returned ex-slaves,that principally represent the collective memories of particular families, they inevitably
'almost all'
slaves'were quite well treated in the Americas', and in particular that recall slave-traderssuch as Francisco Felix de Souza in relation to their clescen-
gained their freedom and 'most' returned home to Africa (whereas,in fact, only a dants, as benevolentfbunding ancestors,rather than in relation to the slaveswhom
very small minority of those exported into slavery were able to return). Again, he they sold, as exploiters of their fbllow-humans.
stressestheir role in the dissemination of European culture: their enslavementin Local tradition does give some accessto the experienceof-enslavement,to the
'a taste of civilization' and by their return they extent that many slaveswere retained within Ouidah, rather than being sold into
America enabled them to get
'contributed to thc civilization of their country of origin by the modern habits export; and such slavesalso have descendants,who may preservc some memory of
which they transmitted to their descendantsand relatives'.si their lives. Martine de Souza, for example, is descendednot only from the slave-
In more recent proiects of historical commemoration in Ouidah, emphasis has trader Francisco Felix de Souza, but also, in the maternal line, from a slave;one of
continued to be placed upon the cultural interactions deriving from the slavetrade, her great-grandmothers,Marie Lima, being in origin a captive taken, at the age of
though now with increasinginterest in the town's role in transmitting the African 15, b'1'thcDahomian army in an attackon the town of Meko to the east,in modern
religious traditions visible in America, especially the uaudou religion of Haiti, Nigeria (in 1882),and sold in ouidah ro a prominent Brazilian trader,JoaquimJoio
Brazilian candombliand Cuban santeria.as well as in the Brazilian influence in West Dias l,ima, who took her as his wife.t', []ut those retained in local slaverv were. in
Africa. Reciprocal cultural influcnces betwcen Brazil and B6nin are thus central to
rhe representarionof the historv of Ouidah in thc exhibiti<ln in the Historical " r^'' Olu,ldh (l'orlo \orrr. l9(r9).
'l
his cnrphasis is lcss pronrincnt in ir morc rceent vcrsion: Romain-
Museum cstablishcdin the 1960s;5* while thc transnrissionof African religion to l'lrifilrlrcl.krttri \ s s o g h r t .l t l l t i L , l ' h t s t t , t r t f u O u u l t h : l ) r ; c r t u t r ' r t L , l tl a C i t r , ! e s l i r l a r r , . r ( C o t g n o u , 1 9 9 0 ) .
I I o t r c r t r , t l r e e r l r i l r i t r o ri t s t l l r e r r r . r i l s r r l r s l r r r r t i : rrlrl nt r . h r n g c t l .
''
l \ ' r c r S r r t l r t r l . t t t r l , ' l t tt n c t t t , r t t , l t l r t r l . r r c s . r r r \ l r r t . r r r r i t * o l l h c l ) i a s p o r r i n t h c A m e r i c a s ' ,i n J c a n
" Ihi(1.,25
\ l L r t l l r , r l l . r l r r r r 1 t , 1 . 1 i , 1 ' , , \ t n t t t t t l r \ , , 1l l l r , l n t , ' , t t , l t h , l \ ' t l , t r r r t r n r ru f l l t n t t t r s ( \ \ t s t p o r t . 1 9 9 9 ) , l g s
" I l u r t o n .t l r r v o a i.i , 2 ( 1 7
' ( . h r i s t i . r\ lne r L r . ' l l i e r . t t < l rt tl t t l t t s l I t l (t ) r t r t l . t l/t/' /. / l \ , 5 r ' r r t l l . ) / l ) (1')lll)'l ltl
'
' \
l r r rl , l s , ' r l , r l r \ , ' r r r , rt , , n r l , . ' i l r ( 1 I, r r l . r l r ,| ) . r s l ' .Ir \ 1 . r rr r r r r ,' l r \ o r r z . r ' sl r o t l r t , r ,, r r r r g
l r . r r r r tl l r r r g l r l t . or l \ l r r i c
\qlr'. llrt,'trt,;)
' N ( l r r t r r t r l , l l( r r r l , l l a ' , t h r t l " r t 4 u t , l r I t t t t . t ) , I r t r . t , l r r l ' r ' r l r l . l ! ' l l r ' l | ) ' r ' l N l ll , , . r , t r r r r r r | 1 1 . t , l r , r l r r r I ' l l r . l r r s r r r l t . \ l . r r 1 1 r r r l ( ) . l f i
S t r ' t l r l r ' t f ! f n . r l\ r ' r \ r r r r , l t l r r t r t r t r r t t r t 't t t t , l , l ' , , , 1l ' r , r t , \ , t v , r

tl I'
 Introduction Introductron
comparative terms, the fortunate ones, in escaping the brutality of the middle lVote on spelling
passageand the harsher exploitation that was generally the fate of those taken into
slavery in the Americas; indeed, it is recalled that, when Marie Lima's mother Thc spcllingof local words and namesin this study presentsconsiderabledifficultv.
visited Ouidah, in an attempt to secure her daughter's liberation and return home 'Ihe
Fon language can be transcribed in a varictv of ways. Most accurately, a
(probably after the French conquest of Dahomey in 1892), she declined to leave. phonetic script is emploved, which includes some letters additional to (or with
Partly in recognition of this, the descendantsof slavesin Ouidah tend to maintain difl'erent valuesfrom) the standardLatin alphabet.This script is not rvidcly used in
an identification as clients with those of their ancestors' owners, even when not writing, however, Fbn words and names being more commonlv spellcd in the
actually absorbedinto the family through intermarriage. stanclardLatin alphabet, therebv losing some o1' the distinctions made in the
The experience of those rvho were transported into trans-Atlantic slavery is in phonetic script. !'crl' ofien, moreover, spelling follclrvs F-rench cont entions,
comparison very poorly represented in the surviving documentation. A few of offering for examplc 'ou' for 'u', 'dl' fnr 'j', 'c' for 'k'. As an illustrative example,
those sold into export, as noted above, were able to return to Africa, and some of the name of the kingdom from which that of the town of ouiclah is dcrivcd may be
the families founded by repatriated former slaves in Ouidah preserve some writtcn 'Xwectl' in the phonetic script, 'Huecla' in the Latin alphabct,or'HourSda'
recollection of the circumstancesof their original enslavementin Africa. Joaquim in the French spelling.
Lima, for example, was himself descended from an ex-slave from Brazil, and The conventionsadopted in this work are l compromiscamong the conflicting
tradition in his famill- recalls that its founder, who was probably his grandfather,
demands of accuracy,consistcncvand recognizability F'or ordinary Fon words,
was originally fiom Mahi, north of Dahomey',and had been seizedas a slavewhen
titlcs and common personalnamesand f<rrthc namcsof'pre-colonialkingdomsand
he went to Abomey in an attempt to redeem his brother, who had earlier been taken
ethnic groups, the quasi-phonetictranscription in the standardLatin alphabetis
captive by the Dahomian army.6rBut firsthand accountsby victims of the Atlantic generally employed: as, for example, 'Hueda'. F-tir the names of tolns, and of
slave trade are very rare. Of over a million slaves who were exported through f'amiliesthat still erist in ouidah, howevel it seemedproper to usr:rhc forms that
Ouidah, only two appear to have left any sort of personal record. One of these,
are currently in use, rvhich are generally in the French fbrm: for examplc, thc
Mahommah Gardo Baquaqua,was exported through Ouidah to Brazll in 1845, and names of two villages to the south of Ouidah are given as 'Zoungbodji' and
publishedhis autobiographyin thc USA in 1854."'ZA second,Kazoola,aliasCudjo 'Djegbadfi' (which is rvhat
a visitor will find on krcal signposts),rather rhan
Lewis, was taken from Ouidah to Alabama, USA, in 1860; his story rvasrecorded 'Zungboji' and 'Jcgbaji';
and those of-three of the major merchanr families<lf the
over 50 years latcq whcn he was a very old man.nl
town as'Adjovi', 'Codjia'and 'Gnahoui' (rvhich is how family membersnowadays
Given that their sufferings and exploitation werc the basis of the prosperity of spell these names),rather than 'Aiovi', 'Kojia' and 'Nyawi'. Spclling conventions
Ouidah, as well as of the much greater opulenceof the slave-owningEuropean
were,of'course,not standardizcduntil reccntl; so that earlv written sourccsempkry
colonial societies in the Americas and of slaving ports in Europe, the slaves
spcllings that are inconsistent with cach other, as well as being inaccurateby
themselvesarguably ought to occupy centre-placein an analysis of the history of
modern standards.In p;eneral,such deviant forms are emploved in this work onlv
the town during its period as a port of the Atlantic slave trade. But, although an in direct quotationsfiom sources;otherwisemodern spellingsare pref-erred.In a
attempt has been made in what follows to give attention to what the slave trade fel cases,holcvcr, corlupt earh forms of local toponyms have bec<lmesanctione(l
meant fbr the slaveswho passedthrough Ouidah in transit to the Amcricas, as well by usage,and remain in gleneraluse today',and these are retained here, examplcs
as for the permanent inhabitants of the town, it cannot bc claimed that propor-
being thc namcs of the kingdom 'Dahomey' and its capital 'Abomey' (rather than
tionalll; in terms of the amount of spacetheir experienceis accorded,thev are the more strictly correct 'Danhom6', 'Agbom6').A specialproblem is posedby the
adequatelyrepresented.The dedication of this book to their memory' is offercd as a casc of Ouidah itself, whose namc is commonly given in Anglophone literature
compensatorygestureof acknowlcdgementof this inevitable failurc. (including earlicr rvork of mv own) in the form 'Whydah', which was the usual
F.nglishspelling in the pre-colonialpcriod. But here considerationsof familiaritv
havc to yiclclto thc usirseof'thc community itself, in which'Ouidah'is the spelling
" ' R c v n i e r , ' O u i d a h ' , 4 2 . J o a q u i m | , i m a u a s p r o b a h l l r s o n o l J o a t l u i n r d e ( . c r r l r r c i r r L i n r r , a t t c s t c t lr t O u i d a h in currcnt and ollicial use.
'enrigrant'
in thc lli60s, rvhosc lirther wrs irn fionr llrazil, firrnrurll rcsident in Lrgos: Iltrrton, /rlnsi'ir, ii,
It-9.
'r
lliogruphl,rtf llthonruth O. llt4utt4tr,t(ctl. Srnttttl \lrxrrc. l)ctroit. lfl5-l). sct llso tlrt rrrotlcrn etlilion,
I l r r b i t r l . a n & l ' r r r l 1 . . L o r e j o r ( c t l s ) , l h L l l t , ' 4 r , t p h y t l l l r h , ' n r t t t L O r r , l , t I l r 4 u t 4 n r ( l ) r i r r t t t o r r l. ( X ) l ) .
" ' l l c u r s i n t t ' r r i e u t t l o n s e r t r . r lr x r ' . r s i , , r r s . i r r r l r r t l i t /r oI lrt.rr \ r ' . r l c l l r r r s t o r r . ' (L r t l l o ' s ( ) \ \ r ] \ l r )or l' \t l r t l r s l
\ f r i t r r r ' l . r r c r ' . / , , u t n , t l , , l \ , t ' r , , l l t ' r , , t) . l . ' { l ' , . ' i ) t , l l i I ' i . \ ( r . r l r r ,\ , r r . r l r rS r r z r r r r l { , , 1 ' r . r r v r r r , ' l l r
\ l t t , . r r r\ r t , t s t t r r r l l l t t l , ' t t t t r l r trr, l \ l t t r . r l o r r t t\ l . r l ' . t r r (r l. 't l l l ) t l t ( . r . .I r r t r , r \ r t \r r l l l s . t . 1 ' t ' l t , tl l r t '
r l . r l rr r l l r r rl r , r r l l r r r l . t l r r rr \ ( r , r r r r , ) n l \t , r r rr r . r . l. \ r r l .l r r r tn . r r l r , , r , l r r , r l r . r l 'll\rt r { l

lf r

1 Savi, I I km further north.2 The people of Hueda belonged to the same linguistic
*tgE.
Origins
Ouidah Beforethe Dahomian Conquest
The historl' of Ouidah is intelligible only by reference to its geographical
situation, which has however often been misunderstood and misrepresented in
accounts of the operation of European trade in West Africa. It is commonl)'
referred to as a'port', but this is strictly inaccurate,indeed positivelymisleading.l
Although it became an important centre for European maritime tradc from the
seventeenthcentury onwards, it is not in fact situated on the coast,but some 4 km
inland, actually to the north of the lagoon which in this area runs parallel to the
coast, and so separates Ouidah from the seashorc. The slaves and other
commoditics exported through Ouidah had therefore to be taken overland and
acrossthe lagoon to the beach, rather than being embarked directly into European
ships. At the coast itself, moreover, there is no
harbour, but only an open roadstead.Indeed, heavy surf along the beach, and on
sandbarsparallel to it, makes it impossible for large vesselsto approach close to
the shore. European ships trading at Ouidah had therefore to stand 2-3 km ofl,
and to communicate with the shore through smaller vessels,for rvhich purpose
African canoes were normally employed. The town's relative isolation from the
sea, combined with its proximity to the coastal lagoon, played a critical role in
shaping its historical development,during as well as prior to its involvement in the
trans-Atlantic trade.
'Ouidah' is the spelling of the town's name current nowadays' it
Although
occurs in European sourcesbetween the seventeenthand nincteenth centuries in
various other forms: in English most commonly
'Ajudi'.
French Juda', and in Portugucse
indigenousname that woulclbc morc corrcctlv writtcn, b1'n.roclcrn
' H u e d a ' ( o r i n a d i : r l c c tv a r i r r n t ' P c d a ' )S. t r i c t l v i r n c o
n a m c o f ' t h c t o n n n r l v i r t l r r vcsr r l l e d( ) t r i r l i r h b
bclongcd i r r t h c l ; r t cs ( ' \ c l l t u c n l lr)r r r <t '
l r u ' l re i g h t t ' t ' n t hc c l l t t t r i ( ' sr,r l t o s cc r t p i t i tul ' i t s
( 11 1 " l ' , r t t " , l r ( ) r r r r l . r l r ' r. n ( ) r r t l t t r
l i11 l:rrglt..t.rrl,'l.t(11(.\11r11(.11(1
l l t ' r n t r t tr t r tr r t 1 ( ) r l o . l r l r l r l . l . ' r itr
ls
'port' in the senseof a sheltered
'Whydah', in Dutch 'Fida', in
All thcsc are attcmpts t0 rcnder an
convcntions,as
l r i g i n i r l h ,I I u e d i ru i r s n o t t h c
, u l r ; t t h c ro l ' t h c k i n g d o n rt o l v h i c h i t
l l r . r r rt t
Ouidah Before the Dahomian Conquesr
€troup as the Fon of Dahomey, although historically distinct from them; this
language family is nowadays generally called by scholars 'Gbe' (but formerly
commonly'Ewe'or'Adja', and in French col<lnialusage'Diedii').rIn contemporary
sources,the name Hueda may have been noted first by Spanish missionariesvisiting
the kingdom of Allada to the north-easr in 1660, who recorded it (apparently) in
the form Jura' or 'Iura';r more certainly, it enters the historical record in l67l (as
'Juda'), when
the French first established a trading factory there.5 rn 1727 the
Hueda kingdom was conquered by the inland kingdom of Dahomey. As a political
unit, it thereafter survived only in the form of a minor successor-state,formed by
refugees from the l)ahomian conquest, on the western shore of t,ake Ah6m6
(Hen), about 20 km west of ouidah, this relocated kingdom being distinguishe{ as
Hueda-Henfi, 'Hueda on [Lake] Hen'.6 However, the name Hueda (in its various
European misspellings) continued to be applied to the coastaltown, now subject to
Dahomey. In the present work, to avoid confusion, the form 'Hueda' is used only
to refer to the pre-1727 kingdom, and after 1727to the successorkingdom-in-exile
establishedto the west, while the modern form 'ouidah' is used of the town.
strictlv. although the town could properly be described as '[in] Hueda', the use
of this name to designate the rown specifically is in origin a foreign, European
terminologv; and in local usageeven today 'ouidah' remainsits normal name onlv
in French. The correct indigenousname of the town, which is still usuallyused by
its inhabitants when speaking in the local language, Fon, is Glehue (in F-rench
spelling, 'Glehou6'). This name also regularly occurs in contemporaryEuropean
sourccs from the seventeenth century onwards. The earliest extant document
written from ouidah, a letter from an English trader in 1681, is dated, quite
correctly, at 'Agriffie in whidaw', i.e. Glehue in Hueda.i Later, Europeans used
versions of the name Glehue interchangeablywith, although less commonly than,
ouidah: for example,in English'Grigue', 'Griwhee'or'Grewhe'; in French some-
times 'Gl6gou6'or 'Gr6gou6',but most commonly .Gregoy'.8
r lbr thc historv
of the I Iueda kingdom, see esp. Robin Lawl "'T'he common pcoplc were divided": rnonarch\,
rristocracy and political firctionalismin the kingdom ofWhvdah, 1671-1727', IJ.4llS,23 (1990),201-291
Gillcs Raoul Soglo, 'I-cs Xweda: dc la formation du rovaume de Savi (Saxc) i la dispersion, XVe-XVIIle
siiclc'(M6moirc de maitrise, UNB, 1991/5).
'
Dwc rnd Adja arc properlv thc n;tmes of particular subgroups of the lingrristic llmily (in eastcrn Ghana and
'l'ogo),
whilc l)lcdji dcrives fiom the nirmc given fo spcakers of thesc languages in Brazil; 'Gbe' is a
n c o k r g i s m ,d e r i v e d f i o m t h r w r r d l i r r ' t o n g u e ' ( l n d h c n c e ' l a n g u a g c ' ) i n t h c s e l a n g u a g c s .
+ Basilio de Zrmorr,'(irsmographia,
o c l e s c r i p c i o n d c l m u n d o ' ( N { S o f 1 6 7 . 5 ,i n B i b l i o t h c c a P u b l i c a d r r
F l s t a d r r , ' l ' t r l c t l r(ri,r l l c c g i o n d c N I S . Sl J o r n o n - l . o r e n z o , n o . 2 { 4 ) , 4 7 ; , f o s c p h d e N a x a r a , 1 . . : r f q !m
, i s t t r u ,r n q u e
tl honhrt ittL'nt)r J( ililru lvi(tt((tilt'iltL rllustrtlo (,\latlrid, 1672\.2i8.
i As
rcfrtctl rclrr)sl)frli\cl\ (l(rl{ii) br .ltrrr l}rrlrot; l)rrrl Ihir cr al. (ctls), Btrhot on Curntu: 'l'fu llritmcs ul'
. ' / u n l l t r l u t o n l l c t t l / i r , t t . l t t / , \ l i l l ( l . o n t l r r r r .l ( ) ( ) l ) ,i i , 6 . l 5 6 .
" ' l l t i s l l r r < r l i s r r t c c s s o r s t .lrrtrts. l ' t r . l l r r t l t . \ t i r ( l t ( ( l . l ) r t l s t . r . S o g l o . ' l . e s \ u c t l r ' 7. 7l l1. )
t Rtrlrin f.rrr (r'rl
). lht I ullt,h tu lllt llrt,t lt'\l \; l l t , l . , , , t l ( t t t r , . t p t l r , l L t r to l t h r l ? r t y t t l l l i i t n t O o n r
l t , t t t t, ' l I i l t ' 1 , t i l 'llt ' \ l
t t t t l ' , u t | ( l , , r r , l , ' r r .l ' l ' l , l r r r r ' , r l t r r
r r r r r l , t r , / r r l r , h t u l l t , t l l t ! , t , t ) , r r 0 - 1 7 6. l O l r l r
'l
l r o rr r t .( r l r l r r r r '. ) l \ l , n l t ' \ |
\ |ll( \rrt'l'(rlr.tt
o l l l r t t l , , r rl l t I r , l ' r l r r i r l i , r . r r ( ( r l r l r r r r ' r r . r . , ! r \ rt .r n, l l r r r n s r r , , n l r . r l t l rt l r r
. r l ( t ( l \ ) , ^ ' , : . l k \ l 1 t t tt t r "'"
J ) . t l t , r n r tL. ,r ,nr ' l L r r r, r. rt I ' r ' , 1 ,r rl r r r r , , r, r, , r
t,,
 Ouidah Before the Dahomian Conqucst Ouidah Before the Dahomian Conquesr
'lhe
gives founder of Ouidah is regularlvnamed in localtradition as Kpase (in French
The French trader Jean Barbot, who visited the Hueda kingdom in 1682,
as its commercial centre a further different name, spelling, 'Passd'),who is in consequencethe subject of a cult in the town to the
the coastal village thai servecl
'Pelleau'.')This name does not occur independently in reference to Ouidah in any present. Aftcr his death, hc is said to have metamorphosedinto a tree that still
1860s, survivesas the focus ol'his shrine,in u,hat is known as Kpasezun,'Kpase'sForcst',
later source, and Richard Burtgn, who enquired about it at ouidah in the 'fov6,
,now What seem to be versions of this name do occur' how- located in Tov6 quarter, or, rather, originally' in the bush bey'ond but
founcl it unknown'.l0
t<l a place on nowadal's absorbed within the town.r'5 In contemporarv sources, however, thc
ever, in lturopean sourcesearlier in the seventeenthcentury, applicd
of Ouidah) and Allada earliest rcference to the story of Kpase and his cult in Ouidah is onlv from the
thc coastbetwcen Popo (nowadaysGrancl-Popo,30 km west 'Fula.' 'lbv6
1840s.16'I'he inhabitantsof are said to havebeen dispcrscdin the Dahomian
(whoseprincipal .oaitrl traclingoutlet was at Godomey,30 km to the east):
'F-tiulaeni." F.o- the situation inclicated, this was presumably also identical conquest of 1727, but subsequentlyrcsettled there under l)ahomian rule; they
and
'Pelleau','Fulao' and 'Foulaen' probably were led in this resettlementby a ncphew of Kpase called'Ithiakp6, who fbunded a
with the later Glehue/Ouidah. The names 'lbv6
group family that still exists in the quarter.rt The dominanr I-amily in in recent
representHula, or in an alternativc form Pla, which is the name of an ethnic
like Rrn and Hueda, to the Gbe family) which according times,which alsocontrolsKpase'sshrine,calledAdjovi, roseto prominenceonly in
1*t or. languagebelongs, the nineteenth century', but claims descent fr<lm Kpase (although this claim is
is, in f'act,
te traditioi originatcdin Grand-Popo (whose correct indigcnous name
ro settle at various places along the coast, including in disputedby othcrs in the town).r8
Hula) an4 migiated east
'Offra', the name give-n liuropeans to Kpasc is normally supposedto havebeen a king of Hueda,r'rusually identifiedas
particular Jakin (mo4ern Godomey).r2 !v
of the seventeenth its secondruler, son and successorto the fbunder of the kingdom, who is named as
ih.l. p.ir,.ipal place of trade in Allada during the secondhalf
from' Jakin), is clcarly Haholo.z0While this has becomethe canonicalversion. however.a different account
centuiy lwiricn was situate<I close to, though distinct
this name to ouidah presumabll' of the origins of Ouidah is given in the traditions of the Hula kingdom ofJakin,
another variant of this name. The application of
originally the dominant, element in its whose capital rvas originally Godomcy but was removed, after the destruction of
reflects the fact that an important, perhaps
Hueda. that town by the Dahomians in 1732, further easrro Ekpd, and subsequcntly (after
population was Hula rather than
the destruction of the latter in turn in 1782) to K6tonou. These rccount the
migration of the Hula founder-king, called Kposi ('Possi'), from Grand-Popo to
settleat Glehue, which by implication he firundcd.This accountenvisagesa period
Thefoundationof Ouidah when Glehue was indepcndentof the Hueda king at Savi, with whom Kposi is said
original to havc delimited a frontier. However, subscquently the Savi king is said to have
Storics of the founclation of Ouidah are in fact contradictory. The made war on Kposi, driving him to move cast to settle at Godomey.2rAlthough the
predatcd European contact, is generally identified today with the
scttlement, which traditions state that this displacementoccurred in the rcign of Hufon (Houffon),
quarter ..il.d Tnu6, on the no.th-.*t..n side of the town; and this is consistent
the last Hueda king befbre the Dahomian conquest (reigned 1708-27),22it is clear
with a report of the early eighteenth century that the indigenous village of Glehue that if historical it must in fact have been earlier; Glehue was evidcntly already
how-
was situaied to the eastof th. F...t.h and English forts there.rr There is also,
'Glehuc l)aho', i.e. 'Great Glehue', to the west of Tov6
ever, a compound called Ii f)cscribed in Sinou & Agbo,
Ouitlah,223.
(nowadaysconsideredto fall within lionsaramd,thc Dahomian quarter tlf the town); "' Ilrue,'!by'agc lait cn l8'1.1,dirns le royaumc dc l)ahomel'', RC',7 (lti15), 5.5(giving the namc as'Passi').
now occupied by a Dahomian family, Nassara, this is also sometimes
I7 Rcvnicr,'Ouidah',.17-8.
rE Ibid., 47; but sec, frrr cxlmple, Agbo, Ilistoire,203,
"t,no.,ghto representthe original pre-Dahomian settlement,as its name implies'ra rvho describes thc claint as'hazardous'.
claimed r" 'I'his vcrsion first in (iavo1, 'Note
historiquc', 4ll. But the other early rccension of local tradition, bv
'Ouidah',
' Reynicr; 47, is vagucr: Kpasc merch 'bclonged to thc Pedah [Hueda] family of which thc head
Barbot, On Guinea,ii, 635
r " B u r t o n , . 1 4 l s s i , , r ,i . 1 0 8 . wls the King ofSari'.'l'he clrliest recordcd rcfcrcncc to Kpase, in thc l8-10s, presents him as a purcll local
Ir ,Fulatl, e.g. in Alonso de sandoval, Naturulezu, poliria sugrula i prulunu, t|slumhrts I ftlos. ths(tpltna t figurc,'cltrrrir lchicf'l of-r small hanrletin thc vicinitl of Gr6gou6 [Glehue ]': Bruc,'Vovage',55.
r') So Ciavor', 'Notc historique', 52, antl latcr sources
in olfcrt l)appcr, Naa{r'arigt l}rschril- dcriving fiom him, which list only fivc kings dorvn to
rurechismo et,angelicole rodosEtit\es (Seville, 1627),5l;'Rrulaen"
()eptsten (2nd edn, Amsterdam' 1676), 2nd pagrnation' I I 5' a n d i n c l u d i n g I I u l i r n ( I 7 0 1 32 7 ) . I l o u c v c r , o t h e r r e r s i o n s o 1 ' t h e I I u c d a k i n g l i s t i n c l u d c s c v e r a l a d d i t i o n a l
t inge dtr .4friku.ensthe
r2 Fbrthe Hula,secesp.A.Filixlroko, lcr tlututtu.XIlTuuXl.\tsilrlc((irtonou,2(X)l),whichconcentrutes n a m c s : { ) l r e l i s l s 1 . 1k i n g s o l r r h o t t t K p r s c i s t h c c i g h t h , a n o t h c r l . l w i t h K p a s c t h e l b u r t h ; f o r d i s c u s s i o n ,
to sclllc rl (iodttnrcr rnd othcr scc Sttglr,'l,ts \rrtth', {7 51. Sonre ol tlrc rtlditionrrl lings listcd (l'6, Amiton) appear in fact to be
on the original I lula homcland to thc wesr. I,irr trlditions ol l luh migrltiorts
l(l(,)6'+)'5176 p c t s t t t t s r r h o r u l t tr lr r t r s t r t i o t t s o ll l r t l l r r t r i r i r r t r i l t r l i e r t h e | ) r h o r r i i r n c ( , n q u e s t o f - t h c k i n g d o m .
placesrorhccasr,sce'I'homasMOu1610,'llistrtircctli'gcndcsdesl)ickcns"/j/),ns,
(h)'ttuL (2ntl c.n, ' ' \ l o r r l i r o ' l l i s t o i r t ' ,I i . l . . r l s ol { e r r r i r . r . )' r( r i r l r l r ' .
' r j e a n , B a p t i s t e L a h a t . I i 4 , u . * ,, 1 u O l t L i d l t . . , l t s . l l t r , l t t ^ , r O u t n l t , r r l , r i , t t t z , t t l i 5l L
rttrltrirl ttot irt lht' t t I l t t l , , t t ' r , l t t . l ( Lr ) n k p , , s r r s l r r L , r l l r r t r . r r l r t r o rt , l r i s r r . r r
r t l t l t i s r t o r l i r t t l t t r l t ' s r g r r i r r s tK i n r l \ g r j r o l l ) r h o n r c t ( i n 1 7 2 7 ) ,b u t
A n t s t e r d a n r ,l 7 . l l ) , i i , . 1 , 1 .l l c r c r s o l i c r r , t l r e P r r l r l i s l r t .rl t r s i o t t
r l r r r , r r . u , . r ' r l r ' ( r r l r t (
l l
( ( ( . . r \ ( l r r r rP' ., t r l r ' ( ' l l t r . t l r c tr l r s \ l t r t l l ' r r s ' ( l l i l r l i o r l ( ( r ) u r l \ t l r l l c r r r r r l r t . r r l \ 1 , ' r r l ,r , ' r , r r s t l r . r tI l r r l , r r , r t t , rLr c r l k 1 , , , s il r c r . r r r s ltr t r t l r r s r . r tl o r s s i s t h i n r r g a i n s t
.riqirrrlrrtrrrrrst.ript:'.lorr rrrl
'l \ t l . t 1 ,l tr ,r r tl { r r r t t r t ' . t r ' . t l r . r t l l r r l , ' t r " . . r t t , r r l , r r hr 1. rr r, rr rslrr r s t . . r r rKr ;l t , , s r r l r t t ( (\l{ r l i r t t o r t t l t c l l l r r l i r l
t l t i t q t t \er t i o t t . t l t . l ' . t r i sl , , t t r l lst . t t r lr r s , " i )
, , l f r t . l , l s , , r l . ( , l , . l r rl r) ,. r l r , , , r , r r r l , , , r r inl,)l , , ' l ) 1 l l \ r t r , , r r \ \ r l l " ' t ) t t t l ' 1 | t".:

rll 'l
 Ouidah Before the Dahomian Conquest
subject to Savi by 1671, when the French establishedtheir trading factory there,
since they negotiated with the Hueda king for permission to settle it.2l
The names 'Kpase' and 'Kposi' are sufficiently similar to raise suspicions that
they might be variants of a singlc name, and I suggestedearlier that Kpase/Kposi
was originally a figure in Hula tradition, whose co-option into the list of Hueda
kings is spurious.2aBut the two names are understood locally to be philologically
distinct. At the very least, however, some degree of confusion (or conflation)
between the two figures is indicated by traditional stories relating to the arrival of
the first European traders in Ouidah. These agree in attributing the first contact
with Europeans to a man called Kpate ('Patd'), who is said to have been collecting
crabs on the seashorewhen a European ship was passing,and raised a cloth on a
pole as a makeshift flag to attract their attention;2sin contemporary sources,
Kpate's name and story were first recorded in the 1860s.26 Like Kpase, Kpate is
worshippcd as a deified hero. The office of priest of Kpate, or Kpatenon, remains
hereditary within a family that claims descent from him, resident in l)ocomd, the
quarter ofthe Portuguesefort. In different versionsofhis story, Kpate is associated
either with Kpase, thc Hueda king at Savi (to whom he allegedly introduced the
European traders), or with Kposi, the Hula king settled locally (in whose entourage
hc originally arrived in Ouidah).27The former version, it may be noted, implies that
L,uropeanswere hitherto unknown; whereas the latter explicitly states that Kposi
and Kpate were familiar with them already,from earlier experienceat Grand-Popo.
There is also a parallel (and evidently related) ambiguity about Kpate's own ethnic
affiliation. Some versions claim that he was, like Kpase, a member of the Hueda
royal family;28current tradition in the Kpatenon family denies this, but agreesthat
Kpate was Hueda.2eBut other accounts state that he was Hula.30These two tradi-
tions, of foundation by the Hueda Kpase and the Hula Kposi, may perhaps be
regarded as complementary rather than contradictory, since Ouidah clearly
included both a Hueda and a Hula element: thc different stories may therefore
relate to the origins of different elements within Ouidah, rather than strictly repre-
senting alternative traditions of the foundation of the town as a whole.
The Hula element in Ouidah is representedtoday'most visibly by the cult of
l{u, the totlun (god) of the sea, who was in origin thc national deity of the Hula
pc<lplc.The priest of the cult, the Hunon (Hounon), nowadayshas his compound
in Sogbadji, the quarter of the trnglish fort, which was establishedonly in the
1680s;rrand one of thc oldest-established Hueda families in this quarter, called
rr Barbot, On ()uinea, ri, 636.
rr Robin Law,7'ha Kinglom ol .lllalu (Lcidcn, 1997),12.
ri E.g. Gavori'Note historique',41'l9; Revnieq'Ouidah', .31i.
r" ffurton. ,\Iision, i. l-16. ,{n clrlier (lll-lOs) rcrsion of the lrrdition ol (hc rrrirrl
mentions onlv Kpase, not Kpate: llrue,'\irlagc',
r ; I i o r t h c l i r r m c r v c r s i o n , s e c ( i r r o r , ' N o t c h i s t o r i r ; L r c ' . - l l l ( ) ; l i r r t l t t l r lt {t t r n, i c r . ' ( ) t r i r l : r h ' , 5L1
r * R o n i e r , ' ( ) u i d r h ' . . 1 1 J4.7 .
r " l i i c l r l l o r k , K p r t t n o r r c o n r p o r r r r Ir |l ). t t l ( X ) l ' l l r i s r c r s r , ' r r r l , r r r r s t l rK. rpl , r t ( \ \ . r \ r t t t l c r lr r r ( ) r r r r l . r h t r t r r
b c l i r r c K u r t s t .r t t t r tl . r r c l r i r r rl . r r r ,llo s t t l l r l l r r t
''
l . s \ l l r l r r . ' i l r c r . r r , l rl (r t, r ( l r \ t r ' l ,
' 'lll
l l r , l l r r r r , ' r r ' r , , , r r 1 ' , ,r rr r \r,r,,rl ' l ' r , l t r ,' 1 , , , r ' l ' , i\l r r , ' L r \ \ r ' l ' , ' r , , , , i , / ,
Ouidah Before the Dahomian Conquest
D6hou6, claims to have invited the first Hunon to settle there, implying Huecla
priority of settlement.32However, the traditions of the Hunon priesthobd itself
claim that D6hou6 was instrumental, not in the Hunon's original settlement in
Ouidah, but in his resettlement there after fleeing from the Dahomian conquest in
the l720s.rr In any case,there is an older shrine of Hu, located in the area called
Adam6, which is now included within the Maro quarter of ouidah, but before the
nineteenth century was beyond the south-western limits of the town; and it is this
earlier shrine which is said to have been established by the Hula founder-hero
Kposi. The cult was certainly established locally already in the seventeenth
century, since L,uropeanaccounts of the Hueda kingdom in the 1690srefer to the
worship of the sea,to whom offerings were made for calm weather to facilitate the
operation of the European trade.3aHu's importance was presumably enhanced,as
these accounts impll; by the development of the trans-Atlantic trade. but he
functioned as patron of watery spacesmore generally,including the coastallagoon;
among lesserdeities associatedwith him (and representedas his children) was the
goddess Tokpodun, who was linked with the lagoon (and identified with the
crocodile).3sThe Hula identity was in fact defined by their occupation of the lagoon
environment, rather than by their connections with the sea as such. Certainlv. the
traditions of the Hunon priesthoodclaim that it was establishedin Ouidah alieadv
before the arrival of the first European traders, and insist that Ouidah was in oriein
a Hula settlement, in distinction from the Hueda town of Savi
The question of priority of settlement as between the Hueda ancl Hula is
difficult to resolve, but Hula claims to precedence are supported by eviclence
relating to thc hierarchy of sratus among the gocls worshippecl in ouidah. The
national deity of the Hueda was Dangbe, the royal python, originally associated
with agricultural fertility, who was incarnated in actual snakesthar were maintained
in his shrines.r{'Dangbe remains today one of the most important aotlunof Ouidah,
with his principal shrine locatedin the centre of the town.37l.ocal tradition now-
adays assertsthat the cult was instituted in Ouidah from its besinnines bv the
Hueda founder-heroKpase.rsIn the Hueda kingdom as a whole, aJreporied in thc
1690s,first rank among the gods was hcld by Dangbe, to whom the sea-godHu
was considercd a 'youngcr brother'.3eThe principal shrine of Dangbe at this
''
Rcvnicr,'Ouidah',.i6; ficldwork, I)ihou6compound,gJan. lgg6.Anothcraccounrclaimsrharrhe Hunon
sctllcd in Sogbadii onh tluring the reign of King Glcle of l)ahomey (l85ll-S9): K. Fall et aI.,,'l'vpologie
r l c s c r r l t c s v t r t l r r u n ' ,i n S i n o u & A 9 6 o , O u i f u h , 7 2 .
" Iiicldrork. l)agbo I krunon compound, lllJan. 1996.
''
l ' h r t n t r s l ' h i l f i p s , ' . \ - l o u r n r lo l - r \ i r r r g c n r a d e i n t h c l l m n i h u l < L f l , o n d o n ' , i n A w n s h a m C h u r c h i l l & J o h n
( . h r r r c h i l f, O o l l L r t r o n, / I r t 1 ' u . q t rt u l ' l r u t t l s ( l . o n d o n ,
1 7 . 1 2 ) .v i , 2 2 6 ; W i l l i a m B o s m a n . . 1 N e n a n t l , 4 c t u r u t e
l)(rtnfttrx ul thL Oust of Ourtttt (l-ondon, l7(15),.lll.l.
ol the first l.rrropeirns '
\ l c l r i l l c . l I l t r s l , r i t s . I ) r h , ' n t 1 ' ( \ c n \ o r l . l ( . l . l l i ) . i i ,1 . 5 5 . ' l ' h c u o r s h i p o f t h c c r o c o d i l c r v a s a l s o n o t c c l
in
'li,lt',tlutt
55. lltc tt.ttrtt l i r s t r t t o r t k t l i r r t h t l l l ( r 0 s :I ' h i l l i P s , ' . f o r r r n r l ' , 2 2 . iI ;l u r t o n , . M i s s i r n , i i .
i1l;,,,",,t..tttr1
'
l i r l t l r r l ) r r r l l l ' , , t t l t , r c . r ' s 1 t( l t t t s t r , t n\ l t r l o l ( I ' r c r r t \ i r l . r r r t l . ' l ) r n g l r t . t .l tc p c t r p l c n r e nht e u c r l a ' ,
in
l r . t i l q , , t s , f \rl t r l r r r , r r l L , l ) . 1 ' t n 1 l , ' , l t ( i , ' l l ,l n l l r t t u ( l , t s , I 9 l . { . 11){.r ( ) i 0 . l
I ) r . , rt t l ' r , l r t r \ t r r , , r r, \ \ y l " ' . / , r r r . / , r / lr,.) r ,
I y \ r ' l ' , ,l.l t ' r , , t , ,l , l t ' * 1 r , , . . r \ ' . r l rL. r1t, . , . ,,,, , , , . , , , r . r t i ( l l l \ t , , N n t r , t l r r . l r . t r s l t l ) . r r r q r , r .
l l . , \ t r . r ' r/ ) , , , r / ' / , ,, r i t , \ r i \ i
,' i
 Ouidah Bcfbre the Dirhomian (irnquest Ouidah Before the Dahomian Conquest
pcriod, however,rvaslocatedat the Hueda capital Savi, rathcr than in Ouidah; its hood of Kpate, howcver, give an alternative and carlier date for his encounter with
reloc:rtion in Ouidah bcing a consequenccof the dcstruction of Sari in the thc Europeans, 1548.a8It may also be noted that the traditions of thc Hunon
Dahomian conquestin the l720s.a0 In Ouidah itself in reccnt times, it is in f-actFIu priesthood give a list <lf cight predecessors in the title prior to the present
rather than Dangbe who has been regardcdls first in statusamonEilocal i:olun; in incumbent,for whom datesof tenureare suppliedwhich indicatethat the first took
contemporary sourcesl the primacl' of the Hunon within the pricsthood of' office in 1452;but since this involvesan improbably long averagetenureof over 50
Ouidah was first recorded in thc 1860s.+rInlocal tradition, this rcorcleredrank- yearseach (and a term ofoffice for the first Hunon ofover 120 years,1452-15ul),
ing of thc tolun is linked to the l)ahomian conquest in thc 1720s.the Hunon this should evidently be taken symbolically,as an assertionof antiquity (and by
then being given 'a spccialdelegationof the royal authority of Abomev' ovcr the implication, priority) of establishment,rather than litcrally'.+q There is noreason t1
priestsof the other cults, including thrt of Dangbe.{zIt seemslikell',horvever,that suppose, howevcr, that any of these dates have any firm basis. Gavoy's date of
in this the I)ahomians wcre merely recognizinp;and confirming thc prc-cxisting c. l5ft0, ftrr example,although sancrifiedbl.frequent reperirion, *'nr by his ou,n
local hierarchl, the point of their edict bcing probabl-vto maintain the local account merely a speculativeestimate made on the basis that the last kine of
primacl'of the Hunon, in spite of the removalof'Dangbe'splincipal shrine into thc Hueda, Hufon, displacedbv the Dahomian conquesrof 1727,was thc third succe--ss
town. to (and great-grandson of) Kpase, on the assumption of an average length of
The Hula connectionmight also help to resolvea puzz.leabout the name of the reign,/generation of 30 ycars (though the mathematical calculation ii bungled).s
town, Glchue, c:<lnrmonlv cxplaincd as meaning 'Farmhouse'.+'r It has been arguetl However, it is known from conteml)orar] sourccsthat the king of Hueda rccalleclin
that the fbrm of this nirme is linguisticallv I'bn, rather thxn Hucda; ancl this has local tradition as the son and immediate successor of Kpase, Agbangla, was
led to the suggestionthat it rcprescntsa Fi)n 'translation'ol'a hl'potheticaloriginal reigning fr'm the 1680s,dving in l703.srThis might bc held io r,rgg"it thit Kpase
'I'his,
Hucda name, Singlc.+t howeverisecmsimprobable,since,irs has bcen scen, and his loundation of Ouidah belong rather to the middle of' thc scventeenth
thc name Glehue was alreadvin use before the l)ahomian conquest,being attestcd century. But this is surely to takc too literalistic a view of traclitional history, and in
in contemporarvF,uropeansourccsfrom thc 1680sonwards; and it is difflcult to particular of the remembcrcd royal genealogy,which n.rirvwcll be telescoped,even
understandr,vhvEuropeansshould have adopted a Dahomian filrm of the nantc, if not in part fictitious.s2
All that can be said with confidcnccis that the settlement
rathcr than the one current locally.Possiblvthc name was originalh' Hula rather at Ouidah predateclthe bcginnings of L,uropeantradc therc in the seyenteenth
than Fcln.since namesof'this tirrm also clccurin Hulir c<luntr!;{showevcr,evcn if centur):.
Ouidah was not a Hula settlernent,the L,uropcans,approachingit fiom the sca In the klng run, it may be hoped that archaeologywill pr,vide more concrete
and thercfbrevia thc Hula, might haveemplx'ed a Hula version of its nan.re. cvidenceon the earlv historv of settlcmentin Ouidah. But to datc no excavation
The principal local history of Ouiclah,by (,asimil Agbo, datcsthe foundationof' has bccn undertakenin the town, aparr from limited cxploratory work within the
the town by'-Kpase to'aruund l-550'.+n'Ihisdate is evidentlv basedupon an carlier courtvard of thc ftrrmcr Portuguese fort during reconstruction works thcre in
suggestion,by' the Frcnch administrator Gar,o1., that thc cncounter of Kpase and 1992;itmore svstcmaticcxclvation was conccntratcdat Savi, the frrrnrercapitalof
Kpatc with the first l-uropeansto visit Ouidah occurred around 1580, with an the Hueda kingdont,rather than at Ouidah itself.5+
'Ihe
alkrwanceadded for Kpasc'srule priclr to this event.+t traditionsof the pricst-
r" 'l'hc main l)angbe shrinc urs in tirct locltcd outside Savi, according to l,uropeln rccounts,rl-the carlr llith
', 'Rclrtion | ( i r r o 1 , ' N o t e h i s t o r i q u c ' ,+ l l 5 0 .
ccnturr o r , r l c i r g , ^ u(el L , 2 m i l e s / 2 . 1 k m ) r r v r r : rlu rorrrumc dc Judrs cn Guinic' (\lS. o1'
'' 'l his
r . 1 7 1 5 , A N I : I ) t ' p r i t d c s l ' ' r r r t i f i c a t i o n sd c s ( i r k r n i c s . ( i i t c s t l ' , { f i i q u e l ( } . 1 ) .{ r 0 ; l - a b r t , I i r 1 z . 4 , ri ,i , I . 5 ' 1 . datc is sircn otl printctl rntl aPpliqu6 ckrlhs commenrorating the'c\cnt kcpr in thc Kpatenon
t o r r r p o r r n t l .r s o b s e r r c t l i n l i e l d u r r r k , . l | ) c c . 2 ( X ) l .
Howevcr, rn carlicr (1690s) sourcc givcs a much Frextcr distancc, about 2 ll)utchl milcs 1= ll Irnglish
'" 'l
h t s e t h t c s r r c I ) a i n t e ( lo n a u r l l i n t h c I I o u n o n c o r n p o u n d , o b s c r v e d i n f i e l d w o r k , l l l J a n . 1 9 9 6 .
m i l c s / 1 2 k m ) , p c r h r r p sa d i f f c r e n t s i t c : I J o s m a n , I h v r r l t t i t n , . l T 0 . S o m c v e r r i o n s o t ' b c a l t r a t l i t i o n m i r i n f r i n
'"
lrr lirtt, lZ{) rtrrs (lirrrr rticrrs 11 .i0 rcrrs crch) brckrvrrtls firm thc cnd ofliufirn's rcisn
thrt the crrliest shrinc of'l)rngbe rvrs in r firrcst outside ()uiclirh t() fhe north, ncrr thc nr<xlsrn Ronrrn in 1727 urruld
(latholic seminarl,, which might be thc locrtion intlicatctl: Sinou & Agbo, ()uilah,l\)5. i n ( l r ( i t l (i r l r t c l i r r t l r t . l r t , g i n n i r rogl K p r s c ' s r e i g n o l r . l 6 l 0 , r r t h e r t h a n r . l 5 l J O .
1 r l l u r t o n , . l l r s s i o n ,i i , l 4 l . s c c c s P ' \ \ l ' . ( . ( r / 1 5 . 1 ) r r( . o l o r r b i c r , l t ) \ L r g .l 7 l - t ( g i r i n g t h c n i r n r c i n t h c f i r r n r . I l a n g a l a ' ) .
' r l \ I c r k r , ' l l i e r a r c h i c f e t i c h i s t e' , - { . O t h c r k r a l r r c c o u n t se h i r r r t h r t t h c p r i m r c r o l ' t h c l l u n o n n r s c s t i r b l i s h c t l l ; r r rr . r r i . r l l r t r s i o r r so l t h t l l r r t , l r L i l r q l i s t , s c c l t . 2 0 r l r o r e .
\ l t r r r \ t l . t t r t l t . ' l l r t r t t , l l t t r i t . t t t , s r r r l . r c tl r t r i t r g e : l h t l ) o r r t r g r r c slci r r t 0 t S i o - f r r i o I l a p t i s t a
onll during the colonial period: I;rll ct rl., "lrpokrgie'.72, n..ll Ilrrt this is rclirtcd br llurton's clrlier dc Ajucli', in
( l . l t l ( l ( l ) r r r r ( l \ r ( l r ) r r r l ( l t r r r r r , r n r r t\ lr i r r z r ' ( t r l s ) .
cvidencc- l l t t u r t t t t t r r r r !l l ^ t t t r l , i r t I l L s t . l . l r i t t ( O x l b r t l , 2 ( X X ) ) ,
'' l,',. i|
A n l l t c r n r t i r c c l \ r l r o l ( , g \ .h o r r c r c r ,p o s i t sr l i r t r r r r i t rc . r l l c t (l i l t l \ k i b < r < l t , ' l ) t h t r r i t < r i l . r t r r k r t t i s r t i o t t ' ,
'
\ t l l l r t l l l ( ' k , l l r . l t r r t s l r r t t r r . t l t r r r . lt .t rt tr rl r l l t \ u r S , r r r . . r\ \ e s t \ l i i t . r r r t r . r t l t , l o u n :
in Sirrou& '\glro, ()uulrh, .\l rn rrchrcological
l r r r \ r' , r I ' , r l ! ' r r , r r l t r r t r, l r r r r I r , , r r r l r t , , , . r s o r l l l r r r r i lr t r r r r r r lIl r r . ] l r l r . r r r , l N t l r t . r , t r l r r r i cosr'h l ) t h c s i s -
l l l z o u r r r r , ' \ p t r q r r l r i s t o r i r p l t (l l' r, ( l l ) . r r t ,l r o i 1 l t ) \ r r r l ( ) J i ) . S ( ) l r : r ( l r t i ( ) il nr Z , r r r r r g l r o trl ci ic r l l s l l t t "l
o r i q i t r r t l l l t t t t l , t t r . t t t t r ,l' (l 'l $i rr (. t . ( r l r r t r t r r ' l r , l r l u , , r l / , r r r r r r l ' , , t l yl rl .) r r . ' 1 x l l
I r t t r rr r t l r
"l
( r l r l , r r t r r' 'rrt | , , \ r t l , l , l ' l ' t ' ) , r , l rr r r ' l r r r r l l r r s r , , r r r . r lrl rr r l r r r r r r t.tl lt . h . r e o l o q \s t , r t , r r
' t r r r r t l r . r r r(r1f r , l f l , ( l t l r , , r r r , r lr lrr , , l r I r r , , l , ,l r l r r r r . r ( t r , , l , , n
l i , r , r , t t t t 1 ,sl ,,r r r 1 t , , 1 , ,I ,t \ | l t l , t \ l t \ l l r r r o , r , .or l l k n l r ' . l t t t l t , t tr tt ll l , t l t t t t . t l
' t t, \l.tlt, t lt, , l1l'l'r I i,i r,f,
" \ r , 1 , , ,l l. , ' r " r , , l ,

't
 OuidahBeforethe DahomianConquest
Enaironmentand econom.y
The name Glehue,'Farmhouse',is usuallvexplainedin local tradition as reflecting
the fact that the town was originally establishedby Kpase as a farm.ssAlthough this
storv may be no more than an infercnce from the name, the suggestionthat Ouidah
was originally an agricultural settlement is consistent with its location, somc
distance north of the coastal lagoon, on permanently dry and therefore cultivable
ground. Howevcr, Ouidah's proximity to the coastallagoon clearly also played an
imporrant role in its early development,and it is likely that the settlement was sitcd
with this alsoin mind.
The configuration of the lagoon system is complex and varies seasonallvwith
the level of the water, becoming more extensiveduring the rainl' seasons(April to
Jull. and October/Novcmber). It has very probablv also changed over time, through
processcsof silting and crosion.In recent times, the only permancntlycontinuous
waterway in the C)uidah area has been the lagoon immediately behind the coast,
callcd locall_v-Diesin ('Salt water'). Early European sources,howeveq speakof two
'rivcrs'
maior in the Hucda kingdom. The second (called by Europeans
'Euphratcs'), to the north of the capital Savi, is evidently the more northerly
'lagoon' called locally Toho, which runs south-eastwardsby Savi before turning
east inro [-akc Nokou6; this is nowadal's for most of its length no more than a
marshy depression, but was presumably a more substantial watercoursein earlier
times.s6In addition, the arca betwecn Ouidah and the coastallagoon is low-lying
and swampy and subject to seasonal flooding, temporarily creating additional
watercourses. The only significant area of cultivable land south of Ouidah is
around the village of Zoungbodji, halfwav towards the beach.Tradition suggests
that Zoungbodji is of comparableantiquity to Ouidah itself, attributing its founda-
tion to a man called Zingbo (or Zoungbo), who is regularly linked with Kpate in
the storl of thc arrival of the first Europeans;in the usual version,Zingbo fled in
fright at their approach, leaving Kpate to make the first contact.5TIn contemporary
sourcesthowever, the settlement of Zoungbodji is not documentcd until after the
Dahgmian conqucst in the 1720s,lvhen it becameimportant as the location of a
Dahomian military garrison. The only other substantial settlement is Diegbadii,
situatedon a group of islandsin the lagoonto the south-westof Zoungbodfi.This
rvasin origin a settlement of the Hula people, although Hueda and later (after the
Dahomian conquest of l-Iueda in the 1720s) Fon elements also settled there
subsequently.ss
i! 'fhis explanation first in Gavol','Notc historiquc','lll.
5n Sec csp. des Marchais, 'Journirl', 40v; Labat, Iin'au,
running by the Allada capiral,cvidcntll- conflating the
eJst.
t,"
ltgrveyeq a ylri:rnt rccordetl in Zounghodji itsclf clrints lhrt it urs Kprsc uhrt rctrrmprnietl Klxtc to the
shgrc:rnd llcrl, rntl thrt Kprtt'llrcn lrrrl tlrt l'.ttropcrns lo nttt'l Zittglxr rt Zotlngbotlii. lhcsc tliscrcp
r n t . i t . s c r i c l t . r r l l r r t . l l l t . t o t l i s I t r l r . s . r l r , r r r l s < . r r i o r i t r / P r i , r r . rZ
r r r s t l r t l i r s t s r ' 1 l t , rr r r t l r r ' . u c : r ,. r r r r q
- 1 0 (l )
'
\tttrrrt.\ \tl"' ()r'tltlt l'\
Ouidah Before the Dahomian Conquest
In recent timcs, the lagoon has been an important source of fish, which arr
caught in static traps, as well as with lines and nets both from the shore and fron
canoes.5e In the nineteenthcentury.it was noted that fish, rather than meat. former
the staple diet of most of the inhabitants of Ouidah; and dried fish was also trade<
from the coastinro the interior, as far as the Dahomian capital Abomey.60In the latr
sevent€enthcentury European visitors already noted that the 'rivcrs, in Hued:
produced large quantities of fish;6r and there is no reason ro supposc that thir
tradition of fishing did not date back earlier, before the arrival of the Europeans
Although the main centre of fishing in the area was presumably Djegbadji, familier
in ouidah itself were also involved: the D6hou6 family of Sogbadji, who claim tt
have been settled there prior to the cstablishmcnt of the L,nglish fort in the quarter
(in the 1680s),were traditionallycanoemenand fishermen.62 One early eightcenth
century account also noted the existence to the south of Ouidah of salt-works, ar
which salt was obtained by boiling seawater in jars and was traded into the interior.6
This evidendvrefers to Dfegbadji,rvhich remainsa centreof salt production to the
present day (as reflected in its name, meaning'on the salt marsh'). The reference
to the boiling of sea water is inexact since later accountsmake clear that salt was
extracted in this area from the water of the lagoon.t'+Concentrations of salt are
frlrmed through the evaporation of shallow pools at thc borders of the lagoon by
the heat of the sun; earth is collectedfrom these,the salt leachedour by siraining
water through it, and it is the resulting highly saline warer which is then boiled to
producethe salt.
Although Ouidah's main commercial function in carlv times lvas probably in
retailing the produce of the lagoon, fish and salt, overland into the interior, it
probably also acted as an intermediary in trade conducted by the lagoon itself,
which offered a mcdium of lateral communication and trade al<lngtlre coast. In
rccent times, the lagoon has normally been navigablc by canoe as far as porto-
Scguro (Agbodrafo),in modern Togo,70 km west of ouidah. while to the eastit is
navigableas far as Godome1.,wherc a brief overland portage can be made to Lakc
N<lkou6, from wherc navigation continues further east to Lagos and bey<lnd, in
nl<lclernNigeria. Stlmc nineteenth-centurysourcesclaim that the navigationalong
thc hg<xrnto thc cast was originally continuous from ouidah into [,ake Nokou6,
tlrc interruption at Godomey being due to recent silting.65However, it was reported
'''
l i r r t h c l i s h i r l g t c c l r n i t l u c s c n r p l o r c d i n r c c c n t t i n r e s t r - vI l u e d a d i s p l a c c d b v t h e D a h o m i a n c 6 n q u e s t o f
l h c i r L i r r g t k r r r it n 1 7 2 7 , o n L a k c r \ h c n r c t o t h c \ \ e s t , s c c R . G r i v o t , ' l , a p 0 c h e c h e z l e s P c d a h d u l a c A h 6 m 6 ' ,
ill/'l\,Seric I | , I l / l 2 ( l ( , ) + ( ) )l .( X ) - 2 1 1 .
'''
l l t t r t . t t . l l r r r r a z , i . . l . l , s r r s t l t r t ' t t t . t n r ' p r c l e r r c d l i s h t o n r c a t ; lc-f1. 6 T , w h c r c h e s t r t c s t h a t o n l y t h c r i c h
. r t ( n r ( t t . l i r r r l r i t . r l i s h i n t h t . \ b o r r r c rr r r r r k c l .s c c i i , 2 - 1 . 1 .
li, l{)-l l. I)cs Mtrchais dcscribes this rivcr as
'l'oho " l ' l r r l l r y , r , ' . f r r r r r r rl. rl l-'1. ,l l l , l i r s r r r l r r ,l ) t t r t p t t l r r ,. \ 6 2 t .
ruith a *rtcrcoursc thilt runs into it furthcr '
I r r ' l , l u o r I ,l ) r l r r r r r l r o r r r l r r r r r r l(,, 1f : r r r l r / r ) / r
'
l ( r ' l , r t r , rrrlrr r r o r . r r r r r r r . t l tr.r r l . r s 'J, . 7 i
''
l 1 ' l ) t t r r t . t t r l,r ' t ; r l r , t , l ( , l l I l , r r . t l t l t r , , , l r r , l r , n r r r r r r , r l t l l r t i r n t s , i n c l u t l i n g r c l c r e n c e r o l ) j e c l g b a d
f r r r r t t r l { r r ' r l l . r r r r .L r s r l r l . r r s l r r r t l l , r l r s , , ) l r r ' , \ r ' ! L r l r r r r . u r c r l r r l l . r s l ) r r } r o r r r e r '..l t t n t l t , tl r l ' I t t n . t r s i t t ;
, r,,rtrl rr ne g l t , x l jrit ' t . s t o t l i l s r t t h i n t s t l t r t Z i l r g h r
' I l l ' t l 1 ' t r r , . , r lr (, l l t . t , , r t , ) . s l l r , \ ( l l . l . i ll - ' , . . r 1 r , \,
l r l r r 1 r , , 1 , , , ' l . r ' srtr. rl . r r i r r t l c l r ( . r l t r d c s l , . s c l
l . r r t l . r n , l t o l r , t l r h l , . t s t . t t t t lk p . t t t l r t t l r l r r o r L Z , , r r r l g l , , , , l i |i ,| | ) c ,
ilur,rrL
r tr 1 , t r r , , ,1l 'rr r , , , l , , r r r . rl l/rr' r , , r l l l , r r r r lrl), .l l r ) \ 1 1 r. . , l l l { }
I p ' l ' r , r r r l I r r r , l r , \ , 7 r t r , , t t l l , t t t , , , , t . l , , , t , tt il ,' 1 r . . l \ \ \ ) \ i.){)
,f,
 Ouidah Before the Dahomian Conquest
'lost in the earth' at
alreaclyin the seventeenthcentur)' that the lagoon was Jakin
(Godomey);66recollections of uninterruptcd travel by canoe castwards seem to
relateto an artificial clearingofthe northern branch ofthe lagoon,the'foho' which
was only temporarily effective.
It is not strictly accurate to describe Ouidah as a
'lagoonside port', any more
than as an'Atlantic port',67sinceit is in fact situatedover 3 km north of the perma-
nently navigablewatcrway.Although the width of the lagoonvariedboth seasonallv
and from year to ycar, and in times of- r.ery heavl' rainfall (as happened, f<rr
example,in 1686) the intervening land might be flooded, permitting canoesto
carr), goods over part of the distancett; the town, this was clearly exceptional.6s
Nevertheless,Ouidah was sufficiently close to the lagoon to be able to benefit from
the canoe-borne traffic along it: in the 1680s,for example, an English trader at
Ouidah noted that trade could be done with Little Popo to the west for slaves,
locally made beadsand corn, communicationbeing'by the river', i.e. the lagclon.t"'
Slaves werc also supplied to Ouidah from Olfra to the east, although it is not
specifiedthat thesewere brought by canoe.T0 In the nineteenthcentur), ctlmmuni-
cation bctwcen Ouidah and Godomey was more usually on fbot, although the
journey was sometimesmade by canoc along the lagoon.TrBeyond Godomey, Lake
Nokou6 and the lagoons further east provided a continuous navigable waterway'
which was regularly uscd for trade. For erample, in the mid-seventcenthcentury
salt manuf'acturcdin the coastalarea of Allada was bcing takcn by canoe to Lagos,
'Lukumi', or the Yoruba interior, from rvhich locally made cloth was
and thereby'to
brqught in exchange; and later Yoruba cloth lvas also taken further west to
Ouidah.i2 Very probably, such trade had also existcd prior to the arrival of the
Europeans,although its scalewas certainly increasedby their presence,Europeans
purchasing African-made cloth and beads(both for resaleon the Gold Coast to the
west) and corn (for the provisioning of slave ships), brought along the lagoon, as
well as slaves.Tl
("'
Barbot.0n Cuiru.ii.62l.
"t As suggcstedin Law & Strickrodt,'Introduction', in Portsol tht Slatt 7'rule'3.
,'s Robin [-irw (ecl.),'lhL l)n.!!lishm lVest.'l.lritt. I6U5 '9,9:Thc lotal torresltontltntL
Conpary rl linglan,l,l68l Ibq9, Purr 2 (L.ondon,2(Xll; hcreatierlinslishtn llcsr .l./ittr. ii), no. lllT:John
(iartcr, Ouidah, 7 Junc I 686.On this occasionthc levclof' the watcr had risen or 5 fect highcr than tvcr I
sirwthem, antl floodeilthc drv ground about a mile in brcadth'
"') I.*t,En.qlishinLl'est.1.lrin,i,no.'19 P5c:t l c ' r ' \ V v b u r n c , O u i d a h , 2 6 J u n c l 6 t l 3 .
,'(rRobin Law (cd.), CurtsporulntL'.fion the Ru.1'al
Ll;est .llritu in tfu Puhlic futorl
Slutt Coustol
f . r o s s , O f l i i r .l 3 J u n c l 6 { . l l ; l r a w . h t g t i s h i n l l i , s r . 1 . / r i r u . i , n o . ' 1 9 0 :
; r P R O . F 0 2 l t i l i ( r , l , o u i s F r a s e qJ u u r n a l ,( ) u i d : r h ,. 1 0 J u h l l i . 5 l : ' m c s s c n g c rgso l i t r r h e r e t t t G o d o m c r b y
Ouidah Before the Dahomian Conquest
The importance of tradc along the lagoon also afforclcd opportunities and
tcmptations for ;lirac1,,although here again this would presumablv have become
morc profitable after the initiation of the European maririme trade and the
stimulus it gaveto the lagoontraffic. Elurton in the 1860swas told that Ouidah hac
been 'originallya den of rvater-thieves and pirates'.7rThis is corroboratedby a con-
temporarv accountof the mid-seventeenthcentury,relating to 'Foulaen',which as
noted earlier seems to be identical with ouidah, which reports thar it was
accustomedto send'rnbbers'to raid the coastaltowns of Allada to thc cast.75
In contrast to the lagoon, the sea beyond it can have played only a marginal
material(asopposedto religious)role in the life of earlvOuidah. Unlike on the Gold
Coast to the west, the inhabitants o[ the Slave Coirst did not venture onto the sea
prior to the arrival of the European rraders.This was evidently due, on the one hand,
to the greater difficulty of navigationon the seain this region, duc to the heavr,surf
and dangeroussand bars noted earlier, and, on the other, to the availability'of the
much easicr facility for fishing and canoe-borne communication a{'fordedby the
lagoon.Indeed, the local people largely continued this avoidanceofthe seaeven after
the initiation of the r,uropean nuritime trade; as rvill be secn hercaficr, Europcan
ships trading at Ouidah had to bring both canocsand canoemenwith them from the
Gold Coast to the west, in order to communicate with the shore. Even after this
introduction of seagoingcanoes,little or no fishing in the se:rwas done at Ouidah,
the canoesbeing employed only in servicing the overseastrade.T('It has sometimes
bcen suggestedthat Alrican merchants from the Gold Coast may havc conducted a
canoe-bornemaritimc trade u'ith the Slave Coast even before the arrival of the
l'.uropeans;but there is no evidence for such a trrde befbre the mid-seventeenth
ccntur$ and it is more likelv that such contactswere initiated by the Fluropeans,and
onll' subsequentlyimitafcd b1'the Gold Coastmerchants.Ti Earlier,inrerestin the sea
rvm pr<.rbablyrcstrictcd t<l foraging along the shore, for crabs, as recalled in the
trrrditionalstor)'of Kpatc's mecting with thc first Europeanvisitors cited above.
lloth thc rolc and thc importanceof ouidah were, however,transfbrmedb1.the
rrrrivalof'thc ltur<lpcanslnd thc initiation of maritimc rrade, which until thc mid-
rrinctccnthcenturv was primarilv in slirves.Thc Portugucsefirst cxpl()rcdal<lngthc
ol thL Ro.lul .4lrirun
llight of'Ilcnin in l'172, and :r rcgular trade began during rhc secondhalf of thc
'1 sirtccnth ccntur\'; fi<lm thc l6i0s thc P<lrtugucsemonopolv of this trade was
t l u r l l c n g c db l t h c l ) u t c h , j o i n c d i n t h c 1 6 4 0 sb y t h e E n g l i s h a n d i n t h e 1 6 7 0 sb y
tlrt'lircttch. l'.ttrtlpcantrrrtlelvirsinitially locatedat Grand-Popo, west of Ouidah;
.'lJin'nnCunpan.l"sI)utlorttsut OlJiu uuJ ll'h1'luh on tht
'lltrrt()lr,
OJJicL, Lonlon, 1678r).J(lrdinburgh, 1990),no. 7: William llrr!az.i.(rl lltrrlort.tssunrctltlristrrtlitionlorclcrlothcperiodpriortolheriseofOuidahas
' l ' i m o t h l A r m i t a g c , O u i d a h , . 5 D e cl 6 t l 2 . ( ( l t l t t l ( ) r t l t t l . t t r o p t ; r r rt r r t l < i r r t l t t s t r e r r r u t . r r t cI c n t l r \ , b u t t h i s n r a l h a v e b c c n a m i s u n d e r s t a n d i n g
on
I t t . 1 ' . t t 1 , . 1 ' ; , ., r r t , r ( ( ( ) u r ll r r t l t t l l , , r r r r r (r . . r t l r , r l i rt n i s s i o n l r r l i r r n c c s e o l l o r g l r c r o u, h o w a s g n c g l ' l l u r t g n ' s

[and, thc rcst o{ thc route bl cinoc ts flr as [,rgos'. I]ttt for rtn instrnce of'trrrel bt c:rnrtcfrom Ouitlah trr I ' t t t r t t | . t l t t t l o t t l t . l t t l rt.t t o t r l t , l \ l o r ( \ ( ) l l l t r t t l r P i r r c r r l o n g l h e l r g r x t n si n r e h t i o n t o r l a t e r p c r i o t l , a l i e r
llrrl)tlr.ttrt.ttt{rrt(lrr(\trrrllli.ulrcrllrtrtrliorroltlrr'llrrttlrpeolllcrrouincxilctotheqestrecu
Ciodomer', sceWN'IN'lS,William \\ist, (.apc (irtst, {rJunc llt5()
; , l ) a p p e r ,. \ , r u l ' t u r i . ql tl t s c h r i l t t n g tZ, / l 1 8 1 9 . I ' h e I ' . n g l i s hk r r t r l O t r i t h h i n l 7 J 3 r c p o r t c t lc x p l i c i t l l t h a t r ' t t r l l r(l ) t t t r l t l t t t s r ' l ll { r ' l . r t r r n s r r r l ' t t . r l r l r r s l r r r t r r l t l t s r r r s s i o r r s t l r r r r s l c \ i c r r i r l r l e r p o s t o l i q u e d c I )
i f ) r , l l l r i . r r r / , , r , r t t , t,i/ , I r a u , , , , , , l l , ' t t , L , t , '
t h c ' \ \ ' h r d a h c l g t h s ' p u r c h r s c ldr r l ' . t r r o p c . t r$r(rr c n o t t t t r t l el , t t r l l r , h t t t i t r ' l . t t c r r r t c < l' ': l l ( ) , ' l ' 7 ( l / 7 , / ' t t n t t t t i l r r \ \ t r i l i l , r t r, r/ u l ) t h i l u t r 1 ' ./ , \ b l l , l h . i ( r d . R e n z o
I h l t h r r n . \ l a b t n & l l . t r l r r r ,( ) t r i t l r l t .t t \ t r s | 7 l I
\ l . r n , l r r [ l . r \ r r r \ 1 , ' r , 1l.' . r r \ .l i / r ) , ). ' l ( l
l l . r f , l ' , r .\ , r r , l, r , r t t , l l , , l n n . t r t t , ' l . ' l l

r , . r , r r r , l t l r L. [ ' , , , , r r .t l r , r t r l , t , t , l r i ' r o l t r , t r t l t t t l ( . t r l ( l t l t l . t l t r l t l . t r l t ' . r l r , , r l ') rl l( l l l l t l l r L r t r , , r r , lrr,r' r . r r r r r,,1 , l r r , l . r ' ,| , , 1 ,. \ l . r r , l r . r r r .l , , r rrrr , r ,l r , l l , ,| . r l , , r ri ., , r , i r , , r, r .l 0

ll,,lrtrrl.r*.'lit\rrrItlr,
r o l , r r r r . r\ l . r r t ( , ' , r \ l { / I
' r r( l ' / \ ' l ) . I r l l I | , ' r r l r ' .r ,r . . . . L ,.,,r, r I r t r l l , r s , , r r r l r , . , r r r r , rl l r , I r r , , , , , r r '. , , , i l

.,\
 Ouidah Before the Dahomian Conquest
but by the beginning ofthe seventeenthcentury had shifted east to the kingdom of
Allada, where the principal centre of the trade, and the site of the European
factories,was initially at Offia.78 In 1671, however,thc French West Indies Com-
pany transfcrred its factory from Offra to Ouidah, initiating the latter's rise to
becomethe pre-eminent slaveport within the region.
The French establishmentat Ouidah in 167l is often assumedto mark the
beginnings of European trade there.TeHowever, it sh<luld be noted that King
Hufon of Hueda in 1720 said that the Portuguesehad been the first L,uropeansto
trade in his kingdom.80l.ocal tradition in Ouidah also generally identifies the first
European traders welcomed by Kpate and Kpase as Portuguesc,while the French
are said to have arrived only subsequenth'.According to one (no doubt apocryphal)
story; the first Portuguese in Ouidah buried an inscribed stone to commemorate
their visit; and when they returned, to find the French now in residence,they were
ableto disinter it to establishtheir claim to precedence.Er The datesof 1580or 1548
assignedlocally for the arrival of the first Portuguese,as noted earlier, are mcrely
speculative,but it must have occurred sometime during the late sixtcenth or early
seventeenthcentur\,. There are, indeed, a couple of earlier references,in the 1620s,
to PortuEuesetrade at'Fulao', which as noted earlier was probably an alternative
name f<rrOuidah.srBut it is likely that any such early contact was not sustained,
and that therefore thc French establishmentin l67l remains significant as marking
the beginnings of continuous European trade at Ouidah.
The French move from Allada to Hueda was soon followed by the other princi-
pal European nations engaged in the trade, the English and Portuguese in the
1680sand the Dutch in the 1690s,leaving Ouidah as the dominant'port'in the
region by the end of the seventeenthcentury. The slavetrade through Ouidah had
reached a volume of probablv around 10,000 slaves per year by the 1690s, and
attainedits all-timc peakin the ycars 1700-13,when probablyaround 1-5,000 slavcs
annually were passing through the town;Er at this period, indeed, Ouidah may have
been actounting for around half of all trans-Atlantic exports of African slaves.sa
78 I-aw. S/azz Coast.llll ?7.
' " F . . g .A k i n j o g b i n , D t h o m e . y , 3 1 .
s(r King ofllueda 26 Oct. 1720, in Pierre !'crger, F/ar ct rtflut lt h lruite les ni{rts entrt
to vicerov ofBrazil,
le Golli de Blnin et Bahia de T\tlos os suntos du .Ytr'llc uu .\lXe siiclL (Paris, l96tt), 132.
sr Gavoy,'Note historique',49 51. Howcver, one recorded version oflhc storv ofKpate's cncounter rvith the
first Europcans identifics thcm as F-rench rathcr than Portuguesc: Rernicr,'ouidrh"
s2 Dc Sirndolal, Nuturale:a,5l.In 1 6 2 . 5l ) u t c h p i r u t c s t t x r k a P o r t u g u c s c s h i p i t t ' [ r u h t i : l ] c a t r i r H c i n t z e
(etl.\, Iitntesparuahisttiriufu.4ngofutlcscculo.{tr'7l(Wiesbaden, l9tt5 ll),ii,no.5..}, IierniotlcSottza,n.d.
lr. 25 March 16251.
sr'I'hescfiguresarederivedfromEltis,Rr.rcol'.llirttnSluzvr.1,,l66('lable 7.|).Sec.rlsothccarlicrcstimates
''l-hc shvc trittle in thc llight of lJcnin. 164{)-lli()0', in llcnrr A. (icmcrv &
of Patrick N,lanning, Jan S.
f{ogcntlorn (ecls), 7/rr (lnt'ortrtrttr llurlt,t; l')ssu't,t
ut tht l)tonomt, lliturl'tf tht lll(nrr ^S/ar','7ra,/r (Ncw
V r r k , 1 9 7 9 ) , 1 0 7 - l l , n h o g i v c s r s l i g h t l r h i g h e r l i g t r r e l i r r t h e l 7 ( l ( l s ,r t t ( l l l s { ) ( 1 ) l l l ( t l l l ) ( , r r r \ c s t l l l l J t e sc i t c ( l
t i g l r t r r g r i r ) l l t c t s t i t t t r t t s r t l l ' . l t i st t l t l \ l r l t n i n g r c h t c t r r
i n l , a n . . \ ' / a i , r , ( , i r a sl (t r, J 5 ( s h i t l t l r t . s o n t t . r r l r r h
t h c l l i g h r o l l l t ' n i l r r r , r r r l r , r l r . . l r u t r r r t l r r s I r t r i o r l r l . r r l t r p o t l s l t o t t t tl ll ri tt l h t t r c t t l l t t t t t s l t ' l l t i r t l r t l t r o t t g l r
( ) r r i r l r l rl , . r l r r r t st r D r r tr l r ( l l r g l r tr , , i l t r r r r r r r l , r tr ,Dr I r l ) , i l , r 1 1) lo( r r l r q l r t l rl , ' s e l ) h r t l r r rt l r t l l l l ) s . l r t t tl t o t t t
l7l-l.rsrgrrrli,.rrrtptr'poltlr)ttoltlrrlr.rrlrrr.t:rlttrttr,ltlrt,,tnllrttr,tlltotl\lr'lll(r',tsl.tttrlrrtslol()trrtl.rlt
" I l r , s ./ i ' , t , l l l t t , , t , t \ / , r , , r r . l S . '
Ouidah Beforethe DahomianConquesr
TheEuropeanforts
As far as the record goes,thc first permanent European rrading post in Ouidah (or
indeed, anywhere in the Hueda kingdom) was establishedby Henri carolof (Hein-
rich caerlof), a German in the service of the French west Indies company, as has
been seenin 1671.85 One version nf local tradition claims that even before this, in
1623,a Frenchman called Nicolas Olivier had settled in Ouidah, and foundcd the
quarter of thc town callcd Ganvd, to the west of the site of the French fort.86But
this story is certainly spurious: contemporary sources do not support the
su€igestionof any French activitl' at Ouidah before thc 1670s. The Olivier (or
d'Oliveira) family of Ganvd is in fact descendedfrom a man who was director of
the F'rench fort in ouidah ar a much later date (1775-86); the attempt of the
d'Oliveiras to claim priority of scttlcmcnt may dcrive from rivalries for the
leadershipof the 'French' communitv in ouidah in the nineteenthcenturv.
The French factorv was abandonedwhen it was destroyedin a local war in 1692
a French captain who visited the Hueda kingdom in l70l requestedits re-establish-
mcnt, but the king was initiallv willing only to allow the French a lodge in his
capital Savi.87Horvever,in 1704 a visiting Frcnch expedition securedpermission
not only for the re-establishmentof a lodge nearer the coast, but also for its forti-
fication; the Hueda king supplied over 400 men and women for the consrruction.88
It subsequently became known officiallv as (Fort saint-Louis de Gregoy [i.e.
Glehue]'. The local traditions nowadayscurrent of the establishmentof the French
fort, rvhich artribute it to the reign of the fourth king of Hueda, Ayohuan (or
Hayehoin), clearlv relate to this subsequent refoundation, rather than to the
original settlementin 1671, since Ayohuan is evidently to be identified with the
king known to contemporarv Europeans as 'Aisan' or 'Amar', who reigned in
1703-8.'r'gThe French fort rvas owned bv a successionof trading companies until
1767,when it passedinto the authority of the French crown. It was abandonedin
1797, but reoccupied by privatc Frcnch merchants (of the firm of R6gis of
Marseille) from 1t142.The building, however, no longer survives, having been
*'
I'he tlatc is commonly givcn in local sourccs incxirctll as 1670. Local ,tradition'(here as oftcn, nranifestly
eontlltcd with matcrial fiom publishcd contemporarv sourccs) also attributes thc founding of the Ouidah
lrctort to I)clbic: llrst in Gavol', 'Note historique', 50. 'I'his is a confusion: l)clb6c had servcd in the
5l 2. crpctliliotr that estrblished thc original lfrench f-actorr at Otfra in 1670, but did nt;t accompany Carolgfon
tlte sctrrntlerpeclition lhrt trlnstcrrcd the lrctorv to Ouidah in thc follouing
'l 1ear.
"' h i s s t o r t l l r s t i n ( i r r o r , ' N o t e h i s t o r i q u c ' ,5 0 , 6 6 .
' 'l{cfrtirrrr
tlu vorrgc tl'lssrnl lait cn l70l par lc (ihcvalier I)amon', in Paul Roussier (ed.l, L'Ettbhssemtnt
, l ' l t ' t 4 t r 1 ' l l t ' \ ' i l i 0 ) ( l ' r r i s , l ( 1 . 1 5 )1, ( ) f r ( u h c r c J r n i r c ' i s c l c r r [ a m i s c o p y i n g o f ' s a v i r e ' , i . c . S a v i ) .
"'/r'nrnrl,ltr,,tttrrrL.'/t,tttl),,uhlLr,ttll,,nllLut(ed.(-lrrrlcsllr[.ard,lraris,ltll]3),25 63 .
" ( t . t r r r t . ' \ r r l < l r t s l o t t t l u e ' , i ( l | ( i . r r o r h i n r s c l l r s s r r r r r c r tl h r t
the tradition rclatcd to the original
t \ l . r l f l r \ l r r r ) ( t fr lr r l 6 T l . s r t l r ( { r n \ c ( l u ( n t r l i s t o r t i o r r o ll r i s c h r o n o k r g ro l t h c l l u c d a k i n g s . A g b o , H t s t o i r e , 4 0 ,
s t t P P r r 5 l l tl l t , t t ' \ t r t . t t ' r r , t s . t r l t s t t t t r t l ) ( r \ r r r l r . r r \ r o l r r r l r r , r r t < l h i s i l r r r l c d i r l c s u c c e s s o ra, n d t h i s i s
f l r ' t t ( t r l l \ l o l l r r r r r l l t r r r r l t t r ' , l t r l t r t $ r r t l lr u\ l s r r r t c \ r o l r r r . r r r i s r l c s t r i l r t . r l l s s o r t i t t t r l s u c c c s s o r t o A g b
r l t , , t . l t r , r r r t r l t ' t t t r r r r t l t r r [ . r . r \ \ r , u r r r rl rt , r r . r l r r r rl l i l ) i ( , r r r t lt l r t . r . . r l s , r r r r . r k l t l c r r l h r t t h c r c n r s
, ' l l r ( r \ r r r r :r r r l t t \ ( r r r r r ! ' l , r l s r r r \t t r r , r r . r r rlrl lr r l , , r , t l r r l . r s tl l r r , , l . rl r r r g ,r l r , , r r r , t c r . r l e ir rl r l 7 0 t ) . i t i s e l e r r
t l r . rttl r r t s , , . r r ,r , l ,r r t r , l
tt
 Ouidah Bef<rrethe Dahomian Conquest
dcmolishcdin 1908;its site is now a public square,which is still howevercalled
Placcdu Fbrt fiangais'."0
Assuming that the fbrt built in 1704 was on thc same site as thc earlier French
factorv. at the timc of its original foundation in 167l the latter must have been
phl.sically separatefrom the indigenous settlemcnt of Tov6, sincc the later forf was
'fov,6,
on the opposite (west) side of the town from the intervening space being
occupied by the quarter of the English fbctory, Sogbadji, which was established
larcr. This is consistentrvith the account of Barbot in 1682, rvhich describesthe
'near to', rather than actuallvin,
French and English factoriesat Ouidah as situated
the indigenous village.erThis arrangementwas seemingly also paralleledin the
kingdom of Allada earlier, wherc the original site of the European factories,Offra,
was distinct li'<lmalthough closc to the town ofJakin, although Offra eventuallv
dcvelopedinto a substantialand autonomous indigenous settlementalso.e2 This
suggeststhe policy widely attcsted elsewherein West Africa of segregatingforeign
tradersin distinct quartcrs,on the outskirts of the indigcnoustowns.This practice
is most familiar from thc colonial period, when in Nigeria, fbr example,southern
'new towns' (.salaz
immigrants in northern cities were regularly segregatcdinto
gari), whilc in the south northcrn merchants settled in separatequarters called
'xottgos'.e](There is, in fact, 'a7.ongoquarter in Ouidah itscll, on the north-eastof
the t<lwn,which dates from the period of French colonial rule after ltt92.) But in
this colonial practice clearly fbllowed indigenous pre-colonial prccedents:in towns
in the Borgu rcpfon in the north of modcrn B6nin, inland fr<lm l)ahomcy' fbr
eramplc, fbrcign Muslim merchantslikewiseformed their tlwn quartcrs,such as
'l'his
the Maro quarter of Nikki and thc Wangaraquarter of Diougou."+ arrange-
ment probablv also accountsfor the location of the principal markct in Ouidah,
crlled Zob6, which is still toclavsituateds<.ruth-west of 1bv6 quarter,tnd bet$'cen
it and the quarters of the former English and French f<,rrtsttl the west."s
Thc second of the European factories to be establishedwas the English. The
ril'est
Ro1'alA(rican Compan\,,which held a legal monopolv of English trade in
Afi'ica at this time, first projected a f'actorl at Ouidah in April 168l: but this qas
abortive, the factor left there being recalled filur months latcr to take over the
companv'sfactory at Offra to the east.er'Laterin l6tJl a factorv was cstablishedin
Ouidah b1' an L,nglishtrader callcd Petlci !\'vburne, who u'as not an agellt of'thr:
"(' l)escriptitrn of the sitc in Sinou & Agbo, Ouiduh, l2i
()nrnrr,ri,635.
"r llirrlrot. On
") Lru, Khulon tl .1tlulu,l,\ l().
'r'
A k i n L . N ' l a b o g u n j e .I i r h u u r : a r i o n i n . \ i g c r i t ( l , o t t r k r n , l 9 6 l i ) . ] l S . 2 { } 5 , 2 t t . 1 ,
Polititsin I.irhtn .l.lritt; l stutll,rtl-llrusr Iligrtnts in ),'rthr
l u r r r [ a l o u n s r r r e g c n e r r l l r c r l l c d s a / , , ,b u t i n ( i h r n r l l t t r . t r t c r l l c t l . ' , a q a : s e t ' \ c l t t n t i r h L c v t z i o n .
Iluslins rnl Ohttl: in llist l l i t t t ( ( ) r l i r r t l , l ( r 6 l t ) ,l i
in tltt l 7l(1. \slr,. //rrr,,r,, l{lr tr
'"
l , r n . / n r l r , l 't u l l , , t l l , t t . r . r r , , ' l , r , S l , , l r r rI l r , , r 1 , ( ' l , l r r r ,
\11' ll'\l I lr',rr, I ) l l r I l r r \ i l r l r ' \ l
Ouidah Before the Dahomian Conquest
'La Royal African c,ompanv but an 'intcrloper', that is, a trader operating indepen-
clentlvof'the compan-r'andin brc:rchof its monopoll; and this was maintaineduntil
W-l'burnewas f'rrrciblvremoved by agents of the Roval African C-ompanvin 16f16.,,
Thc companvitsclf had meanwhileestablishcda factory'inthe l{ueda kingdom, at a
9_cco1d
attempr,inJuh l6lJ2;but this was locarednot at ouidrh, bur ar ihe capital
Savi."8In April and N'Iay l6114,howevcr,this f'actorysuffered rrvo scrious fircs. wirich
evidently cffectivelvdcstrovedit, since later in l6U4 the local chieffactgr rcported
that he was 'busied about building a house';"')and rhe ncw fhctorv ngvybuilr was
cvidentlv situatedat Ouidah.r'(''I'heEnglish fhcrorr lv:rssitultct.leastof the Frcnch
factorv (at least,eastof whcre thc later lirench firrt was establishedin 1704).between
it and thc indigenousscttlementof Tov6. It was fcrrtifiedwith earthworks,mounted
with cannon, fbr defcnceagainst its French ncighbour, in 1692,irnd a moirt $,as
addcd in 169+'r0rit was later known as'willian-r'sFirrt, whvdah', alluding to King
william III (1689-1703),the I',nglishmonarch in whosereign it was fbrtiliccl
.
F'rom the Roval African Companv Willirm's Fbrt p:rsscdinto the possessionef'
the (irmpanv of'Mcrchants tading to Africa, rvhich replaccclit in 1752,but it w.as
abandonedin 1t't12,following thc legal abolition of'thel British slavetraclc.It was
rcoccupied br a private British merchant, 'I'homas Hutton, opcrating from the
Gold Coirst to the $'est, from ltl3li, and lr,as latcr occupicd bi.a British vice-
consulate(ltt-51-2), bv a tsritish Mcthodist mission (lti-56-67), and again b} a
diffr-'rentIlritish trading firm (Fi & A. Swanzl',alsoof the Gold Coast)in the lgj0s.
It was sold ofrto a Gcrman firm (c. Goecielt,of Hamburg) in the llJ80s,but u,ns
confiscatecl as enemv propertv bv the French colonialauth<lritiesin thc First \4trrlcl
war and passedback into the hands of'another British firm,
John walkden of
Manchester,wh<lrcmainedin occupationuntil 1963and with whosc name it is still
klcalll a.s.sociatcd. Rcdcvckrpmcnt had dcstro,vedits appcaranceas a frlrtificati<lnby
1890,whcn thc building occupiedby Goedelt was clescribedas ,an ordinarl.h.,usei;
the moat was filled in in l90tJ.r02 Thc only matcrial remains of the earlicr fort
visibletodav are a few cannon scattcrc(laround its courtt'arcl.r{rr
ln loc:rlusage,thc
lrcir ncvertheless rcmains 'Le F<lrtanglais'.
"r lhid., no.'179:'l'hornc, Otiia, .t l)cc. l6ltl. In l6ti6 \\rl.burne wrs arrcsted anrl takcn pnsoner to thc Rot.irl
' \ l r i c a n ( i r n l p r l r r ' s h c a t l q t r r r t c r s r t ( - r p c ( . o a s t ( . r s t l c r > nt h c ( i o l t i ( i r a s r , r n t l l i o m t h e r c
s h i p p e c lb r c k 1 9
f .nglrntl: PR(\'l'70llI, Ilcnrr \urse er al., (.ape (irast, l9 l\Iarch l(rli6; 'f70/12, l-.ds.rn Stcctlc &
Stcphcn (irscornc, Ihrtudos,27.\pril l6tl(r. lirr thc locrtion o1 \\Ivburnc's fictor\', in.thc Lo*cr'lir1.n',
9. r.r. (ifchuc, rs opposerl tri rhc rorrl cirpital Srvi, scc Llui llnalish in Ilt,st..1lrirt, i,
no.-fti7:.I.inrorhv
\rntitrge, ()trithh.2-l Ocr. i6li2.'l'he t.nglish firctorl in ()uithh notctl br llarbot in,{pril
l 6 1 1 2n r s
t r i r l c n t l r \ f r l r r r r n c ' s :I h l l x r t , ( h ( i l r z , r r . i i . 6 . 1 5 .
'\bncr (.,rlten, ()uttutu tul '' 'llrornc.()l}ir.2ll-frrn.
f . . r r r . / ) i q l r r ltru l l t t t l / r r , , r , i , r r o ' 1 { ) l : l 6 l l . l ;r l s o e n c . 2 i n n o . . l l l T : A c c o r r n t s o l . f 6 h n
7 ) r n z s ( l , o r t t L r n , l ( ) ( r ( ) ) .I l r t r s r ( l t r n r t e r s i n \ \ i r r t l e r . l l r r t t l r r . . l r r l r( ) t r l r r 8 2 . l h c l o t . r t i o r r o l r h i s l i r c l o r r r t S r r i i s i n r p l i e r l i n a r e f c ' r e n c c t o t h e
rcmoyrl
, r l { r x r r l s l r o t r t t l ' l , r l l t c l . , , r r t r ' l i r r r r t ' , r( r) r r i r l r r li rl r i r i , r r o . - l l l 7 : . \ r n r i t r g c . ( ) u i t l a h , 2 . l O c r . l 6 1 1 2 .
" I t t . ( . r , r t t t 1 ' , ' i l , 1 1 i l ' i f t t ) i(l )l l l t t , r u , l l l L y , l t h , r r o s l ( r . l l i ( . r r r t r . I l r r e t h / O u i d e h , 2 { r \ , l a r . & l l l ) c c .
l(rlt-I.
-
l r l t r l i i t l r t L r r r , r r r . l t r r r , l r , , l r . r r r r l i! i r r ( . . u I t , t l r t . l i r r g ' s t o r r n ' , i t , S r r i : L N , l : . n ! : l i s h
i n l I r , : t. - l _ l r i t u , i i .
rro\l' ( , r r t rr { ) r r r r l . rll'r).\ r I ' r I t r S r
l l , ' l ' r r r | . r r t , , l t . I n r r l t , t | , , , , , , 1 , , , , t 1 , r t,,, t r l t , h , , , tt l l / t t , , 1 t ( . , ) y t l , , t i l t , , ,I l r t l l l t r r , l ? t l t t t p t 4 ,,\lti.L
trt thL
l , ' , t , 1 ! t , \ l / / , ' / ' / l \ l r r l i . , , ,I ri l , r t ) r , , r , i l , , l r r\ r\ , , r r l r r , ( ) 1 1 1 1 1 . 1 1 1 , .
l . r r rl t , , t . 'l , l r r l l r p s . . l 1 t r r r r . r l , . 2 l 5 .
t 1 1 1 , r l r ' \ l \ \ r l l r r r r(r r l r s . ( ) l l r . r .I S
l , l , , r r . i l l,,l , r L l ) . , h , , , r, ,l .l , i l j . l \ , / , t l l ( r . r r , r r \ r , r r l r r . . t o r r , r r irl rl ,
llr'.,rrl,tr,,|,,1 .tr ilr \rrr,,r,\ \r'l',, tt1, Ittt |\\

it
 Ouidah Before the Dahomian Conquest Ouidah Beftrre the Dahomian Conquest
The third and last of the European forts in Ouidah was the Portuguese.Some English interloper wyburne.rrr Although the Dutch factors were in the evenr
accounts date the foundation of the Portuguese fort t<l 1680'104 but although a evacuated,some of the company's African emploveesapparently remained behind;
Portuguesefactory was indeed establishedin the Hueda kingdom around this time, in 1694it was noted that there was a settlement of 'Minal people (i.e. from Elmina,
it appears that this was at the capital Savi rather than at Ouidah, and in any case the Dutch headquarterson the Gold Coast), half a mile from ihe Enslish facrorv at
was ephemeral, or at least not continuously occupied.rr)sThe Portuguese fort in ouidah, who assistedDutch ships trading there.r12 But it does not a"ppearthat ihis
Ouidah was in fact built in 1721;tt)6it was later known as 'Fort Sio Joio Baptista de establishmentwas maintained. A Dutch fort is mentioneclat Ouidah, alongsidethe
Afudi [= Hucda]'. It was situated east again from the English factory, and French and English, in one source of the early eighteenth century; but this seems
adjoining Tov6 quarter on the south; a contemporarv account of its establishment to be a simply a mistake.r13 The West India Companl' did maintain a factory (which
indicates that, unlike the earlier factories, it was constructed within an already was not fortified) in the Hueda kingdom between 1703 ancl 1727, but ihi, *",
built-up part of the town, which had to be demolished in order to clear the site, the situated at the capital Savi, rather than Ouidah.rraAlthough the company'slocal
construction employing over 500 persons for 30 days.r0iUnlike the other two forts, chief fact<lrin 1726obtainedpermissionto build a lodge 'where the other nations
the Portuguesewas from the first a possessionofthe Portuguesecrown, and under have their forts', i.e. in Ouidah, this was not in fact carried out;ns and after the
the immediate authority of the viceroy of Brazil at Salvador,Bahia; and later (after destruction of Savi, including the European factories there, in the Dahomian
the Brazilian capital was removed to Rio de Janeiro in 1763) under the provincial conquestof 1727,the Dutch companv no longer maintainedany establishmentin
governor of Bahia. It was abandoned after the legal abolition of the Portuguese the area. Although it is of course possible that some later individual Dutch trader
slavetrade north of the equator in 1815,but the Portugueseclaim to it was main- maintained a factory in ouidah, this can only have been ephemeral, and the
tained. It was reoccupied by the Portuguese government in 1844, this time authenticityofthe 'traditional' site is suspect.
administered from the local Portuguese headquarterson the island of Sio Tom6, The idea of a Danish fort in Ouidah seemsto have arisen from a misreadine of
off the West African coast.This renewed Portuguesepresencewas at first tenuous the same early eighteenth-century account that wronglv mentioned a Dutch "fort
and intermittent, and possessionof the fort was briefly usurped by Roman Catholic there.rl6 Contemporary sources, again, do not corrolorate this; the flctor of a
missionariesof the French Soci6t6 des Missions Africaines in l86l*5. But it was Danish ship that traded at ouidah in 178,t--5lodged in the English fbrt.uTRecenr
definitively reoccupied by Portugal in 1865, and remained an anomalous Portu- tradition assertsthat the Danish fort was on the site occupied in the late nineteenth
guese enclave within the French colony of Dahomey throughout the colonial century by the French firm of Cyprien Fabre, immecliatelyeast of the English fort,
period, its evacuationbcing forccd by the newly independent Republic of Dahomey but this is probably a confusion; contemporary evidence suggeststhar the former
only in 1961.Alone of the three European forts the Portugueseretains its character occupant of this building was the British trader Hutron, who after relinquishing
as a fortification, though the present layout of the buildings appearsto date from the English fort to the British vice-consulatein 1852 occupied premiseseait of the
the reoccupationof 1865rather than from the original period ofoccupation in the fort, which after his death (in 1856) passedinto the possessionof a spanish
eighteenth centurJ'.r08It now housesthe Historical Museum of Ouidah. mcrchant,and by the mid-1ll60sinto the handsof the Dahomian crown.rs
Local tradition speaksof the existence<lf Dutch and Danish forts also in Ouidah,
ttt Law,
Iturlhar Oorrespontlutt, no. 63: \"!trrtlel; Ouidah, 5Jan. 1692.
and even indicates their supposed sites.r0eMemory of a Dutch fort that had rrr l'hillips,
Journal', 22t1.
allegedly existed earlier is alreadyattested in Ouidah in the 1860s,when it was said lrr(lharfes
f )avenant, Rt'fltctittns upon tht ()mtlition untl ,\Iunagemtnt ttJ tfu 7'ratle to,1Jriru (1709),
rcproduccd
to have been on the site occupied since the 1820s by the lJrazilian slave-trader in Tfu l\ilrtinl unl ConntL'rtiul llirks of'Churlcs l'..!t'enant ([,ondon, 1771), v,226.
AIso rcpeatcd in thc
FranciscoFelix de Souza,which remains today the de Souza family compound.rr(' l')ngfish vcrsion (published 17.12) of.[can llarbot's rvork (scc On Guinta, ii,644),
and from l]arbot bv
But the existenccof such a Dutch fort is not corroborated by earlier contemporary l l t r r t o n , . l l r s r i , , z .i . l l { .
evidence.The Dutch West India Company did contemplatc establishinga factory "',\Nl'' (b/2-5.'i\4cnroirc tle I'cstrr du pls dc-fuda
ct de son n6goce', 1716; dcs Marchais,.Journal',29;
L a b a t , / i r l t r , q r ,i i.. 3 5 .
in Ouidah, after their existing factory at Offra was destroy'cdin the wa,rof 1692, '' \lhcrr
\rn l)rntziL{ (ctl.). 77rr' l)utth tntl tht Ouinu Ooasr 1671 t742: ,4 Cottertion rtf'Donunents
when the Hueda authorities offered them thc factorv formerlv occupied by the 'l lrom the
otuLntl \tutt lnhii( ttt h( Ilt(il( ('\ccrr. l97ll), no. 250: Agrecmcnt with thc
King and (irandccs of-
rs Augusto Sarmento, Portugul no Dthoml (l.isbon, lll9l), .52;Agbo, //istoirr, .30. I I u c ( 1 . rI.l \ o r l l i t r
rr)5I-awi S/azc Coa.v, l3'f-(r. " ' l i t r s t i t t l l t r r t o t t .l l r r ' t , r . i . l i l . t i t i r r q l l r r r l r o t ( i r r t r r r r r r c l ) c r l i l l l - l l ) r l c n a n t ) , b u t t h c l ) a n i s h l b r t m e n t i o n c
r i b A . I i C , . R y d c r , ' 1 ' h c r c - c s t a h l i s h m e n t o l - l ) o r t r r g t r c s el i l ( t o r i e s o n l l r r ( r ) s l a t l r \ l i n r to lltc trtid cightccnth l r t t l t t l r r l l t t r r . t s t l t . t t l r . t l \ , r r ' t . r r , t ( ) r r i t l . r l rs t < l l r r r l x r l o, n O u t u t u , i i , ( 1 J 4 .
llurtgnmakesclcarthatin
tl. l l r t l l i 6 0 s l l r t t t r t . t r t r r ,l , , , . t lt t t , , l l t r t r ) r o l t l r \ s r r p p r r t r l l ) r n i s h l i r r r . r r h i r . h
ccnturr'',./l/^TN, l/.1 (l95li)', 160 lt Vcrgcr. l:lu.rLr rtllut,l\) srs.nou tluitc filrgotten';
l(ri \ierHer, l:lu.r tt rtllu.t, | .\6 't. r t t t P r o l r . r l r lt rl .r r l . r t It t r . r , l r t r , l t ' r l ( . l t \l(r.r\r r rlrt r sr r , r r L
r r r rl ) e s c r i t ) l i o l r i n S i n o t t & \ q l r o . ( ) a r , / , r / , .I i ( ) 1 7 l ' . t t t lI t r l t r t . r tl t r t l , r t , , ' , , , t l l , , t l l r t ,t t t l t h , . \ 1 r , , l r , t , l r l t r l l : S t l t r r r \ r t . l r o r l \ \ i n s n c s ,
Lonrlon,
1 " " \ g l r o , l l t \ t t ) n r . . \ l l . S i r r ' , r r& \ s l r , . a ) / r , / , r / , ,I l ! i r , l r ' ( " ) , r ) l r ', t r , l t ' , t t r ' , t , , rt rt r \ l r r ' . l { . r n , l , l , , , r rr t . r l \ r r l r r r r r . r n ( . r\ r r l r ( r u r ( \ . l r ( . l r . r ( . ( ) l rr r, rt I{lri . r r i r r\ \. i , s t
lilllrrrglrt.rr', \ 1 i l , . r ' / , r , t l r | t , , , 1 , , ,/ / r , ' , (1 , , ' / \ t ' 1 , ,
l , , u r u t l . l l l . t l ) \ p r r l l s l r l l . , t l \ " l l r r r t , ' r r .l l r , , r , , r , r . l r ,( r r l ' r ' p r o l r , r l rl lrr, r l t l r r t t t l o t t r . t t t o t t o t . t l l r
l r r r r r l l , r r r , l r r r \ol )r r r r r r , r r r t t r . t , l r t r ,l ,r t, r, s , r , r l r r . . r r , , r r , l t l rr rr t ' l r r r t l r r st r \ 1 . t , ' t l r , . t t , . t , . r l l ,\ ,r l , r r r r , I l ' r t ,' rI I l , , , , , , , |, \ i

rl
 Ouidah Beftrre the l)ahomian Conquest Ouidah llcfore the l)ahomian Conquest
'I'he English and French companies to sign a treary prohibiting hostilities in the
F,uropean{orts werc distinctive within Ouidah by bcing built, in part, in
'great ouidah roadstead,or within sight of the shore,on pain of pavmcnr of damagesto
two storeys, being consequently known l<lcally as singho (or singhome),
houses'.lre Ncvertheless,it should be stressedthat the Ouidah fbrts were structurcs the valueof eight slavcs;r2+one chicf of the English fort was deported in l7l'1, after
of much less military strength than the bctter-known cxamplcs on the Gold Coast. a fracaswith his lirench counterpart, which was dccmed to be a brcach of this
- treat)'.lls
Unlike the latter, those at Ouidah wcre built in local materials in mud rathcr than
in brick or srone, which left them subject to rapid dilapidation if not regularlv F.achof' the three European {'rlrts in Ouidah became thc centre of a quarter of
maintained, and with thatched rather than tiled roof.s,which made them more the town, occupied by persons in the service of the fbrts. 'rhese werc commonlv
vulnerable to fire. Their rclative weakncssis demonstrated by thc fbct that thc called the French, English and Portuguesequarters (or, in contemporary Irur<lpean
Dahomianswere ableto captureand/or destroyforts in Ouidah on threc occasions, sourcesof the cighteenthand nineteenthcenturies,'towns', 'villages'or 'camps'),
the Portuguesein 1727,the F'rcnchin 1128and the Portugueseagain in 17'13;on or in local parlance Z<tiage-ko,Glensi-ko and Aguda-ko ([a mcaning 'quarter').r26
thc lattcr lwo gccasionsat lcast, the destruction of the fbrts was due to the build- Of these names,'Glensi' is mercly a local version of the name 'English', but the
ings catching fire ancl causing the cxplosion of st<lres<lf gunpowder. Moreoveq the others call for furthcr comment. 'Zoi'age'is cxplained as meaning 'Iiire has comc to
Ouiaan forts were locatcd a considerabledistancc from the sea,and therefbre their earth', which is said to have been an exclamation of wonder umercd by Zingbo, the
cannon could not, like th<lseon the Gold Coast, command the landing-placcs fbr companionof'Kpate, upon sight of the first Europcansto land at Ouidah (alluding
their own supplies; in consequence,as Europeansexplicitly recognized'even if to their'rcd'skin colour, which was thought to resemblefire).r2i'l'hisst<lryimplies
they could defeatdircct attack they could be starvedinto surrender.l2r)In the early that it was originally applied to Europeansin general(thesefirst visitors being in
eighteenthcentur),,both thc English and the Dutch pressedfor permissionto build f-actPortuguese), but it was subsequently restricted to thc lrrench in particular;
ftxts at the seaside,but the Hueda king, Hufon, refused, precisely bccausehe was when first documented in a contemporary source, in a vocabulary collectcd in
awareof the power that English and Dutch forts exercisedon thc Gold Coast, and Brazil among African slaves from thc Dahomey area, it already designated the
feared that the erection of such a (brt at the shore would make the Europeans French specificallyr2s'Aguda'is a term of uncertainetymology,which is commonly
'mastersof his port'. Whcn the trade at Ouidah was disrupted b-vthe activitiesof understood nowadaysto mean 'Brazilian', and when first attested,in the same
European pirates in 1719_2(1, Hufon did authorize the construction of a stone fort vocabulary,was applied specifically to Bahia, as opposed t<l Portugal; but in West
on th; beach by the Iirench, in order to protect ships trading in his dominions, but, Africa in the ninetcenth century its ref-erenccwas national rather than geograph-
again,the idea was not pursued.r2r ical, applied to 'Portuguese' in €ieneral,including Brazilians, rathcr than to
The forts in Ouidah operated as secure placcs of stora€iefbr goods and slaves, Braziliansas distinct fiom Portuguese.r2e
rather than exercising any serious military power over the local community'. The In recent timcs, the three 'European' quarters <lf Ouidah have more commonly
'enclave-entrepdt', which has been applied to coastaltowns on the been known by other names,that of thc French fbrt being called Ahouandfigo, that
concept of an
Golcl Coast in which l-uropeans settled, such as Elmina, does not seem applicable of the English Sogbadji, and the Portuguese Docomd, these names being first
to Oui{ah, which was in no senscan enclaveof European authority, or evcn of their attestedin the contemporary record in the l860s.rr0The name'Ahouandjigo'is
informal predominatinginfluence.l22 In Ouidah, there was nevcr any question that translatedas 'whcrc war cannot come', and is usually explained bv tradition as
the European cstablishments werc in the final analysis subjcct to local control' recclrclingan undcrtaking by the Hueda king Ayohuan not to make war on the
rather than representingindependent centres of European power.l2rThis was F-renchfort there;rrr it seemsmore likell', however, that it alluded to the policy of
explicitly expressedin thc policy of the Hueda kings of forbidding fighting among the Hueda kings of fbrbidding lighting among Europeansat Ouidah, u'hich was
Europeansin the kingdom, even when their nationswere at war in Europe, which rcafflrmed in the treaty' signed in 1703, the ycar before thc establishmcnt of the
was ibrmalized in 1703, when the king obliged thc local agents of the Dutch, rr' \'rtn I)rntzig, l)utch
a n l r h t O r r n t ' u O o u s t .n o . I 1 . 5 : \ \ . d c l a P a l m a , [ ' , l m i n a , l 0 O c r . 1 7 0 3 , w i t h n o . l 2 l , c o p y
r r eA g b o , l ! i s n t i r e , 3 2 . 1 ;I r o r b c s ,D a h o m t 1 , .i , 2 2 " [ ; t s u r t o n , . l l t s s r o n , i , 1 5 6 . I k r w e l c r , A g b o ' s s t a t c m e n t t h a t t h c ()l igrcenrcnl,2.5 Apr. 1703; tc\t ol thc trcrt\ rlso in tlcs \{archris,'Journal',29-30v; Labat, Iil1,s!!s,11,

Ouidah firrts wcre thc first

'storey
hguses lrzanarr ri I'tttttltl' on thc Sllre (irrst is llot ilccuratc, sincc l l l l ( ) l . l ' h c t l r t c g i r c n i t t t h c l r t t e r , l t S c p t . l T 0 . l , i s t h r t o f ' r s u b s e q u e n t r e n c w a lo f t h e t r e a t l i
r'\\l'l (.6/15.
a l r c a d y i n 1 6 7 0 p a r t o l t h e r o v a l p i r l i r c ea t A l l r t h l r s ' r r i s c t l i n t $ 1 ) s t o r c \ s ' : ' . l o L t r n i r l d u v o v a g e t l u S i e u r 1 ) u ( . o l r n r b i c rI.l u t . d r , . { l f c b .l 7 l 5 ; I , R ( ) , ( . 1 1 . 1 / 2 7 ( r , R a n d l c L o s a n , 2 0 F tl 7 b l. - 5 .
Delb6e', in J. de (,lodor6 (ed.), Rtlttun ,lt Lr',1uis','.r/2asr,;,luns lt's rslLsLl ltrrt .fi'rnt lL' l'.lnc;rtqut ft'ntltnl " ' ' \ u l r r r .l l t s t r t t r c , l l .
'l () ( i r n o t . ' \ o t t l t r s l o r i t l r r t '-.l r )
Iu tltrnrirt' gutrrt twt l'. lnglttt'rrt ( l'aris, l 67 l ), l fl l
'()l,r,ttrli,t'lrltuttt,ttrrtl
I r , l' R c l : r t i o n t l u r r x l u n r c d e (r7; \\'illirrrr Srrelglrrrt, L\Lu' Itrttturl of .\'rtut Ittrts ,'l Outntu, tnl tht ,lt lltr,t,lt l u t t ) t t u ' l , t ( . r t t t ,lt\ ' t t t t o ( t . d l . r r i s S i l v e i r u & l , , d n t u n t k r ( r r r r c i a L o p c s ,
.ludas',
. \ l t i t l i t , l t ( l . t t n t k r t t ,l 7 l 1 ) , l l S l . r r l ' , , r .l r l f . ; . - l { ) 1 1 ' 1 1 ,l tl "r r, ' t , r r r r r rl l r l l , ' r 1 1 ' s q j , r r l r r t r r r ' )
'''
l r l \ \ l . l ( , ( r / 2 5 . ' \ l i r r r , r i t (eo r ( ( r r l i r r l l r ( . r r l o t t t t l e l r r r l . r l' T
. ll l l r r r t o r r , l l r , ' r , , 1 ,r . l ) \ . l l I l t ( \ u { t i ( . \ t l o i l\ r ! n t (t l n l ( \ r i l , r t l tt l r . r t' \ g r r r l , r ' t l c r i r t . sl i o r r r . , \ i t r t l l i ' t. l l ( , 1 \ ) r l U u u c s c
l r l ' i r r l . l r r r i n . rs, t r ' l t t t t l r t F . l l t t t ' t t t \ ' t i l ' Il r t r , t l ' t ' t t t t r . r r r r t t r r l t l r tr r . t t t lr l r r r , l . r . r . , t t t r l t l , l r , , r l r . t l r l r r n ' r r r r t r r , r r r r l l r r s t r r r r r . r l r : r , , r r r r , l s
, 1 . ( o l r tl r. .r r s . " l l , r , l \ r t . l { \ r \ l t n l it l r r r , r r r r t r r " l l r r t r . r l r t r r : , ,l r1. s ( t l r l \ 1 1 , ,I r t r , , 1 t t .t rr tl lt t t , ' t t s , r ltllt t '
l r t r t r t r r l r r r l . rl , l '
(rrrrrr
\ \ r s t \ l r , , t r r" \ l , r t , ( , , r \ r ' . l t t n , ,t , r " . l \ ( l r ' r / l l ' ( l l ' l \r,tr 1 1 1 , . 1 , y 1 1 , 1 1' l 1l 1 r l

itr
 Ouidah Before the Dahomian Conquest Ouidah Before the Dahomian Conquest
'sogbadii' for the English quarter refers to So, the aodun of quarter; but another Hueda family in Sogbadji, that of D6hou6, disputes priority of
French fort. That of
thunder, meaning'So's enclosure';it is said to havebeen the place where the bodies settlement with the Zossoungbos.I17
of persons killedby lightning were taken, from which they could be redeemed for The personnel of the 'L,uropean' forts was in fact predominantly African. Thc
(Docom'l', 'Do
buiial only on payment of a fine.r32The etymology of the name English fort in the 1700s,for example,was manned by only 20 white men, with 100
(gromettoes',
q u a r t e r ' ,i s u n c e r t a i nr.l or African slaves.l38The 'European' quarters also included free
Although their origins are understood at one levcl to be connected with the Africans who were either in place before the establishmentof the European factories
establishmentof the European forts, it is noteworthy that all three of these quarters or were attracted into their service subsequently.Tb the present day, these quarters
celebrateindigenousHueda personsrather than Europeansas their actual founders; are largely occupied by descendantsof persons associatedwith the forts, including
by implication, these were already settled locally before the arrival of the various some Europeans who fathered families by local women, but mainly free African
European
-prince groups whom they welcomed. Ahouandfigo claims to have been founded employeesand slaves.Some of these families claim to be descendedfrom persons
by a of the Hueda royal family called Agbamu (in French lAgbamou'); a employed in the f<lrts before the Dahomian conquest in 1727, although most of
p.omi.,e.,t family in the quarter, that of Agbo, claims descentfrom him.rl+ Docomd those in place t<ldayseem to have arrived later, in the period of Dahomian rule. In
is said to have been founded by a man called Ahohunbakla ('Ahohounbacla'),who addition to indigenous Hueda (and Hula) families, the populations of the
'European' quarters
belonged to the same family as Kpate, the hero who welcomed the first Europeans, also included a large non-indigenous African element. Many
who ii also sometimessaid to have belonged to Hueda royalty.r3sIloth Agbamu and of the fort slavesemployed in ouidah were from the Gold Coast to the west: in
Ahohunbakla are also said to have survived to lead their quarters in resistanceto the 1694 it was noted that 'most' of the slavesemployed in the English fort were 'Gold
Dahomian conquest of the town in the 1720s-40s.The details of these traditions Coast negroes',who were consideredsuperior soldiers to the local Huedas; likewise
are suspect.The claim in both casesthat thc founder of the ward was also its leader in 1716 the slavesof the English fort at ouidah (and also of the Dutch factory at
againsrthe Dahomians, although chronologically possible(at any rate, if Agbamu is Savi) were 'almost all inhabitantsof the Gold coast, or Minas'.rreconversely,it
aisumed to have been associatedwith the building of the F'rench fort in 1704, may be noted, slavespurchasedin Ouidah and Allada \\rerecommonly employed by
rather than the original establishment in 167l), may be doubted; it seems more Europeans in their factories on the Gold coast;r+0this being reflected to the
likely that Agbamu and Ahohunbakla are composite or symbolic figures, into present day in the existenceof 'Alata [i.e. Allada]' quarters in the Dutch and
whose careersas recorded in the traditions events fr<lm different epochs have been English sections of Accra.rrr The logic of employing such 'foreign' Africans was,
telescoped.Indeed, as will bc seen in the next chapter, it is clear that the historical explicitly, that such outsiders were less liable to run away than slavesrecruited
Agbamu cannot have been either the founder of Ahouandjigo or its leader against locally, whose homelands were more accessible.other fort slaves employed in
the Dahomians, since he was in fact a king of the Hueda in exile, twtl generations Ouidah were imported from the interior; in effect, a portion of those purchasedfor
'Ahohunbakla'
after the Dahomian conquest.It mav also be suspectedthat the name export through the town was retained for local use.The slavesof the French fort in
is a variant or corruption of that of Agbangla,the Hueda king who died in 1703 the cighteenth century wcre generally called 'Acqueras',a usagealready established
and who is said by tradition to be buried in Docomd quarter.116 The appropriation by the 17l0s, and this was in origin the name of a spccific ethnic group, reported to
of such founding ancestorsfrom among Hueda royalty is, however,significant as a be locatedin the far interior, from which presumablymany of the French fort slaves
claim of indigenous legitimacy, which was probably asserted against Dahomian were derived.ta2ln 1723 the French fort reported that it had purchased 'Chamba
overlordship, as well as and probably more than against European primacy. In ITchamba]' slaves, this being anorhcr ethnicity in the interior (in northern
'lbgo).r43
Sogbadji, however, the claimed indigenous ftrunder is of non-royal Hueda stock.
The founder is usually named as Zossoungbo,said to have bcen a hammtlck-bearer r';(iavor','Note historique',67;Re1nier,'ouidah',-j5;fieldwork,Zossoungbocompound,gJan.
to the Hueda king at Savi, whose descendantsclaim the hereditarv headship of the 1996;t)6hou6
c o n r p o u n d , 9 J a n .1 9 9 6 .
lrN | )rlrcnrnt,
Rtfhttions. in lIitrl,s, y, 226.
r'" l'hillips, 'fournrl',
1I Fall et al., "lypologie', 66; also ficldwork, Zossoungbtt compound,9Jan' 1996' 22ll; A\l'l (l(r/25, 'Nl6nroirc de I'estat du pavs dc Juda', 1716. 'l'he term 'Minas',
rrr Local infbrmants olfer derivations l'rom tlobo, a lorm o1-bean cakc supposcdlv sold in the area, or fiom the r l t h o r r g h i n o r i g i n r c t c r r i r r g s p c c i l i c l l l l t o I ' l l n r i n i r( o r i g i n a l l l ! \ N { i n a ' , " f h c M i n e ' i n P o r t u g u e s e ) , t h e
male pcrsonll name l)esu, supposcdll ir membcr ol thc lirunding f-rurill.'l'hcsc kxrk like imaginative l ) t t t r ' l t l t t : t t l r ; t t r r l ( r s r ) I r t h e ( i o l t l ( - o r s t , r r r s l i e t ; r r c n l l v u s e t l i n I w i t l e r s e n s e ,o f p c r s o n s f i o m t h e G o l d
( r r . r s (t r . r l l c r lt h t ' ( r r s l r rt l r r\ l i r r r ' i r r l , o r t u g r r e s rt r s r g c )i n g c n e r r l .
spcculations.
ri* Rcrnicr,'Ouidah',32 tt"l.r\\,ht,tt',1t1ilt,,1
3 ; a l s o f i c l d u o r k , , ' \ g l n n t o u c r t t t t p t t t t r r t lI,I | ) c c 2 { ) ( ) l l l l n J , t , r ) ( )l , r l . l . l t r s , i ? r ' , t l l l r t t , t r t . \ ' l t t L r y , 2 2 6 .
'
1 , ,R c v n i c r , ' O u i d r h ' , . l l l { l ; c t . ( i r r o r , ' \ o t t l r i s t o r i t ; r t t ' (. r ( r r. l s o l i t l t l r t o r L , S c l x s t i t r r ' \ t t l o t t r , I I l ) c c 2 ( X ) 1 . l ' . r rf r r , l l t l r u t , t l t r l , , r ' u . l l l l 1
'lhc
lrnrc i s r l t e r n r t i r e l r s l r t . l t ' \ h o r n b l r t . r ' o r ' l l . t t l . t h r t l t o t t tl lr t' r t t i t r s r r s l l t r l \ l r o h t t t t l r r k l r r r s r " \ l r r . r , l t t t t l l t r r , r t l t c s rl l r x r r r r r r r t \ru r \ r \ r r l l l r o r r t l r r ' l r t r r t h l r r r l \ \ 1 . ( b / 2 5 . ' l , , s l r t o r r n t i ' n t q i r ed c l a
n e p h t . r r( s o r ro l . t s i s t e r )o l K P . r t e ,l r r r lS t l r , t s l tttt \ t t t , , t t , .t . t r s t l t r t K P . r t t r r . t sl t t s s r r t t tlrprttrrtttrr\\'rrrr'lx,llrrrlrrrrlrllrtrlrlrrrl,r(tpolrl'r'rtr(lr(ntlrrrlirr.rlt.rrrt.trltst.rrtplores',
' , ' \ l t r l , , . ' l l i t t . r r , l r r , l r r r r l r r r t t. l l ' L , r r l r , ,r i r r , . l l r , t r . r n t rt t t t l r r l o t r r r ' \ l r , , l r , ,\ 1 1 1 ' . r r r t i l , r ' ( , / lrl il '(r.ll)r r r l l g ( o l , r n r l r r rl ,{ l \ r r f , l , l l l , ' r ' \ , , 1 r 1 r . r .. .r r . r r r r t l r r r , r r r r r r |. ,r rr rr r . . \ / , i r( ,, , , 1 , 1 .
lt()rl(}
'
'rrl,l
. r t r t r . r r r . t t t l t l r r t r l ) . l r , , . r r, , r . t l l . r , l rr r t r l r , , r l r l rt 'r,t r , , lI ( L , , il t l / , , 1r r '
1 , , , . rt tl r , l t t t , , r r \ \ 1 , ( l , - " . l , r , , 1 r r r ,I \ l ' r r l l ' i ( ) r r r r . r t l r r r y l r t r r r t l (r r n r r l \ . l ( ( . u l t r ( l ( r \ t r r t l r r r l . r r t .os l l l r t ,
 Ouidah }lefore the Dahomian Conquest Ouidah Befbre the Dahomian Conquesr

C)ther African firreignerssettlcd in Ouidah irs fiee immigrants, irttractcdtherc man, describedas fiom Kormantin but 'an ancientinhabitanthere', was murderetl
'fhe
bv the opportunitiesfirr cmplol'mcnt in thc European tradc. most prominently' by another, from Elmina, the latter having been sent to collect a clebt owed by the
visible catcgorv among such incomers wcre canoemen fiom thc Gold Coast' As first man to a third partv in Elmina.ra')Some of these Gold fioast immigrlnts
n<lted earlier, thc indigcnous people of Ouidah, alth<lugh using canocs on the becameprominent people in the local system:in the 1690sthe official rvho scrved
inland lagoons,had no tradition tll-navigation on the sea, whereason the Gold as interpreterto the English factorv in Ouidah, who was alsoa substantialtrader in
Coast thc inhabitants had empkll'cd canoeslirr sea-fishingand coastuisc ctlnt- slaves,callcd 'captain Tom', was in origin from the G<llcl c.ast.is(r This Gold
municirtion even bcfbre the arrival of the Europcans. Since at Ouidah (ancl Coast element in the population is reflected in the currcncy of local versions of the
clsewhereon the Slar,eCoast)Eur<lpeanships rvcreunablc to apprrtachcklseto the personalnamesuscd in the Akan languagesof the Gold Coast which alludc to thc
sh<lre(owing to the danger<lusbars and surf), thev reglularll' bought canoesand day of the week on which a person was born: as lbr example, Kwadwo, Kwamina,
hircd crcws of cirn<lcmen on the Gold Coaston their wa1'down thc coast,in ordcr Kwaku and Kofi (given to boys born respectivelyon Monday, Tuesday,Ir\,'ednesdav
to lancl g;<lods and embark slaves.t+a During the second half'of the seventecnth and Friday), which occur in ouidah in the forms codicr.comlan. (,ocou and coffi.
ccntur)., indigen<lus Gold (.oast merchants also bcplan tcl trlvel to thc Bight o1-
f]enin by canoe, to trade indepcndentll of (rrnd in compctition with) the L,uro-
peans,fcir cloth and other goods lbr resaleon the Gold Coast: in 16U8,fcrrcxamplc,
'the Blacks come with
Early Ouidah
it rvas notecloi the trade in African cloth at Otridah that
canoesthcre to tradc in thcm, and carr)' them off continuousll''.t+s By the 1720s,ouidah was thus made up of the combination of rbv6, thc original
Most of the canocmenwho cameto Ouidah from the Gtlld (.<lastreturned home Hueda village, with thc three quarters associateclwith the Europcan forts,
on completion of-their contracts,but s<tmcsettlcd pcrmlnentlv in Ouidah. At the Ahouandjigo,sogbadji and Docomd. The size of the settlement,alonglwhar was
en{ of th. ,.n..tt."nth centur} Cape Ctlast, thc l-nglish headquarterson the Golcl presumably its longest aris, from the Frcnch to the Portuguese ftrrt, was onlv
(,gast,uas said to be visibh depopulateclbccauseof the recruitment Irom there tlf' arouncl I km in length. In comparison,the Hueda capital Savi was larger,being
'after rvhich thcl- liking the placc,
canoemenby Irnglish ships trading at Ouidah, estimatedin the 1720sto havea circuit of or.er4 miles, or 6 km; while the Allada
lit'e there,and scldom remcntberto comc home again'.r16 S<lmcof theseimmigrnnt capitalwas said to havea circuit of 3-4 Dutch miles, that is l2-16 Enqlish miles.or
c{rnoenlcn cntcred thc service of the European frctories in Ouidah on a ltlng-tcrm a r o u n dl l i - 2 { k m . r i l
basis,as fice emplovces,while other canoemenwerc recruited as pawns(bound to Thc population of ouidah ar this time is a mamcr for speculation.The com*
wgrk w,hilepa-"-ing off dcbts) or slaves.In the l7l0s, it rvasnotcd that thc English bined personnelof thc Europeanfbrts cannot havebeen more than a f'ewhundrecl.
and Dutch factrlrics cnjoyed the serviccs of canocmcn rccruited rcspcctively lionr In the 1710sthe French firrt hacla total of 160 African slaves,including childrcn as
(.ape CoastanclElmina, whereasthc F'rench,having no Gold (,oastestablishments well as adults; by the 1770sthis haclgrown only slightlt to berween 180 200, who
of their o\\,n, were at a disadvantagein this respcct,and Frcnch ships had to hire werc said to comprise50 separate'familics', cach living in its rlr.r,n'hut Iz'n:eJ'near
canoemenon their voy'agedtlwn the corst.rlt B.v the mid-eighteenth centur)', the fort. Thc 'Eur<lpean'quartersalso included free familiesu'hoscmemberswere
hgweycq the F'rench fort also had its o\rrncorps of'canoemcn,rvho in this casewere cmplovecl bv or providcd scrvices frlr the ftrrts, who were perhaps roughlv as
slaves.l+8 numerousas the fbrt slavcs;b1'r. l7tl9, when the French fbrt was reported to have
'fhe
cosmopolitancharacterof Ouidah. arising from its coastwiscconnccticlns 207 slaves,the total population of the Frcnch 'village', including free persons
rvith the Gold Coirst,is illustratcclb-van incident in l6ti6, u'hen one Gold Coast outsidc thc firrt, $ils thought to be nearll -500.r5r'Ihconly scrap<lf'evidence fur the
1'ropulation of thc scttlcmcnt as a whole is an account of the cstablishmentof the
l ) ( ) r f u g t t o sfci r r t i n 1 7 2l , u h i c h r c f l ' r s t o i t s l o c a t i o na s b e i n g i n a ' c l u a r t c r ' c g n -
trrining3(X)houscholcls('hcrrrths'),all thc inhabitantsof u,hich werc employeclin
t h c s c r r i c c , l ' l i r r c i s n c r s t r i t l i r r g i n t h c t o w n . r s r ' f h i s h i g h f i g u r e s e e m sl i k e l y t o
t ' e f l ' rt o l h c t ( ) \ \ ' l tr t si t u l t o l e r r t t l t c rt l r i t n l h e t w o p r c - c x i s t i n g ' E u r o p e a n ' q u a r t e r s

ll I
 Ouidah Before the Dahomian Conquest Ouidah Beftrrethe Dahomian Conquest
'families' reported for the which'Prince Bibe'held.16rBut whether he had overall administrativeresponsi-
onll', and suggests(on the analogy of 200 persons in 50
French quarter in the 1770s)a population ofbetween 1,000-1,500;the addition of bilitv for the town, including the European forts, is doubtful; more p.obably,
he
Docomd quarter with the construction of the Portuguese fort would have raised was governorof the indigenous.village'only.
this figure, but the total population of the town is still unlikely to havc reached as The operati<ln 'f the Furopean rrade in the Hueda kingdom gave risc to
a
high as 2,000. In comparison, while no figures are available for Savi, the Allada number of new official positions. Most important was that of 'Laptain of the
White
capitalin 1660was thought to have30,000inhabitants.r5a as Europeans correctly trirnslate<ithc indigenous rirle yovirgan, or yevogan,
{9nl'
In addition, there was a substantialtransientpopulation,in the form of African which is already attested in the l680s,r6zancl from the 1690s was held bl,
. il".,
officials and merchants from Savi, as well as Europeans from visiting ships, and called 'carter'.r('l There was also an assistant to the yovogan called ,Agou',
'captains' and
especiallyslavesin transit to embarkation from the shore.The total number of slaves separate for thc European nations with factories in Hueda: the French
annually passing through Ouidah, which peaked at around 15,000 in the early (whose captain was called.'Assou'), English (ser'ecl in thc 1690sby..captain
Tom,),
eighteenth century, was in fact substantially highcr than that of the resident popu- Dutch and Portuguese.r6a But these officials who dealt r.r'ithEurlpean traders did
lation. Although many of these slavcspassedthrough the town rapidly, significant not, like their counterparts under Dahomian rule later, form a local aclministration
numbers might be held for some time locirlll; in the F.ur<lpeanfactorics:the F.nglish for ouidah; in facr, there is no evidencethat thel.even resided thcrc. In lTlg
thc
factory in 1687was said to havespaceto lodge between600 and 800 slaves'rss hv'gan Carter was reported to be building a new house <lutsidethe capital
Savi,
In its spatial organization, C)uidah clearlv differed radicallv from towns further where he was in con.sequencenow expected to attend less regularly, but
tnis
inland that sen'edas capitalsof states,such as Savi and Allada (and latcr,Abomcy), residencewas nor at ouidah; a later map of the Hucda kingdom shows
carter's
which were centred around the royal palace.r56 Ouidah was multi-centred, focused villagc situated to rhc east of savi, while that o[the.Frencf, captain'Assnu
was
on the three European forts; in so far as it had a single centre, this was perhaps the even further from Ouidah, to the north-west of the capital.r6s
Zob6 market.lsTHowever, to what extent Ouidah yet f<rrmed a coherent com- ouidah in this period did nor engrossthe conclucfof the Europeantrade, since
munitl', rather than an assemblageof discrete settlements,is doubtful. In the early much of the businessof European traders had to be transactedat the capitai
Savi.
'village of Gr6gou6' (i.e. Tov6 quarter) was still The emphasis in some modern accounts on the .separation of the poiitical
eighteenth century, the indigenous (a and
described as separatefrom the French and English forts, which were very short commercial capitals' as a feature of the organization of the slave tracle in Hueda
is
distance' away'.rs8 The establishmentof the Portuguese fbrt tn 1721, immediatcly in f'act misconceived- or, more precisely;it incorrectly rcads back into the perigd
south of'lbv6 and east of the English fort and Sogbadji quarter, produced greater of the H.g9da kingdom a distinction that emerged only after the Dahomian
contiguitl' of settlement, grouped around the market of Zob6; but the French lbrt conquest.166 when the English Royal African company firsi scnt a ship to trade in
with Ahouandjigo to the north-rvest remained physically distinct. In firct, it is not H.ueda,in 1681, its chief f'actor'boughr slavesat sabba
[savi], rhe king's rown',
clear whether, within the Hueda kingdom, the town was administered as a unit oq while his assistantwas ordered to 'Agri{fie
[Glehue], the lower iown [i.e. buidah]',
perhaps more likely, the three European forts were individually responsibleto the where he presumably managed the landing of goods.'utThis pattern continuecl
king of Hueda, and separatelyfrom the local indigenousauthorities.There was a evcn when permanent factories were establisheclin Ouidah. The French
trader
'Prince Bibe' or 'Captain Bibe', who is named al<lngwith the Barbot in 1682thus noted that'it is with the king rhat you do the rrade,,i.e.
Hueda chief called at thc
king as negotiatingto permit the establishmentof thc French at Ouidah in 167l capital Savi, while the goodswere 'brought from the veisel to the lodge' at ouidah;
and whg in 1682seemsto havebeen residing at Ouidah, rather than at the capital and the chief of the English factory at ouidah in l6g5 reported that lie.went
up ro
Savi.r5eIn the early eighteenth centur1,,a list of Hueda chief's who served as
'governors' of 'provinces' within the kingdom includes one entitled 'Gregou6 In. ((rn') 'boatr)
but' at lenst bl the ninctccnth centurl, wls also ;rpplicd to indigenous
oflicials: see Burton,
Zonto', who was presumably the governor of Glehue;160 and maybe this is the title . l r l J J r r t .t . l l j . n .
""'f'his nr>n sccnrsto mc morc likel-r'than that hc hcld the ritlc \irvogan, as suggested in Latr,,.\laz,t,Coast,
t\+ Law, Kingdon ttl'.1llada, 14. lt+
\i\ Law, English in ll/esrAf'ria, ii, no. 822: Carter, Ouidah, 6Jan 1687. "'' I't'tt, llntltsh rn Ilr'st lfi'rru. i, no. -l7ll, enc., r\ccounts ot'l'hornc, Glchuc,20 April 1681,giving the title
in
rt6For Abomey see Sllvain (i. Anignikin,'lltude sur I'cvolution historique sociale ct spatiale de la lillc lltclirrnr'(.rPtrirrIilrrrko'(lrrrrrrItr)rttrsrtcscltrzrrr.'rhirc').1'hcindigcnousiitl"i,gir,en(rrs,Licrauga,)
'Rt
in h t i r r n r l r r r o r i t u r ) r t t. l t f r r r l r r s '2, 7
d'Abomcy' (Ministirc de l'Equipcment ct dcs'Iirnsp<trts, Rcpuhlique Rrpulairc du llcnin, l9il6). r'' llrrsrrr;rrr.
rst Although it shoulcl be noted that there is no retcrcnce to il mrrkei in ()uidah (as opposcd to the capital l ) t t r t p t t r t t ,\ 5 1 )
" ' S c r ' l . r r s . , \ ' / , rr i. ( . , , , r ' t 1
. 07
S a v i ) i n c o n t e m p o r J r v s o u r c c sp r i o r t o t h e | ) a h o n r i r n c ( l n q t l c s ( .
r t 8 L r b r l . I i , t z { , , ' ,i i , 3 3 . " ' \ , r r l ) . r r r t z r ql .) u t , h r r , l r h , . ( i u t t r , . , r ( , , , 1 , 1 . 1 1 l1) yr .. lr irl r , l l ) l r l . r r z t . r r , J J . \ y r rl T
i ll l i ; n r r t n , l t h c l J ' c t h
li" flirrlrrt. On Ottntu, ii, ('15,6'11. f t t t r : r i , r tt tt tr l . , r l r . r Lt ., 1 , t r ,. t . , k r \ l . r r ,l r , r r . .l , , r rrrr . r i l ( i
'l
! " " f ) t . s \ l r r r t . h r i s , ' l o r r r r r . r l ' . . l l r ,l . , r b . r t .L ' 1 ' , r t ' t r, i , l l " ' l ' r r l , r r r rl r) .r h , , n , 1 .l l \ l . ' i l . ' r '
l r e s c t o t r r lt l c t t t t t t t i t r t l t c l i t l e s t t t t l s l o l x i K C l l ( ' r i c
' l l r ' l , t l t o rt tl t t t o t , t t t t t t tt l e . l r r r l r s ' , " f r s . / t t r / r ' ht r r l l , ' t l l ' r ' r r t r , , l . t , l l r . r r r r . ( r l r l r r r , . ' l \ l , r r l r r s l , s r t . l l r r r r n ( . ' \ . r ( ( r ) . r i),r \ r h ( .
l ( r r r l r ) t P r o \ r i l ( r , rt l, . , , r r ' t t t , ,tr, rI ,r . r rt i l t l r , l , r r r r r ' o r r t o ' l i l . u l o l l rs( rt . r t t r r '
'rr.ttrlrr,rrrr
r r \ r ' r r t l r , r r rr r , , l . \ , , , .
^ , 1 l \ t l r . r t , ' / . l t t , ) r ' , . t i l i l \ r " t , \ i l [ ' o l l r ' , r r t , r t' r h r r , r r "s l r r ,l ' , r r , . r t l ll l r , , t r t ' r l "r ' l r t l r " t, t I t . t t t l ( / t l a

t. li
 Ouidah Before the Dahomian Conquest
the king's town' to bu1' slavesfor an l,nglish ship trading there.r68It has been
suggestedthat, although this was the practicc earlier, by the first decade of the
eighteenthcentury thc trade had been localizedat Ouidah, rather than Savi; but
there is no basisfbr this in the contemporarvevidence.r("'In1716,fbr examplc,it
'in the
was still explicitly noted that slavesbrought for salewere lodgcd in prisons
placewhere thcy arc traded,this placcis Xavier [Savi],the king keepshis residence
there'.r70At this period the Dutch \['est India Companl; as noted carlier, actualll'
maintained its f'actoryat Savi rather than at Ouidah. By 1716 the I',nglish and
French companies,in addition to their fbrts in Ouidah, also maintainedlodgcs at
Savi; in fhct, the krcal French and L,nglish directors normally residecl in Savi,
leaving thc forts at Ouidah under subordinateofficers.rTrWhen the Portuguese
establishedtheir fort at Ouidah in172l, they alsomaintaineda subsidiarylodge in
Savi.r72Thc fhctoriesat Ouidah servedonlv as storehousesfbr goodsand fbr slaves
in transit to and fiom Savi; an English trader in 1694 noted that the factorv at
Ouidah 'proved verv benetlcialto us, by housingour ploodswhich cnmeashorelate,
and could not arrive at the king's town (where I kcpt my warehouse)ere it was
dark', and also when slavescould not be embarkedowing to bad weather.ltr
European activities in Ouidah pr<lvidedeconomic opportunities for the local
inhabitantsmainly in thc fbrm of emplovment in ancillary services,such as the
supply of provisions and firewood, and especiall.vas porters and canoemen.It has
been argued that European trade in Africa, even at the height of the Atlantic slave
trade in the late eighteenth century, was simply'too small in scale,measuredby per
capita export earnings,to have had any'maior impact on indigenoussocieties.lia
While this may have somc a priori plausibilit-v"for West Afiica as a whole and for
manv particular societies in its interior, it is clearly not applicable t<-rcoastal
communities such as Ouidah which were heavil.vinvolved in the trade. The value
of slave exports thr<lugh Ouidah b1' the cnd of the seventecnthcentur)' was enor-
mous, in rclation to the populationof the town; 10,000slavesper yearin the 1690s,
when the price of an adult male slavein the local currcncy of cowry shellswas l0
'grand cabess
large headsl' (40,000shells),cquivalentto {12.10s. (d12.50),would
haverepresented(allowingfbr lower pricespaid fbr womcn and childrcn) the value
of around 320 million cowries({100,000), at a time when the wage lbr a porter per
journey (in effect,per day) in Ouidah was 3 'tockics',or 120cowries(9 pre-decimal
pcnce,{0.03%).r'5But most of the income from this tradc rvould have accruedtcr
r{'8Brrbot, On Ouircu. ii,637; I-au, Englih rn LLt'st.1lritu,
r"" Prrlanvi,Duhomt.l,,123.
r 7 rA N I I C 6 l 2 - 5 , ' M e m o i r cd e I ' c s t a d
t u p a l s d e J u d a ' ,1 7 1 6 .
Itr l)cs l\Iarchais, -l()r; I-rrh.rt,/i,1rr.ra,',
Journal',Zlh;
I t r ' l ' h c r eu a s l P o r t u g u e s fei r c t o r rr t S l r i b v 1 7 2 7 ,u h c n i t r v a st l e s t r o r e tiln t h c l ) r h o n r i l n c { ) n ( l u c sS
NtD l'ityt{1, l()(1.
r ; rP h i l l i p s , ' . f o u r n aZll'5, l ( r .
r i r A s r r g u c r rl r o t r l r l lrr r l ) , ni t l l . l r i s :
S r r l r r r r ( t r l . ) , . \ l t t i ( t y t t , h lt h L l ? r ' t , ' l t h ,
'
Ior slrrt l)r'l((\,\((l.ru..\/,r,, ( t,,r't,Ii.llr',lltr.llr'
I r ' t \ \ , l l i ( r . l l ( \ . \ ( ( l ( , ' l r r r r| . r s . l ' r , ' t l r r r r r r , r r (r l. u ( \ l r o r \
l ) . t l ' , , r r , t. I l l l . \ itlrr'/.'l ll\ lr'
Ouidah Before the Dahomian Conquest
officials and merchants in the capital Savi (and beyond, to rhe officials
and
merchantsof statesin the interior from where manv ofihe slaveswere purchased),
rather than to the inhabitants of Ouidah. It is difficult ro esrimarewhat iums
woull
have been expendedon goodsand servicesin Ouidah itself, but some indication
is
provided by the sraremenrof Rarbot in 1682rhar every ship had to pay
the value of
fivc to six slirvesf<lr the carriage of'goods from the shr-,rcto the f'acioii.in C)uiclah,
th.e-same again for the canoesthat landed goods and embarked slavesat the
1nd
beach.rTo In the caseof the canoemen,since many of these were hirecl fr<lm thc
Gold coast rather than permanentlv resident in ouiclah, thesc carnings
werc
partly, indeed perhaps predominantly, repatriated to the Gold coast,
rather than
being expendedor retainedlocally.rTT But, assuming40 ships per year,and the price
of a slal'e to he that of an adult male, paymcnts foiporters alo.re-atthis rate woulcl
havc amounted to around 8.t] million cowries (f,zi50) r ycar, representinEr
\l,agcs
for over 73,000 pcrson-days,or, assuming that worke., tuui one day ofrcsiin
eich
four-day 'week',continuousyear-roundemploymcnt for around 270 porters.
Portcrageand other serviccsfor the Europcan trade, ofcoursc, representecl
onl-v
one of the major sourcesof income for pcoprc in ouiclah, along witir lishing,
salt-
making and agricultural production. The continuing import*anceof fishing,
in
particuhr, is attested b1' a European accounr of the town ln thc carli,
eighte'cnth
century' which observes that its wealth derivcd as much from the f-aci that its
inhabitants were 'all fishermcn and canoemcn' as fiom the prcsence of Europcan
factories.rts'fhereis litde basison which to estimatethe relaiive importancc
of'the
European trade in comparison with <lther sectors of the local ..nnun.,y, One
stral.
figure recordedin the 1690sis that the revenuederive<lby the king ofFlueda
from
a^to_ll leviedon fishing was rhc value of 100 slaves,presumablyannualll; from
each
of the two principal 'rivers'in the kingdom.li" This was not far short oftthe rcvenue
fr.m,the royal duty on slaveexports,lcvied at 5'galinas''f cowries (1,000
shells)
per slave,which wruld haveyielded(on exports of 10,000slavesper ycar)
the value
of 250 slaves annually; although the king's rotal revenue from thc slave
trade,
including'customs' (in contempo.r.y p,rrl".,ce,pavmentsfor permissionto
trade)
and thc proceedso1'hisown salesof slavet,*u, *uih higher than this, estimatedin
this period at around 30 slaves'valueper ship.ts,It is nrit specifiedat what rate
the
toll on fish w:rs levied, but if it was comparable to that lcvied generalll,
on salesin
thc kingdom, which was one-tenth,r8rthis wourd suggcsta lotal output
for the
'161i.5. fishing industry of thc value of 2,000 slavesannuatly,wtrlch was around
ii, no. lJl2: f.irrtcr,Ouidah, l9 Scpt. a fifth of'
slavc exporrs through ouidah in thc 1690s.It was.lro u..y substantially.grearer
than thc total paid tirr p<lrtering,as calculateclearlier(and, ii'incqmes from
hshinE
ii,.i'+ .5. l"' lfarlrrt.()n
OutuLr.ii.6]7.
t :n r i t h , r;- ( 'ltlttt
t t t t t l l r i r e t l l i r r r r rt h t ( i t l t l ( i r r s r u c r c p a i t l h r l f . l t h c i r w r g c s i n l d v l n c c
on rccrlitmcnt, in glld, and
l l t t X t t t t i t t r l t r . t l l l l ( l ( r r ) r i r t r l r { r tot l l l t c i t ' ( n r l r l o \ n l ( n t , r r r g r i o d s .w h i c h
ther ntuld prcsumrhll carr' back
r t r l h l l r e r r t o t l r r .( i o l t l ( . r , . r s tl , l r i l l r p s , . l o r r r r r r ll' l.( )
| ' l . . r l r . r tL, , 1 , q , , . . i i
rr.
l t l r n t r , . \ ' 1 ' ' r , ' r i ( ( . . t t r t l r r i t l gl c9 .t ) l ) . ' . l l ll() '
f l , , s l r . r r Ir ). , ' t t l , t r , , r \rt,t . ' , t
''
l i ' ; r r l ! l r i l ( r r \ r r i l r ' r r ' ,. r r r ' r , rr r ' r \ , r r r r r r r , , 11 1 ' l l 1r .r1r lr r r rr , r r r s r . i r ) { )
l,rr K.rrl l','l,rrrrrlrr(( r n l l . r t r ( , rt t t l t t r ' , , ' l , r t t t r t l l e r s r r i p , r r r o r r rf .r ir Tr 5 ) , s ' c r r r o
. t r t . r l r , , r r 1 s r t l r , , l r r ' l r r l r , l r l l r r r r r r , r l , , r l rrrsr , \, /r rr . r r( r, I, r , r , 1 i
1 1 , , \, l . r r ' l r . r r l. ,, , r r r r r r lI ' r I r l , r r i ,,, ,, \l
tl I'
 Ouidah Before the Dahomian Conquest
were comparablc to the wagespaid to porters, would suggestthat fishing employed
around 2,400 persons).Although this figure for fish production is for the Hueda
kingdom as a whole, rather than for Ouidah alone, any reasonableassumption of
the share to be assignedto Ouidah would still lcave fishing as a larger sector of its
economy than portering.
Theriseand.fall oJ'theHuedukingdom
In a rccent studv, David Eltis suggestedthat, clespiteconsiderableresearchon the
historv of Hueda, 'the questionof why this small African statewas so dominant in
the slavetrade still has no ansu,er'.182 This seemsan undulv pessimisticassessment
of previous research.It is true that Ouidah had no obvious geographicaladvantage
over other ports in the region, either in terms of coastalharbour facilities (of
which, in common with its rivals, it had none) or of accessto inland u'aterways(fbr
which it was no better positionedthan its competitorsto west and east).As regards
its geographical situation, the principal advantageposscssedby Ouidah was its
proximitv to and accessibilitv from the powerful kingcloms in the immediate
interior which were the principal suppliersof slavesto the coast,initially Allada
(and, afier 1727,Dahomey). This advantage,of course,was equally sharedby Offra
to the east, which in fact preceded Ouidah as the main outlet fbr Allada's slave
trade. The story of Offra's displacement by Ouidah in the 1670s, however, is
straightforward (and rvell-known). The initial diversion of trade from Offra to
Ouidah in l67l was due to a rebellion by Oflia againstAllada's authority,which
closedthe paths betweenthe two; and difficulties in relationsbetwcenAllada and
Offra recurred through the following two decades,culminating in the war in which
Offra was destro]'ed in 1692, an event that decisively confirmed the commercial
supremacyof Ouidah. In the early eighteenth century the kings of Allada sought to
redivert trade away from Ouidah through a 'port' under thcir own control, no$'
Jakin, which inherited the commercial role of Offra, and initially with some
success.But this proccsswas overtaken bv the Dahomian conquest of both Allada
and Hueda in the 1720s,which served to remove obstaclesto the passageof trade
to Ouidah; and, even more critically,by the subsequentl)ahomian destructionof
Jakin in 1732,which reconfirmedthe concentrationof trade at Ouidah.r8l
A second factor in the shift from Offra to Ouidah is implied in a letter from the
English Royal African Company to the king of Hueda in 170I , rvhich statesthat the
English had moved there becauseof the 'ill trcatment' which they had receivedin
Allada.l8a One aspectof the better treatment<lflercdat Ouidah wxs that the Hueda
kings acceptedlower lcvels<-rf'customs' firr pcrmission to trade. In the 1680sthc
Ftcnch at Ouidah were paling thc valuc ol'25 slavesper ship ftrr cust<lms,whcreas
at Offra thcv had paid .50;totrrl chlrgcs, incluclingthe hirc of'portcrs and canoc-
n r c n !c i l l n cl o b c t l c c n . 1 2r r r r <i .l 5 s l i r r c sl l c r s h i p r r t t h c l i r r r n c r ,b t r t b e t * e c n 7 0 a n d
''r
l'.ltir. /?r', rtl lltt,,ttt.\'/,rirry. ltl
'
l.,rs \/,rr, ( ,',t,t l.'i ll
"I'ptt. lill/\l.l{,'\,rl \ l r r ( . l r ( , ' n r l ) l r \ t , r h r r r y , r l l l r r , , l . r l. ' \ r r y l,lll
It,
Ouidah Before the Dahomian Conquesr
80 at the latter.rssBy the 1690s,the rate of customs at Ouidah had fallen further, to
onlv [J slaves,6 tcl the king and 2 to the'caboceers',or chief's.rs,'Asecondaspect
was the problem of theft, and the fhilure of the Allada authorities to repress ir;
another observerin l70l explainedrhat no trade was done any longer uiAll"d",
becauseof the reputation of its people for 'cheating and stealing'.'[t correspon-
dcnce from the English company's Offra factory in the early 1680salso alludes to
problems in recovering debts.l88
To the extent that the greater attractivenessof Ouidah over Offra related to the
policies pursued by their rulers, these were subject to change over time. By the
1710sthe differential in customsbetweenOuidah and its rivals had been substan-
tially reduced, although not entirely eliminated; the chargesfor permission to trade
atJakin, now the principal port of'Allada, being onlv l2 slavesin all (6 to the king,
4 to the governor ofJakin, one each to two other chiefs). doubtless driven down bv
the need to competewith ouidah.rseBy thc 1690salso,ouidah itself had acquireda
reputation for the prevalence of petty theft, both by porters carrying goods up
from the beach and lrom the European warehouses,the people or o"ia.h u.i"g
considered worse rhieves than those of the Gold Coast.re0There is no recordl
however,of problems at Ouidah over issuesof credit: an account of tradine in the
1690s stressesrather the meticulousncss of the African merchanrs theri in the
prompt settlementof thcir debts.lel
That the tradc neverthelcssremaincd concentratedat Ouidah was in part due, as
noted earlier,to the political history of the region, as this affected relations between
Allada (and later Dahomey) in the interior and Ouidah and Jakin at the coast.But in
addition' it seemslikely that Ouidah's continued dominance reflected in large part
the fbrces of inertia. It is noter.r'urth1'
that the patrern of concenrration of thi siave
trade at a single port within the Bight of Ilenin is paralleledin other regions of wesr-
ern Africa, as for examplethe dominanceof Bonny in the Bight of Biafra; and indeed
it also mirrors the situation in Europe, where a single port was likewise commonly
dominant within the slavetrade of each European nation, for example Liverpool in
England and Nantes in France.As a reccnt analysisco-authoredby Eltis himself has
sugglested, this pattern ofconcentration probably reflects,in both Europe and Africa,
cost savin€isarising from accessto market information in establisheclports.rezOn the
r s 5 B a r b o tO
, n G u i n t ' t ,i i , 6 : i 6 - 7 , 6 5 1 J .
I l a r h o t a c t u n l l ys a l s t h a t t h e l , ' r e n c hi n l 6 7 l h a d p a i d 1 0 0 s l i r v c si n
'customs'at
Oltra, but this figurc rvaslbr $vo ships, thc ratc pcr ship bcing 50: sce l)clb6c,
Journal',
.t.r9+0.
l"' Phillips, 'crbocecr' (l,.rtugucsc 'headman')
J,urnal', 227.'l'hc tcrnr tuhtttiro, was commonly applied to
.\liicen ofllcials.
r 3 tI ) r n r o n , ' R c l l t i o n
r l r rr o r . r g c d ' l s s r n r ' , l ( ) 7
rxf Lrs, (,'rrrr,'rpanltn,L
lntu {)/lit tn,l ll hy,!th, tsJr nos -1,6,.fohn \lildmrr, Ofirr, l3 Oct. 1680(referring to
t l r t l r r s s i l r i l i t r, l t c t , r t t ' i t t g ' t . t t r r r l t l r l t l r r s l r r r r r rl r l r c K r n g l l n t l s o n r c o l t h c c h i c f c r r p t a i n s ' ) ;
William
('rDss'()llrr.lilr l(riil('tttttrrstttrtrslrtlittt(nrl)tl()rtlirsetirrtlrcrcrttlittolhcgorcrnorol-Offia).
\'
| . t r r ,A r r r r , , / , ,,r,r1r l l l , t , l r , t t t , , '
r'' llrrstn.ttt.
I ) t v r r l t t t , t r t ,i . l S r l , r I l ' l 1 l l r p s . l , r r r r r , r .l . l - , r f r
r' \llrr
t r \ , t t t | ) . t t r z t t r i I. t r r l r s l rl l , , r r r r . r n
. r r , l | ) r r , l r l i ' \ r r . l r . r ( , l n r l ) . r r \ r , ro) l t ( . \ l \ \ I ' . / / l , 7 ( l g l { ( } ) .2 l t +
l | . t \ \ , r t l l( r r r t t r , l r r rt l r , I n r l r ' . l r r . r r r . . l . r t r , ' lr l,,,,1. . r r r . r r ,r ,' ,r ,r r
'
I l t r ' , t . r l \ l . r r , r r r , l r n 11' , , ,rr. .
L
 Ouidah Before the Dahomian Conquest Ouidah llefirre the Dahomian ()onquest
Bight of Benin itself, on the European side of the trade, existing investmcnt in the cnablccl it to hirc mcrcenarv soldiers from other African communitics
fbr its
forts in Ouidah also operated to discouragerelocation elsewhere. wars.I"" In relatirlnto thc tlomlnant hinterlanclstatcof Allacla,h<lwevcr,
rts pcltential
Karl Polanfi linked the concentration of the slavetrade at Ouidah to its status as power wns limitecl by.shcer demographicweight: it rvascstimatccl(prgbablv
'neutral' 'weak', and therefore with
a 'port of trade', which was politically and militarily some cxaggeration)that Allada had twcntr. times the population
of Hutda, a
acccptableto traders of the different nationalities involved.rerThis idea of a dispnrportion bevond what coulcl be offset bv greatcr tinanc'inlresgurccs.r(,,,
'ncutral' place of trade d<les,indccd, have considcrableplausibilitl; not only in -in Als,,
Hucda's pr.tcntial po\r..r \\as c,mpr,nrisccl the crrrl,rcightecnth ccntur! b'
abstracttheorl'but also in the documcntedhistory of this particular region: in the chr<lnicinternal divisions,rvhich ma1 well havc been
t,o .untp.'1it.rn
later eighteenth century, the lagoonside port of Abomey-Calavi, on thc shore of ovcr rcvcnucsfiom the Atlantic tradc, although this u,as "x.c".bat".l
certainly ntlt thcir 6nlr
Lake Nokou6, eastof Ouidah, was describedas a 'neutral place',rvhich functioned l"l
ca usc.
as 'a sort of free faiq where the different nations go to trade'.r'+It is doubtful, The ultimate firll of [{ucda to conquestbv Dahomer in l72j on
rh.. f-acc.f it
however,whether this analysishas any bearing upon the rise of Ouidah as an als<lprescnts no mvsterr,.In adclition to fiuecla's pcrsisting intcrnal
divisigns,
Atlantic port in thc late seventeenthcentury.Ouidah was indeed maintainedby the which criticirlll' underminecl its effirrts at self-deicn.. ,rn- this
occasien, thc
Hueda kings as a'ncutral'port as regardstradersof diff'erentL,uropeannations,as Dahrlmianlirrccsll'crc decisirell supcrior qualitativelr;[)ahome1,having
dcr.,ellpcd
decreed in the treatv ol'1703 forbidding hostilities amonplL,uropeans,and this both a superiornrilitarv organizationantl a morc svstematicnriliiarl.
ethgs than an''
policv was clearly among the fbctors that attractedllur<lpeantraclersthcrc: as the othcr st:ltc'in thc region. 'l'his d<rcsnot, howcvcq dcmonstratc tl-*-
irrclerr..., .lf
director of the French fort noted in 1716.it rvas'the only placeof neutralit.vwhere thc Atlantic slavc tradc to qucstionso1'militarv por\er, since the militarizirtion
.f
the vesselsof everl' nation arc bound t<l lind a secure retreat in time of [intra- [)ahon-rc}was itself a consequencc'f thc impaci of'that trade, Dah.mey
h:rring
European]war'.re51'his, however,was a ncutrality imposedupon L,uropeansby the been a major supplier o[slaves firr saleat rhc coastsincc at least thc
'weakness';and l6fl0s and its
strenpphof thc Hueda state, rather than a rcflection of the latter's forccs being by the 1720sequipped u.ith importeclF,uropeanfirearms gbtainccl
'ncutral' in
Hueda was not in anl senserccognizedas a areaby its African neighbours. crchangc lirr such slaveexports.-I'he imbalanccof'militarv po\\.erbctwcen
Hucda
Although Hucda was certainly a small and therefbre relatively rveak power in and.l)ahonlc\' reflected the division of labour that operated within
the Afiicrn
relation to the intcrior stateof Allada, which rvasits principal supplier of slaves,its section ol' the slavc trade, in which coastalcommunitics such as Flueda
6peratcd
indcpendenceof Allada was sustaincdin the face<-rf sy-stematic opp<lsitionfiom the m:rinh as middlemcn, u'hilc thc actual proccss<l[r,iolcnt enslavcment
was left t<r
latter (including an actual militarl'invasion in 1692), rirther than accepted as militarr sratesin thc interior such as l)ah,me}:r,,r 'fhc Dirhomian
r"t' c,nquest ,f.
servingits cr)nveniencc. Hueda is thus an illustration, rathcr than a refutation. clf the impgrtancc
of thc
Eltis also observesthat 'the question of why, with all the income from its Atlantic Atlantic slavctrade in shapingl.cal ec,nomic and p.litical clel.el<lpmcnts.
trade and a significant militarv capacitl Whydah was unable to maintain its
r'''"Rclation
independenceoq indeed, bccomc a major powcr has yet to be addressed',and du ro\aumc de Judas', l-3.
'the transatlanticslave trade was not the rlxlN***+'
Ii\'il.g.! (tt\ CitLs tlt'ournlL r! Ltt lrrt/rr11trt,
suggcststhat this might indicate that (.\msterdrnr, l7l9), lJl; sec also Ilosnrln ,l)t,srrtlrtrttr,
'Ihis ..196.
central event shaping Afiican economic and political developments'.r"7 also 2 " rL r * , " " I ' h c
comnlon pcoplc uerc dir idcd"'.
st:emsan icliost'ncraticreading of' thc literature. Hueda did, in lict, develop as a r ' ) rR o b i n
l,r\, '\\'rrrlirrc on the \\'cst {rrican .Slarc f.r>ast,l6.i(}.lg-s{)',
significant regional 'pr)wer' in the coastll area in the late scvcnteenthcentur\, \\'hitchrr<l (etls). IIur tn tht 7'rihrl /ont (Srnra Ift, 1992). I0.t_]6.
in R. Irrian I,erguson & Ncil f ,.

ertending its authoritv at leastbrieflr,'<lvcrGrand-Popot<l the rvestand disputing

control of Of1ra with Allada to the east;r"tand contemporarvF,uropeans, at least,
thought that its military power was enhanccdby the wealth it derived from the
Atlantic trade, although it is notewurthv that the factor thev strcssedwas not
[{ucda's abilit.v to import l',uropean firearms but thc financial rcsources that
r " t l ' o l a n 1 i , l ) u h o r n t 1 , ,c h . 7 ; s e e r l s o : \ r n o l d , ' P r r t o1-trrtlc'. lirr r critiquc of Pohnri's anrlrsis lrith rcfercnce
'Polrnr
t o m a r k c t c c n r c s i n t h c \ \ l c s t . r \ l i i c r n i n t c r i o l s c c l ) r t r r ll : . L o r c j o r ' , i's "porls rrl tmtle": Salagl and
K a n o i n t h c n i n e t c c n t hc c n t u r \ ' , O . 7 . 1 . \ , 1 6( l 9 l i 2 ) . 2 + 5 7 7 .
r " r l ) e ( . h e n c v e r t & l l r r l l e t , ' R i l l c x i o n s s r r r - f u t h ' ( \ l S ol 7 l 7fr,in \\l.l)cpottlcslirrtilitrtiorrstlcs(irkrnies,
( . i r t e sd ' \ l i i q u c | | | ) . 5 .
l " t \ \ 1 , . ( . ( r / l 5 . l , t r t s , q r r . , r n t r r o i r r ' ( r c s p , , r r r l i r r l l o . r l r r r r p o s . r l l r r . r l r . r r r t l o r r t l r r ' ( ) r r i t l r r ll r7l lr(rrr.t ) . 6 . l u l r
r " " f r r r r r l t t r r i l s , s t c l . , r r r , . \ ' l , t i , ( , , , tl '. t' ,. .. t' 1i l ii , , . ' r ' l r l ) , r r l r r r r , h t i l r , l t ) i l tl ,/ ,l ,1t ' / , t , t .l t l
''
I ltr.. /ir,, ,,1 lltt lt \/,r , r 1, l\ |
'
l . r r \ / r , ( , , , t ' r. ' l i I ' l 'll

t\
 The DahomianConquestof Ouidah

2
tb" MAHI

TheDohomianConquest
of Ouidah e.
o

F
s
o

(ACONLI)
'I'he
political and commercial situation on the Slave Coast was transformed by the
risc of Dahomey,under its king Agaja (died 1740),who conqueredAllada in 1724
a Cana
and Hueda in 1727. T'his profoundly affected Ouidah, which became subject to
Dahomey from 1727 and was left as its exclusive outlet for trade with the a Zr>gbodonr6
F,uropeansafter the Dahomians destroyedthe rival'port'ofJakin in 1732.'The
_ tAgrinr6
rrrigins of the Hueda-Dahomey war of 1727have been treated at length elsewhere,
and detailed rehearsalwould be out of place here; it need only be stated that the
general view of contemporary European observers- that Agaja sought control of
Ouidah principally in order to securemore effective and unrestricted accessto the (WEME)
l,uropean trade - remains persuasive.2 For present purposes, it is the conse-
quencesrather than the causesofthe war that are ofcentral importance. a H()u6gb()
'I'he
Dahomian forcesinvadedHueda in March 1727,md quickly'overran it.r
'l'he
capital Savi u'as taken on 9 Marcha and destroyed; the European factories
therc, which had survived the initial sack of the town, were burned down by the
l)irhomiansa few days later.sMany thousandsof the inhabitantsof the kingdom
rvcrekilled or enslavedand sold, and others fled, settling in communities along the
coast to both east and west of Ouidah, where the lagoon and othcr inland water-
Lake
way'safforded a degree of protection against the land-based forccs of Dahomey. Altern6
I lror thc l)ahomian conquest of thc coast, see Akinjogbin, Dahomt.1,,64 l(X); l,aul .\tur (hust,27t]-97. P()rt(FNov()
I Scc discussion in Law, S/az'a Caa.it, 300{)8; as against the vieu of'Akinjogbin, l)uhomt1,,73-ul, that Hotr6yogb6
Agaja's original intcntion was to bring the slave tradc to an cnd.
I Firr the campaigJn,sec esp. Robin Llw,'A ncglccted account of'tlrc l)ahonrirn conqucst of'lVhydah (1727): K6tonotr
Miloglrorlji
t h e " R e l a t i o n d e l a G u e r r c d e J u d a " o f t h c S i c u r R i n g a r t l o f ' N i r n t c s ' , / 1 . I , l 5 ( l g l J l 3 ) ,3 2 1 l l ; S n c l g r a v c ,
Ntm.4rcount,9-lll.
{ S o a c c o r d i n g t o t h c G r c g o r i r n ( o r N c u S t r l c ) c r l r n t h r , b L r t 2 ( r l f c b . l r t c o t t t c n r g r o r l r r l ' . n g l r s h( l u l i a n , o r
'l'he
Old Stvlc) rcckoning. thtt is re;lrrhrlr girtrr in Lxrl \ourc(s il\ 7 lib. 1727: lirst in .'\. Le lleriss6, | )ir'11h.rrl1i
l , ' . l n t t t n l l o l , u u u t , t u l ) t h o u t 1 (, l ) r r r i sl .( l l l ) , 1 ( , 1 ; , n ' l l r t s o r r r t t o l t l t r s r l . r t ies t t t t t l t r r ,l r t r t i t i s t t r t r i n l r
l n ( 1 ) r r c (l .
l r . t n r i s r , l, ' t r t t r , r \ l , t t r l . ' . ,( ) r t r r l . r lIr . \ 1 ' r r l 1 , . '
I()0()l \ l , r I i | ) . r l r , , r r\ r ,, r r r lr t , ,u n n r (( l r . t l (t r tr r , . l r l r ost r r

'l
 'fhe
I)ahomiirn (,onquest of Ouidah Thc Dahomian Conquest of Ouidah

There is thus a Hueda quarter, I lou6clakomd,in Porto-Novo, to thc east, and a Local tradition in Ouidah, it mav bc noted, claims that Agaja visited the town in
significant[{ucda elementalso scttled in l}adagrl',firrthcr cast again.{''fhc Hucda person. A storv is told that he pauscd under a tree, either in the pursuit of the
king Hufiln, togcthcr u'ith manl' of his subiccts,horvever,fled wcstwards,ttl fbund def'eatedHufon or after the conquest, in order to take his first drink of imported
thc kingclom later known as llueda-Henji. Thcy' first t(rck refugc, irs reported European gin, alth<lughthis story is attachcd in diffcrcnt vcrsions to two diff-erent
'an island on thc sca coast ... lving near trees,one immediatelysouth <l[ thc town (called thc 'Captains'Tree') and one in
immediately alter the conquest, on
IGrand-] Popoe'.?In earh lT2U thc place wherc Hufirn was rcsiding was namcd as the village of Zoungbodfi, halfwal' to the beach.r{The contemporary evidencc,
'Tbkpa', a generic toponvm meaning 'on thc however, makes clear that Agaia did not personally accompany tht: army that
"Ibpov', lvhich ma1''represent
watersidc';E but 'Ttlpov' wts attackedand destroycdb1' the l)ahomilns stxln after, invaded Hueda in 1727;t5rnd thcrc is no suggcstionin thc contcmporary record
and Hufon cr,idcntll,rem<lvcdt<l a less acccssiblesite. Hueda tradition indicatcs that he did so on any subsequentoccasioneither.
of thc cxiles was at Mitogbodii, an island in thc south-
that the initial scttlen-rent f'he Dahomian conquestof ll27 was not definitive, since the displacedHueda
wcst of Lakc Ah6m6; but Hufbn subscquentlymoved his capital to Hou6yogb6, now establishedto the wcst continued to dispute possessionof the countrv and
further north, on the u'cstcrn shorc of the lake.'rPrcsumabll; this cxiled IIueda enlisted the assistanceof'the Yrruba kingdom of O-vo,in the intcrirlr to thc north-
c<lmmunitvlvasoripfnallvsubjectto Grand-Popo,in whoseterritorf it was settled, east,whose fbrceslaunched a scriesof invasionsof Dahomcy during 1728-30.In
but relations with their hosts quicklv detcriorated,leading to war in 1731, after Januarv 1728 hgaja was in ncgotiation with Hufbn at "Ibpoy', offering to allow
ll'hich thc nervI Iueda statcprcsumablvbecameindcpcndent.r{' him to re-establishhimself in his capital Savi and to give him a share of the
'customs' levied liom European ships; but Hufbn, believing that the support of
Oyo would secure his restoration in complete independence, reiected tht:
of Ouidah,1727-33
Theconquest overture.rr'InFebruary,a fbrce commandedby Assou,the f'<rrmer'FrenchCaptain'
in the Hueda kingdom, cncamped on the bcach south of Ouidah;'7 eff'ectivecontrol
After the fall of Savi on 9 March 1727. the victoriousDahomian army, pursuing was establishcd,to thc extent of intcrcepting the customspaid by Europeanships,
the retrcating Hueda, prcssedon south to Ouidah, whcre it attacked and captured and Dahomian messengcrswho came to Ouidah werc assaulted.r8 Subsequently,
thc Portuguesefrrrt and laid siege to the French and English forts; the Portuguese while Dahomcv was distractcd bv an Oyo invasion, which presumably causedthe
fort was 'demolished to the Eiround' and its cannon carried off into the intcrior.rr withdrawal of the garrison from Savi, the Hueda even began to rebuild their
The Dahomians did not, however,press their attack on the other forts; the siegewas capital. At the end of April, however,a Dahomian arml reeppearedin the area,
lifted after a f-ewdays,and Agaja sent ttl assurethe Europeansof his good intcntions destroyed the buildings which the Flueda had erected at Savi, and encampednorth
'anyone who camc of Ouidah; at its approach the Hueda there fled, most of them back t<-rGrand-Popo,
towards them and issued a proclamation threatcning death to
'fhc but Assou and othcrs taking rcfugc in the Frcnch fort. A detachment of the
near the [French] fort or harmed the whites'.r2 main body of the Dahomian
ilrnrv was thcn withdrawn fiom the Hueda kingdom, leaving onll a garrison at Dahomian army thercf(rrc procecdcd, on I May, to attack the F-rench fbrt, but it
Srr i. I r C)uidahitself wasncither garrisoncdnor subjectedto any form of Dahomian was repulsed after four hours' fighting, with some assistancefrom the artillery of
rrrlnrinistration, bcing by implicati<tnleft under thc authority of the Europeanforts. the neighbor.rringL,nglish fort.r'r The Dahomians now withdrew from Ouidah,
leaving the town f<lr the moment in thc control of Assou and thc Hueda forces,and
'
\. .\firrdeli'& (.. .\gucssr', Oontrihution ti li:tult le I'histoirt lt l'uncin nyuunu'lt' Porto Notu (l)akar, 1953),
moved wcstwards to irttack Hufon's basc at 'lbpoy'. However, they returned to
1 5 . 1 ;l t r b i n L r u , ' r \ h g r x r n s i d e p o r t o n t h e c i g h t e c n t h - c c n t u r v S l i r v e ( l o a s t : t h e e a r l l ' h i s t o r l o f B a d l g r i ' ,
( j 7 l . t , 2 l i ( 1 9 9 + ) , . l l l + 1 . ' l ' h r c c o 1 ' t h c 1 3q u a r t c r s o l ' B a d a g r l a r c o f I l u c d a o r i g i n ( o n c o l ' t h c m h a v i n g t h e
Ouidah on l4 May and evidentlv reassertedtheir control there. Despite the earlier
srrne nilnrc as onc of the quarters of Ouidah, Awhanjigo l= Ahouandjigol); thc senior chicf of Hucda
involvemcnt of the Frcnch lnd lrnglish fbrts in the fighting against them, the
origin, thc \\irriu of Ahoviko qurrtcr, clainrs dcsccnt from the ro1-alflmill ol thc old I lucda kingdom. l)ahomian corrrnilndersagrrinoflcrcd assurances to the Europeansthat they had no
t Snefgrave,Ntn, .ltcaunt,11-15.
N ANI| C.6/25, unsigncd lctter rr Sinou & .'\glro, (/arrlrrlr, I 15, l() 1.
fl)upctitval], Ouidah, 20 Mav l72tJ.
r',\gajrursclerrlrlr()t\ritlrtlrcl)rlronrirnlrnrrulrtnittrxrLSrri,sincethcl:uropcanstakcnprisoncrthcrc
lrrs eritlcntlr given retrospccfircll
" Sogkl,'I-cs Xweda',72 3. Thc name Mitogbodji,'anccstral duclling',
after its abandonment (Hou61'ogb6 mcaning, in contrast,'nclr htnrr'). .'\ cortlcntPorlrt reeouttt {)l thc r r t r c t r k c t t t r r t h t k i r r t t . r t \ l ] . r r l r rS t t t l g r : n t , \ t u ' 1 , , , ' r r u lI. t - .
r" .'\\l'. (.6/25.
1770s givcs the name ofthc settlement ofthc crilcd Ilucrll rs'()ttcssott', uhieh is rtot itlentitiable: tlc l l ) r r l r e r i r r r r (l l) ,u i t l r h ,2 ( l \ l l lTlli
(lhcncvert & Bullet, 'R6flcxions', 40. r ' \ r r r f ) r r r t z i q . l ) u r , h t n , l t h t ( i u r n r t ( . ' r / , / \ /r.o J 7 { l l c r t o g .
J r L i r r .l ( r l ' i h . l 7 2 l l . i n \ l i r r u t c s o f ' ( . o u n c i l ,
r 0 \ r a n D a n t z i g , D u t t h u n l t h t , C u i n u ( , ) r a s ln. o . . 1 0 3 :I l e r t o g . . l r l i r r . 2 ( r - l r r r r tl T . l I l r r l 7 i i t l r t l l t t t t l a c r c n l . l r r r i r r .l ri \. l . r r , l r lllt \ s s r r r r ' r r r r r , l r t r r ( n. r l ) l ) ( . r \ l r o r n\ \ l ' , ( . t t l l i . l l ) r r p t t i t r r l l , 2 0 l \ l r r l 7 2 l i .
' fl,rlrir l.,rn (trl
m a d c a n u n s u c c c s s l u rl l t c n r l ) t l ( , s c i z c t r r r r t r o lo l ( i r r r r t l l ) o p o ,l r r r r t t i t t gl t r t l l o l t l t e l o r r t t l r t l i r r t t l t t r u c r c ) . ( t ' t t i \ l ' t t , t , l t i l ,,,, 1r h , l i , , y r l l l r r , r n ( . t t n p r r 1 ' ' ( . h r t l I t , t o r ' t t ( h h u ( , ' r t r s t( h s t f u n ' i t h
r c p c l l e d .: ' \ \ l ' l ( l ( r / 2 5 ,1 . o e t , ( ) t r i t l r l tl .t r \ r r q l l i i { l t t t t t t l t t t , r r t r c l l t r ) l l r l l t ' t t r t ' l , , r t .I l l t l / , t h t r t , rl l r , I t t r l , l ' , ' 1 ' , , L t , r , , r 11 ,. . ' , \ 1 \ l . r r l r s o r .l ( ) t ) l ) . t t o l 5 : l l r o n r r s \ \ i l s o n ,
l l \ r r r f ) r r t t z i gl ). u t , h , t n ,t lh t ( i u t n t t ( r r , t ' lt t , ' ) r ' r l l t r t " r l .l r l r r r ,l l \ l r r ' l r l , - ' ( ) r r r r l , r .l 'r l, I r l , L . ' s
'
l ' l t r . u r c i s , , , l \ ' t c t t . t \ l t r r , l r . . ( ) r r Ir r\ l1. r' rl r l. , ' , . r t r \ , t v , r l l n t ' t , , l l , ' t , l l ' \\f.( r' l l l r l ' , t r t r r l l ( ) r r r , l r l .r ' l l\ l . r r 1 , . ' \ . l . r s , L , r t , , 1 ' , ' u , l , tt,t t t l tl l t / l r , t n' l , , r t .n , , I ( l \ \ i l s , , r r .
"
' Sr,lrt.[r \'r; I ' , a a t l. l r ( ) r t t , l . r l "r , \ r ' r r l I ' l
 The Dahomian Conquest of Ouidah
hostile intentions against them but only against the Hueda; and also undertook
spare the people belonging to the crooms li.e. villages] near the forts [i.e. the threc
quarrers of Aiouandiigo, sogbadii and Docomd], for cargadoers[i.e. porters] and
servants to the whites;. At the same timc, they gave out that they did not intend
anV further action against the Hueda, but this turned out to be merely a ruse to
'Topoy', which
caich the latter off guard, since a few days later they again attacked
they destroyed on l6 Ma1',although Hufbn himself escaped.The Dahomians then,
however,oncc again withdrew their forces from Ouidah, leaving only a detachment
'to protect the King of Dahomy's trade'.20
encampedat Savi,
Dahomian control of Ouidah was now threatenedfrom another quarter' when in
to the south; this was engaged
July an army from Little Popo arrived on the beach
in inclependlnt banditry, rather than supporting the Hueda againstthe Dahomians,
'to help neiti'rerbut to rob both'. It was understood to intend to march
intending
on Ouidah itself, where the French fort put itself in a state of def-enceagainst the
anticipated attack. However, the attack on Ouidah never materialized, and the
rai<lerswithdrew after only three weeks, on the approach of a Dahomian army"2l
Following the departure of this Popo force in mid-August, the Director of thc
French iott, Hou.luyer Dupetitval, in view of the recent demonstration of
Dahomian militar.v dominance, resolved on a policy of conciliation rvith Dahomey,
sending one of his subordinateofficers on a mission to Agafa in his capital Abomey'
to offer him assurancesof friendship and to dissociatethe French from the Hueda-
Oyo alliance.22 Agaja for his part thought again of consolidating his conquest
thiough the resetilement of at least part of the Hueda pcople. In August he was
reporied to have concluded an agreement with a son of Hufon, then atJakin to thc
.rrt, tn install him as king of Hueda; and at the beginning of October he issued a
proclamation encouragingJ the Hueda to reoccupy their former homes'zr
This attempt at a peaceful settlement once again broke down, however.
Although Assou again led a party of the exiled Hueda to rcoccupy Ouidah, he
refusecla demand from Agaja for his formal submission, and in consequence,in
L)ecember 1728, a l)ahomian armv was dispatchcd against him' On its approach
Assou ancl his troops again withdrew to the lirench fbrt, where the director
I)upetitval, despite his earlicr undertakings of support for the Dahomians, granted
thcm refuge. The Dahomians therefore again assaultedthe fort, and this timc werc
assistedbv the circumstance that the roofs of buildings within thc fbrt took fire,
threatening to ignite gunpowder stored in the magazinc.Thc European personnel
thcreupon abandoncdthc fort, taking refuge in thc Iinglish f<rrt;but over 1,000of
thc Huccla were killed in the subscquentexpltlsion of thc magazinc,althtlugh
Assou himself was also able to cscapcto the F.nglishf<lrt.'fhc I)ahonli:rnswere
r) ANI,' (i6l2-5,
lI)upetrn'all, Ouidrh, 20 l\tar l72lt; |,tt,
\\'ilson,29 April (PS ot'.j I\'ltr), l2-f ulr l72lt.
r r f . a n . ( , i r r r r s D o n l L n t t n , i t h l l r l f i t r t t t ' s f i l t , r u t . 2 ) \. \ i l s o r r , l 2 . l t r l r l T l l i , l ' S o l l ( ) . l t r l r ; \ \ 1 , ( . ( r / 1 5 . \ l i r t L t t e s
( l l r r r r l . r r r l r ' . t r ) .r r r t r l \ [ . r l . r ' s r n t { l l s r ! s o r r r r r r l l r r r t r . r t l c t s .r i t l t s l i t t c s ' t o t h c I ' , u r o p e l n f o r t s t h e r c :
o l ( i r n s c i l t l e | ) i r c t t i r t t r , I i o r l S r i t t l | . o t t i sr l t i r e { o r ' I | \ r r s I I ' l l i
" s t t l c c , , p l l p l r r t . q o t r . r t i o r r\ s\ 1r r, (r { r / . ' . . \ l r r r r r t r r , l ( , r t t s t r l , l l, ) r r r , l t ' t r . . ' l \r t t t i i ( ) ' t I ; - l l
, \ \ 1 , . ( . 1 r . / l i l. ) . r r r r t l. ., r L r r lr S. \ r l , l , . ' S . r r \ l r r r r r t , . , .(l r r r r r r l , i , l ) r r , r r t l t t ,l r \ r r r ' 1 , ' \ . 1 ) r r | ' r t r t r ' t l .
( ) r r r r l , r ll (r ) , 1 l , ' \
The Dahomian Conquest of Ouidah
'to
repelled from the l,nglish fort by cannon fire, but were leli in occupation of the
French fort. Once again, however,the Dahomian army then withdrew, allowing the
French to recover possessionoftheir fort.2{
Although the campaigns of 1728 appeared to have decisively confirmed
Dahomian military control over Ouidah, still no move was yet made towards setting
up any permanent l)ahomian presencein the town. In September 1728 Agaja took
the first step towards establishingan administrative structure for Ouidah when he
appointed three 'captains', one each for the three European fbrts, in imitation of
the system that had operated in the Hueda kingdom earlier.2sThese officials levied
customs, each from the European nation assignedto him, and also conducted the
king's own trade. However, they do not seem to have resided permanently in
Ouidah but only went there when there was specific business to transact.26F-or
most practical purposes, both of defence and of day-to-day administration, the
town remained fbr the moment under the control of the directors of the European
forts. The campaigns of 1728 had a decisive but contradictory impact on the
attitudes of the Europeansin Ouidah. The English, on the one hand, concluded
that the continuation of Dahomian control of Ouidah would be ruinous to trade;
Charles Testefole, who became governor of the English fort in July 1729, actively
encouragedthe exiled Hueda to continue their attempts to recover their country.2T
In contrast, the French director Dupetitval, having suffered the weight of
Dahomian military power in two attacks on his fort, resolved to align the F'rench
with what now appeared to be the winning side. When Hufon from exile sought
l,uropean assistancefor a further attempt to repossesshis kingdom, whcreas the
English and Portugueseforts promisedsupport, Dupetitval refused.2n
In 1729, under cover of another Oyo invasion of Dahomey and encouraged by
Tcstefole, the Hueda made a further and morc serious attempt to reoccupy
Ouidah. They were reinforced by allies from Grand-Popo and led this time by
llufon in person, although with Assou again as a subordinatecommander.The
l)ahomian garrison at Savi had been withdrawn to reinforce the national army
frrcing the Oyo, and the Hueda-Popo force seems to have encountered no initial
opposition, entering Ouiclah on 4 May, and remaining in occupation of the town
lirr ovcr two months. But, oncc the Dahomians had seen off the Oyo, they
tlispatchcdan army to Ouidah, where it arrived on l6July. Although Assou and
lhc Poposmade a stand, the bulk of the Hueda forcesagain fled without offering
to light; llufon himself'took reluge in the English fort and was later smuggledout
l S r r c l g r r r c ,. \ ' r n , . l t t o t u t t , l l 5 2 0 ; t i r r l h c d a t e , s c e A N I ; ( , 6 / 1 0 , I ) u p e t i t v a l , l T M a r c h l T 2 9 , s u m m a r i z e d i n
R o l r t r t l h r r r r s , 7 ) r ' / ) r / r . q r ' z (t \ c u lirrl, 2002), 217 l(1.
'l'his
reconstruction of the sequenceofcvcnts
, r n r t n t l s t l r r t i r r l . r u , . \ ' / a r ' , ( , ' a r i l , 2 l l l l t ) . * h i c h l s s L t n t c d t h a t S n e l g r a v e ' sa c c o u n t o f t h e d e s t r u c t i o n o f t h e
l i r t . r r r l r l o r r r t l r r t tttol t l r e | ) r l r r r r n i a r r r t t J ( k o n I \ l r r l 7 2 l l ; r l s o t h a t o f ' A k i n j o g b i n , D a h o m e y , t 1 . 1 , t h a t t h e
Oorrcslttnl(nt( lt'!th lI tlltuu't litrr, ttos lt). 22: \ e ( o n ( l . r l t . rL( r r l r r tl r r l c r l t , , r . t l t l r c l o r t . r x t t t t t t t l l r t t r i r r t h c s x r l t cI t t o n l h .
\ \ 1 . ( . 1 ' l l i . l l e l r s l e l, ) . r l r o r r r c r . T S r ' pl T r J H . r r r \ l i n r r t t s o l( . o r r s t i tl l c l ) i r c c t i o n ,l 3 S e p t . l 7 2 t l .
'
I l r r s r . r l r ' . r r l r , r r r r t l r ( l . r ' t t l r . r t t l r r ' | ) . r l r , , r r r r . r r\rrr( r ( u r t . l \ t i r ( o l l l t t r c o c t ' r r p t t i o r ro f ' O u i d a h b l t h c c x i l c d
\ n , f l l r . t r , .\ , r l,
"rrtrl.l.t;
ll'r,l.l.'i
\\l ( r'
 'I'he
Dahomian Conquest of Ouidah
of the country back to his retreat to the west.2')Although thc English director
'l'estefole
actively assistedthe Hucda on this occasion,the lattcr evidcntlv f'elt that
the other two Europeanfbrts in Ouidah had not been equally supportivc,and took
reprisalsagainstthcir personnel.l)uring thcir occupationof C)uidah,they seizcd
and killed an official of'the Portuguesefort, on thc allcgation that he had helped
'fhe
the l)ahomians.r0 F'renchdircctor l)upetitval was also kidnapped,on 29 July,
and taken prisoner to the Huecla refuge in Grand-Popo, u'herc hc subsequently"
died, prcsumed to have been cxccutcd on Hufbn's order.I (,ontrarilr,'ise,the
English director Testefble,even after the withdrarvalof the Ilueda, continued to
off'erprovocationst<lthe l)ahomians,eventually'administeringa flogging to one of
thcir officials who visitcd thc Linglish fort. He was seized rvhen he imprudentlv
venturcd <lutsidethe fort, held prisoner for some time at Savi and eventuallv
tortured and executed.' Presumabl-"-in connection with this incident, thc
Dahomians also attacked the I'-nglish fort, in an engirgementrvhich lasted six
hours.rl
Early in 1730 the C)vo again invaded [)ahomel', and Hufon from his place of
cxile in the west gavenoticc to thc Europeansat Ouidah that he intcnded to make
a further attcmpt to repossesshis kingdom. but on this occasion it does not
appear that this matcrialized.i+In fact, Agaja now opcneclnegotiationswith the
king of C)vo, through thc mcdiation of the director of the Portuguesefbrt at
Ouidah, Joio llasilio, and Oyo made peace,abandoningthc cxilcd Hueda to their
fatc. During 1730-31 attempts wcrc made to arrange peace betwecn Dahomev
and the erilcd Hueda also,on the basisof Hufon agreeingto becomea tributarv
of Agaja, first by thc governor of the F,nglishfort and then by the Portugucsc
'fhe
director llasilio, but thcse came to nothing.r5 Hucda continucd to mount
raids on the beach to the south of Ouidah, severelvdisrupting tradc there: in
May and again in July 1731, firr example,they plundered the F,uropeantraders'
tcnts on the beach,on the secondoccasionkilling six l,uropeanswhom thel'caught
there.rr'ti"v1733 thc Hueda seem to have cstablishedeff'ectivecontrol over the
'serving' in
beach,since 'boys' bclonging to Captain Assou were then rcportccl to bc
the tents set up on shrlrcby two Portugueseships trading therc, and other Hueda
'fhere
u'ereestablishedin thc Portugueseand F,nglishquartcrs of Ouidah itself. is
c\rcn somc hint that Hueda control was fbrmally rccognizcd bv l)ahomev. the
dircctor of the F'renchfort claiming credit rvith Ass<lulirr having intcrccded with
r" Srrclgravc,Nn,.ltnunt, l 2 . l l l ; f i r r t h e t l a t e s , s c c I ) R ( \ ' l ' 7 0 l 7 . ( . h a r l e s l e s r e f t r l e ,( ) u i t l a h , . l 0 ( ) c t . 1 7 2 9 ,
rvhich sars that the Ilueda occupied Ouidah fiom 2.j r\pril to 5.lulr l()ld Strlc: =-l \lrr to l(rJulr, ).icr
Stl lc l.
r'l
V i c c r o v o f B r a z i l , 2 t t J u 1 1 l 7 2 9 , i n \ t r g c q l l u r t t r t . f l u t , l ' 1 ( )( t h e l i r r r s t o r c k e e p t r , S i r r r i t t ( i r r d o s o ) .
rr ANI'l C6l25,'l\lcnroirc dc h (irrnpaanic des Intles'.lt \.r. ll.i0.
ir Snclgrarc,,\il. lrroazl, l.l0 .l'{.
r r P R O , l ' 7 0 l 3 9 5 , S u n d r r . \ c c t t r t t t l s . \ \ i l l i r r r r ' s l i r r t , . i 0 . l r ri rl (r )e( l
t i P R O , ' 1 7 0 l 1 . + { 1l 6) i,r r r o l l ' . t l r r r r rl )l t r r n c , ( ) r r r r l . ril{rl.| ) e r l t l t ) f . l l l i l ' l l i ( t
" P R ( ) , ' 17 { ) / 7 , l l r r t l r r r r i t t .( ) r r i r l . r l Ir .l r r r r ri ( l r r \ r u l | , i l l . 1 , , , r l,}, . r s r l r , ,),r r r r i , r l rl l. \ l . r r l l i l . r r r \ r ' r s t r .
l t l t r L t t L l l r t t -l \ \
" ' l f . r s r l r , r . ( ) r r r r f . r l r . . t 0l ,\i ll . r rr t r \ , r ' , t . l l n t , r , , l l r t r . l . i
' \ r r r ' I i l l l , r " ' . l t t ' l ) t , ' " , , r /l ' l
r r r ri l l r l l r r t , , r ' l . r l r r r
'l'he
Dahomian Conquest of Ouidah
Agaja on his behall; seeminglyto protect his interestsin controlling the bcach.37
At the same time, the rudimentary administration of the European trade at
Ouidah which Agaja had establishedwas in some disarray. ln 1732 the 'English
Caboceer' at Ouidah was executed by Agafa, for reasonswhich the English were
unable to discover but which were presumcd to reflect internal tensions on the
Dahomian side.r8Relations between the Dahomian oflicials and the European forts
were also bad; the 'captain' for the Portuguese,in unexplained circumstances,even
made an attempt to seizethe F'renchfort. In 1733,however,Agaja decided to assert
his control over Ouidah more ef'fcctively.As a first step, in January he summoned
thc directors of the three European ftrrts to attend his'Annual Customs'at Abomey;
this attendance, which became an annual obligation thcreaftcr, being probably
intended to assert their status as holding office under Dahomian sovereigntylThe
l)irectors took the opportunity to complain against the three existing l)ahomian
'captains', and Agaja in response replaced them with a single official, called
'Tegan'.leThis was evidently a title, rather than a personalname, being held appar-
ently bv three successivepersons,drlrvn to l7+5.$ This new offlcial was clearly con-
cerned with more than just the conduct of trade, being ref'erred to by the French,
soon after his app<lintmcnt,as 'Governor of Gregoy [Glehue]', implying that he
exerciseda more general administrative authoritl'.+rHis position therefore corres-
ponded to the later office of Yor,ogan,'Chief of the Whites', commonly described
by L,uropeansas the 'Viceroy' of Ouidah, although the actualtitle of Yovogandoes
not appear to have been used for the Dahomian administrator of Ouidah until the
late 1740s.+2The Yovogan'sresidencewas later to the north of the F,nglishfort and
cast of the French fort, on the site occupied noll'adays by' thc Roman Catholic
cathedral,the northern sectionof the town in which it is situatedbeing still called
lionsaramd,'the Fon li.e. Dahomianl quarter'and being populated to the present
bv the dcscendantsof'f)ahomian oflicials and merchants.The appointmentof the
'l'cgan
probablymarks thc beginningof this Fon quarter in Ouidah.al
'
ANI'l (,6/2.5, Lsct, O u i t l a h , 2 6 r \ u g . 1 7 . i 3( l e t t r c d e n o u v e l l c s ) :o n a v i s i t t o A s s o n i n h i s p l a c e o f - r e f u g c i n
'lhat
l ) o P o ,L e r c t r c m i n d c c l h i m o f I did firr hinr, r'ith l)ada l= Agajal, uhcn the I'inglishI)ircctor wished
t o l i r r n i s h c A n o c st o r l l n r t i o n s ' .
''
Snelgrilc, ,Vu' /,,alll, I-5-[.
''
\ \ l ' : ( . 6 / 2 5 , L o c t , , fu t h , 2 6 A u g . 1 7 . 1 .(3n o u v c l l c s ) .
r' ( )rrc l'.rrrrrlrcrn .rcc(funl1 uritten in rhe 1770s, Robert Norris, ,lltmoirs ol the Rtign ol Rossu.7halrc, King ol
l)rhrtny'(ltntltr, lTfit)), -10 -lll, treirts il rs r pcrsonal nrmc; and this is firlkrwed b1 Akinjogbin, Dthont.1,,
l ( l . l . i l l r r t r l i e r t l r t o r i u i r r r l l c g r n ( o r , n r o r e p r o b r b l r ' , h i s s u c c c s s o r )r v a se r e c u t e d i n 1 7 4 . 1h, i s s u c c e s s ( )w
r as
. r l s o c r l l e t l ' l i , l r n :\ \ 1 1 ( , ( r / l . i , l . e r c r . 2 0 . \ u g . l 7 4 . 1 . l l n r r \ r c p r e s c n t / o . 4 a a , a g e n e r i c t e r m l b r p r o v i n c i
((,\(II('t\.
'
\ \ 1 , ( . 1 r , / J i L, t r t t , . f r r t l r rJ,/ r \ u g . 1 7 . 1 (. r1r o r r r t l l e s ) .
' l l t n , , r r ' , l ( , I ' i .{ l l , r r s t s t l r t t i t l t \ o r o g r n l i r r t h t r i c c r o r s o l O u i d a h b e f o r e 1 7 4 5 ;a n d t h i s i s
\,'rrrs.
l , , l l r r r c r l . l , , r t r . r r r p l r ' . l \r lri r r j , r q l r r r r , l ) i / t ) t t r lt {, ) l . i , I l 9 20.llrrt,inlirct,thisisclerrrlrananachronis
l;l() I r r t , , , r , l . , l t l r l r r q l r r l r l , r l . t l r r t r t l rl t l . r r r r r . r ' r t s t, rl l, r r r r t o S e p t1 7 ' l 5 , r r h i l c l h r t o t l i r r o g l n ( ' l t v e g a
l r r r r , r 1 , l r . 1 1 . , r r r l .Lr lrt , l'l{(). l,{)',lli l . \ r r r r t l r r \ r r o r r r r l r . \ \ r l l i . r r r r ' r l i r r t , S c PI t).c c . l 7 - l 5 , , f a nA p r i l
(
l , l l , | ) . r l r , , r r r rt,rr.rr , i r t r , ,.rrrr r l r t : l l r . r tt l r t r t l t , ' l \ r , r , r r ' . r n
s . r r r r r ' . t t t r ll r r \ u r i r . b t r t l o t r l t r r r l i t i o ni n
( ) r r r , l r l r ' , . r r , . 1 ' r 1 r r , , , r r ,l ,, r, ,' l. ', ,, .rr rl , l l , r r ' , , , / l , t , r , ' t l l " t 1 u , u t , l l. {' t, r t t t t r . ' ( ) r r i r l . r h ' . 5 1 .
I \ . r r r l ) . u r l z r lr t' t. , r . l t r t ,tl l t , ( , n t ' t , , t ( . , , , 1 \ t ,
'lr' I 'il
 The Dahomian Conquest of Ouidah The Dahomian Conquest of Ouidah
In records of the English fort in the following year the Tegan is described as 'a condition of becoming tributary to Dahomel:aeThis settlement was accompanied
Chief Captain of War deputed by the King of Dahomey to reside among the Forts', by a return of some of the exiled Hueda to ouidah, around 500--600of whom
and as 'the Viceroy or Commanding Officer for Dahomey residing among the resettled there, according to a later account, 'under the protection of the portu-
Forts', indicating he also had command of troops stationed permanently in guesefort', meaningevidentlvin Tov6, the indigenousHueda quartcr of the town,
Ouidah.+aThe installation of a military garrison seemsto have occurred not at the immediately north of the f<rrt.sO Hueda tradition names the son of Hufon who
time of the Tegan's original appointment, but a few months later. InJune 1733,in a succeededhim as king and submitted to Dahomian authority as Akamu.sr Local
decisiveassertionof control over Ouidah, the Dahomiansarrestedabout 80 Hueda tradition in ouidah also recallsthe submissionof the exiled Hueda to Agaja and
in the Portuguese and English quarters of the town, and the next day a force of their return to reoccupy their home country;s2the name of Akamu is also remem-
400-500 Dahomian roops arrived 'at the beach' to the south and encampedthere, bered there as having assisted in the resettlement of Tov6 quarter after the
seizing 40 'boy's' belonging to Assou who were employed by Portuguese ships Dahomian conquesr, and the Adjovi family traces its descent liom Hueda royaltv
trading there, all those taken prisoner being then carried off to Dahomian capital t h r o u g hh i m . s l
inland.a5This report <lf the setting up of a military camp on 'the beach' probably
relatesto the establishmentof a Dahomian garrison at Zoungbodfi, actually mid-
wav between Ouidah and the bcach; local tradition recalls the establishmentof this The Hueda-Dahome.yrDa,rs,
I 243-75
garrison after the Dahomian conquest, to overseethe arrival of E,uropeantraders,
under a chief with the title of Kakanaku (or, in its usual French form, Cakana- The settlement of 1733 was not in fact the end of the mattcr, since the attempt to
cou).+('Incontemporarysources,the Cakanacouis first attestedin 1747,when the reconstitutethe Hueda kingdom as a dependencyof Dahomey was not in the long
existing incumbent was killed in action and a rcplacement sent from Dahomey: his run successful.The new king appointed by Agaja was not acceptedas legitimate by
function is describedas'General of War for the Beach'.47Zoungbodji was generally most Hueda, and he eventuallvu'ithdrew to Dahomev;where he died .universallv
referred to by Europeansin the eighteenth century as 'Cakanacou'svillage'.{8 despised'.''aAgaja's successor Tegbesu (1740-74) seems to have continued or
f'his assertionof Dahomian military control over Ouidah was complementedby revived the attempt to maintain a Hueda puppet monarchy under Dahomian
efforts to conciliate and incorporate the exiled Hueda. As has been seen,Agaja had suzerainty, since thc records of the English fort at Ouidah report that in 1756 he
contemplatedre-establishingthe Hueda monarchy earlier: during 1728, he had appointeda 'King of the whydahs' and sent him down to ouidah, and in 1769he
first offered to permit Hufon to reoccupy his capital Savi and then to appoint a son proclaimeda new 'King of the whydahs', named 'Bangra' (i.e. Agbangla,also the
of Hufon as king of Hueda. In the abortivenegotiationswith Hufon in 1731,Agaja name of one of the pre-Dahomian Hueda kings), and sent him to ouidah to be
again offered to accept him as a tributary, though whether the intention on this introduced to thc European fbrts there.s5\vhere these'kings of thc whyclahs, were
occasionwas for him to be reinstalled in Savi or recognizedas king over the Hueda ruling is n<lt made clear; but a context is suggestedby traditions among the exilecl
in cxile is not clear. However, Hufon died still in exile around the end of August Hucda which record that, in the second generation after Hufon, the royal dynasty
1733,and the successionto his kingship u'asdisputedbetweentwo of his sons.One split, when a dissidentprince called Amiton, who had gone to Dahomer.ro secure
ofthe contenders,although able to occupy the royal capital, found himselfbesiegcd recognition as king but was rejected by the people, establisheda rival dynasty at
thcre by his opponent and contrived to send word to Agaja to offer his submission S6h.umi, to the north of Hou6yogb6.5t' The main body of the exiled Hueda at
in return for Dahomian support. A Dahomian force marched to his relief, and he Hou6yogb6,howevcr,evidently remained hostile to Dahomey.
then went in person to Allada, where Agaja was currently residing, to pay homage Irrom the 1740s the exiled Hueda resumed their attempts ro repossessrheir
to him, and received permission to reoccupv the old Hueda capital Savi, on homeland by militarv frrrce,and thev continued to present a serious threat to
I)ahomian control of ouidah clown at least to the earlv 1760s.Their hopes of
* PRO,'I'70l402, CastleChargesat Whvdah, 12July-31 Oct. 1734.
f
\\l'l (.6/25, l,cret,()trithh,2l Nor. 17.j.1;cl.thclatcrilccountofNorris,,44ezorrs,27-9(who,however.
+ 5 A N I ' I ( i 6 l 2 5 , l , e v c t , J u d a , 2 6A u g . 1 7 3 -(j n o u v e l l e s ) .
t t t i s t h l e s t l r i s c r n t P r i g r t r o l 7 - l l ) . \ o r r i s s u g g e s r st h a t i t w r s o r i g i n r l l Y i n t e n d e d t h a t t h i s k i n g s h o u l d
$ Agbo,Ilistoirr, I l2 14.Agbo savsthat the titlc wrs creirtcdbr' 'l egbesu in thc I 74{)s,l)ut othcr accountssir't rule
'l i t l t l l t l l t r u l r t p l a t t , l r t l t t g < l ( ) t l r r r r c s t , l r u l t h c c o n l c r n l x ) r J r ] r c c o u n t i n d i c a t e s t h a t h c l v a ss e t u p a s k i n g
b l A g a j ae a r l i e r e: . g .S i n o u& A g b o ,O u u l a h ,l 6 l . h c t i t l e o f ( , a k a n a c osut i l l s u r v i r e sa st h a t o I t h c c h i c f o f '
i n t h e I l r r e t l .lrr , r r r r t l r r r r.lr t S r r i
Zoungbodji; nowadayshc claims the status ol king (antl is srxrclinreseven rcl)rescntc(lto be 'king ol' '"
\rrrris. llLulrrr. !11 \ll
Ouidah'). ''
\ s s o g l ' . tl \. , , , t t , t t t t , l ' l r ( , ' t , , / , ' / ' , / , r r , . ' .l S
11PRO,'I-70/+2.S i , u n t l n A c c o u n t s\,\ ' i l l i r r n ' sI i r r t . \ l r r r \ u g . l 7 - 1 7l ' ( i r c l r u t r r ' l ( r . r r o r ,\ o t r l r r s t , r ,r 1 r r' .r r l r
t ^ I ' , . g .A N I i ( . 6 / 2 7 , ( i o t r r g , ' \ l i t r r o i r c
I x x l r s c r \ r r t l ' i r t s l r t r c t r o r r ,|t)trt r t t l t t t r ' , l 7 ( ) l I ' r r r rp o s t cr p p c l i '
l l r r t r t l t , ' ( ) r r r l . r l r 'l ,r , \ l r r l o . ' l l r r r . r r ,l r r r l r r r rl r r s r r ' .I i
( . r k e r r c r r r t ' f ; . l o h\ lr' rl . e ' r t l , I I r t 1 ' r t rt t ' l l t r , , t ( l . o t t r l o t tl.l i l 0 ) , l { ) l l ' K . r l c r . r L e r rt 'rsr r r t t t ' l ' l l t c t t r r t r t '
\ , r t t t r . 1 1 , " , , , r , i, r.
Z r r r r r r g l r xr lr j.ir s l i r st t , , , r r l l trl r rl 7 ' r 7 \ r t t t r t . l r r r c r r . r l ' r r r xl r, , t r t n , l ' l l r r , , t i , t r . t i t u , , l r l ) , r h , n t l t t l
l'Rl, l,ll'll\s.lll,t) l r . r r l t , , , \ \ \ r l l r . r r r r . l , , r\rl r r l r r r r L , rt,.lil\ut, I;t,{,
( l . r r l ,l ,{ r l ' tr r , ', 1 , l r . r . r .\ . t , ,1 ' . t r r l l, i,,.r , ) . . ' Sl . / . r r r r l ' r r ; i r ' l ' \,,r1,' 1,., \ s,,l.r' ,1' l l , , r , ' , r r l , . . , r r r , l r t r , , , ,. l. , ,r r , , r r r r ' t t , r ,.rl . \ l r r t r tr . r l l r l \ q l r . t r r * l . r

:S
 'fhe
Dahomian Conquest of Ouidah
recovering possessionof it were revived when Dahomey became involved in hos-
tilities with the rising power of Gen or 'Little Popo', on the coast to the west,
under its ruler Ashangmo,from 1737 onwards.sT The Hueda soon establisheda
close alliance lvith Little Popo, and perhaps became politically subject to it.s8
Dahomey's position was further weakenedby a renewed outbreak of war with Oyo
in 1742-8.In l7-13,whcn an O1'oarmy invrrdedD:rhomeyand the main Dahomian
fbrces in Ouidah were withdrawn to mect this threat, the Hueda exiles, supported
by allicd forces from 'Popo' (meaning noq presumabl-v.I-ittle Popo rather than
Grand-P<lpo),seized the opportunity to attack Ouidah, wherc they defeatedthc
small Dahomian garrison remaining,pillaged and burned the town and blockaded
thc European frlrts. They <lccupicdthe countr)' Ibr more than three months before
the Dahomians again drove them out. The Dahomian viccrov and the commander
of the local garrison are both said to have been killcd in this campaign,refcrring
presumablyto the Tegan and the Cakanacou.s"
The Dahomiansbelievedthat the Europeanfbrts in Ouidah had again assisted
the Hueda, and aftcr the restoration of their authority therc proceeded to take
reprisals.The director of the F'rench frrrt was seized and deported, on the allega-
tion that he had refused to grant refuge in his fort to Dahomians rcmaining in
Ouidah during the Hueda invasion.6')Later in the same yeaq in June, the director
of the Portuguese fort, Basilio, was also arrestcd, on the charge that he was in
ncgotiationwith the eriled Hueda and was harbouringHueda emissarieswithin his
fort; and at the same time the Gau, the cnmmander-in-chief of the Dahomian
army, laid siege to the Portuguesefbrt. Basilio was held prisoner ftrr some time and
released only to bc deported from the countr]'. Meanwhilc, during his
imprisonment,the Dahomian force attackedthe Portuguesefort, on 21 July 1743;
as had happencd with the French fort in 1728, the roofs took fire and causedthe
powder magazineto explode, after which the Dahomians were able to enter the fort
and massacreits inhabitants,including the returned exiled Huedir who had taken
refuge in it; the Afiican 'head servant' of the fbrt, who had led the defencc in
tsasilio'sabsence,blerv himself up rvith gunpowder rather than surrender.{'lLocal
tradition names the African leader of the defence of thc Portuguesc {brt on this
occasionas Amoua, though he is said to have been captured and killed by the
Dahomians, rather than dying in the fighting.n' f'he demonstrati<-rn of Dahomian
i; [,ru', S/alt'(,ira.v, .116 lll1(ialibor. Lc Ga.t,r,101-Ii.
t8
N o r r i s , . M c m o i r s , 2 ( r ,s a l s t h r t t h c I l u e d i r u c r e ' i n c o r p o r a t c t l ' r v i t h
eff'cctivclv'one nation'. Although oftcn, rs herc, l',uropern obscrvcrs rcfcrrctl to'thc
spccilling nhether Grand or Littlc Popo srs nrcrnt, it is prcsrrnrctl that lionr rhe l7-l0s on*rrrds
rcfcrenccs to'Popo'as allicd tn the Hucda rclatc to Littlc l)r4ro, rirthcr tlrrn (as carlier) to (irlntl Popo.
i"
Nrrrris, .lIntoirs,.i{>9.'l'his rccount (rccortlcrl r gencrrtion rlicr thc crcnt) rctrrrllr gires thc titlcs of-the
I ) a h o m i a n l e a d c r s k i l l c d r s \ i r r o g l n l n d ( . r h o , b u t t h i s i s p r c s L r n r c tl o b t l n r n l t l r r o n i s r r r , l s t h c s c t i t l c s
ire not rttcsted rt Ourdrh in the crinlenrPorlrr recotrl rrntil lrtcr in tlrc l7'10s.
' ' , { N I i ( . 6 / 2 - 5 ,L c v c t , O r r i t h h . 2 l ) \ u q . ! 7 - l . i
" ' I b r t l . ; r l s o N o r r i s . l l t n , ' r r ' , i { ) i l 1 u l r o . l r , , r r t r c r , r r r r s t l r r t t lsl r r s r r r r i t l t r r t .P l . r t r r r gt l r c r r p t r r r t o l t h t '
l ' r , r t r t { l r ( sl (o r l r r D I \ r , r l l l l )
' ( i . r r o r . \ ( ) l ( l r \ l , r r r l i l ( ' , . i . l i , r r r r | r , ( ) r r r , l , r l ri' './ | l r , t r . r , l t t r , ' rrrrrr . i rr o r r l l , r l rl \ \ r ,
The Dahomian Conquest o[Ouidah
power on this occasionwas seeminglydecisivefor the future attitudc of the Euro-
pean fortsr which never afterwardsventurcd to support challengesto Dahomian
authority.
Although l)ahomian n-rilitarl'control of Ouidah was thus dccisivcly reasscrtcd,
Dahomian administration of the town was now undermincd by serious internal
divisions,lvhich vr,erepart of a wider crisis of royal authoritl- within Dahomey in
'rhe
the carly years of rcgbcsu's reign.6i new Tegan appointed after the Hueda
invasionin 1743antagonizedthe govcrnorsofthe Europeanforts, and was arrested
'Itgbesu,
ancl executcdby' upon their complaints,in July of the samc y'eirr.,,{ His
successor as Tegan also alienatcd the h,ur<lpeangovernors by his 'oppressive
conduct' ancl, whcn they set out to the capital to complain about his bchaviour,
ordered their arrcst and fbrcible rerurn to Ouidah. Subsequently,it was alleged
that he plotted to set himself up as an independentking in ouidah, to which end
he tried to seizethe English lort in August 1745,but its governor was fbrewarncd
and refiuscdhim entry - alth<lughconceivablythis was a false allegation contrived
by the f:uropeans, as a means of re'cnge. Flowcvcr this may be, Tegbcsu declared
the Tegan an outlaw and dispatchedmilitary forces, which besiegedhim in his
rcsidencein Ouidah. The'l'egan attcmpted ro escape,but w.askilled in a second
attempt to enter the English fort.('5In the aftermathof this revolt, thc title of Tegan
was evidcntly suppressed,his successorin office being given thc title Yovogan,
'Chief of'the
white r\Ien', which then remained the normal title of the governors
of Ouidah throughout the period of Dahomian rule. This title had existedin the
Hueda kingdom carlicr,but the office there had had purely commercialfunctions,
dealingwith the Europeansas rraders;the 'Chicf of the White Mcn' in Dahomey;
in contrast, exercisedpolitical authority in ouidah, including ovcr thc European
forts.
Despite their dcf'eatin 1743,the exilcd l{ueda also continued to posea military
thrcat. Later in thc samc year rhe) raidcd the beaclrsouth of Ouidah, dcstroy.ing
the tents of'European traders there; and at thc beginning of 1744 there lvere
rumours of a further attcmpt to reoccupy their homeland,although it is unclear
rvhetherin the cvcnt this took place.6(' Subsequentll',flrther raids were mounted
on Ouiclah by frtrccs from Little Popo, presumably,operating in support of the
cxiled Hueda; rrnd thc Dahomians in rcsponseprogressivelystrengthenedthcir
grrrrisonin thc town. In August ll17 a party of 'Blacks from Accra' (ref'erring
t'ritlcntl,l'to Littlc Popo, which hrd been fbundcrdin the 1680sbv refugeesfiom
thc'l)opors', so thit thc two bccame .'\ccrl) rlidccl thc bcach sourh ot'ouidah, killing mosr of the Dahomian frrrces
Popocs', withoul poslctl thcrc, inclurling thcir commanderthe Cakanacou,but rvasthen beatenoff
lrr tlrc nrititrgrtrrisottli'rrnrOuicllh. Shrlrtlr afterw'irrds, on a report that Ashangmo
l r i r r r s c l l\ \ i r s n l : r r ( ' h i n gt o a t t i r c k t h c t o w n , t h c I ) a h o n r i a n ss e n t d o w n ' a n o t h e r
( i t ' r r t r ' ; roll \ \ : r r ' ( , o t L : r r r rr' r, i t h i r r s t r r r t ' r i o r r s 'rlcom a i nh e r c t o p r o t e c tt h i s p l a c e ' ;
, r r r t l : r l t ' ri r r t l r t r t ' r r l l l r t l l r r l l i s o r r r r r sl i r r t h c r . r e i n l i r r c e du,' h c n t h c k i n g s e n t d o w n
'
l,r t l r t : r t , l , t , , , t t t , \ t . , , r { l . r N . \ r ' . r, ( , , , r , 1 i ' l S
' (tr,."
\\l Irrrt { ) r r r r l . r l r ' l l\ r r . Lli
lr'r\i'[\ \r)rrr\. \,,rrr.,. ll,,,t,'rt, lll I

l l , l t , ' t , ' \ i r . r r t l r . r lt l r , . , , , , r , 1r r r , , ' t r r t t r . rr rr rl l, rl ( l ' , r t . r l , l r n i , . r . r \ , , l r l r r ( ( l . r r ( l r \ ' , r t r t l \\l ( r' t)rr,i.rlr'il \rLr I l, ,l lrrr I ll
".1,,,r

rS
 The Dahomian Conquest of Ouidah
'another General of War
Joehena for this place and Bunjam, another General of
War for the Beach'.67
'generals'mentioned, 'Cockavo' is
Of the additional evidently identical with
'Caukaow' or 'Cakaow', given later in the eighteenthcentury as the title of 'the
military officer who commandsin Whydah'.6sIn the nineteenthcentury this title is
recorded in a shorter fnrm, Kao, nowadays generally'rendered locally'in a French
form, 'Caho'.6e Dahomian tradition identifies the Caho as the general who
commandedin Agaja'sconquestof Hueda in 1727;10 and local tradition in Ouidah
also associatesthe appointment of the first Caho with the original Dahomian
conquest.TrThe wording of the contemporary report, however, implies that it was
an trfficenewly created,or at leastnervll'assignedto Ouidah, in 1747.Initially,the
Caho seemsto have been posted to Ouidah on a seasonalbasis,rather than residing
there permanently, since the English fort records down to 1755 refer to him as
recurrently 'sent down to take care of the country'.7zBut, in the longer run, the
office became localized in Ouidah. Unlike the Cakanacou. the Caho resided in
Ouidah itself; his encampmentis shown in a map of 1776 as closeto but separate
from the town, to the north-west;7r the site is nowadays incorporated within the
town, but still bears the name of Cahosaramd,'Caho's quarter'. The significanceof
the appointment may have been not only reinforcement of the existing garrison at
Ouidah, but also to remove operational command of it from the Yovogan. Of the
officers sent to Ouidah later in 1747, the'Bunjam' is referred to again in the
following year, when the first holder of the title was replaced,and is then described
more precisely as '2d General of War fbr the Beach'.7+This indicatesthat this
officer served as deputy to the Cirkanacou in command of the garrison at
Zoungbodji; his appointment therefore presumably representeda strengthening of
this garrison. 'Bunjam' in these documents is probably a miscopying of 'Dunjam',
and representsthe title Dognon, which is recalled in local tradition as that of the
Cakanacou'sdeputy.75The third name Joehena', however, represents 'Zoheino',
which is recorded later as the title of one of the four leading officers of the main
Dahomian field arml'.76His posting to Ouidah was evidently only temporary; in the
n PRO,'f70,/423,Sundrl'Accounts,William's Fort, Ma1-Augl.& Sept. Dcc. 1747.
"E Norris, l4emoirs,36;cf. Archibald I)alzel, Tht History ol'Duhon.t'.,1n Inluntl Kinglon o! .4llitu (l,ondon,
r 7 9 3 ) ,1 9 4 .
6 ' B u r t o n ,, l I x s i o n , i ,- 5 2
['Kauo'1.
7(rLe l{eriss6,I.';lncien Ro.lutume,296. Burton in the lu60s w:rstold that thc of}ice had cristed elcn carlier:
,lIision. i. 52.
7 r G a v o y , ' N o t eh i s t o r i q u e ' , 6 7R ; eynier,'Ouidah',61.'l'he
-I'egbesu
(by implication,in 1743),but the lattcr by Agrja (suggesting17.13).
t'? PR(I l'70ll158, Dal Boo[, William's I'irrt, 17.525.
ir ANIi C.6/27bis,map of Abh6 llullet, 177(r.
'r PR(), 1'70l-12-lA,.Sundrr
Journals,\l'illirnr's lirrt..frn .lunc l7-lli.
i i A g h < r , i l r t o i r t . l l J . ' l ' h e r c u r s r l s o a n o f l i . i.,rrtl ( ) r r i r l , r l r e r r t i tl li cr rr.l r . s o r r r c t i r r r t s r c r r t l' .l rl rcrtrl i o ' i n l r t e r
s o u r c c sl n , t l i t i s e o n c c i r . r l rtlhcr t t h c 1 7 . 1 7 r ( l x , r l r ( l . r t ( \t o t l l ( ( r . ( . r t r ( )orll t h i s o l l i c e( . r s . r r s u r r r h
A k i r r f r r g l lli)nu. h , t n t 1l'l,( ) ) l l l r t t l r l l , n . r\ r . r \ . r( r ) r r n r ( r ( r r. .r rl t l r t trl r . r r r .r r r r l r t . rrrrrl l i r r .(rrl s t l i s r ' r r s s t r l
n r o r el i r l l r i r rt l r cl , ' l l , , n r r r(yl rl . l r t (r )
' f ) . r l z r l l, t ' t , , r l t ' i
1.
lr
'I'he
Dahomian Conquest of Ouidah
following year,the Caho and the 'Zoheino' were summoned back t<lthe capital, and
the Caho alone (togethcr with the replacementDognan) returned to Ouidah.77
Although Dahomey was able to make peace with Oyo in 1748, at the price of
becoming its tributary, fighting against the exiled Hueda, supported bv Ashangmo
of Little Popo,continued.In Januarl' 1752 the Hueda again raided the beachsouth
of Ouidah, but were 'repulsed' by the local Dahomian garrison; and shortly
aflterwards'Aproga Gencral of War' was
(sent
down to take care of the land', the
ref'erencebeing to the Aplogan, the provincial governor of Allada to the north,
from where forces were evidently sent temporarily to support the Ouidah garrison.
InJuly or August 1755they apparentlyattackedOuidah itself, but were driven off
by the local Dahomian forces.78 In October of the same year the Llueda, this time
assistedby the Popos,again raided the beach, where they seizedseveralEuropeans,
and remained for two and a half days, defeating the local Dahomian forces and
inflicting severecasualties,including
(an
army General, 3 Captains of War, several
of the principal merchants, and many soldiers'; those killed on the Dahomian side
on this occasion included the Caho, commander-in-chief of the Ouidah garrison,
and the Boya, nne of the king's merchants.Ouidah itself was agiainarracked,or ar
least threatened, since the English fort recorded that its African personnel had
been afraid to go out to buy provisions until reinforcements fbr the garrison
(down
arrived; once again the Aplogan came from Arda [Allada] on the first alarm',
this time followed shortly afterwards by the main Dahomian army under the
command of the Gau.7eThe nervousnessarising from this raid was still apparent at
the beginningof the fullowing year,when Europeansreturning from attendingthe
'Annual Customs'
at the capital werc escorted from Allada to Ouidah by forces
supplied by the Aplogan, 'on account of the Whydahs'. Later in the year, in
September or October, there was a further raid by the Popos (the Hueda this time
not being explicitly mentioned),once more causingthe Aplogan to be summoned
down from Allada, followedagainby the main armv under the Gau.E{'
The most seriousattack in the seriescame on 12July 1763, when a combined
lirrce of Hueda and Popo, commanded by a son of Ashangmo called Foli ('Affurey'
in contemporary rcp<lrts),crossedto the north of the lagoon and attacked the town
ol'Ouidah itself. Thc Yovogan was wounded in the action and took refuge in the
lfrcnch ftrrt. The town was abandonedto the invaders,who 'set the suburbs on fire'
rrnd werc 'preparing to burn the vice-roy'squarters', when they were checkedby
rrrtillerr'firc from the l',nglishfort. f'he Dahomian forcesthen rallied and repelled
thc invadcrs,n'ith great slaughter;30 of 32 pleneralsof the attacking army were
f b r m e rs a l s ( h a t t h e l i r s t ( . a h ou r s a p p o i n t c db v Iillcd in thc action ancl its commandcr Foli committed suicide in his disgracc,the
rtrrtittlhhonrirtn irrrn\ unclerthc Glu this time arriving only after the fighting was
I ' R ( ) . ' 1 7 0 l 1 1 { \ . S r r r r t l r r\ t t o r r r r t s , \ \ r l l r , r r r r ' s l ' i r r t , . l r r r . . l r r n c l 7 . l t i .
'
l ' R ( ) , l 7 l ) / l l i S , l ) . r r l t r x r l . \ \ r l l r . t r r r ' s l i , r t . \ l u r . f t t n lt 7 5 2 , . l L r l r. ' \ u s .1 7 . 5 5 ( t h c l a t t e r r c c o r d i n g a n a f t a
r r r r ' t l r r s P l . r r r ' . r r ( . r n u ! ! t l ' r c s r r r rt lr r. (r tl 'i lr r\ r n r r (l ) r r r t l . r h , r i t l l l ( . r t l t J n t l r t ' l l e r t . h s o r tr ht hc ol af g r x l n ) .
e rt l '
\\1, ( f , / . 1 r .( r t t r . , t . r r t l , . '\ rr ' r
l i i r . l ' l l ( ) . l ; l ) / l l i l ' i . l ) . r r l i r r r L ,\ \ i l l i r r r r ' sI i r r t , S c p t . ( ) c t . t n d N o \ .
l )r.r I r rr I l r r l , r rr r r rr r r i r r t r , r \ , , r r l r r l r r l l r r rr l . r ( l r r r l . r r t l r r r . .rr' )s r r r r o l r t . r l ,l r r r t t h t . l r t t c t . r c l c r s t o ' ( h c
I r r p r xr r i \ \ l r r , l . r l r . '
" 1 ' 1 1 t tl , l l ll\\ l ) . , r l l , r , \ \ \ r l l r . r r , . l , , , rL r r r l , l ' \ \,rrr t)rr l,rt,
 'l'he
The Dahomian Conquest of Ouidah Dahomian Conquest of Ouidah
over.srThe tree under which Foli shot himself continued to be identified into the ing king, the throne was contested between two princes, Agbamu ancl y6 (these
ninetccnthccntur]; and evsn beyond.82 names being given as 'Ap1b:rr.ou' and 'Evee' in a contcmporirr) report). Agbamu
The war of 1763 did not mark the end of Flucda-Popo raids, but neverthclcss initially seized control and drove out his rival, but the latter then appealeclfcrr
representcda decisivedefeat of the exiled Hueda and their allies, who were no assistanceto Kpengla. Dahomian fbrccs invaded the Hueda country ancl besicgccl
longer able to prcsent any serious thrcat to Dahomian control <lf Ouidah. After Agbamu on an 'island', into which they evcntually f<lrccdcntry by building a
1763, they gave up the attempt to dispute possessionof the town, contcntintrl causeway across the lagoon. Agbamu surrendered and was taken captir,e to
themselveswith raiding the beachto thc south in order to disrupt thc operationof l)ahomel r.l'herehc was executed,his head being exhibited to a visiting l,uropean
the L,uropeantrade, though they may have calculated that the destruction of the in the fbllowingvear.'"
town's commercial valuc would eventually persuadethe Dahomians to abandon In Hueda tradition, the dcf'catirnd death of'Agbamu in lTjS arc recognizcdas
it.sr [n April 1767,fbr erample, a party of Poposraided the beachand plundered nrarking thc cnd tlf thc kingdom's indcpcndcnccancl 'thc cncl o[ thc rcsistancc'.')
goods landed from European ships which thcy found there, but did not advance In fact, it does not appear that the exiled Hueda communitv became fr-rrmallv
anv furthcr; therc was another raid in February 1768, and furthcr attacks were s u h j e c tt o l ) a h o m e - rA. l t h o u g h Y c r v a se n r h r o n c da s t h e i r k i n g , h e u a s d c p o s e di n
feared,raising apprehensionsfor the security'of the Europe:rnforts at Ouidah.t+In an internal coup soon afierwards, without the Dahomians attempting further
1769 Tegbesu announced that he was 'at peacewith the Popoes',but this was intervention in his supptlrt;')land inl776 the Hucda wcrc describcclas prcscrving
'neutrality', impl_ving
cr,identl),onll-'short-lived.siBetwccn Julr' :rnd Scptembcr 1770,the Hueda-Popo that they remaineclbe1'ontlformal l)ahomian rule.e2'I'heir
forces n'radeno f'ewerthan fivc raids on the beach, plundcring goods and burning militarv power,however,had beendecisivelycurbed,and the regular raids thcv had
the E,uropeans'tents and canoes.On a final raid they staved four days, 16-20 m<tuntedagainst Ouidah now came to an encl; subsequenfhostilities invglved
Septembcr,provoking f'carsthat they might attackOuidah itself, where thc F'rench rathcr Dahclmianraids on thc Hueda in thcir pl:rccof crile, as on scvcraloccasi<lns
fort put itself in readincssagainstsuch an event; but no such attack materialized, during the l780s.erLittle Popo ro the west remained a threat for severalvears
thc Hueda retiring upon the approach of a reinforcing l)ahomian force, l<rnger.In 1777the king of Popo sent to Ouidah to plivenotice of-the termin,rriirn61'
commandedthis time by the N'Iehu,the secondmost senior chief of Dahomel'.'o the peace with Dahomey'."{In 1778 and l7tl0 there were rel)orts that the popos
Earlv in 1772 the Popos again scized control of the beach and interrupted com- intended to attack,causingthe Europeansto bring their canoesnorth ofthe laggon
munication bctrveenOuidah and thc shipping ftrr :rn entire month, causing the fbr safctl-;in l7fll thc main Dahomian arml' undcr thc Gau lvasposrc{ t9 Sal i as a
main Dahomianarmv under the Gau againto be sentdown to protcct the town.87 precaution against an invasion, and in 1784 there were again rumours of an
l-ater in 1772,Tegbesuenlistcdthe gJor,ernor of thc English fort, I-ionel Abson, impending attack.')5 But, in the event, no attacksmaterialized.In l7lJ9 rhere were
to ncgotiate peace u.ith Little Popo; and in Jul-v*thc Mehu was scnt down to flearsthat the Popos might attack ouidah itsell, causingthe posu, the second-in-
Ouidah, investcdwith full powers 'to scttlc all diff'erenccswith the Popos'.EE The command of the metropolitan arm\,; to be sent down to clef'cndthc tclwn, but again
criled Hueda arc not explicitlr. mentioned as partics to thcse ncgotiations,$'hich the reports proved lalse.""Thc threat fron-rLittle Popo was finaltl. brought ie a
suggeststhat thcy had been abandoncdby their erstwhilc allies. King Kpengla, dcfinitive end in 1795,when Dahomev allied with Grancl-Popot<linflict a crushing
who succeedcdto the l)ahomian throne in 1771, was able to llo ovcr on to the defeatupon it.";
of}'ensiveirgainstthe IIucda. His opportunitl u'as providccl,as firr Agajl in 173-1, No seri<lusthrcat to l)ahomiirn posscssionof C)uidahseemsever to have been
b1'a clisputedsuccessionto the llueda kingship.Following the clcathof the reign- offered fiom any othcr quarter. In 17U7-8 there were reports that forces from

8r Norris, ,\Ioroirs,5(r 9; Prunrau dc Pommcgorge , l)cstrrlttion lt lt ,\'igritr (,\mstcrthm. l7li9), 223 .35; 'I't-ll/116l,l)ar
"" Ntrrris, .Ilt'nutrs, 1.30.i5; PRO, llrxrk, \\iilliam's Firrr, 4, 7 & 9 ()ct. 1775;alss l)ahgmian
PRO,'f70ll 159, l)av llook, \\'illiam's Fort, l2 & lTJulli 2 & 3{) Aug. 1763. trrtfitions ot this cirntpriun, in Lc I lcrissi', l,'..lnnn llol'uyr,r, jrrt ,r.
rr llurton, .lfuxion,i, I l2 '"'
l.l; ct. Garo_\.'Notc historiquc'. 57. \ s s r r g l r r , l ) / t u n ' r ' r l r ' / L l r O i t r , l L s l : s t l u i r s , l 1 3 ;r h c l r t t c r p h r a s e u ; r s u s c t l b r ' l i r b i a s . { g b g , i n t e r r i e r e t i l r
'r Norris,,\ltmoirs,59-60; Akinjogbin, I)thont.1', 118 50. . \ g h 1 1 1 1 1c; 1 o1 r u P o r r r r t l ,| | l ) e e . . 2 ( X ) 1 .
N PRO,'l'70l31, Archibald [)alzcl, ()uidah, n.d. & l7 \{arch l76li, citcd in (iilberl l)ctrie, (iape Ciritst " ! l . c I l e r i s s i ' . l . ' l u , r t t r l l r t y a y 1 1 1 \, 1
. 11,
'
( l i r s t l c ,6 N o r : 1 7 6 7 . 1 . 5\ l a r 1 7 6 , \ . l ) e ( . h t n c r t r t S l l u l l c t . ' l t e l l c r i o r r s ' ,1 7 , - 1 { )
$ P R O , ' I ' 7 0 l I I 6 0 , I ) a r l l x r L , \ \ i l l i r m ' s l i r r t , 2 . . 1N o r . | 7 6 ( ) . '
l ' l { ( ) . l 7 ( l / l l ( ' l l . l ) . r r l } , , r , 1 \. \ i l l i r r r r r 'l.i r r t . { r . l r r r r r . l 7 u l .l . l \ l l l7ll2,27-full l7lllt,27Oct. l7ll9;
" ' { N I , : ( . 6 / 2 ( r . ( i u e s t r r t l . l . 5 ( ) c t . l 7 7 { ) ; l ' l { ( ) , ' l ' 1 0 / 3 l . l . i o r r t \l b s o r r , ( ) r r i r h h , l - { ( ) t t . 1 7 7 0 : ' l ' 7 { ) / l l 6 0 . l ) r v l l ; r l t t l . l l t ' t , ' t r . l ( ) 1 .l l i
l i x r L , \ V i l l i r n r ' s l " < r r r ,l 7 . \ u e . . 2 2 & J . l S c p t . 1 7 7 1 ) .l l r c l i r t r r t l r . r r r r r r r r rrlr t t r i l ) u t ( \I h e r r i r l s I o ' l t s n i q r c s " \ \ 1 , ( . 1 , / l t ' , l i , l t ( l | ) r r r l r r r r r r r\.l r . r r r , r r rl ' , r t r \ ( . r \ 1 . . r l , r r r t , r l t , l l r ) u \ ( i u \c t r b l i s s c n t c nl si h ( i l t e i l c
- l t t t h i t l t t e tsl t t ( i r r n t l l ) o p o ' ,l r t r l t h t l . r r { l r s l rt o ' l l r t l ) o P o t r (rttttrtt,rlcIrrr..rlr(,rl'rlr\l,,rt(tu\(lu',rl.rllrrrtrr,ltrll.rrrrr'.Jilrrlrl777.
s ; S c e f h e r ( t r o s l ) ( ( l i \ r( t l t r t t t t c t o t l r i s t , r i u r lr \ \ 1 . ( l r l - ) t r . l l . r r r rl )l r r r l r r r , n , ' \ l c n r , r i r l t l ' o l r s < r r . r t i o r r s s r r r , , ' , , ' ' t ) . r r 1 t , , , , t\ .\ r i l r . r r r rt ., ., r r . . ) i \ , l r 1 , . \ . . 1 1 \ l . r r t l r ,t . l r r r r ct 7 t i 0 ,J T . l u n c t 7 8 1 , l 6
. r ' t t r l , t i t sP , r rl t S r l l . i r r , iI ) r r ,l r r r , , t t l, u , r r ri r s r r , , r r , r r r r l . r l r l r r r l r r r r r - r l , r r r . r l , r ( , r t , r l r ( , r r t r l r " . l l i ( ) t t l,ll ,'r,],
l l l l . l o r t l r L( r . r r r ' : . r r r r . r l . r r , I ' l t |(,)(.l I l r ' l l ) . r r1 1 , , , '\[\ r l l r r r r ' 1 , ., , r t . l ( l \ l r r , l rL , \\l ( r , ' f , . ( r , , L r r 'r l r r r I t , r , t l t t l . , , l l l t , t , . , , i l 1
' ' I ' R ( ) .l ; l l l l l , l . l ) . r ' l l , , , , l \ \ r l l r . r r ,, l , , r t " / \ t ' r r l l i l r r l r L . . ' t \ , , r r r . 1 , , ' , , , , ,r, ',l l \ l i l r r , ' r , l , rl rt tr l , , ' t , l \ l ( ' r \ r 1 , , , i' . ( . , , , l l . l r ,

lrI
 T'he Dahomian Conquest of Ouidah The Dahomian Conquest of Ouidah

Porto-Novo and Badagry, to the east, planned to attack Ouidah, but no attack in third attempt, and then through treachery,employing agentsin Ouidah to discover
fact occurred.esAgain, in 1803,there were fears of an attack on the ttlwn by enemy and send on the missing hammers for the muskets and to render Hulbn's cannon
forcesin the neighbourhood, and a false alarm causedthe Yovoganto take refuge in ineflective by pouring water on their supplies of gunpowder. Thesc measuresto
the English fort, but no attack materialized, and a Dahomian force was despatched undermine the Hueda forces arc usually credited to a daughter of Agaja, called Na-
to chaseoffthe raiders; although the attackerson this occasionare not identified in Geze, whom he married to Hufon for this purpose. A variant stor1,,however,
the contemporary report, they were probably also from Badagrl'.e"Thereafter, no credits the ncutralization of Hufon's cannon rather to Zossoungbo, thc head of
challengeto Dahomian control <lf Ouidah occurred for the remainder of the ninc- Sogbadii quarter of Ouidah, who, when summoned b1' the king to ioin thc muster
teenth century until the war with Francein the 1890s. of thc Hueda forces against the Dahomians, instructed his men to carry out this
sabotage.rrrl The tale <lf the Dahomian princess Na-Geze is a version of a wide-
spread traditional stereotype, in which women given or taken in marriage betray
The Dahomian conquestin local tradition the secret (material or spiritual) of a king's power, and is more illuminating about
general perceptions of the ambiguous position of women, subject to divided
In the traditions of C)uidah,as recorded in the twentieth century, it is the campaign loyalties bctween their natal and marital families, than about the circumstancesof
of 1743under Tegbesu, rather than the original invasion of the Hueda kingdom by the fall <lf Hueda; if it relatcs at all to Ouidah's historical cxperience,it ma1,reflect
Agala in 1727,which is regardedas representingthe dehnitive Dahomianconquest conditions under Dah<-rmianrule, rvhen royal womcn married to local officials and
of the town, although this campaignis commonly given the incorrect date of 1741, merchantswere commonly'perceivedto act as spiesfor the king.r0a But the alterna-
derived from published European sources.r00The Ouidah traditions, however, tive story blaming the Hueda Zossoungbo ma1' wcll rcprcsent a genuine recollec-
present a distorted account of the Dahomian conquest, which in particular tele- tion of the role of internal treachery, as rccorded in contemporary sources.The
scopes events that in fact occurred over several years into a single campaign. emphasis on the decisive role played by imported artillery and firearms in these
Although unreliable as a source for the actual events of the Dahomian conquest, stories,on the other hand, evidently also servespurposesof local pride, by implica-
thesestories are illuminating of the way in which the Ouidah community viewed its tion underlining the importanceof Ouidah and its trade in supporting Dahomian
historical relationship both to the pre-1727 Hueda monarchy and to the Dahomian militarl' p<lwerafter the conquest.
state that replaced it, and therefore warrant extendedtreatment here. The Ouidah traditions also distinguish, morc starkly than the contemporary
Some brief accountsof local traditions concerningthe Dahomian conqucstwere accounts,bctu'cen the original conquest of the Ilueda kingdom in 1727 and the
alreadyrecordedby European visitors to Ouidah in the l860s.r('rMore extended extension of Dahomian control over Ouidah, which is presented as being effected
accountswere recorded by French administrators in the early yearsof colonial rule, only after several years of furthcr struggle. lt is claimed that after 1727 the
first by Gavoy in 1913, with supplementary material, from the perspectiveof the Dahomians,although now occupying the Hueda capital Savi, wcre initially unable to
individual quarters of Ouidah, added by Reynier in 1917. The more elaborate establishcontrol over Ouidah, bccausethe inhabitants of the latter were supported
account of the local historian Casimir Agbo published in 1959, which has become by the European f<lrts with their cannon, so that possessionof the town remained
canonical,reproducesmost of their material,but alsosupplementsand revisesit in contested between the Dahomians and the Hueda - a representati<-rn which, as has
significantways.r('2 been secn, although simplified and exaggerated,has some basis in events as
One interesting, though unsurprising, aspect of thcse traditions is that they rccorded in the contemporarv sources.L,ventualll',howcver,in the course of a clash
present a much more heroic account of Hueda resistancc to the Dahomian in which the Hueda had been initially the victors, the tableswere turned whcn the
conquest ln 1727 than the contemporary accounts suggest. In the storv as told in I lueda alicnated the lruropeans bv firing on the English fort and killing its
the traditions, Hufon is in fact alleged to have twice defeatcd thc Dahomian forces gol'crn<lr'swif-e,provoking the Europcan forts to turn their artillery on the Hueda,
sent againsthim by Agaja, mainly by virtue of his possessionof cannon but also rrr.rcl thc l)ahomians werc thcn able to conquer thc town, in the processattacking
becausehe had arranged for the removal of thc hammers from muskcts he had ;rnd clcstrovingthc Portugucscfilrt. Accrlrdingto Gavov'sversion,thc Hucda were
earlier supplied to the Dahon.rians. Agafa is saiclto havebeen successfulonl-vat a lctl in this srrr br' ;r chict'c:rllcd I'irli, u'hilc the Portu€luese fort was defbndedb1,
'\rrrourr,both ol nhorn rrcrc crrl'rturcdancl cxccutcd bv the victorious l)ahomians.
')r
I)rfzel, Iltstor1,,l97 8. l l t ' r r r i t ' ri r t l t l sl l r i r tl l r c l i r r t ' c so l ' . ' \ h o r r i r n r l j i gr ror r cl l) o c o m eq u a r t c r sw e r el e d a g a i n s t
, ' ' N l ' l , e 1 d , l . ' o 1 , a r c1, 4 6 . ' l ' h c s r m c c a n r p r i g n s c c n l s l o b c ; r l l t r t l e t lt r t i r r ( i . . ' \ . R t t l r c r t s o t t , \ o ! t s o n l f i i t t t l r r ' l ) i r h o r r r i r r r rl sr r l l r t ' i r r t s l r t ' t ' t i r t ' l i r r r r t t l c r s t, h c n l v a l p r i n c e s A g b a m u a n d
(l,ondon, ll'il9), 270, u'ho irlcrrtillts tlrt cttt trtr rs llarlr;trr \ l r o l r r r r r l r r r krlr: irt,l r \ r r r o r r :nr r tr t ' l r : r l i t ' r r l t ' r r r ronll' t h c l i t t t c r :A g b r m u a s w c l l a s
r(*'Ultinratelr lirnt Norris, llr'rrarr'. 17. .i i
l " l , . s r lr l.r r r g l r q r o . ' l i c l r t r o r rn' ./ , , r t r r t l ,l l ( l l l , \ \ \ l \ l \ . I l l l t t t t t t . t r t , ' \ \ t s t \ l r r r ' r ' ( t \ p ( \ ( r r l ) lr ) l ( l S ( r 0 ) ,
':ll;,,,'
"
l0(, I i
( i . r r , ' t . ' \ o t r l r r r t o t r r ; r t r :' i. \. l{rrrrt,t.( )rtt,ltlt l,';, l,l , ,,,,,,, , \
 'fhe
Dahomian (irnquest of Ouidah The Dahomian Clonquestof Ouidah
Amoua was killed, but Ahohunbaklasurvived to transferhis serviccto the Dahom- The repeoplingof Ouidalt
ians aftcr the conquest.Agbo, however,synthesizesthe traditional storiesto rathcr
different effect,presentingAgbamu as 'king' rather than mcrely chief of a quartcr, Ouidah suffered considerabledestruction in the l)ahomian wars of conquest
rvith Foli as his subordinatemilitarv commandcr,implring that Agbamu rvasthe b e t w e e n1 7 2 7 l n d 1 7 4 3 .L o c r r lt r a d i t i o n r e c a l l st h a t ' I ' e g b e s u i,n t h e c a m p a i g no f
successorto the Hueda kingship,who had sct himself up as king in Ouidah alter 1 7 4 . 3 , ' c o m p l c t c l vr a z c c l t h c t o l l . n ' . l r ) e ' f h i s i s c o n f i r n t c d a n d e l a h o r l t e d b v
the flall of Savi.l05In this version, therefore, it is the supposed overthrow of traditions relating to particular quarters: f)ocomd, the quarter of'thc Portuguese
Agbamu in Ouidah in 1743,rather than that of Hufbn in Savi sixteenyearsearlicr, fort, lvas'pillagedand burned'b1''the Dahomiansand its inhabitantswere killeclor
which is presentedas representingthe end of the Hueda monarchy. taken captive<lr {leclto the west, rvhile in Ah<luandjigo,the quarter of the lrrench
'I'hesc
accounts,holevcr, clearly representa conflationof the campaignof'1743 fort, thc inhabitantswcrc'almost all massacrcd'.r10 Only Sogbadji,the quartcr <lf
with subscquentfighting againstthe exilcd Hueda establishcdto the wcst. 'Foli', as the F.nglishfirrt, is said to have cscapedrclativcly'unscarhcd,bccauscAgaja gar,e
seenearlier,was actuirllythe commanderof thc Little Popo fbrccs lvho i<linedthe orders fbr it to be 'spared',in return for the assistance u'hich Zossoungbo.the hcad
cxilcd Hueda in their initially succcssfulattackon Ouiclahin 1763;and the story of' of the quarter,had allegedlygiven in the campaignagainstHufon.rrr
thc Flueda provoking retaliation from the l-nglish fort b1' killing the governor's Whcn Dahomian control of C)uidah had bcen firml-v established,however,
wife also belongsto this later campaign.r(x'Thedisplacemcntof the latter incident mcasureswcrc taken tu rcconstitute thc tclwn. Tradition in Sogbadji recallsthat
to the original conquest in local narratives was already notcd in the l860s.r{)7 Agaja chargedZossoungboto invitc thosc rvho had flcd to return to thc town. Thc
Agbamu, on the other hand, was the name of the king of the Hueda in exilc who traditions of other quartersalso recallthe repeoplingof thc town under l)ahomian
rvaskilled by the Dahomiansin 17i5. Thc traditionrl accountthus runs togethera rule. In Ahouandiigo, it is said that the lirench complained to Agaia rhat rhc
number of originalll' discreteepisodes,each of which was in its way decisive:thc depopulationof the quarter by war had left them short of labourers,in responscto
campaignof 1743was the last occasionwhen the Hucda had been ablc tcmporarilv which hc sent them a new batch of 100 male and 100 female caprives;the f'amilv
to rcoccupyOuidah, that of 1763was the def'eatof thcir last attempt to repossess that later held the hcadship of the quarteq Atchada, claims descent from the head
thc town and that of l7l5 marked the definitive subjugation of the Hueda of this new batch of fort slaves.r12 Other frrmiliesin Ahouandjigo,however,claim
community in exile. Together, they could reasonably'bc taken to reprcsent the origins anteccdentto the Dah<lmianconqucst, notably that of Agbo, hereditarv
consolidationof l)ahomian control ovcr Ouidah, through the dcstruction of the servantsin thc French fbrt, which claims(lesccntfrom thc Hucda king Agbamu. In
independcntpower of the Hueda. 'lbv6
Docomt and also, tradition strcsses continuitv with the pre-Dahomian
This representationalso has the important implication of strcssingcontinuity community, despite the disruption of the l)ahomian conquest.In l)ocomd, it is
between the prc-7727 l{ueda kingdom and the post-1727Ouidah community and claimed that Ahohunbakla, the commander of the quarter's {brces against the
thercfrrrethe status of'the latter as a victim of foreign conquest.Alrcadv in the Dahomiirns,survived thc defeatand was invited by the Dahomians to conrinue tu
1860s,it was notcd that the Dahomian conquestof Ouidah remainedvivid in local scrvc as intermediary in their dealingswith the Europeans;Ahohunbaklain rurn
memory and rvas recounted in terms that appropriatedthc leadersof post-1727 requestedthat a son of Amoua, his clcputr,commander,who had been killcd in the
Hueda raids on the town as defcndersoflocal independence,and evcn represented war, should be associatedwith him in this role, and the headshipof the quarter
'fhe
the FIuedainvasion<tf 1763as a local rebellionagainstDahomian rulc.ro* sense subsequentlyremained in the Amoua family.rrrIn Tov6. following the defeat of
of subjection to thc Dahomians as f<lreignconquerors was evidently central to the Hufrrn, a man callcd Salc, who was married to a woman of the Kpase family,,made
self-imagc of Ouidah, despite the reality that, demographicalll,,it became a pre- his subnrissionto Agaja, u'ho chargcdhim with recallingthose who had fled from
dominantly Dahomian town. the qurrrter;Sale receiveclfrom the l)ahomian king the surname'lthiakp6, which
is still bornc bv thc fimilv of'his descendants in the quarrer.rr{Although there mav
bc rtn clcmcnt <lf'fictionin thc claiming <lfspccificallyroval descent,there seemsno
rcrts()l.lto queslion the I lucda antccctlcntsof thesc f'amilics.Othcr familics in

r"5 Agbrr, IIistoirt, 12'1. '\rrtc

"'' ( irror. ltistoritlrrt'. 5l'i
1 1 1 6 ' f ' haec c o u t t t o f ' t h i s c r m p r i g n i n \ o r r i s , .lltn,nrs,5ll (), rccords tht rolc ol
thc Inglish lirrt. brrt not thc " l{trrrrtr,'()rrrl.rlr'. il. \slr,r. I lt,tttrt, lEtl
d c t r i l o l t h e k i l l i n g r r l l h c ; l o r r r n o r ' s r i l c . ' l h c l . r l t c r i l ) l ) c r r s l i r s t i t t . t t c o r r r t l sr c c o r r l t t l i n t h u l t l ( r 0 s c. . g . ' '(
ltcr ttrtr )rrrrl.rlr' i i
'
l l r r r g l r c r o , ' l l c l r t i o r r ' , i 1 . / r ' t t r u t l , 2 - l-{lll . \ \ \ l \ l S . l i r c c r r r r r r , ' \ \ r ' s t \lrre.r',J10 ll llrr,l . i.'
1 " -l l t t r t o r r . l l r r ' r , , a i, . I l - l l { , l ( l l \ t l r t r l r r r r , l t l r r r l r l t , r t r r l l i , l r . r n , l r r r l r r rtrl :r c s l r r x r l r n ,gr l t l r < l . r r q l i s h
ll'r,1. i't l t t r r t t l . r r l r r , r . r r \ ' . ' , u r r r . , . . r r r \ t r r , , r , . r . l r r r t r l o r u l l ( t r l ( ( l . r s l t c . r r lr r l l ) o t r r n r c t t r r r r t c r i n l l l ( r l .

F o r c t r r o r ' rsi l r , , r r r l r r r r r r r t l r , r \ \ n : r \ r t l . t l r ( i . l r l ) . u l l t r , , ll r l ' i . I t r r t . t r l r rl sr r , rl r x r t r r r r tl l r . r l ' S , ' r r ri lcr r l t t t l s l r r r r l r , r t , l , , ' r r r , , tl l r , l t , t r , l r t r t . , , , r , ' t r . r t r , r s l r , , t l r r t r r r l r r D r c r r , l t n , r ' r r r l l rl 'r o, r t t r g r r e sl ti r r l l l r r u l t t r o .
t r l c t t , , lt t t , t l r ( l r \ t ( , r l ! t u l r r )\ l\ l r r , l . r l r l ' r t l rl ,) . r l r , ' n r r . r r r ' , ' /,,tt,ttl. l, lr, \1.'\ | \r,l | , r,
'll,,rr'lrrrr'
l { , l . r t r , , rtrr' l , ' t ' , u , r l' l { ) l l l ' l ' l l , , l ' . r t i l r r r l | ! r r ( o r r r t l r , , l , '\ r\ ,r l r r r , , t . r r.,' ,, l l l l , l ' I S t ' i '
l { r r r r r rr ( )rrrrl.rlrI
 The Dahomian Conquest of Ouidah

Ouidah that claim to dcrive from the time of the Hueda monarchy and to have
returned to resettlethere after initially fleeing fiom the Dahomian conquestinclude
those of the priests of several important aodun, notably of the sea-god Hu in
3
Sogbadjiand the earth-godHwesi in Ahouandjigo.rriThis survival of a substantial
Hueda elcment in the population of Dahomian Ouidah, recalled in local tradition,
is confirmed by a contemporarv report of 1780sthat
'there are still at
Juda many of
rf;f,rt
the former inhabitants or
distinctive facial marks.I 16
their descendants', who were recognizable by their DahomianOuidah
The Dahomian conquest also,hower,er,involved the introduction of new settlers
and the extension of the town by the foundation of new quarters, thereby trans-
forming the ethnic composition of the community. The principal new quartcr
establishedwas Fonsaramd,which included the residenceof the Dahomian viceroy,
the Yovogan.This ma-vhavebeen created in part through the appropriation of land
from existing quarters, since local tradition claims that the Yovogan's palace
occupies the site of the frrrmer residence r,rf Agbamu, the supposed fuunder of
Ahouandfigoquarter.llTBut mainly it representedan cxtensionof the toll'n to the
'f
north. he second quarter associated with the Dahomian conquest was Undcr Dahomian rule, Ouidah remained a major centre of the Atlantic slavetradc,
Cahosaramd,taking its name from thc title of the commandcr of the Dahomian albeit at a lower level of exports than under the Hueda kings. In other respects,the
military garrison, which is said by tradition to date to the time of either Agaja or town's commercial importance was enhanced by the Dahomian conquest; in
Tegbcsu. This was originallli as noted carlier, a separateencampment outside the particular, whereas earlier most of the actual business of trading had been
town, but it was later absorbedwithin the town as it expanded, presumably in the transacted at the Hueda capital Savi, with ouidah serving merely as a place of
nineteenth century. Thc other six quarters of the town (Ganvd, Boya, Brazil, Maro, storage for slavesand goods in transit to and from the coast, the conduct of the
Zomai and Qq6num) werenot founded until thc ninetecnthcentury.r'' trade was now concentratedrvholly at Ouidah. One consequence of this is that the
In the long run, at least, the Dahomian clement was not restricted to the new documentation of events and conditions in ouidah from European recorcls
Fon and Caho quarters, since individual Dahomians also settled in older quarters becomes much more substantial and detailed for the period of f)ahomian rule,
of the town. F'amiliesof l)ahomian origin include, for example, the Adanle family' enabling a more solidlv documentedand rounded presentationqf thc life of the
'Qgeen Mother' of Tegbesu, under
in Sogbadfi, related to Hwaniile, the official community. Moreover, although ouidah remained subordinate,now to the kings of
whose auspicesits founder settled in thc town.lp Overall, it was thc Fon rather Dahomey at Abomey, its political importance was also grearly enhanced.with the
than the Hueda element which came to predominate in the torvn, though this appointment o[ a viceroy from 1733, it became the seat <lf Dahomian provincial
presumably owed something to assimilation over time as well as to the original administration and of the principal military garrison in the coastalarea;in effect, it
ethnicity of settlers:in the 1930sit was reckoned that persons who considered now replaced Savi as the political centre of its local region. Dahomian Ouidah was
themselvesFon outnumberedHueda by a ratio of nearll 2'l.t)o That the Ouidah thus a much more important (and larger)town than it had been under Hueda rule.
community ncverthelesscontinued to see itself as distinct from l)ahomey and, by
implication as a conquered people, subiect to Dahomian rule as a foreign adminis-
tration, reflectedits problematicrelationshipwith the l)ahomian monarcht',rather The topn and itsinhabitants
than its biological origins.
rri lf icldrvork, I)agbo I lounon compound, I ll an. 1996; Revnie r. 'Ouidah', .i'1, ..16. Ouidah in thc sccond half of thc cightcenth century consisted of six quarters: the
-f 'l'or'6
r r nA N I ' l ( t r l 2 7 , ( i o u r g , ' N { c n r o i r c p r t u r s c r r i r t l ' i n s t r u c t i o n r u I ) i r c c t c u r ' , 1 7 9 1 . originll I Iuccla scttlcmcnt of on the east; the three quarters linked with the
1 r ;R e v n i e r , ' O u i d a h ' , 3 2 . lluropc:rn lirrts, l)ocomi', Sogbadfi and Ahouandjigo; the newly established
r r NS o r r c i l c c o u n t s s u F l { c s t t h r t l J o r a s r r r n r i , n r t m e t l a l i c r a l c r d i n g l ) r t h o n r i r n c o n t m c r c i l l o t l i c i t l , r u i r sr l s t r l)irlron.rirrnittlnrinislr':rlilc (lr.lllrlcl ol'I'irnsrrrrrnti', on thc north; and the military
c s t ; r b l i s h c ri lt r t h e l 7 . l 0 s : e . g . ( i r r o r , ' \ o t e h i s t o r i t l r r c ' f. r . i , ( r 7 . l l r r t . i t l t h o u g h t h c t i t l c o l - l } r r r c c r t r i t t l r g r t r r i s o l t , t ' o t t t t t t ; t t t r l t ' tl rl t l r c ( . i r h o , l o t h c n o r l h - r v c s t . I n t h i s p e r i < l d , f o r t h e f i r s t
c r i s t e t l i n ( ) r r i < l r r lhr r r r r rt l r t . r n i r l t i ( l r l r ' < r r l l r ' c r r l r r r ri,t i s . l . , r r l l ) r l r t \ ( l i . t r i r l cl I r r . t r l t t . t r l t rt t . t se s l r b l i s l l c d l i l t t c , r t t ' l r t ' g i r tl o F ( ' l \ o n t ( ' t l t ' t r r i l c tsl t ' r r s t ' o l ' t h t ' l o r v n 'lst h r s i c l l l a 1 < l u at n c ls i z c .I t s
o r r l t i n l h t t ) i t ) ( t ( ( l r l l( )( r 1 l u r \
r " l l , r r t i tr . ' ( ) r r i , l . r l ri 'l . f : t r o u t i s t l r ' p i tt t ' r l i n . r r r r , r l rt r l l i i h , r r l r i t l r s h o u s r h c l i . c n c h , l , , n g l i s h a n d
' ' l ) ( ) r l l l F l l ( \ ( ' ( | t l , l l t ( t \ , sr rt r l l r l t . t r r r . t\ ( t t l ( l n ( r r t \ . r | o r r r r t hl c
\ 1 , r 1 , , .I l r , r . r t ,l r r , l i l t , l r r . . t r . ' i l 1 l t ' r i p h t ' r0r l ' t l r c n r l t i n
t o l t t l t l r . t l t , , t,tt,t t t lt l t t l i . t t t t \ o t lu n ( l ( t t l r t ( . . t l r ou t : t \ ( ' l ) ; r t ; l l (( .. n ( i l n l l ) n t ( . ti rt rt r l r t .

,l
 [)irhomian Ouidah Dahomian Ouidah
boundarics wcre, however, formally defined bv customs posts Qlcnu) placed on
major roads at the approachesto the town, to levl' tolls on goodsentering,passxgc
being barred by a rol-rcthat was lowered upon payment.rThe circuit of rhe town
was estimatedin the 1780sat l% I)utch miles (6 trnglish miles, around 9 km),
substantially larger than its pre-Dah<lmian size.r l)uring the period of f)ahomian
lenrple
rule, several h,uropcan visitors offered figures for the population of ouidah.

n Although these arc problematic, sincc thev evidently represenr impressionistic

estimates rather than actual counts and arc not entirelv consistent among
themselvcs,thev are neverthelessusefully sugigestiveof the general orclcr ,rf thi'
town's size (seeTable 3. I ). The c.stimates
of about t1,000in 1772 and betrvccn6,(XX)
and 7,000 in 1793can be taken as giving the scaleof its normal size in this pcriod.
The low figure of under 2,000 in 1776 reflecreda tcmporar)' decline, clue t, a
period of neglectand disruption in thc last yearsof thc reign of'regbesu; but that
of 20,000 suggestcd for 1803 is abcrranr irnd should be discounted. In the
nincteenthcentury,thc population was to grow significantll'largcr, with a peak of
perhaps18,000 20,000in the 18.50s.
In 1772,Ouidah was reckonedto bc onlv thc third larscst ton'n in Dahonrer,.
exceededhy (.ana. r,r'hichvrasa seasonirl roval rcsidence(uliosc population *r, put
Iertple
at l-s,fix)), as well as rhe capital Abomey (24,000).sRy the nineteenth ccnrury,
tl however, it was gencrally accountcd the second town in the kingdom, cxccedcd
only b1' Abomcl'.6Ouidah in the cighteenrhcentury was smaller than the largcsr
port towns on the Gold Coastto the west; the population of Elmina in this period,
ftrr example,has beenestinratecl ar berwecn12,0(x)and 15,000.7 On the gther hand,
it was largcr thln other coastaltowns on the SlavcCoast:in the 1790s,frrr example,
Lagos r.r'asthought ro har,eonlr' 5,000 inhabitants,although in the nineteenth
centur); when Lagos replacedOuidah as rhe region's principal port, it llso grcr,r'
larl;er,to irouncl 20,000bv the lfl-50s.8 In comparisonwith thc Amcric:rn porrs to
which thcv supplied slaves,west Afiican ports were within rhe same range as thc
Map't Ouidah,1776 smallerof thcsc,as fbr examplc(.ap-F'ranqais and Port-au-Princein Frcnch Saint-
(.11!upttrl.liontu nup in th, .lrchnts .\'tlirtntlts l,'lu l"ruu,t' C6/l/hrs.)
Domingue (15,000and 6,200 respectivclyin the l7u0s), although smaller than the
largcst,such as Salvador,Ilahia (over 30,000)..,
countryside(sce Map .t). With the cxtensionof-the town to the north, through the I)cmographically,the population of Ouidah was extremelv hcterogeneous,includ-
creationof' F-onsaramd, thc phvsicirlas lvell as thc political ccntrc of'the town was ing indigenous(Hula and Hucda) and Dahomian as well as F,uropcanelements.
now thc residenceof'the l)lhomian vicero.l the l'<lr<lgan, callcclthc'Agore'(morc
corrcctl\,,Agoli).r The square in tront <lf the rcsidence,
lilv<-lgan's still todal''callcd : t''-'lprlrccrvithiniturssurrountletl
brru'all: l)rppcr,.Varl'eliri,qellethrijtingr,2/ll5. l6.l,ikcuisc,rhcrc
'Place Agorc', bccamethe ceremonialccntrc of-thc t<ln'n,nhcrc
ltttblic rcligitlus u erc lvrl ls irr t hc | | ucth crpital Sirr i, hut ( hese scem to hi\ c enckrscd thc palace area rdthcr thxn the tou n as a
u h o l e: K e l l r , ' U s i n g h i s t r r i c i r l l r i n l i r r n r e d a r c h r c o l o g r ' , . 3 ( r 02 .
f'cstivalsbegan. Facing it across the square was one of thc principal religious '
l l r t r l o t r . l l r r s i ' r z ,i , ( r 5 ; I i r r t h e n r l r r r c o 1 ' l h c l n r r i c r ( d e s c r i b c d r t S a r i , r r r h c r t h r n O u i t i r h ) . s c c i . l . 1 l , l .
shrinesof Ouidah, that of thc p)'thon-dcit).Dangbc. ' Iscrt,
/ . r ' l l , r t .l ( X l
Unlikc the capital Abomel; rvhich w'assurroundcclbr I clcfcnsivcditch and ' \orris.
l l r ' r r r r r r rSr l, , ( ) f
cntcr:rbleonll thr<lughgatcs undcr militarr gurrtl, Ouidah \r'rtsnot fortiflecl.rIts '1.11.l)rlir'firt.'\r,r.rgt',tttl).tlr,rtttcr',1.,
/,'rtt,/ttrrr,'rr,/r,|(1,\6.i),70i1,1,,l)csprtchcsfiom(irnrnrlclo
\ \ i l r r r o t r, r i l - 1 .I l l l i l ) l f i { , i
r'llrclrrrrcrrlslirstrctrrrtlt<lirrtrrrrt<nrpor.rr\5(,lu((\jrrth< l $ / r l ) s ; l l t r r l o r t ,l l r r v a z , i , l l ) 1 . l r t l t l r t t l . l l r r , , t t t t' t , l I r r r , , 1 ' , , t t t , , \ \
r,\srrolctllrrllrrrtorr.ilrirl,r.(r(l.llorrtrtt,tlrt.tsstrtttDti,rttol\lotttli.ttrtt.t{ttt,(,tttttlrtt:ttr\rltrl/o,l() .10(1, f r ' l r t r\ , l . r r r r .l ,i ,. t u t ' 1 , , ' u t l t , ( , , t t ' t r r t

t h , r r l , , r t i l i , , r t i o l u , r s o r r r ' , , 1t l t r r l r l l r r r r r l l r . r l r r ( \ , ' l t r r r . t l, . t 1 ' t t . t l lr' , t t , ' Ttltri), r ' , r 1 ' 1 , , ' r , , l1o ( o r \ l . l l t r ) l l 1

r l , r . r . r f t , , r r r r l ' , t l l , , l , , t t , l r r , l , , r r l ' t l r r l l , ' r r r , r r r r l 'r lrrr \ l l . r , l . r t t r l l . , , r , l r l ( ( t t l l r ( ( l t l r l l \ . l l r L r r ' . 1 \ l , l l { ( l l l r ( '

, , l l . r l r r r r r . r . , ll ,, r r , l , , l , r . r r r r l t l r n r l l ' r l r , r r r ' .l l r r ' r l ' r t . r rl r r l r r r ,r l. r ' , , l , , r r l ' r , l r " , ' 1 ' , r r ' r l t l r , , r t t ' l r t l r r l , ' r , t l
 DahomianOuidah Dahomian Ouidah
Tahle3.1 Estimated of Ouidah,1772--lB90s
Population j
element in the personnel of the forts, representedby canoemen who continued to
be recruited from there. All three 'European' quarter; nowadayscontain a familv of
1772 about 8,000
Gold Coast origin descendedfrom ancestorswho were canoemenin the service
t7'16 under 2,000 of
1793 6,000-7,000 European-shipping: Koc-ou in Sogbadji, cotia in Ahouandjigo ancl Agbessikp6 in
I 801 about 20,000 Docomd.r2 The first of these is also traceable in eightee-nth-centuryrecords:
I 84r about r0,000 although 'Kocou' is a common name (being the local version of the Akan name
l85l 2s,000-30,000 Kwaku, for one born on a Wednesday),it is likely that the famill,ancesroris to
be
I 854-6 1u,000-20,000 identified with a 'Qqacoe' who was recruited u, ."no.-an by the English fort
I856 20,00F2-5,00ff "
from cape co:rst in 1776 and promoted to'boatswain'or head .ono"*rn in lTgl.rl
l 85n 25,000-30,000 others from thc Gold coast came to ouiclah as independenr rraders, such as the
1862/3 about r 2,000 founder of the Gbeti famity of Sogbadji,who was fromAccra.r+
186.3 ovcr l 5,000 This ethnic diversity was further compounded by the incorporation of
1863/ 4 r 2,000?
numerous slaves.The slavessold into exporr through ouidah were mainll, from
I 865 18,000-20,000
immediately neighbouring pe.ples raicled by the Dahomian army, especially
1866 about l -5,000 the
I 1166-8 20,000-2s,000 Mahi to the north and the Nago (Yoruba) to the north-east, and piesumabll, those
-when
IttTl 10,000 rctained locally had similar origins. In the nineteenth century, Dahomian
I {190 l -5,000 militar,v operations were successfully directed mainly western yoruba
towns, the element of enslavedYoruba becamemore prominent. "g"irri
Some of the slaves
.\ount:. 117l.:Nrrrris, Il,'zal,6l; I776: |)e (lhrnrrert & llullct, 'Rcllcrnnr'. I9; I79j:John Athml Renarh,n th in ouidah, however, originated from the remotir interior. Two families in
Ptlmrt to rhL Rnrr Otrso \l,ondon, lli2.i), 50; l8{)i: !'l.cod, I lya4r,
oflllidcncc, \ 361t5,I*ter ofOapt. l,awrence,Sicrra l-conc,4June llt+li 11351:\ugusre llouct.'l,c rovaumc de l)ehomc)', l,'lllutnnon.2lJ
Ahouandiigo descendedfiom slavesof the F-renchfort, S<llot6and Oundasso,recall
(lll52),1l); lll5.l 6: \l'IlAl.S.'llB l;rrnran. 2l)Julr l.l-i5 llli,{)01)1. and'l\/est,{liica',2{)? lllt,l)0{ 21),{I){)l; that their fbunding ancestors came from the Bariba (i.e. Borgu) counrr)., in the
f)ahomev'. I parts, R.'ll(,, I 2 (llJ6tl l), l/13J,.1.1-3;lli5ll: (iuillcvin.'\byagc dans I'jntcrieur du roraumc dc l)ahomer'. .\',,urrl/ir ttnulrs s
ta)r4r, lle sirir,2 (1862). 27ll;1862/3 PP, l)estrtchcs fronr (irmnrodore \\ilmot, no 2, l0 Fcb 186.]:l]orghero.'Rclation',
n.rth of modern B6nin.rswhen the French catholic mission in ciuidah purchased
186l/.1: llurrrn,,tlrrs"z, i,6lt lli65: (larkrr |.ugcnirr (irrrir da -Silrr, {na dugem & ddb.l.rtm.sto l,ru{u.. slavesfor local use in 1862, from among a batch of captives recentlv taken by,the
(l,ishtn. flt{r6),33; 1866:Nl. Biraud,'Nott sur lc l)ahonr€',I}ullerin,lt la.\ocu:rilt
I : _f.A. Slrrtchfr, /)r hone.1'1s I t Is (l .ondon, I lt7.l), {5; lll90: l\ti. Lc Du hont, llt).
I 137
Dahomians in an attack on the Yrlruba town of Ishaga. they found that these
Nuc, howcreq that enrthcr nrtnrber ofthc sanrcl rcnch mission thrrughtthrt this iiAurr shoultl he rcduccrl bv a third. i.c. hcorcen l.l.jJJ and included some foreigners who had the misfortune to bc caughr in rhe rown,
16,667:I)r Repin,'\irrage au l)ahomcl', 1-r 7rur lu montu,1 (llt6l), 70.
including some who were Hausa (from what is today northern Nileria).r6
Nrrc. howercr.that llurnrn gircs this ligurc on the authoritr rrl thc l rcnch (lathrrlicmissrrn. rhose oun hcarl Borgherosrrc rn estimrlc ol ovcr
I 5,(X)0around thc samctimc. Given this heterogeneity of origins, ouidah must have beJn a multilineual
community. Although those from Adja, weme, savalou and Mahi spoke languiges
The heterogeneity was greater, indeed, than apparent at first sight, since the closely enough related to Fon and Hueda to be mutualli, intelligible, F-"nt., Jpo[.n
'[)ahomian' by the Gold coast immigrants (or Ga in the caseof thoie fromhccra), and yoruba
element was itself hcterogeneousin its remoter ancestries,including
families that traced thcir origins from outside Dahomev or from originally distinct were onlv remotely related, and Baatonu (the main languageof Borgu) and Hausa
communities absorbedwithin it bv recent conquest. Several prominent Dahomian not at all. Presumably such elements became linguistically assimilaieclover time,
families in Ouidah (Gnahoui, Hodonou, Qu6num) claim ultimate <.rriginsfrom the although manv people in ouidah rvereprobablv bilingual. knorvledge of European
kingdom of Weme, south-eastof Dahomey, by which it was conquered in the early languagesalso spread within the town. Some Europeans who resided in ouidah
eighteenth century, while the Boya family traces its origins to Savalou, north of Icarncd lion; notablv Lionel Abson, the longest-serving director of the English
Dahomey, and the Adanle family to Adja-Tado, to the west (in modern Togo).r{) fbrt, who lived in thc town for 36 yearsuntil his death in iA03 and becamefluent in
thc_locallang;uirgc.l7 llut this was cxccpti<lnal;
The personnel of the European forts also reflected this diversification, with normally;communicationdepended
Dahomian elcmentsrecruited into their servicealter the 1720s.For example,one on klcal pcoplc lcarning I',ur<lpcan languagcs.Some knowledgeof the latter spread
family <lf Sogbadji who acknowleclgcto havc bcen former 'servants' to the English 'r Rcrnier.'()tritlah'..1+..16,.1()(giringtlrtlirslrrrnrcrs'Krxljir');
ficltlurrrk,Krrouc6mpound,gJ1 a9n9. 6.
fort, Midjrokan, identifv thcmselvcsas [ion, alth<lughtheir ultimate origins are ' l ' l { ( ) .l i ( l / l l ( r l
2 . l ) i t t l k r r L . \ \ i l l i r r r r ' s l ' i lr(r)tc, t . l 7 7 ( rl,. l r n .l 7 l J l . A ' ( . r r t i r r ' i s r l s o l i s t e d a m o n g t h e s l a
from Adja-1'ado;thc firundcr of'this frrmilv is iclentifiablein thc firrt rccords as ( . t r l o ( l r t c r rl.llt c l t l t r r h l . r t , I 7 r ' r l \ \ 1 . { . r r l J 7 . ' l . r s t r . r i t . : r r r . g r r . s t . r p r i f i r l u R o i
rrufirrttlc.fuda',appendix
' J \ ' l a i c r i c a n ' , : r ; ' r p o i nr rt sc 'tlli n g u i s t ' i n l ] 6 7 . t t ' l ' h c r c s a s i r l s os t i l l a ( i o l c l ( . < l a s t lo(iottrq.'\lr.trr,,rrr.l)rlt!\(.t\lrl'ttrsttttrlton,rttl)rtr.rtt.trr',17(ll
rr
l l l r r r r t r , ( ) r l r t . r l r ' .i t r . l r , l r l n ' , r 1 . ( , l r t r , , , r r l , i , u l t l , ' )
f,rrr l')rltr
'( '
( f r r t n r r r r . l . r ' l u , , : t t r r ,J l ) . 1 f i l' i t l r l u r r r l . \ t l r r r l c t o r r r p r r r r r r rI lI, l r r r l ( ) ( f ( r
" ' R c t t t i c r . ) r r i r l . r l r 'l ,; . i l . i t . i S .
l l r r t t r l r . ' ( h r r r l , r l r 'i i . \ y l ' r , l l t , t , , r r , l \ , t,
i l i r r ' l t l r r , , r l .\ l r , l p , t l . r r r( o r r p r ' u n r t '
.')l,lr l',',i',lt,rrrrt.r,'()urrl,rlr'.itrllrtll..rrrrr'\tlr,\r.r.IR(),'l7l)/ll(r{) ll,,rllrr,'. /,,ttrutl.ll lll \rpr lrrr.'l

| ) , r rl l , r , l . \ \ r l l r . r r r r| ' ,. , r t . I l r r l r | , r ' ; , r ( lt,rlttl.ll',t,,tr \r \|. \ , 1 . i l r r . ./ i , r r , , l . ,'

 Dahomian Ouidah Dahomian Ouidah
quite widelv within Ouiciah; in the 1780sit was noted that it was common in market were said to be 'only' or'mostly' women.2sWomen were also extensivelv
passing through the town to be saluted in three difTcrent [.uropean languagesat emploved as porters, F'rederick Forbes in ltl49-50, for journeys from ouidah rir
once, evcrybody knorving at least enough to offtr greetings in the languageof the Abomey',hired m<lre female than malc porters.l" [n agric'ulture, although men clid
fort they served.rEIn the ninetcenth century, Portuguescbecame the dominant the initial clearingand planting, the subsequenttending and harvestinguf th. ..up
lingua franca, reflecting both the predominanceof trade with Brazil and the settle- was done by women.2? F'ishingwas done by men (althoughthe catch was marketei
ment of'numerousBraziliansin the town. by thcir wives), but most of the work of salt-making by women.rs Although the
On the ap;cand gendcr compositionof the town therc is littlc hard infbrmation, slave trade was a male business,therefrlre, the infrastructure that ruppu.t"d it i.t
but one substantialsample is provided by a list of slavesof the French fort in Ouidah dependcdupon the exploitationof femalelabour.
c.1789.There were then said to be a total of 207 fort slaves,but onlv 194(including Ouidah was also predominantly a community of slaves.In adclition to the African
lJ 'mulattoes', or persons <lf mixed African/l-uropean descent) are named in a list personnel of thc European forts, the households of indigenous officials and mer-
of those recciving wages;prcsumably.the l3 omitted were infants too 1'oungfrrr chants alstl inclucledmany slaves.Illustrative examplesare availableonly filr persons
work. Thosc listed comprise 727 adults to 67 children and 87 malcs to 107 f'emalcs. whq although partially or r.vhollyof African descenr,formed part of thc ,Euiopean'
The famil.vrclationshipsamong them are not indicated,although a slightly earlicr community,but there is no reasonto supposethat thesewere atypicalof the wider
document states that the fort slaves,then estimated to number bctwcen ltl0 and population.In 1850,for example,Madiki Lemon of'sogbadji,grandsonof a soldier
200, comprised 50 separatehouseholds.r"It is debatablc,h<lwever,whether the in the English fort, owned ten slaves.The African-born Brazilian ex-slaveAntonio
balanceof generationsand scxesamong such frrrt slaveswas tvpical of the Ouidah d'Almeida in his will in 1864 bequeathedninc slavesto various members sf his
population as a whole. In fact, the 1789 list distinguishesbetween those who family and provided fbr the continuation of two senior slaves in their positions
receivedregular payment and those paid only occirsionally', when actualll' w<-rrking, within his household, giving a total of I I slavesapparentlv in his urban establish-
and these two groups have quite different profiles, the latter containing a higher ment, as well as 24 working on his fhrm.2eIn the nineteenth century, European
proportion both of children (44 out of 115, as comparedwith 23 out of 79 in the obscn'ersgainedthe impressionthat the population of Ouidah cgnsiste{mainly of
first group) and of women (75 of I15, as against32 of 79). k secmslikclv that the slaves,although their accounts sometimes suffer from conceptual imprccision,
secondgr<lup would have been thosc establishedin self--supportinghouscholdsand including pawns (w'hoselabour was pledged for the securit-vof debts) and even free
was perhapsmore r<:prcsentirtiveof the population at large. clients within their dclinition of 'slave'.Firrbesin 1850belicvedthat nine-tenthsof
At any rate, it seemscertain that the population of Ouidah, like other com- the population of l)ahomev were slaves;another observerin ltt66 estimatedtwo-
parablccoastalcommunities,was predominantly female.20'fhiscontrastswith the thirds.3,These hgures scem too high for Dahomey as a whole: a modern scholar
situation in the colonial period, when towns tended to havc a majority of male suggeststhat at the end of the ninetcenth century slavesmay have accounted fbr
inhabitants,owing to the predominanceof nren in migration into urban centres;2r between a quarter and a third of the p<-rpulation.rr ft seemslikely however,that
this pattern was alreadyeviclentin Lagos under British rule in the secondhalf of these high estimarcs rvere blsed on the specific case of Ouidah, with which
the ninetecnthcenturl which had more men than women rcsidentsby the 1880s.21 Europeanswcre most familiar; another visitor in 1871 thoueht that fbur-fifths of
Pre-colonial towns also grew by in-migration, at times very rapidll', but this mainlv the population of ouidah were 'slavesor [introducing thc conceprualambiguity.]
took thc form of the purchaseof slavcs,and the principal demand fbr slavesrvithin dependentupon the caboccersand merchantsin the place'.12 In ihis, ouidah wai
the domesticeconomvwas for females,with a majoritv of enslavedmalessold into comparableto other coastaltowns of the region; Ibr example,the population of
the trans-Atlantic trade.} Women rverecmploved not <lnly within the household, Lagos in the ltJ5Oswas reportcd to be 90 per cent slaves.rrAlthougir ihe scale of
but also very widely outside it. Thcy were especialll-prominent in retail trade: as domestic slavery was probablv larger in thc nineteenth century than earlicr (owing
was noted in the 1780s,although the slavctrade was dominatedbl'mcn, otherwise t<lthe changcdcc<ln<tmic concliticlnsof'thc transition from the slavetracleto trade
'trading of all kinds is lcft to the women'.r+Likcvuiscin thc lll50s, traders in the
in palm producc), :r substantialproportion of' the population was certainlv of
rx Isert, /,rltrr.r, ltX). r' .\rl(usru
l l r r r t r , ' l . c r o \ r u l r r ( r l e l ) a h o n r c r ' , l . ' l l l u s t r t t t i r t n , l ( ) ( l l J 5 2 ) , . 1 0 ;R c p i n , . \ ' o 1 . a g c ' , 7 3 .
r" ANF:,(16l27,Gourg,'Listedcsnigrescrptifitlul{ri rutirrtrleJuth'. 1'7()l;(,6/26.1}rudl)uchiron,'I',rpk> " I i r r r l r c sl .) r h , u L 1 ' , i , 5 l 2 ; i i . l l 0 .
rrtion et construction du comptoir (lc-lu(h', I Scpt. l77ll. \.\.rlLrrr.'l.t.ro\.rrrnr<,rltl);rh,rrrrcr',2p:rrts,/)ll(.'.1(lfJ60),.151i.
r " . { s n o t e d , l i r r e r r n r p l c , f i r r \ c c r r b r l ) r r l e r , l l r l ' i r . 4 t h L 7 i , a ' 1 ,r r i i i ; c l . 1 7 0 , u i t h l t l ( } n . 7 f J . ' (irtrrtl.
l . : tp 1 1 1 1 1I 'l,. i , I { i \ . r l l r i 1 . ' l . r s c l ' I, l l L i
r r l ' l n r n r r n u e l ' \ k r e r n r p o r r l - 1",' O y '' irrrlrts.
t t t u t t , r t tl t h t " / " f l ) t h , ' n , L r . l l ' t , t t r t o l r l ' \ l r r r e r t l . r 'ssr l l i r r \ c r g t . r , O t l t l u . t t r t s , l 2 l 1 .
i r r t l i r i r l r r a l i s r r r r r r r l g t r r t l c r r t l r l i o r r s i n t o l r r r r . r l ( r l r . r rl (r (. rl (. lr l ( l i ( , ' , r r \ n r i c r s o r r l ( l l r t h l r r r r r c .l l n , t s I r l u r '
1 , ' r f ' t . .l h L , ' n t , t . r , l l . \ l l k r , r r r r i ,\ , t t r r r l t l ) . r l r o r r t ' l. l u / l , t r t,rl t l t . \ ' r t , t t t i , ! t l u O t t t g r u p h r t , I 2 ( l t i 6 6 ) ,
l ' , t t t , J ) ) l . \ l . r l ' r r t r r r r j r I' . t l , , u t t , t t t t t rr r \ r r ' , r r , r ,I i i . l i s t)
( . \ \ \ t r l , r r rr , l l t , l l , ' r ' r n . \ 1 , t . ,( , r , t \ t t u , l t t \ / i r l , r ' ( ( ) r l o r r l .l ( , ( r )l , S o \ l . r r r r r r r \r lr r' , r t
f'.tltt,L ( , i , , r t t , t t t , t , tt ., t, ,t tt ., t, n I
r . l ( t l t t l t ) / t l l ( ( . tn r l r r r r l g eI.9 f l 2 ) ,1 9 2
l ' . r r r| l | r ' r r l . r . / , , r r r ' l ' , i r t t , t r t , \' tl t .' t, tr t I l l ' , t , ' , 1 , ' \1l , t , , r t t t r l / r r , , r ( ( . r r r r l ' r r , Il rl /( l. i ) . { , 1 r | \ \ 1 , r t , I r l r l t , l , , , t ' t t, I l t l . r l , , r r , l , , r rl \ . lr I,
'
l , , r r t /. , / / , " . l l l l \ r , t l r , . r r r r l r r , l , . r r r . r t r r. rl 'r, , r rt lt r , l l r r , , l . r l r ' , y , i , , r rr rl r ,r L . ' ( 1 . |, , r l r , r t/ , , 1 , r r ' , . rl rl r. l r l'l'\l.rr, lr.r,l,l\,r'r ( l . r , . . l tr r , , l l ( , , r . r , l r . r r r r 1 , l , , l 1l . , r , , , . ,. \ \ l . r r , l r
l\r\
 Dahomian Ouidah Dahomian Ouidah
servile status or descentalready in the eighteenth century. In Ouidah, as through- the European forts, all buildings were similar in appearance,except in size; in
out West Africa, the growth of internal slavery was closely linked to that of the Ouidah, there was nothing as distinctive as the royal palace in Abomey; even the
export trade in slaves,the samemechanismsof enslavementserving both markets.3{ residenceof the Yovoganbeing'a mere enclosureof huts'.al
Slavesheld within the local community were, it should be stressed,in principle European visitors to Ouidah in the late eighteenth century described it as 'a
distinct from those sold into export. Dahomian law prohibited the sale overseasof large straggling town', with open spaces'scatteredhere and there throughout the
anyone born in Dahomey, and this included slaves as well as free-born. This town', which were planted with cr<-rps; likewise in the 1860s,Burton observedthat
applied even to slavesheld by the European forts in Ouidah; as the French fort 'the housesare scattered'and'exceptround
the principal market-place,there is far
'protected by the King of the Dahomians', and so were
complained, its slaveswere more bush than building'.42This spacing of buildings was deliberate, intended to
'not at all in the position of being bought by the private captains or being
minimize the danger of fire spreading from one to another. The thatched roofs
transported to America, at least unless it is punishment of a very seriousoffence'.rs were vulnerable to firc, especially in the dry season,making the danger of fire a
'the
MoreoveE slavesin Dahomey enjoyed legal protection against ill-treatment: prominent feature of urban life, in Ouidah as in other towns of the region.rl
government protects the slavewho can, if he is mistreated, appeal to the authorities Recurrent fires are recorded in the European forts during the eighteenth century,
who can oblige a master to fulfill his duties better or take away the slave'.36Many the most serious being one that destroyed the French fort in 1728. Likewise in
slavesin urban centres such as Ouidah also had a measure of economic indepen- 1764 the English fort suffered a fire, which'consumed all but the [outer] wall and
dence.In the 1840sit was said to be'generalpractice'for mastersto allow slaves'to swish walls [of the buildings]', destroying 100 oz. t{4001 worth of goods; and there
prosecute their own affairs, and to receive in exchangefor this concessionof their were further fires in 1770, 1773 and 1775, which required assistanceliom people
time, a stipulated monthly sum derived from their labour', and under such from the French and Portuguese forts to extinguish.aaLocal tradition recalls a
arrangements slaves were sometimes able to accumulate sufficient funds to pur- devastatingfire that occurred during the first halfofthe nineteenth century, called
chasetheir freedom, for which the value of two slaveswas generally demanded.lT 'Gudamiro's fire', after a Yoruba slave who was
alleged to have started it, when a
Freed slaves and their descendants,however, normally remained clients of the fire by which he was roasting cashewnuts ignited the thatched roof of a building in
families of their former owners. Zomai quarter, on the west of the town, belonging to the Brazilian trader Francisco
In its physical appearance,despite the long-established European presence, Ftlix de Souza. From Zomai, the fire spread eastward through the town, lasting
Ouidah remained an essentiallyAfrican town. Before the nineteenth century, the three days; thc town was 'entirely destroyed', with 'several' human fatalities and
European forts remained the only structures built (in part) in two storeys,and also, 'incalculable'losses in goods.This may refer to a fire reported in r. 1838,in which
as Burton still noted in the 1860s,the only buildings with European-stylewindows, de Souza lost considerable property'.45Again in 1852 a fire destroyed 60 houses,
others deriving light only through doorways.rsThe generality of buildings, includ- including the Yovogan'sresidenceand a 'fetish house' with sacred snakesinside it
ing the forts, were constructed of mud and roofed with thatch; only in the nine- (evidently a building in the nearby Dangbe temple); the French lbrt to the west was
teenth century were some of the buildings in the forts, and a few private residences also set alight, but the fire there was successfully put r-rut.+6 Illustration of 'con-
of wealthy foreign merchants beginning to be built in brick and roof-edwith tiles. tinual fears of fires' as an aspectof lif'e in Ouidah is also provided by the journal of
The construction of a house, as witnessed by Forbes in 1850, involved the cutting the Roman Catholic missionaryFrancescoBorghero in the 1860s.During 1861,in
of timber from the countryside to make a frame, the mixing of clay with water and the night of l0/11 August there was a fire in Docomd in which'the entire quarter
straw for the walls, thatching with straw, and finally whitewashing the walls with was burned', with over 150 houses destroyed, although the Portuguese fort in
lime obtained by burning oysters from the lagoon.r"Individual properties consisted which the Catholic mission was resident escapedunscathed;and, on I I September,
of 'compounds', enclosinga variable number of buildings and courtyards; buildings 'again a great fire near us', and 'a good number of houseswere burned'. Borghero
were mostly rectangJular,although a few (mainly religious establishments)were also noted that fires were commonly the occasion for thefts from the damaged
circular in form, perhaps preserving an older sty'le.+0 As Fbrbes noted, apart from
{r liorbes, I)uhont1,,i,5.1, 106, I l(} l L
r{ SeeI-ovejol',TrunsJirnrulrons in Shter.1,,115"22. {r Norris, .l1tnors,62; Isert, /,rla,rr, l(X}; I}urton, .1/r.rrruz,i, (r0.
r s A N R ( 1 6 1 2 7 , ' N { 6 m o i r c s u lriloer t d c J u d a 'n, . d .I p o s t 1 7 6 3 1 . Sec.'\.f''i'firlroko,'l.cshonrnrcscllcsincendicsiila(,irtcdcslrsclavcsdurantlap6riodepr6coloniale',AJi,ica
"
r" Borgher<r, 'Rclation',in ( R o n r c ) , . l l t ( l ( ) ( 1 . 1 ) . . 1-(1)2{ r. 1 ; r n r ll i,r r t h e s p c c i l i t t r s c o l l , i r g o s , S p c n c e r l l . I l r o w n , ' A h i s t o r y o f t h e p e o p l e o f
-fournul,21t-.
J 7 P P ,( i r p l o f l ) c s p l t c h e sl i o n r t h e L i e u t c n a n t( i o r e r n o r o l t h c ( i o l d ( i r r s t . g i r i r r gr n i r c c o L r n o tl - l \ ' I i s s i o nt tst l,rgos, lli5J llili{r' (l'lrl) thtsir. \orthut'stcrn I rrirtrsin, l()6-l),75 9, 37.1 l'll; (.. Onycka Nwanunobi,
t h e K i n g o f A s h r n t c er r r t l I ) r h o r n c r ( l l l - l ( ) ) .R c l x r r t b r l l . ( . r t r i c l s h i t n k o, l h i s \ l i s s i o n t o t h c K i n g o f ' 'lrrttrrrfr.rrrsrrr rrtlrtr
.rrrtl l i r c s r r r r r r r r c t c e r r l(l or r t r u \ l . r g o s ( l l l ( r 3 l t 1 8 6 l ' ,. l l i i r u ( l , o n d o n ) , 6 0 / l ( 1 9 9 0 ) ,
| ) a h o m c r t, ) \ o r . I l l . l l l , I 5 . s t t r l s o I ' l l ( ) , l f ( ) u { / l J l l 6 ,l . o r r i sl ' r ' r s tr , ( r r P r o l r o t t g ht t o l ts l i o t r rt h i l r j o t l r n t l , 5 lll lt)
\ u ' - t .1 8 5L " \\1. ( t ' 2 1 . , l l ) u l ) r ' r r r \ . r l l..' l ) \ l . r \ l ; . ' l i , l ' l l ( ) . I i ( l / l l , \ \ r l l i r r r r ( i r r r t l s o r r (. ) u i d r h , l 0 N o v . l 7 ( r 4 ;
' " I l t t r l o t t .l l r , , r , , rr, , t r 7
l ; { ) / l l t , ( l l. ) . r rl l , r , l . \ \ r l l r . r r r 1r ', '' rt . l ' l , l ' l , , l l . I l r r r r L , i . t r l i b 1 7 7 5
' '
fiorlrcs.I),rh',u, 1, t, l.)tl \ ; i l x ' ,l l t ' r , , " , . 1l , 1 , . . , r (l ' l { { ) ( { ) ' , r ' l . ' l l r ' , r r r . r . l l r r t t ,l 'ir r\ .l . r r r l rl i i . l 7
"' I l t l r , l ) . t t t l l r rt r t r r D l r . . r ' . t r , t r , l l ,l lr r r t r , . r t r/.' . r , / , . r . l ' t ' '' l'R() ll)\l \ \ f , l , , r r r .l t. . r ' , , r { ) , , r r r r ' r , , . .r . , , . . . 1 ' , \. ,r r \ \ l r r , l , r l r ' l t ' \ l . r r , l r l l i . '

,s
 Dahomian Ouidah l)ahomian 0uidah

buildings. Again in ltl63, on I April lightning struck the fort, causinga fire that identified as cholera, around 1t120,the dead fiom which were buried ar the site
destroJ'ed the priests' living quarters.{7 The most destructive fire, however, calledKindji, in Brazil quarter,which was consequcntllrthought to be haunted.s('
occurred in ltl64, beginning on 17 FebruarYin the east of the town (closeto the The concentrationof population also facilitatcdthe transmissionof contagiious
Portuguesefort) and spreading westwards,with renewed outbreaks recurring over discascs,especialll.smallpox.In the Hueda kingdom in the earlv eighteenthcen-
'Iwo-thirds
the next threc davs. of the town was destroved,including Zob6 markct, turl it was noted that smallpoxcausedgreat mortalitv;siand it seemssignificant
the French fort and the de Souza compound; up to 80 people were killed and 200 that Flwesi, thc t:olun of the earth, lvho was believeclto causesmallpox, as wcll as
injurcd, and the French fort lost property to the valueof$40'000.+8 the ftre*xolun Zo. was among the deities who according to tradition wcre
Givcn this constant thrcat from fire, arson in Ouidah was treated as a maior establishedin Ouidah befbre thc Dahomian conqucst. lly the 1770s L,uropean
crime, subjec to the severestpenalties. A Ilritish trader in 1772 witnessed the tradcrs buying slavesat Ouidah were inoculating them againstsmallpox;but it is
public e\ccution by beheadingof a woman who had accidentallycauseda fire in the nrlt clcar whether inoculation was ever practised in l)ahomey itself.5sC-ertainlv;
market.le After Gudamiro's fire in the ltJ30s, 1,000 slavesfrom Zomai who were smallpox remainecla maior scourge. In lf16l, fbr examplc, there wls I major
held responsiblelverc sold ovcrseas;ancl likewise, after the fire of 1864,the owners epidemic,which in particulardecimatedthe Dahomian armv on campaigin,and the
of the housesll'here it started were arrested,but on this occasionwere found not ttl diseasealso sprcad into C)uidah,where 'manv' dicd of it; and there was a further
be culpable.50 People also invoked supernatural protcction, firc (zo) being regarded outbrcak in lfl64, with again 'many' mortalities in Ouidah.5eVencrcaldiseasewas
rs a z,odun;Elurton noted the practice of hanging buildings with ropes with leaves likcwise reportedll, 't'erv common' in Ouidah and conscquentlv a source of
'almost universal' concern for Europcan slave-tradcrs,who tried to av<lidbuying inf'ectedpersons,the
attachcd, sacred to Zo, ts a prophylactic, a practice that became
in the aftermathof a firc.5l rc{'erencebeing apparentlv not to svphilis, rvhich lvas probabll- introduccd fronr
Like other towns in West Africa in this period, the urban environment of Ouidah America, but to yaws,an indigenousand less virulent disease,oftcn confusedr,vith
also posed particular problems of public health.52A European visitor dcscribedit as vcnerealsvphilis."0
'vcr.v filthy' and unhcalth\", from the practice of digging holcs to obtain mud for
construction, u'hich were then lcft to fill up with stagnantwatcr and refuse.5rHealth
problems lverc also compounded by' the holding of large numbers of slavesawaiting ThecharacteroJ'urhanlit'i
embarkationon Europeanships,in crowded and insanitaryconditions.l-uropeans
regularlv suff'cred high mortalitv in Ouidah, mainly from malarial f'ever and In Dahomc!; as elsewherc in West Afiica, thcre was an explicit cor.rceptual
dysentery,including the espccialll- virulcnt form of amoebic dysenterv known as opposition in local thought bctween town and countr)',to (<>rlome) and g/cta, the
the 'bloody flux'.54 C)f these, thc prevalencc of malaria was related to the town's lattcr often translated as 'bush' but strictlv meaningicultivatcd land (fiom g/a,
'farm').6rThc term
lagoonsidesituation, being carried bv mosquitoes,which throve in the neigh- translatedas 'town' in fact applies to settlementsof all sizcs,
bouring s\\.amp,vground; but dysentery was more a function of urban conditions, including small villages. It also, h<lwever,means morc generallv 'country' or
causedby contaminationof water-suppliesthrough poor sanitation.Malaria was a 'localitv'; glovernorsof provinces
of the l)ahomeJ' kingdom, fcrr eramplc, were
greater problem fbr l,uropeans than {br local people,who had somc immunity to it. called togun,'chiefi of'/a'. The implication is that urbanitl'' r,vasdefincd not (or not
F-orbesnoted that the Europeanand indigenousinhabitantsof Ouidah rvereliable only) by size and concsntrationof population, but b1' political autonomv and the
to mortality at different seasonsof the year, thc former being most vulnerable in role of thc town as a seat of administrati<1n.62 ?lwns, and the characterof urban
'I'he
June and Jul.1 at thc end of thc main rains, when the danger from mosquito-borne lifc, were rlso defined bv their possessionof markets (uhi). existence of
malaria was greatest, while the indigcntlus population, on the contrarl werc marketsrvas,incleed,linked rvith the r<llcof towns as centrcsof political authoritli
suffering 'much sickness'in March, at thc cnd of thc drv scason.ss Local people, sincc the local grlvcrnmcnt guarantecclsccuritv and order in the market, rvhile
however, rvere cqually sub ject to diseascs arising f rom contaminated water.
'fradition rctrospectivcly "' r\gbo, I ltstrrrt, lll\).
in Ouidah recalls a catastrophicoutbrcak rtt-a clisease, ';'Rehtion
d L rr o \ l r r r r r ct l c - l t r t l r s ' , . 1 1 ' i .
+;l l r r r g h e r o , . / o a r n u l ,35l2l 0 l l r \ u g u s t l t i 6 l l , 5 l - l l l 0 S c p t l 1 1 6 l ll;2 9 . l 2 l l , ' \ p r i l l 1 1 6 3 l \rrrris, lltuotts,llT lli.lrroLrrlrtiottrrlsptrttisctlin\\est'\fircabrtheeighlccnthccnturl,butnocvidencc
"
$ I b i d . , 1 1 5- 9 | l 7 2 6 F c b .l t t 6 - { l ;\ \ N { \ I S , I l c n r r s l o ,O u i d r h , - 1\ l a r c h l f i 6 ' l ; l } u r l o n , . l l r s v a zi,i . i 0 2 . 5 . l i o t t t | ) r l t o n r t r o r i t t r r r t r l i r r t t l rn t i q h l r o r r r i n gr r r t r r si s t i t t r l i r r l h c s r r r r c r b r l , . L r l a e n\ i1a. i l c r b e r t , ' S m a l l p o r
{"Nrrrris,.,lIenoirs.636. i r r o t r r h t i o ri u \ l r r . r ' , / / / / . I { , ( l ( ) ; i ) . . i ' ) i ' l
'"A g b o ,l l i s t o r r t , l l ( t l 7 ; l l u r t o n , l l r r s r a zi .i , . i 0 - l 5 .
''
\ \ \ l \ l S . l k r r r r \ \ l r . t t t , r t t . ( . r t r ( ( , ' . rl \i l1r.r r r t l S l , l . l I r r r . r s L o . ( ) r r i t l . r h , . ]l ll )Jt 0t .l . { \ l r r c h l 1 1 6 - [ .
'rl l t r r t o n . l l t s s r r t ri t. ,' i t ) . " l ' l r r l l r 1 , s . ' l , , r r r.,.rl ll \ . ' l l r l . r t r r rrrl r rr , , r . r r r n ,r lrt l r r r l , r r 1
' ,,
! I i r r r c o n r P l r , r l i r t . r . sr sP(t . n t I r l l l l r , , u r r . . l ' r r l rl rl rt ., r l r l r r1r.r. r q , l, s, .i l t l ' ) ( x ) 'l .f l l l . \ ' , J a( l ( ) ( , 1 ) , . i -l 1) 07 . '
l l r t . r r ( r l l \ \ \ ( r r r r ( ( ' t ( l ( ,r in . r ' , ' , . r l , r r l . r r r ' , , l l rr ,r trrl ,sl l r t r l l l r t l r : . 1 ) t h , t u , r . i , l l . i . 1l ' t o l ) ' . ' { r ( t. rel 1 ' ,
''
lirtttt.'l.t r o t . t t t t t t tr l t | ) r l r . r r r t r ' , l l l t t . t t t r l . t t r r l . ,rr, l,\ r r l o \ \ n l r , l , l I l ' , r l l r , t ' , * r r , , l l t t r \ r , | l l r i , \ t t t r, ,' lr sr r . s l r c rrtt.. t l , l \ , r t . r , I ' r r l c r .
''
I t f l , r r f t , ' t (, ) t t I ' r t t r r ,t tt,lr\l lltlt,t rtt /,'uttt'\.rr,,ll,'rtlr,\,,r,rl,rlir\rr1'l \.l.rrr )",,1.,1,',,,t,,trt.l(ttt,,(()\1,,r(l,l')tr'/)..)
I trlr: llth,'ut' r r l.'lJ I \ , , r 1 , . r, r' r r , , r , r ' t\ l, r, ,r , ' l , rk r r 1 , l \ l , ' \ ., L,

\tl \l
 Dahomian Ouidah Dahomian Ouidah

conversely the concentration of exchanges in the market-place facilitated their It is well supplied with evcrr articlc o[ native consumptinn, as well as medicinal plants, and
many articles of lluropean manufacturc. Among other articles generally exposed for sale are
regulationand taxation.John Duncan in 1845noted that the market in Ouidah was
'superintended by a chief constable', responsibleto the Yovogan, who 'attends to the following: - Pork, beef, mutton; cotton cloth, native and l-nglish; thread, beads, gun-flints'
tobacco-pipes, iron, pepper, elu (a composition to dcstrol' mosquitoes), chuchume, bill-hooks,
its cleanlinessand regularity', as well as levying a salestax.il
tsa4agr1 pipcs, flints and steel, ruw native cotton; tancacam, a medical root resembling ginger;
The market in Ouidah was frequently described by European visitors.6+It was 'adiito'[a
goorifu,,l,,, i.c. bitter kolal and koll:t nuts; elo-nuts, used in playing the game of
clearh' in the same place as the town's main market nowadays, called Zobt,, or b o a r d g ; a m e ] ;s k i n s o f t h c a l l i g a t o r l i . e . c r o c o d i l e ] , d e c r , b u s h - p i g , a n d c a t ; d r i e d r a t s a nd mice;
Zob6mi, this namc being first recorded (as'Z<-rbemc')by Burton in 1863/4. ra11 and drictl fish; fish cooked in palm-oil; kootirtaffue, a root rcsembling onion, but verY
'formed of several streets of low huts, built square, and
Duncan described it as b i t t c r ; c o c o a I i . c . c o c o n u t ] a n d d e g o n u t s [ ? = s h e a - n u t s l , l o r m a k i n p So i l ; b o i l c d a n d r a w I n d i a n
'composed of well- corn; counrry pots and calabashes; lime, made from ovster-shell; grass bags and baskets;
generally joining one another', the floors of the huts being
worked clay, ... very hard and smooth ... raised about a foot above the streets, porcupine quills, crarv-fish, palm-oil, tomato, shallots, and occro [okra]; water-cresses, salt,
passingbetween the huts or stalls,consequentlythe latter are alwaysdry'; it covered iarina li.c. cassava flourl, ground nut; atoo, or quashie-root [used ftrr medicinal purposesl;
'about three-fourths of an acre, or an acre'. Dahomey operated a four-day market sakwa4ce, a rogt similar to ginger havinp; a taste resembling manioc-root; palm-nuts; bodya, a
root usc4 as a decoction to expeditc labour in child-birth; irg5rvbaia laghulal, uscd f<rrcartridge-
cycle, and some accounts state that this applied to the Ouidah market: thus, in
boxes; gun-f'lints, stones fbr grinding corn, br6ught from Abomcy; dookwa [/al'a], brll[sl
1784-5,'every fourth day is the weekly market to which foreignersma1'bring their
made from beans grqund with palm-oil and pcpper; kahomit fllr.usa kunnuf, akaowo (natirc
wares', and in 1825, 'there is a regular market every four days'. However, other name) labuntrul, saltpetre in its trriginal state.
accounts (including Duncan) report explicitly that the market was held daily;
probably the resolution of this contradiction is that it was attendcd every fourth Although most of these items were of local provcnance' they included some
day by outsiders, while on other days it handled only local exchanges.Attendance broughi by long-distance trade fr<-rmthe interior (e.g. bitter kola, from Asantc in
'saltpetre', actually natron, from Borno in north-eastern
was at its height, according to Burton, in the late afternoon, around 4 p.m. As modcrn Ghana; and
F-orbcsnoted, all exchangewas concentrated in the market:
'As there are no shops, Nigeria) as well as European imports. All accounts stress that foodstuffs were
all trade is carried on here.' Transactions were fbr cash, rather than by barter, in ext-ensively' s<-rld in the markct, much in already cooked form; Burton th<lught that
'halfthe shopscontain either raw or cookedprovisions'.
thc l<lcalcurrency of cowry shells,which came ultimately from the N{aldive Islands
in the Indian Ocean and were imported into the Slave Coast by the European The prominence of foodstuffs in the market reflected in part the division of
trade.nsThe cowry currency was especiallywell adaptedto small-scaletransactions, labour within the communitl', betweenthe farming population and those involved
being valued from the 1720sat {l sterling to the
'grand cabess'of4,000,making a in other occupations.Pre-colonial towns in West Africa are commonly assumedto
t/'t
single shell equivalent to around of a pre-decimal pennl'.66In the Ouidah market have been predominantly agricultural communities (this agrarian character being
'urban' status);68but this does not apply to
in 1850,for example,an orangecost 3 cowries,an egg 10.67 often taken to put in question their
lruropeans were regularly impressedwith the size of the Ouidah market and the coastal commcrcial centres, whcre a large and indeed thc maior proportion of the
rangeofgoods on sale:Duncan thought it'superior to any I haveseenon the coast, population wirs involved in non-agricultural activities, including fishing and salt-
and ... better supplied even than Sierra Leonc [i.e. Freetown]',and Forbeslikewise *rt itrg as wcll as thc F-uropeantradc.6eThe farming and non-agriculturalsectors
calledit'the finest I haveseenin Africa; well suppliedwith everr luxury and many were ft)t entirclv distinct, slncc some personsdivided their time betweenthe two.
useful goods'. Forbes noted that the market rvas
'divided into appropriatc propor- Even thc slavcsemployedin thc Europeanforts did somc farming: as was noted of
tions for each description of article'; meat, fish, corn, flour, vegetables,fruit and the Frcnch fbrt, each famill' had its own grounds near the fort, on which they
'foreign goods' all having their own 'separatemarkets'. 'fhe fullest account of the cultivatcclfiroclcrops.T('| llut it is clcar that many of the inhabitantsof Ouidah did
range of goods on saleis that given by Duncan: not proclucc thcir own ftxrcl. Thc division of labour might operate within a
h,,usch,,l.l,r:lther thrln thr<tughthe market, slavcsemployed in non-agricultural
6r l)uncan. Trate k, i, 12(1,l2+. 11rlrkb,r (ltcir ouncrs bcing suhsistedfiom the produce of thcir farms.TrSlavesof
61 lt..g. cle Chenevert & Bullet,'Reflerions',20 (rcferring to 177(r); Isert, lcrlcrf, l0l (l7lJ't 5); PRO, r6c I,,uigpcrrrr lirrts, ltoscrcr',rcgulrlrlvrcccivcdpaYmcntin cowries,and emplot'ees
AI)N'I55/ll, IIugh (-lappcrton,Journrl, l6 Nov. lttZ5l l)uncrn,'lr,rttls.i, lZ{) 22; lrorbcs. I)ahome.1',i,
109 l0; flurton, Mission,i, t-6 8.
(( .rrnrbrtdge, l()li6).
"' Scr in gcncralJan l ftrgcntlorn & trlrrion -lohnsrn,'l ht .\hLIl llonLl, of tht .\hu' 7i4,/,
' u ' ' l ' h i s i s l c c o r t l i n g t o t h e i r ' l r r t l c ' r ' a l r r e , i . c . l h c i r c r t h r n g t r r l r r t i n ' \ l i i t r , r r t h c r t h r t t ' p r i n t e c r t s t ' ,r t r

p L r r c h r s cp r i c c i n l ' , L r r o p cr .o r r r t t t t i o r t r l l r r c r ' l o r r c r lr t 5 0 " , , o l t h r ' ' l r r t l r ' ' r r l t t t , l r r u h i t h t l t t g r r t t t l t r b c s s

( ' , , r' 1 .
I
u r s u o r t h o n l r l 0 s h i l l i r r 1 1 s ( / (i l ) ) { ) r r i n t , r g r r c l . r t i , , r rl rorrl . t lp r i r e s , s t t R o l ' i t t l . ; r r r , ' ( r , t t t p t t l t t t g r l o t t t t s 'l
r , ' r , l l . r r r , l rl rr ,r r , , r r r 1 , l , , r . r r r , i l , r , , , i l . , t r r , t r , r , l u , , ' t r l , l , , r r ,f it r t l . r 'l ,S t P r l 7 7 l i ;( . 6 / J 7 . ( i o r r r g .
\\l.t
t i ( l ) r i ( r ' si l r t t r r ' , , , l , , l u . r\ l\ r r t \ l r r r . t . t t r r l t l r o r l o l o r i t ,r,rt,l t , t s r l t r r t t tt l r t S l . r r , ( , ' . r r t ' , / / l , l S ( l r ) ( ) l ) ,
'\1,rrr,'rr, r r rI r r r r ' r r L r r I ' ' l
1,,'rr'.tI\rr,l',r"tr1r'lrlrr
I i() i;
' |,rl\.. lt,it,'t. I I", il'lrl
lirrlrlr l),tL"ttt, r llll

s.'
 Dahomian Ouidah Dahomian Ouidah
'subsistencc'(at a pelson who took out a loan rvasbound fo work fbr the creditor until the dcbt u'as
of'l,uropean tradcrs more generalll; if not paid drily; reccived
standardrate of tJOcowriesper day'),implying that they bought their food in the cleared.Te In the nineteenthccntury; L,uropeansadaptcd this practice to evaclethc
market.TlAs Burton observed,in Ouidah 'many a "working man" breakfastsand legal prohibition of slal'e-holding, bu1ing slavesrvho rvere then trearc{ as pawns.
dinesin the alley [of the marketl'.7r The French Roman Cltholic mission in the llJ60sfirund that it was'imp<-rsibl.tu
But evcn bc.vondthis specialization of function within the town, Ouidah itself,rrt find free wnrkers'ftrr ncccssarybuilclingand repair work -.it was necessarveithcr
leastprior to the ninetecnthccntury; hatl only a limited agriculturalhinterland.In to possessslrvesor to borrorv them'; in ltl62, it resortedto'redeeming'slarnes, who
l'176tt was noted that thc land around the town was planted with maizc,but onl5' were thcn bound to serve the n'rissionuntil they had workcd off the cost of their
for a distanccof around three-quartcrsof a league(3.,5km). A visitor to Dahomeyin purchase.I-ikcwise,the tsritish Methodist mission in 186-1purchascdslaves,at g60
lfl03 observedthat cultivation was done only 'in thc immediateneighbourhoodo[ each,on the basisthat the cost of their 'redcmpti<ln'would be deductedfrom their
their towns'; and although presentedin gcncralterms, it seemsIikely that this also wagesat the ratc of $2 per monrh, so that thcv would pa1.off their debt over 30
was basedon the caseof Ouidah, which was the onlv Dahomian town this observcr months.80Slavescoulcl also bc hired out by their mastcrs;Forbes in 1850,fincling
kncw at first hand.7{'I'heimplication is that, like other coastaltowns such as l,agos, himsclf short of porters,hirt:d slavesbelonginplto a Dahomian merchanr.Gnahoui
Ouidah was not self-sufficient in basic foods, but depcnded upon importing them who appropriatedtheir wages.sr
from elsclr,herc.T5In l7l2 it rvas nclted that agricultural produce - yams, swect Ii1' thc ninctccnth centur\, at lcast, there was also a markct in urban prgpertl: In
potatoes,beansand corn - cultivated at Savi was taken frrr sale at Ouidah, and also Dahomian law all land belonged to the king, and residentialsites in Ouidah weie in
that 'great quantitics'of palm oil werc traded there from Allada, althoughsome of' the first instanccacquircd by roval grants, as traditi<ln recallsin the casesof Nicolas
this oil was probablv intended for export rather than local consumption.Likewise, d'oliveira, the foundcr of Ganvd quarter, lirancisco Felix tle souza and othcr
in 1850,traders from Ouidah werc obserl'edgoing to thc market at'Ibri, between settlers in the ninetccnth centur)..82 Strictly, such grants did not confer ownership,
Savi and Allada, to bu1' fixrdstuffs - corn, peppcr, fiuit and vepletables,ancl occupants enjoying onlv rights of usufruct; as expressedby Burt<ln, in European
livcstock- as well as palm oil and locally made cloth, which they paid fbr with salt, legal tcrminol<lg1;land was hcld in'f'ee-simple'.si H<lwever,those who receivedlancl
fish and importcd commoditics - 'ftrreign cloths', rum and tr>bacco.76 from the king could in turn granr use of it to others - d'oliveira in Ganvd is
Thc supply of lirbour in Ouidah was also to some degree commercialized,not remcmbercd to have '[givenl portions of his property to a large number of new-
onlv thr<lugh the purchascof slavesbut also by the hiring of free workers. The comers'.Ei In thc European sector, at lcast, such transf'ers were partially com-
'Castle 'l'emporarv
accounts o1' the lrnglish fort list pavments, separately from those to the mercialized. accommodationwas availablcfor rent, in return for moncv
slaves',also for 'free canoemen and labourcrs' hire', fiecmen being rcgularly payment: Fbrbes in 1850opted nor to lodglein thc English firrt, but rentecle house'
emplovedto carrv mcssapies and to assistin deliveringsupplicsand in repair of thc from Madiki Lemon; and another observerin l85l noted that individual'houses'
fbrt buildings.Tt Thc canoemen and porters employed by L,uropean ships were within largc compounds were commonlv 'let seplrately to tenants at so many
likcwisepaicl,anclprcsumablvrecruited, indiviclualh.,the standardrate for porters cowries pcr wcek', mainlv to Africans from the Gold Coast and Sierra Leone.i,
being 120 coll'ries per day. ln the ninetcenth century, there was also a system of Properties were also occasionally sold. In 1852 the British merchant Thomas
fixed long-term contracts:in lfl50 it was notcd that canoemenin Ouidah werc Hutton, having to relinquish thc English fort to the British vice-consulare,pur-
hired by English traders by the month, for which they were paid 4,000 cowries, chased a house from a locally resident Portuguese merchant, Jacinto
Joaquim
plus liO cowries per day subsistence,but by the Portuguesc for terms of two ycars, Rodrigues, for g7-50;and around thc same time the leading Brazilian mirchant,
receiving 16,000 cowries on recruitment and goods to the value of 20,000 cowries D<lmingtlsJos6 Nlartins, also put his house with its furniture and other propertics
and $10 in cashat the cnd of their service,and tiOcowricsdaily subsistcnceduring on thc market, for an asking pricc of 91,500, although he did nor in rhe 1."r,.
the contract.TsSome of these 'free' workers mav in fhct have been slaves, but ouidah. The statusof such sales,however,was doubtful undcr Dah<-rmian "n.ttl
law; Rod-
allowed by their owners to work independcntly',under thc arrangcmentsnoted rigues was subsequentlyfined $200 for selling his houservithout royal permission.t,'
earlier.Free labour in Ouidah, howeveq was clearly'in limited supplv. An altcrnative i" Robin '(
l,au; )n pru ning itnd cnslrrcmcnt lbr clcht in thc prc-colonial .Shrc (i;ast', in 'lb1in lralola & paul li.
mechanism for obtaining workers was through the systcm <lf pawning, whcreby a
Lovejov (cds), l>tn,nshrl in lliitt (lhultler, 199"1),55 69.
t 2 F i ) r s u b s i s t c n c er a t c s i n O u i d a h . s c e l . a u , ' P o s t h u m o u s c ; u e s t i o n s ' -. 1 1 2 l . l . '" florgher,r,./,,rtrntJ.t)5,11.1
l+lllfcb.& lScPr. llJ62l;\\r\lNlS,\\rillirm\\i,sr,(irpe (irasr.9Oct. 1U66.
7r Burton, Mission,i,77. n'
l'irrbes, I )t honLy, ii, )(lll.
ir I)c (.hcnelcrt & Ilullet, 'Riflcrions', l9l Nl'l.crxl. Ltytgt, 17 18. 'r '(
R t . rn i t r , ) l r , l . r l r ' .I l . I l . . s
t s I i o r L a g S o sr,v h i c h i m p o r t c t l l i x r d n o t o n l t l i o n r r q r i c u l l r r r r l t r r n r n r t r r r i l i e so n t l r e r r o r l l r l r r r r L o l t h t l r l i r x r r rl r u l t ' l l r r r t o r r .l l r " r " r .
ii. I lS
'(
i t l s o f i o n r , ' \ b c o l u t r i n l h t i t t t t r i o r , s t t l l r o r r t t . ' l l i s t r r r rtol rl t p e o p l c o l l . , r g o s ' , 7 i r " ' l t t r r r i tr . ) l r ( l , r l r ' .i r )
t ' ' N r r r r i s . . l l u u o i r s , ( r ( r ,7 1 . l ' o r l r t s . l ) r h , ' u t y , t , I l 1 " l l r r r t . r . l l r , ' r , , r r . r , , ) , , 1 . i' l, J/ l , l i ( , l ( t \ l \ \ r , . l r . r \ ( r , l ) . r l r 1 , , r r r i l , r\ lL, |i r l f i i l
: : l ' l l ( ) . ' l t t ) / l I r S f ) i | ) , r rl t r x , l s .\ \ r l l r . r r r rI '. .r r ''
l, r.' Isl.' f ' f { ( } , 1 { ) s l s \ l ' . l r . r ' ' , r . / ) , , i rl " t , , , t . t i\ 1 ' y ,n r l r \ , , n l l r r l , r r r ' , ( ) t r u r r l r r r r . s ' , { r \ l . r r lr fl irr J ; 1 3 , 1 1 , , 1 . r 1 .
' l r ( l \ \ r ( n l l r r l t , , r rl \i , , , l r r r , r r , ' ll r r r l r . '
l i r r r l r c sl .) , t l t , , t rtt,, t . | . ' . '

fl
 Dahomian Ouidah
The commercialization of domestic servicesextended to the provision of sex, as
well as food and accommodation.In the Hueda kingdom in the 1690sit was noted
'a
that there was very gireatplenty' of prostitutes, who operated from huts along
'the great roads throughout thc whole country', some of whom were slaves
purchascdfor this purposeby wealthv women.87Although this report implies that
their customers were mainly local men, presumably thev als<l served visiting
Europeans.A similar system existed in Ouidah under Dahomian rule. Tradition in
Docomd quarter recalls that a female slave taken as a wife bv a mcmber of the
Agbcssikp6 family (canoemenin the service of the Portuguesefort) also scrved as
concubine to a L,uropean,and with the money she obtained from this rclationship
she invested in the purchaseof girl slavesf<rrthe establishmentof a 'public house';
the Dahomian authorities seized her household, to the number of .180men and
women, leavingher with only 6 girls, on whoseearningsshc had to pa)' an annual
tax. Another Docomd household, called Avloko, was founded by a woman who
originalll' supplicd her daughters as concubines to Europeans and ultimately
establisheda brothel with 333 girls.Es
Dcspite the centrality of exchange in the life of Ouidah, Karl Polanyi arpEued
that this was not a truly 'market' economy, since he believed that prices were set
administrativeh', in accordance with traditional notions of equity, rather than
determincd by supply and demand.8"However, although prices were indeed
regulated by the local authorities, it is clear that they were subject to short-term
fluctuations,reflecting shifts in supply and demand,and that over the longer run
they tended to rise. The price of a chicken, for example,rose from 50-67 corvriesin
1694to 96 by the end of the 1690s,160 in 1721,and betvve:en 267 and 333 by the
1750s,although it then remained stable fbr a century, being still cited at 280
cowries in 1850, while the charge made by prostitutes rose from 3 to 20 cowries per
session.This inflation probably reflected an oversupplyof cowrie shells,through the
expansionof the European trade for slaves.Wages,however,were more effectively
c<rntrolled,those for porters remaining'at 120 cowriesper day dorvn to the 1850s,
tlris nominal stabilityi in the face of price inflation, representinga substantial
This erosion of real wageswas a factor in the growth
rccluction of their real r,alue.eo
ol'thcft in the European sector of the economy;alreadl'in thc latc 1690s,in the
crrrh'stagesof price inflation, porters wcre justiff ing thcir pilf-cringas a legitimatc
supplcmentto inadequateearnings;'they haveassurance enclught<lask us, whether
\\'c clrn imagine that they would work so hard, as they do, fbr such small wages,
rvithout the libcrty of stealing?'erThe operationof the market economvtcnded to
acccntuatedisparitiesof wealth, generatingpovert], f<rrmirny'alongsideaffluence
frlr a few. Inequalitiesexistedin consumptionof basicfrxrdsand scrviccs,as wcll as
in accessto imported luxuries: Burton obscrvcd that nrerrlsollcrccl to gucsts in
l)ahomey seldomincludcd meat - 'a chicken,a frlu'I,or a goirl rlcnotcir rich tnitn'
^ '
liosmrn, /),'r riptraz,J l-l |5.
- 1 0 ;l l a r , l l i i L so l r h , L t , , p t , l . ) l l t ll
" ' R e r n i e r , ' O u i d a h ' ,3 ( )
f " I ) o l r r r ri , l ) t h , ' n t y t u J t h L . \ ' l r i L 7 ) , r , / , f i I ( ) r
, I l r l ' r r , l ) , t h , ' n t, . r . I i | |
"" l,rrr,'l'osllttttllou\(luc\lron s c\ 'l l l ) i l l l , r r 1 , r r , r r .l l I l r l ' r s , r l r r
'r
f f r r r t t l . t t l ). , , , t t l ' t t t , u \ l t l
Dahomian Ouidah
and that in Ouidah some houses were constructed <lf matting, rather than mud,
thesebeing thoseof'the poorer classes'.e2
In Dahomel as clsewhere in pre-colonial West Africa, the town/country
dichotomy carricd implications of differential value; the term gletunu,'counrry-
man', in Fon has pejorative connotations,suggestinglack of sophisticationand
even stupidity, as the conventional translation 'bushman' implies.',1A proverb
illustrates the naivety of the gletanlrby his amazementat sceing a European child,
'Arc there little
ones too?';eain Ouidah, the term Saxinu,'person from Savi', is
often substituted for 'countryman' in such remarks. f'he low status attached to
farming was reinforced in Dahomey bv the military ethos of its ruling clite; as King
Adandozan(1797-1818)is rememberedto have said, when the king of Oyo urged
him to generatewealth (in order to enable him to pay tribute) by cultivating the
soil,'Our fathers ... cultivatednot with hoesbut with guns, the kings of Dahomey
cultivate onll' war.'e5It was also compounded by the fact that fiee men, bein6l
regardedas primarily soldiers,took little part in farming, most agricultural work
devolvingupon women, or elseupon male slaves:as Burton observed,'agriculture
is despised,becauseslavesare employed in it'.e6The Dahomian military ethos
looked down upon commerce, as well as agriculture; as was noted in the 1780s,
although the kings of Dahomey sold the war captives taken bv their armies,'trade'
in the sense of purchasing slaves fbr resale was a profession they had 'always
regarded as ignoble' and consequentlytraditionally left to their'caboceers'.e7In
Ouidah, however,even under Dahomian rulc, these valueswerc inverted; as was
noted in the 1770s,there 'the statusof merchantis the first'.es
European visitors to Dahomeq while noting the distinctive ethos of ouidah,
from its characteras a cosmopolitanand commercial centre, tended to project upon
it their own cultural preconceptions,regarding towns (and especiallyport towns) as
morally corrupt in comparison with the countryside. Forbes, for example,observed
that:
At Whydah,the I)ahomanport,the personal
depravityof the [European
andAmericanlslavc
merchants has dcstroyed the inborn honcstl and chastity of the nativcs, and the meretricious
gazc of the fcmirles and debauchcd and stealthy appearance of the men, are strongly and
painfull_r' contrasted with the modesty of the fbrmer and the honest-v-antl openness of the
lattcr, as thc travcllcr nears the capital of thc Dahoman kingdom.,'
\'letropolitirn Dahomians thought similarly: Ouidah was proverbial as a site of
sexuallnd moral corruption.r{x)But in Ouidah itself there was a feeling rather of
''
llrrrton,.llnvor, i, l3(r 7.66.
" l h t t t r t t t l i r s l r e c o r d c d l r r I l t r r l o n , i b i d . , i , 6 1 , n . I i o r t h i s n e g i r t i v ev a l u a t i o n o f r u r a l l i f e e l s c r v h e r ei n \ [ t s t
'l'on,ns,25.
\lricr, stt l)rrLt'r. llalt14 tlrc'll,u,tt.7l Knpl ,,\skari.lTrzlzr
" l ) . r r r l r l r i l c f f , ' t o . / 1 , , i r ' r l , , r 1 ( l t v ! ( t \ r l i n ( ( . o t o n o r r . 1 9 9 . 52 ( X X ) ) . i . n o . 3 { 9 .
'
f . r ' I f t r t r r r ' .I lt,rlr ll,,r'rtnt.\l\
" l l r t rt , , t t . l l r , , r " z . r r . l . l t i
I ) . r l u , ll.l t ' t , ' t1 . . t 1\
''
| ) r ( l r rr r \ ( r t N l l r r l l rt . l l r l l r r r , r r r r 'S. l \
'
'lt,',,r./',,,,,/,,.rr.rr,,
lt"\ \ 1 ' , , r t , r r r r r r r r \ \ , , r r . r r r r ( ' l r, r r r . \ \ , , r r l rl ls r r , , r . < r. nr lt c l r i t n t l ( r l t . r r r r i r r l t t . r
( lllllr,lll\
 I)ahomian Ouidah Dahomian Ouidah

cultural superiority.As Burton in the 1860sobserved,thc Chodaton,deputl' to the period, and indeed to some degree even to the present. The tombs remained the
\'<lvog;anof Ouidah, regardedevcn a lcading member of the roval court, thc king's focus of commemorative rites for the dead; as Duncan noted, 'anniversary offerings
principal diviner-adviser,'with supreme contempt ... as an nncicnt bushman lvhrl are made by all who can afford them, to commemorate the death of their parents',
kn<lu'snothing of thc whites'.r0r involving the sacrifice of sheep, goats and fowls, and the eating of their meat.lo8
Thcse ancestralceremonieswere callcd huetanu,'year-head-thing',from bcing
celebratedat the end ('head') ofthe year,which correspondedin the local as well as
Religiouslife the European calendar to around I)ecember{anuary'.r(}e
When local people speak of Ouidah's special religious status, however, they are
generally referring to something rather different: the organized cults of the uodun.
Ouidah today has a reputation as a centre of the indigcnous rcligittn of z,olun,
crpressedin the 1990sin the promotion of thc ceremonvat Ouidah for the sea-god Thcsc werc collcctivc rathcr than individual, sometimes concerning particular
IIu as the prcmier t'odun festiv'al,and thc sclf-representationof thc pricst <lf the sea families, but more often congregations of initiates that transcendedlineage affilia-
cuft, the Hunon, as the 'P<lpe'of rotlun.tttz'l'hisperceptionhas been informed bv ti<ln. At the level of active participation (as opposed to subjective belief), people
normally belong to only one cult. Rather than thinking of aodunas a singlereligion
awarenessof the town's role, through the Atlantic slavetrade, in the transmission
of'African religious traditi<lnsto the Americas - whcncc the modern touristic worshipping a pantheon of many gods, it is better conceptualizedas comprising a
'the cradle of-t,odun herceutt number of distinct and separate'churches'.rr0 What distinguishesOuidah aboveall
sloganof B6nin, and more particularlv Ouidah, as Ile
lu wttlunl'. But it is alsoa claim to local rcligiousprimacv in Afiica. is the sheer number of different xotlun worshipped in the town. A L,uropeanvisitor
European observersin thc pre-colclnialperiod, in apparent congrucnce u'ith in l7fl,t-5 rcported that the town contained more than 30 'public fetish temples',
Iocal tradition, also frequently stressedthe strongly religious characterof life in but this was certainly an underestimate;a survey in 1937 counted a total of 104
'temples',
Ouidah. What thev referredto most often was the large numbcr of publicly visible uodun and the quartcrs of the town that alrcady existcd in the eighteenth
'iclols' or 'fetishes'. In the Hueda kingdom in the 16[i0s,Barbot observed an century - Tov6, Ahouandjigo, Sogbadji, Docomd and Fbnsaramd- accounted for
'infinite number'of 'f'etishes',placcd 'in spccialplaceson the roads',madc of wotld the great majoritl'of thcse,no fewer than 79.rrrT'he total of xotlunworshippedis
rlr clay and 'shapcd like puppets'; and this was cchoed in many subsequcnt greater since, although some aodun have more than one temple, several different
accountsof l)rrhomian Ouidah.r0lThe clav figures,which were commonly placecl xodun rre normally worshipped within each temple.
'I'his
otrtsidchousesand at thc cntrancesto the town, were of the t,odunI-eg1ba.ro+ Legba diversity reflects the history of the devekrpment of the town and the
uirs a'trickstcr'p1od,held responsiblefor mislilrtune and consequentlvworshippcd composite character of its population, with dif{'erent cults associatcd with the
to sccuregood luck; a similar utrlun,callcclAizan, presidedover the Zob6 market.l0s successive elemcntsthat settled in it. L,ocaltradition distinguishescults that datc
'f 'hc from the rule of the Hueda kings before 1727 from those introduccd under
wo<rdenimagcs w,ercthose calledhoc.1,o, which wcrc also pr<ltectivein character,
prrlvidinginsuranceagainstcvil magic.r('(''fhese practiccsrvcreunirersrl, or at least Dahomian rule subsequentll'.Thc principal pre-Dahomian cults arc those of Hu,
rclr widespread,among thc population, and essentiallyindividual, rather than the sea,Dangbe, thc python, Hwesi, the zvtlun of smallpox, a,ncl7o, the xodun of
collcctive.This was basicallytrue alsoof the practiceof'divination bv castingpalm- fire, the scniority of these four having been formallJ' recognized by the Dahomian
kcrnels or cowries,associatedwith the t'olun lia, which was less often noticed br iruthoritiesafter their conquest of the Hueda kingdom in the l720s.r12 European
l'.uropean obscrvers but is also attcstcd from the earll' eighteenth ccnturr' rlccountsof Hueda religious practice prior to the conquest,although thcy do not
onwilrds.r0T This was donc by specialistdiviners, who wcre c<lnsultcdby'individ- relate specilicalh' to Ouidah, attest the existence of some of the cults later
prominent in the latter,including not only Dangbe and Hu, but also the worship of
ualsrvantingadviceabout thc future. 'some loftv hig;h trces',
Europeans also somctimcs noted the ancestralcults practiscd in individual associatedwith healing (referring probably to Loko, the
'\liican tcak), and of'thunder, whosebolts wcrc believedto punish thieves(i.e. the
houscholds.Barbot in the 1680sfound that the dcad wcrc usuallv buried within
their own houscs, and this practice rcmained standard through thc l)ahomian i'ttlrut So, rvho gavc his nrrmet<lS<lgbadjiquarter).rrrOther Hueda cults in Ouidah
" ' ' l l r r r l r o t . O u O u r u t , t , i . ( r - 1 0|;) r r r r c r n , I ' r t t t l t , i , l 2 5 .
'l '\nrrrrrl (.ustorrs'lt
r"r Burton, J'Imron, i, -l I l. "' lrt . \ l r o r r r c r .l i r r t l e e e r s c t lL i r r c so l t h c r o l r l d t n : r s t \ , n c r c a l s o c a l l c d h u t t u n u , a s n o t c d
I r z I r o r l v h i c h , s e eS u t h c r l a n d , ' I n m c m o r v t t l l h c s l r r c s ' . l r r l l r r r l o r r , l l / \ \ / r / r / ,i , i l r . l r o u t r t r . l r i s l r r r ) s l J t i r , nr s ' r c l r l r heirdthing', nith thc implicationthat this
r " t B l r b r r t , O n ( ) u n t t , i i , 6 . i l t ; f i r r c l r r i n r r g e s ,s c c , l i r r t r r r r r p l t , l ) r r n i r n , l n t t t l s , i , l l { 5. lirrhcs, l)thtutl',i, t t l t r t c t l t o I l t c s , t r r t l i t r r r l l r r r r r r . r rr rr t l i r r r s ( l r r r l t t . r p i l r r t i o r ri)n l h c \ b o n r c l c c r c m o n i e s ,i s m i s c o n c e i v e d .

109. I l t t r t , t rs . t I, r l r ( ( N . t \t , t t tl r 1 r t , tt ,r r r r lr t r( ) t r r r l , r l r
r o r l i t t r t h c i d c n t i t i c r t i o n ot lft ee l r r i t r t r t g t s . r s ,l .l t q l r . r , s t tl l t t t l , t t . l l i , ' r , , r . r . l i I i I l , r r L , , rr r r .I ) . t l t , , t tt .t ,t t . | , l l
l " t , \ g l r o ,I l r : t t i r t , l l l ( r I l'ttt.l,u,,' l l l r \ l ( r 1 , , l l r , r . r r , l r rl r t r , l r r , . r r '
t t " 1 " 1 ; l t t r ; ' a , s t t S t l z . t t t tl t) tt tl ts l r r tltl l r . r . l / , r , , t u l , ' , l r t(u( l r r , . r r l ,l .' l ' ) . 1 \ l , r l , , l l r rr . r , l rr , l , t r , l r . , t , I
'l{, l f , ' , r rr rr r / ) . , , t t t t , ' t \ t t \ i \ i l i , l r r r , , r r , l L l ,r,r. r. r r r, l, , l , r , l . r , , i
" l r i r s tr r , , t t rIl' r l . r t r , ' r r , lrr,r, r . r r r r r, r1, , l r r , l . r ' ,' t '
 Dahomian Ouidah Dahomian Ouidah

relate to deified heroes of the pre-Dahomian period: notably the founder of the prominent in Ouidah are various forms of Dan, the serpent-deity (distinct from
town, Kpase, and the initiator of contact with European traders, Kpate; but also Dangbe, and unlike him not considered to be incarnated in actual snakes),who is
other kings of pre-Dahomian Hueda: Agbangla, Ayohuan and Hufon.rra The pre- acknowledgedto be in origin from Mahi, north of Dahomey. The Dan cults were
Dahomian origin of thesc cults is confirmed by the fact that their principal shrines perhaps also introduced under Dahomian rule, since they are mainly concentrated
are located in the quarters of the town whose origins likewise predate the in the Dahomian quarters of the town, F'onsaramdand Boyasaramd,and also in the
Dahomian conquest: several in Tov6, the original Hueda quarter, but others in Brazil quarter settled by immigrants from Brazil (including returned African-born
those of the European forts, Hu and So in Sogbadji, Kpate in Docomd and Hwesi ex-slaves) in the nineteenth century. One form of Dan, the rainbow*serpent
in Ahouandfigo. Aidohuedo, famous from his prominence in Afro-American religion in Haiti, is also
Even these 'indigenous' cults are in fact, according to tradition, of disparate present in Ouidah. There are also cults of Nago (Yoruba) origin, frlr example of
origins. Among the four senior gods, for example, the sea-god Hu, as seen in an Chango (Shango, the Yoruba version of the god of thunder) and Yalode (the
earlier chapter, was in origin a Hula deity, derived ultimately from Grand-Popo, Yoruba counterpart of the indigenous Tokpodun, and like her identified with the
while Hwesi is also said to have been introduced from the west (from the Lake cr<lcodile).122 Cults associatedwith slaves from the north-western interior that
Ah6m6 region) by King Agbangla. The thunder-god So was associatedwith the occur in coastaltowns to the west, such as'Tchamba'(the name of an ethnic group
Aizo people, in the area of the Allada kingdom, as indicated by his common in northern Togo) and 'Goro' (from golo, kola), do not seem to have developed in
'So of H6vi6', a village about 20 km north-east of Ouidah. Ouidah; the latter does nowadaysexist in the town, but was introduced only in the
appellationHevioso,
Likewise, it may be noted that the aodunof smallpoxexists in Ouidah in two forms: twentieth centurv. and from the west rather than directly from the interior.l23A
Hwesi, the original local version, and Sakpata, the latter acknowledged to have codun called.Adjigo is associatedwith families of Gold Coast origin, who were
originated in the interior, from Dassa, north of Dahomey, although it is never- generally free immigrants rather than slaves,including that of Dossou-Yovo, an
theless insisted in Ouidah that his cult was already establishedlocally under thc offshoot of the Kocou family of Sogbadji, descended(as noted earlier) from a Gold
Hueda kings.rr'5 The divination cult of Fa was of Yoruba origin, the diviners being Coast canoemanrecruited by the English fort in the eighteenth century.rz+
mostly Yoruba.ll6 Notably absent from the repertoire of cults introduced into Ouidah from the
Cults of Dahomian origin include those connected with worship of ancestorsof interior, prior to the nineteenth century, is Islam; this contrasts with Porto-Novo to
the royal dynasty, notably Nesuhwe (in Fonsaramd, the Dahomian quarter). the east, where Islam was introduced by Yoruba immigrants in the second half of
Nesuhwe is thought to have been an innovation of the nineteenth century;ll7 the eighteenth century.r2sMuslims had been among the merchants who brought
consistently with this hypothesis,in Ouidah it is associatedwith the Dagba family, slavesto the Hueda kingdom in the early eighteenth century, but after the Dahom-
descendedfrom a Yovoganof Ouidah appointed in the l820s.rr8Another important ian conquest traders from the interior were not permitted to come to the coast;
cult of Dahomian origin is that of Mawu (in Sogbadii), goddessof the heavens(and although Europeans occasionally met Muslims in the capital Abomey, therefore,
creator of the world), which is said to have originated from Adia-Tado, whence it they were no longer seenin Ouidah.126 There must havebeen Muslims among the
'Qpeen Mother' of Tegbesu; in
was introduced into Dahomey by Hwanjile, the slaves sold into export through Ouidah, and indeed it is likely that some were
Ouidah it is associatedwith the Adanle family, whose founder was related to retained in slavery locally;r27but there was no organized Islamic worship in the
Hwanjile and settledin the town under her patronage.rre The Dahomian familiesof eighteenth century. Islam was establishedin Ouidah only in the 1830s,and then not
Weme origin (Gnahoui, Qu6num, etc.) worship a podun of specifically Weme directly from the interior, but by returned ex-slavesfrom Brazil who settled in
provenance,Mase, the spirit of the River Weme.r20Other cults were introduced Maro quarter.
into Ouidah by slavesfrom the interior who were retained for local service rather Emphasis on the heterogeneity of religious practice in Ouidah should not be
than sold into export. An example is Azili, a female water-spirit (the prototype of taken to imply that alien elements of the populati<ln were not assimilated. As
the Haitian Ezili), whose shrine (in Tov6 quarter) is said to have becn founded by Sandra Barncs has arpluedfor another coastalcommunity, Lagos, although the con-
an enslaved woman from Agonli-Houegbo, north-east of l)ahomey, who was tinuing pr:lcticcof cthnically spccificancestralcults servedat one level to maintain
captured by the Dahomian army and brought to Ouidah under Agaja.r2rAl.o r r r \ 1 c r l o , ' l I i i ' r r r c h i el c t i c h i s t c ' ,1 2 1 3 , 2 6
i.
rrj Merlo,'l{i6rarchie f6tichiste',l5-16. r I l b i t l . , 2 l i . l i r r t l t t l i l t r r t t l r r r r r r l( i o r o t r r l t s i n c o a s t r l
tounsol"lirgolndsouth-easternGhana,sccJudlRosen
il5 Ibid., 19 20. t l r r f , l ) a r r r ' r r r a l .l . t \ t i t t , t u J l t n ' t u l i n ' t I n a , / a a( ( . l r r r l o t t c s l i l l c , l 9 9 f i ) 1 ' I b b i a s W e n d l , " l ' h e ' I t h a m b a c u l t
I r " A s n o t c c lb r ' ' R e l a t i o n d u r o t i r u m e d e . r n r o r r g t l r\ tl i r r . r r n l i r q o ' . i r r I l c i I c l l e l r r c r r r l N It c l . r r i g ( c r l s ) , . \ 2 r r i l l t o s s t s s r o n ( O r f r r r d , 1 9 9 92)3, I. I I
- f u t l a s ' .5 l l . ''
tti lfty, Ll'n'Lsof tht Ltopunt.25ll 5l. 'l
\ l e r l o . l t t t , t r tl t t cl t t r t h r s t t ' .l N
'r'\'lerl,r.'llitrrrchiclitichistc','1.i.sttl)rglrr,Lr(.,,llr,trrttLf,rnrhtlt,ij " \Lrnrlcl. \ g t t t s s r .( t ) u l , t l , r t t . i r I h r t t ,r,r r , l t l \ , r t , ' \ ' t t o . l . \ l
r r " \ l c r l o . ' l l i i r r r c h i e l i t i r l r i s t e ' . I t i . . t l s o l l t r t t t t t , ' ( ) r r r r il Jr l r ' . 'll,rl'rnl.rr.
l ' l . r r r r r r l ) . r l r , , l r r r ' . \ , , , t t t ' L l , , u r t , t l ,l ,r l t r t , , n ' . \ ' t u , l t t ' , 1 1 ) ( l ( l l J 6 ) , c s P 1. (0) 67 .
r r " \ l t r l r r . ' l l i t r . r r t l r i r ' l t t i r l r t s t t 'i ,(.)),i(. ) t t l r t t t tl t, t' , l n ' , t r t ' , i i . r r t t l t t t - ) l r r , , s l . r r , r , , l t l r r l r r r ( l r l , ' t t r ' r l , \ , r r , r , , . r l l , \, ll r ' . r r r , ll l , , r r l . r l r ' . r r l t t r l r t r r , t t r c l ) r r \ f t ) t l l t c \ l r t s l i r n r
' \ l r . r n , ll l r l . r l r\ \ l tt,.' , . ' . . , , ' 1 , , . , r ' l r l , l | . . r l r r r t r r r , , y . r t r , nl ), ,r rl l r , r rl tr ) ( ) ' t l ; f i ;
l r r ' l r l s , l' .r \ z t l t t r , ' t, t, ) t r r t ) t r r r rIr |r l\.r 1 r t . ' { 1 1 } | l

ril| 'lI
 Dirhomian Ouidah Dahomian Ouidah

a sense of cultural difference, to the extent that these cults involved public afthough not the highest-ranking, uodunin Ouidah; Burron in the lll60s csrimatcd
ceremoniesin which the generalityof the populationtook part, their operationalso that he had 1,000initiated followers,or'wives'(a term applied ro male as wcll as
servcd to expressthc incorporation of fbreign elementsinto the local communit)'.l2rl female devotees),whereasthe formallv senior sea-godHu had onlv 500.r32'l'he
The heterogeneouscharacter of religious practice in Ouidah involved not only map of' 1776 shows the location of a numbcr of 'fetish' shrines,although without
the juxtaposition of cults of different origin, but also a measure of religious syn- spccifi'ing the aodun worshipped. Within the town, one shrinc spccified as the
'f-etish of the Yovogan'
cretism rvithin individual cults. As noted above,most templesin Ouidah veneratea is clearly. from its location, immediately south of the
multiplicitl. of ,-odun,and, while in some casestheseare groups of relateddeities, Yovogan'spalace,that of Dangbe.Two others are distinguishedas belongingto thc
in others they combine gods that were originally' distinct. An cxample is the English and French forts. Another eighteenth-centurysourcenamesthe cult house
thunder-t-,odunSo, or Hevioso, whosc cult is controlled by the priest of the sea-god situatedrvithin the grounds <lfthe English firrt as that of 'Nabbakou,the titular god
Hu, the Hunon, and whose principal shrine is located within the Hunon's com- of the place', while a ninetcenth-centuryaccount refers to a shrine of 'the King's
pound in Sogbadji. This aggregation of the sea- and thunder-deities\!as not fetish rnupoo', located in 'the back yard of the fort'.I'r'] These names represent
unique to C)uidah,alsooccurring in thc Dahomian capitalAbomcy,although there Nana-Buruku and Mawu, both lbrms of the supreme creator-deitl, the fbrmer
it is Hevioso who is supcrior in statusand Hu subordinate.On the other hand, it conventionallyregardedas parent to the latter, and thc referenccis clearlv to the
does not appear in the form of thc uodunreligious tradition rvhich was transmitted Mawu cult practiscdin Sogbadiiquarter, as mentioned earlier.Thc 'fctish' <lf'the
b1, the slave trade to Haiti, where the sea- and thunder-deities remain distinct, French fbrt probably alludes to some 'sacred trees' near the fort, which are mcn-
which arguably suggeststhat the combination occurred in Africa relatively recently, tioned in another eightecnth-century source, and may be identified with Huntin
only after the difl'usionof thesecults to the Caribbean.r2eWhether thc combination (silk-cotton)treesstill visibleat the site, although no longer the object ofany active
originatcdin Ouidah and was diffused from thcre to Abomev or the borrowing was cult.lr{ Other shrines are shorvnon the 1776 map outside the built-up areaof the
in the oppositedirection is a matter for speculation.Its occurrencein Dahomey is to$'n; on<: of these, towards the south-west, corrcsponds at least roughlv in its
of great interest, since such combinations of originally distinct deities rvithin a location to the oldest shrine of the sea-godHu, in what is nowadaysMaro quarter.
single temple are characteristicof other Afro-Amcrican religious traditions, such as Otherwise, there arc only fragmentary ref'erences,and few cvcn of these before the
Brazilian candomblf.It is vcry' likely that Dahomian practice provided a precedent nineteenthcentury. An accountof 1776 refers to the god of thunder, i.e. Hcvioso,
and source for such composite cults in Brazll, as argued by Luis Nicolau;rrr) and more virguell'the vcncrationof treesand rivers; the god of smallpox(Hwesi or
although conceivablv also the two casesmay represent parallel but independent Sakpata)is mcntioned incidentallyin the recordsof the English firrt in l8l2l and
responsesto a similar situation of demographic heterogeneity bringing together the foundcr-hero Kpase is mentioned fbr the first time in the lll40s.rr5Frlr any-
different religioustraditions within a singlecommunity and cven within individual thing approachinga comprehensiveaccountwe haveto wait until the 1860s,in the
households. accountof Burton, although evcn this is not very clear in distinguishingreligious
It is difficult to test the traditional account of Ouidah religion against practice at Ouidah :rnd elsewherc in Dahomct: 1-his provides, fbr example, the
contemporary sourcesof the pre-colonial period, that are generally not verv illumi- earliestclear allusion to the generic serpent-deityDan, as distinct from Dangbe,
nating on the religious life of the town. The one element that attracted rcgular and his particular fbrm as the rainbow; Aidohuedo, and the first referencesof any
'snake-god' Dangbe, described by sort to the Nesuhwe cult (although with reference to the capital Abomey; rather
notice and commentary was the cult of the
virtuall_'*everl' European visitor to Ouidah. This was generallv recognized as than Ouidah), irnd to more purely localOuidah deitiessuch as Kpate and Aizan.r16
'I'he
deriving fiom prc-Dahomian dlys, although Dangbe's shrinc in Ouidah, in the principal public fbstivalsfor z,oluntook place at thc bcginning of'the vear,
main square across from the residence of the Yovogan, wlls a new foundation. following thc anccstral rites of the huetunu (and after the public version of thcse,
Tradition recalls that there was originallv one sacred python regarded as chief of celebrated at the capital Abomey for deceasedkings, known to l.uropeans as thc
'Annual (,ustoms');Burton rcf-crred
the others, called Ahwanba, who however became
'invisible' during the colonial to the 'Whvdah fetish f6tes' as taking place'in
-l'hese
period; nineteenth-centurvsourcesconfirm that this chiefserpentthen still existed l)ecembcr itnrl -fanuarr''.r17 fcstivitiesbegan with sacriflcesirt the shrine of
and rvas paradcd on ceremonirl occasions.rrrl)lng5be rvas thc mtlst popular,
" r l l r r r t , , n ,l l r " r , , r ,i r , L i ( r .l - { l
l " \ r r r r i s . l I t u t r r t , . 1 2\;\ \ l \ l S , - J , r s e pIh) r l s o n , ( ) u i c l a h , - l J a Inf.l ( r 5 .
1 r 8S a n d r a l l a r n e s , " l - h c o r g i r n i z a t i o n o t ' c u l t u r a l t l i r e r s i t r i n p r e c o l o n i r l c o r t s t l l c o r r t r t t r t n i t i c so l - \ \ ' c s t , \ t i i c t ' , r'r'\\f
. ( . ( r / 1 7 . ( i o t r r g , ' \ l i r r r o i r t p o t r r s r t r i r d ' i t t s t r r r c l i o n r L r l ) i1r 7
c c9 tl c; cufr.'J, u s t i n l r a k r m b i , L a R o u
papcr prcsrnied at thc \nnual \{cetingol the .\liicrrr Strrtlics.\ssocirtion, l()()l , l t ' t t ' l ' t i t \ , u t I l t u n t( ( . o t ( ) n o r r . r lr l l ( ) ( ) l l ) ,l 7 l S
lr" (iu['rin llotrtilrrs, I)rn.\ (n ltitf)ir( ''
I ) t ( . h r r r c r r r tl ( I l r r l h t . ' l l , l h r r , , r r r ' .I l . ; { , l ' } t ( 1 . l l l l / 1 l ( r . 1 l,) r r l i x r k , \ \ ' i l l i r n t ' sl i o r t , J l n . I f e b . l t i l 2
( t l r , , t , l t t l ' l r . r \ n r ( n t \ t ot l r ( l ( l r r l r t r r c t r . r s r r s rr trr. .rrl l r r r g t l r e r r ( i r : r(r.rrtrl s l o l l l i r r t h es n t r l l n r r r r n t ol t h c r t l i s -
( r t l s ) . l / ! , , r t r t t } t , l t t t , r r ' , t 'l i l ! , ' t , t , u t t t l u t t t \
. f e j t ( , r i l t l o r D l r l i ' . i r r . l , , ' c ( . r r r t D \ l { r ' n5t rr r r r l r r l r tl . , r l i t . r t t , r t , t s r :) , l o t h 1 ' . r . , r , , .l lr rr r r , \ , r r . r r , r r r
, l u r r r rt4h t . \ ' l t i , / r , r , / ,( \ r n l l t t t t t . r r tl ,, \ | , . ' l l l l i ) l l r tt t ,' n I l r ' ' r ' , , rr r I i ' l\
\ 1 , r 1 , , ,I l t c t , t r l,r r ' l t l r r l r r r t r ' .l l l . l l , , r r l,r r , \ , 7 ' r l r ' . i r / ' t r
 Dahomian Ouidah Dahomian Ouidah
Kpate, whose precedenceis traditionally explained as due to his role as the initiator less frequently in the twentieth century);ra2it is the latter which was revived and
of trade with the Europeans and thereby in the introduction of imported brandy, elaborated in the 1990sas the principal festival ofaodun, now held annually. Pre-
which is rcgularly used in the rites for other gods. The main ceremonies were colonial accounts do not clearly make this distinction, and this suggeststhat the
processions called gozin ('water iars'), so named because they involved the nature of the ceremonies has changed over time. An eighteenth-century source
collection of water in iars from sacredrivers near the town. Recent tradition recalls refers to an annual festival for the god of sea, to attract European commerce to
that these involved public rites for fbur deities - Dangbe, Hu, Kpase and Zo' Ouidah, u.hich inyolved rites at the beach, where two human sacrifices were
although when thev were revived, after many yearsofneglect, in 1948,only proces- thrown into the sea.Burton in the 1860s,however,describesthe priest of Hu as
sions for Dangbe and Hu were conducted.lls No contemporarv source records processingto the seato offer sacriFrces 'at stated times' (perhaps
implying that this
these ceremoniesin full, but there are occasionalallusions. Annual processionsfor ceremony was no longer performed every year), and specifiesthe offerings made as
Dangbe were held in the Hueda kingdom, at the capital Savi, prior to the 'rice and
corn, oil and beans,cloth, cowries, and other valuables',with no mention
Dahomian conquest, and these were evidentli- now transposedto Ouidah, although of human sacrifices.ra3 Additionally, King Gezo (1818-58) instituted a 'cusrom' ar
perhaps in an attenuated form. European observers under Dahomian rule noted the capital Abomey, known to E,uropeansas 'firing to Ouidah', which involved
the performance of an annual processionby Dangbe devoteesto collect water from soldiersstationedat intervalsalong the road south to Ouidah beach firing muskets
thc lagoon to the south, referring evidentlv to the gozin ceremonv in January.l3e in succession(and back again),and it appearsthat this was also connectedwith the
Tradition in Ouidah recalls that there rvere also formerly two other public worship of the sea;at least,one observerunderstoodthat it involved 'some cere-
'suppressed'under French rulc: one calledadi
ceremoniesfor Dangbe, which were monv about a bottle of seawater, going to the King'.1#
mime ('ordeal by burning'), in which pcrsons who had offended the deity were Some of the xotlun cults maintained establishments(nowadayscalled 'convents')
confined in a hut, which was set on fire, and the offenders were pursued and stoned in which devotees,especially young girls, were required to spend several months
in their flight from there to the sacredriver south of the town; and another when the receiving ritual instruction.la5The system served both as a source of income for the
senior sacredpython Ahwanba was carried around the town in a hammock, during priesthood, since the girls were releasedback to their families only upon paymenr
which members of the generalpublic had to remain indoors and Dangbe's devotees of a fee, and to secure control of their labour during their confinement. European
could seizeany animalsfbund in the streets.l{)Theseceremoniesare also attested sourcesgenerallv describe this practice in relation to the cult of Dangbe. In Hueda
(although evidently not fully understood)in accountsof the pre-colonialperiod. before the Dahomian conquest, I)angbe's devoteesused to range the streetsof Savi
Duncan, for example, in May 1845 witnessed a caseof persons accusedof killing overnight to seize girls from their homes for the cult's convents; but Burton
'the nearest
sacredsnakesbeing required to run the gauntlet from a burning hut to reported that such'excesses'were no longer practisedunder Dahomian rule.la6
running water', although he interpreted this as an ad hoc punishment rather than One striking f'eatureof accountsof religious practice in pre-colonial Ouidah is a
an annual ceremony; and he was also told that this would be followed l3 days later silence:the lack of referenceto masqueradesassociatedwith'secret societies'.Such
by a day during which all dogs, pigs and forvl found in the streets were killed and masqueradeswere prominently visible in other coastaltowns in the region, where
eaten, alluding evidently to the ceremonial parading of Ahwanba, but which he they playecl a significant political as well as religious role: notably Zangbeto in
'custom or holiday ... for the deceasedsnakes';and Rlrbes in
understoodto be a Porto-Novo and Badagry, which patrolled thc streetsagainst thieves at night.l{7
May 1850 reported a ceremonyperformed overnight, when L'uropeanswere told Tangl:eto has existed in ouidah in recent times, but is almost certainly a recent
that they and their servantsshould not go out or evenlook out ofthe window,again importation.r+8Likewise Irgungun, a masqucraderepresentingspirits of the dead
clearly Ahwanba's annual outing. The latter ceremony, however, seems to have (and known in Fbn as Kutito, 'ghosts'), which is of lbruba <lrigin and is practised
been in decline alrcady in the nineteenth century: Catholic missionaries in the by persons of Yoruba descent in Ouidah, is probably of recent emergence;another
1860sheard that the parading ofthe sacredpython, although an annual event in Ytrrubamasquerade,Gelede, is cxplicitly said to have been initiated in Ouidah only
'every three years', one instancc tlf its celebration
earlier times, was now held only
Lrr.Sinou & ,.\gbo, (/arla},
77, dcscribed on thc hasis of ceremonics pcrfirrmcd in l9tt7.
b e i n gi n 1 8 6 8 . ' + ' ril Itrttttcrrt,
l)cvriptron, l()9; llurton,.llrsrror, ii, l.ll.
The ceremony for Hu as revivcd in 1948 also involved a proccssionto collect r'{ l'R(), Ir()lJ+/lili6,
l i n s c r , l h i l \ n ) c n ) ( ' r i l r ) ( l al,{ ) \ o r ' . l l l 5 l . I r o r b e s r l s o u n t l c r s t r x r d t h a t t h e f i r i n g t o C ) u i t l a h
water from a river south of the town. Tradition als<lrecalls a distinct ceremonv r t : t r ' r s i f r r l t t o t h el r t t i s h o l t l r t ( i r c r t \ \ ' . r t t r s , o r ( i o d o f l i r r c i g n ' l i l d c ' : I i r r b c s , D a h o m t v , i . 1 8 .
'going to the beach', whcn water wils collcctccl fronr thc sca itsclf,
calledhuta./q),i, ' 1 . . q .\ t l . r r r r r ,
l l t u t r l ' , , 7 { l - 1 .l l r r r t o r r , l l r i r a , z ,i i , l 5 l . 1 .
which is said to havc becn pcrformcd origin:rllvcverv scvcn vcrrrs(rrlthoughmuch '" ffrrsrrr.rr.
| ) t , , t t l t t r t t u ,i 7 l I , l l r r r r o r r ,l l r ' , r , , a .i . t r 9
" l l l ' l l , , t t . s , ' t t ,' l l t \ l r ' r ( ( l ( r \ t l r \ . r t r i r r l , Z , r r r q l r t o r r \ o g l r r n t r ( | o r t o N r r r o ) t l c s o r i g i n c s i i n o s j o u r s '
* i t h r l t s t r i p t i o t t o l l h c l ( ) ' { l lt e r c t t t t t t t i t s , L i . 1 { r , l . l l i ' l . l
l 1 8A g b r r , l l i s t o i r c . l 3 2 ( \ l c t t t , , t t t r l l r t . t t l r t s r ' I. \ l t , l ( , 8 r 1 , \ r l r ' l r o r r ( ) r t . s . r l r r r . ' l l r t . l r r r r i r r rrrrr( ! t ( . \ o nZ r n g b c t o : t h t ' n r r s k c d v i g i -
rt''l)rrtttcltt.I)tr.rtf,ltott, l(l(r 7, lirrttlrt..\'r'lrt,rl', i()'l (r l . t t r l rs i t , , r t 1 ' . t t t t , ,l lt rt rt i( ) y ' r tr t t l l . r r l . r y ' t r 'r.r { r ( ) ( ) l l r r r r t r r r r t . r l ( r ' t l r ) ,l l a , l t r ! 1 (' l l r r t l r r r ,l ( ) ( ) . 1 ) , 1 6753 ;
r " ' \ g l , r , ./ / r ' t r l r , I l / t l i \ o r l r r r r r r( r r l r l , , r r rl .l . r , l . t t r r l' .. ' i '
,
f r l ) r l l ( , r r .l r r t t l , . r . l r ) r i l , , r l x s .l ) t h , , u , 1 . r t l. , l l , r r r , l r r\ ., 7 ' t r r , , i ' ) l i . i ' ) l
" l ) , ' , r r l , , , Il ' r l l , r ' , l . r r r ' ,l ) t h , , n , , | , l ' t

, ,I
 Dahomian Ouidah Dahomian Ouidah
in l9l3.r+eThe Dahomian monarchy appearsto haveforbidden such masqucrades, customs-posts.r55 Such religiousmendicancydid not servc for the relief'of poverty
presumably becausethev representedan independent source of power that might but to enrich the pricsthood; as Fbrbcs observed,'thev who are initiated har,'egrear
threaten royal authoritl'.r5r)The night-watch in Ouidah, as noted later, was main- power,and cxactmuch in return', citing a proverbthat'the poor are not initiated'.rs
'Ihe
tained instead b1' the central authorities,by soldiers of the local garrison. Also practiccof seizinggirls f'rrruttlun'convents'wasevcn conceptuallvassimilatcc
notable is the absenceof any institutionalized system for thc detection and execu- to thc slavc trade, their redcmption bv thcir families being rcfcrred ro rs 'selling
tion of witches,such as cxisted for examplein Badagry.rsrltis not that witchcraft slaves'( ba nnumonsisa\.ti1
or sorcery (the distinction is not clearly made in local usage, which ref'ers 1'he highly syncretisricreligioussvstemof l)ahomian ouidah did n.t grow up
unspecificallvto 'black maglic', aze)wasnot a causeof concern, but it was countcred altogetherhaphazardly,but reflectedin some measurethc policl' of the Dahomian
'fradition
by indir,idual investmentin apotropaiccharms, rather than by collectiveaction. state. rccallsthat the Dahomian kings pursued a svstemaricpolicl whcn
This too may reflect the concern of the Dahomian monarchy to suppressinstitu- conquestswcrc made, of 'purchasing' the l<lcalreligious cults, among specific
tions that might fbrm the basis of an autonomous power. At thc same time, the instancescitcd being those of Dangbe, purchasedby Agaja aftcr his conquesrof
social function of witchcraft accusationsin exprcssing commercial and political Hueda, ancl Hu, acqr.rircdsubsequentlvbJ"Itgbesu.rss Although this policf is
competition, as sugg;estedfor other coastal trading communitics such as Old explained as a means of securing thc support of thc t,tttlun rpprtLpriated
Calabar,r5rwas filled in Dahomcy bJ' the mechanism<lf denunciation t<lthe king. presumablvit also scrved to securethe allegianccof their human fbllorvers.'I'his
The religious system of Ouidah reflccted not only the historical origins of its aspectt)1'thematter was explicitlv perceivedb]' contemporarvEuropeanobservers
heterogene<lus population, but also the particular characterof its urban way of lif'e. one of whom in the 1770s attributed Dahomev's successin reconciling and
This is most obvious in the prominence of the sea-deities,which rcflcctcd the assimilatingconquereclpeoplcs to Agaja's policv of 'tolerating his new subjccts
importanceof maritime commerce(and lagoonfishing) in the local economv.More lvith the fl'ee exerciscol their various superstitions',rcferringlspecificalll'to the
gcnerally,the Dan cults are associatedwith rvealth,and thus appropriate to a cult of' Dangbe at ouidah: 'Thc remnant of thc whydahs who had escapedthc
commercial centre. This applied especiallyto the rainbow-serpent Aidohuedo, who edge of IAgaja's] sword werc abundantlv thankful to him, firr pcrmitting rhem to
'Popo' (or 'aggrev') bcads regardedas symbolic of wealth (and
is linked rl,'iththe continuc in the enj<lvmentof their snake-wrlrship.'r5')
'makes the
thought to derive from thc serpent'sexcrement):as flurton noted, he The l)ahomian authorities also intervened to regulatc and modify the local
Popo beadsand confcrs wealth upon man'.lsiIt has also been suggestedthat thc hierarchr of'dcities.'I'hey did not scck, howcver;to promotc a unifilrn.rl)ahomian
prevalence<tf hocyochirrms in Dahomey reflccts a state of insccuritv and disem- panthcon but adjustccltheir policies to the l<lcalsituation. In Ouidah, as n1;ted
powerment createdbv thc Atlantic slavetrade.l5lHowcver,it is not clear that this earlier,thcv recognizedthc scniority'ofthe cxisting deiticsHu, I)angbe,[]wesi and
analysiscould appl-vto Ouidah, whose inhabitantswerc beneficiariesrather than z<t. and the prin-racvof Hu am()ng these four. other cults, including those
victims of'the slavetrade;althoughcertainlynot exempt from the threat of enslave- introduced under l)ahomian rulc, ucrc assiglnedto thc authoritv <lf thcir priests,
ment and saleoverseas(in iudicial punishmcnt),they were lcssvulnerableto it than each of nhom'had a jurisdiction given b_l Abomcy ovcr other fcrishcsl16.filr
the populationsin the interior that were the victims of Dahomian raids.F-eelings of example,Mawu in Ouidah f'ellunclerthe authority of the l{unon ancl N1aseundcr
insecurity in Ouidah might have derived from the perceivcd arbitrary nature of the that of the Zonon. Religiousactivitv was also subject to day-to-clavregulation.In
Dahomian state and the undependabilitl" of prcferment received fiom it, or Itl97 it was recalled that 'during the Dahomian occuparion, the f'etishcrsrvere
perhapsfrom the unccrtirintiesof thc market economvin general,rather than fiom placcd uncleran active supervisionofthc king's agents';after the French takeover
the slavetrade in particular. theserestraintswcrc removed,ancl thc 'f-etishers'rvcrc initiallv ablc rcl pcrpetrate
partiallv com-
The provision of religious, as well as other servicesin Ouidah r,r,'as seriousabuscs<ln thc populaticln,including 'arrcsts,confiscations,,"p"r;, tiris last
mercialized,or at leastmonetized.Begging {br corvries,in return firr bcnedictions, rcferring probablr.to the seizureof girls for aodun'convents'.rr,r According to tradi-
u,asa featureof religiousfestivalsand merchantscntering thc town werc expected tion, supcrrision of religious cults in Dah<lmevwas among the functions of the
to makc clonationsat shrines rvhich clustcrcd fbr this purprtseclosc to the roy'al ,'\jrho,ir scnior oflicial of'thc roral palacc(hcad of the king's cunuchs);in ouiclah,
this is confirnteclbt il contcmporirr-rreferencc,in 1810,to ir visit bl'the Aiaho to
\ d r n d i , ' l , e , r y k f ur i O u i d a h :n r i e u xr r u t t r r d q u c
l r ! l r a l l e t a l . , ' ' l ' v p o l o g i e 't,t 0 - l t t ( l i r r F , g u n g u n ) ; . f o s c pr h
j a m a i s 'i,n { l c r i s , \ d a n d t (' e d . l ,O u i r l u ht i I r t r t r t s t sf i t t sr ' tf t t n D r u n ( r .nf n r / t a l r ( ( i r l o n o r r ,l ( r ( r - 56) 5
, ll2. r"
I " r r r l r t s .l ) , r h , ' w r 1 , , i i . . 1 , l l r r r t , r n . l l r r r r r l . i . ( r r
1 ' "B r r i l l i i z r o l t f u L n f d n l , 2 1 . l '
l i r r t l r ts . l ) t h , , t r t , t . t . i )
r t ' S o r c n s e (ni i l r r r o r r r . ' l J r d r q r lr.'l-( l + . I f r r . f , ' r r r r . l ) . t L ,u t . t r t l :
'l.t 'li
fltrrrr,.l l u . t , , tl i , , t , r t , ' , , l,l l . ' i lltt
l+() ()0. \ , r r r r . , . 1 l , r r r , , r r ', . l l l , r r
r"
l l t t r l r r n . l l i , , r , , a .r r l l S \lrrl,, llr,r.rr,l",trlrrlrr.l, I
'r \ , ' , l r r r r . r t rt , , , r . r l l r r ' . t , , r r . r r r r l' ll lrrr,, t r . r r r , '
ltlrcr. l/rr.tu L'1r,,t.,lr | \\ll ll I I r' l i r 1 ' 1 ' , , tr 'r , , , r , r , , ' , l , L , r L , ,, tl r , , r r rl \ i / , { )rrrrr.rrr

qtl
rJ
 Dahomian Ouidah
'superintend' a religious ceremony.162
The principal cults also received royal
patronage.In the 1770sit was noted that the king provided clothing for two leading
todunnon (priests) in Ouidah (presumably those of Hu and Dangbe), and allowed
them the sum of 80 licres (i.e. 32,000 cowries) fbr each European ship that traded
there.163Tradition recallsthat the king also'authorized'the sacrificeannually of a
bull to Hu and to Hwesi; and Burton confirms that the temple of Dangbe was
'Annual Customs' at Abomey, by the Yovogan,who gave
visited annually, after the
'for the
a bullock and other animals to the priest, who in return offered prayers
King, the country, and the crops'.101 Burton also reported that the king'at times'
sent a human sacrifice to Hu, who was taken out in a canoe and thrown into the
sea; one such occasion specifically recorded was in 1860, as part of the funeral
ceremoniesftrr Gezo.loi
The European presencein Ouidah compounded the town's religious pluralism
'aodun of the whites', in the form of Christianity; the French
by introducing the
and Portugueseforts normally included a Roman Catholic priest among their per-
sonnel, although the Protestant English did not maintain any religious establish-
ment. These priests, however, existed to serve the l,uropean community, rather
than making any attempt to evangelize local people. In the nineteenth century,
when the chapel within the Portuguese fort alone remained functional as a centre
of Christian worship, the kings of Dahomey recognizedChristianity along with the
African cults, transmitting through the Yovogana gift of oil and rum to the chapel
every year on the feastof St John the Baptist (patron of the fort), 24 June,but there
is no documentation of this practice in the eighteenth centurv.r66
Administration
Within Dahomey, responsibility for administration, under the king, was shared by
'chiefs', the Migan (or, in eighteenth-century sources,'Temigan')
the two principal
and the Mehu. Of these, it was the Migan who was senior in status and conse-
'prime minister'. The Mehu,
quently usually referred to by Europeans as the
however,had responsibility for finance and commerce,and it was therefore he who
was primarily concerned with matters relating to European trade and hence with
Ouidah. This was reflected in arrangementsfbr provincial administration. Tradi-
tion recalls that Tegbesu divided responsibility for the newly conquered territories
to the south between the Migan and the Mehu, giving the formcr charge of the
former kingdom of Allada and the latter of Hueda; and this arrangemcntis con-
firmed by an account of the 1770s,which clescribesthe provincial governor of
'second'of'thc N'ligan,rrnd thc lirvogan of Ouidah as
Allada, thc Aplogan, as the
r n r l V l i r u r i c cA h a n h a n z o ( i l i ' l i ' , L t l ) r n . n n t t l l > r r r r sl.( . 1 7 ' l )7. 5 . l ' l l ( ) . ' 1 7 0 l I I { r . 1 ,| ) r r l i r o k . \ \ i l l r r n r ' s I i r r t , 5 . f u n c
l r Jl 0 .
r " ' I ) c ( . h c r r tr t ' r t N l l r r l l c t . ' l ' l c l l tr i o r r s ' .7 i
r " ' \ l t ' r l , r , ' l I t c t . t t t l r t t l ( t r ( l r r \ l ( ' . l r . l r l . l l r lt lr,l \r1) /t ,t ,. r , r . r , r l
r ' l l t t r l o n . l l r ' , r , , r t. r , I I l , \ \ \ l \ l \ , l i r r r . r r l , (, .) r t t , l . t l.r" ) \ , , r
" ' f f , , r g l r , r , , , ' l { , l , r t r ,n' rl ,r '' n. , u t l . . ' 1 ,l .l r t r l , , r rl l r , , r , , r r r i
rrs
Dahomian Ouidah
'second' of the Mehu.l67The Yovogan was not only responsibleto, but actually
appointed by the Mehu, subject to confirmation by the king.r68Europcans some-
times described the Yovogan as the third person in the kingdom (under the king),
ranking immediately after the Migan and Mehu;r6ebut this must be a misunder-
standing, due to the fact that the Yovogan was the official with whom Europeans
dealt, since logically the Aplogan, as the 'second' to the Migan, would rank third,
and the Yovoganonly fourth.
No Dahomian king (with the possible exception of Agaja, in the original
conquest)ever visited Ouidah; indeed, Europeansunderstood that the king was
forbidden by a religious taboo from seeingthe sea.r70 Even visits by the Mehu were
infrequent. The records of the English fort in the second half of the eighteenth
century mention only six occasionswhen the Mehu came to Ouidah: in 1756, to
install a new Yovogan1'in1770 to aid againstattack from Little Popo; in 1772,to
negotiate peace with Popo; in 1778, to transmit a complaint from the king about
the lack of ships coming to trade; and in 1780and 1784,on businessunspecified.rT
Day-to-day administration was therefore left to the locally resident viceroy, the
Yovogan.As seen in the last chapter, a 'viceroy' for Ouidah was first appointed by
Agaja in 1733,but the indigenoustitle of the first three incumbents,down to 1745,
was Tegan. The last of these was killed in a rebellion against Tegbesu, a circum-
stancethat probably accounts {br the suppressionof the title. The title of Yovogan
is first recorded as held by this man's successor,appointed apparently in late 1745;
it remained standard thereafter,except that that of Tegan was revived for one very
short-lived viceroy, during 1755.t'2
Local tradition records the name of the first Yovogan as Dasu (Dass<lu);since
this man is said to have been appointed by Tegbesu, this must rcfcr not to the first
viceroy appointed,with the title Tegan, in 1733,but to the first to hold the specific
title of Yovogan, who held office in 1745-55. Tradition recalls the names of only
four subsequent Yovogan who held office prior to the accessionof Gezo in llJltl:
Gb6d6le, S6kplon, Bassoand Adjossogb6,of whom the last is to be identified with
the Yovoganwhose death was noted in a contemporary report in ltl23. However, it
is explicit that this is not a complete list but records only those who held office for
a significant lcngth of time.l73Contemporary sources show that a much larger
number of personsheld the title of Yovogan(or, as noted above,in onc case,Tegan):
1 " 7L c I l c r i s s i ' , L ' . l n t i t n R o 1 ' s v n t r '' ,1 0 4 l ; d c C h e n e v e r t & B u l l c t , ' R 6 f l e x i o n s ' , 5 2 .
"'^ \'irllon,'l,crovirumcticI)rhomey', I / 3 - 5 5 ; B u r t o n , . 4 4 r . r s i a z , i ,I 0 0 .
" " \ l ' l , c t x l , I l t 1 ' u . q t1. l I l u r t o n , , l I n . r i a z , i , I 0 0 , 2 2 5 - 6 .
'
l ) r u r r e r r r ,I ) t s t r i p t r o n ,l ( r l ; l l i r r u d , ' N o t e s u r l c l ) a h o m 6 ' , 3 7 7 .
'f'l{(), 170/ll5li, ll60 62, 1)arlixrl,\\'illianr'slirrt,N,lav-.funeli56,
1 7 A u g . 1 7 7 2 ,1 3 J u l v 1 7 7 2 , 1 2 N o v
l 7 ; S . l l l ) t t . l 7 f i 0 ,l J S c p t 1 7 l l { .
'
l l r r s r r r r r rl r t l t l o l l i t r ' l o r o n l r r l t r r r r r o n l l r s l: ' l { ( ) , ' l ' 7 0 l l l - 5 t t , I ) t l l l o o k , \ \ r i l l i a m ' sR r r t , M a r c h A p r i l &
\l.n lrrrrr'lTii,rtlcrrnlt,,'tlr(rrtu'liq.rrrot\itttor,thrKinghavingkillcdthcoldl')uhegahlYovoganlor
\ r r r t o r ' . l r t t t s l r , ,ttl t . t l t , t r r , t t r l ' t ' , ' t l r ( n r ' \ r l r r l r c q . r l r o r \ i r ' < ' r o t . t h c K i n g h r v i n g k i tl lhcct 'l l ' c g a n ' .
l{rrrrrr,()rrrrl.rlr',rl,li(,((,.Ill,l' l\.'i(orn|l.rrrsorrrrrtlrcorrttrrrPor:rrrrccords(strntntarizc
t l r r ' , l r . r 1 , t , | ) \ r l l r \ t t l r . r t { ' 1 , , , 1r r, rl , l \ , l 1 ' 1 , ' r r r r r r r ' l r l l r r r l l r r t i l l t t l n i t l r t h t \ o r o ( l n r r h o h c l d o l l l c
Isl,ll I t ' l \ . r r r r l | , I I ' l ' , , t l r, ' l s l r , , n r \ t , I ' r r , , r r r l l,rl r , , l r r r l l l r , r o l r r . r t r r r .r r. lr r r s t su. l r i l r ' l l r r s s ror r l r l r t . t l r t
\ , , r , ' r. r r ,r r n r ' , , r r t ,r ,r lrI r I
 f)ahomian Ouidah
no f'ewerthan l3 down to thc 1780s,manv of whom held office onlv very bricfll,.
Ilowever, ther,record the namesof only tlv<.1 clf these:'Bocco B:rmbia',who held
oflice briefly in l7-5-5,and'Honnou', serving in l76l-8, and ncither of these are
recalledin the traditions.rT{
l'hc lov<lgan administeredOuidah in conjunction n'ith subordinate<lfficials,
the senior irmong whom Ibrmed a sort of governing council: onc L,uropeanobserver
describedthe town as governedbv a'senate'.r7s From thc 17.{0s,thc administrative
structure was elaborated through the creation of further offices, a processthat b1'
implication involved the separationof functions earlier combined in the hands of
the viceroy.This policy may have bcen a responseto the rebellion of the third
'Iegan
in l7-1.5,which illustrated thc danger of allowing too nruch power to be
exercisedby a singlc person.Around the beginningof l7-16,pcrhapsas part ofthe
reconstructionof the administration in the aftcrmath of this rcbcllion, Tegbesu
carried out a purge of existing mcrchantsat Ouidah and reorganizedthc conduct
of trade therc. This important evcnt is bcst describedin the lvords of-a contem-
porary Europcanreport:
'lhe
King of thc l)ahomets has had all the black mcrchants lcft herc with whom anvthingl
could be donc beheadcd, firstlv to seize their eff'ects,and in second place in order to do all thc
'I'enrigan
trade himsell, through thc mcdium of and Mehou, his two principal ministcrs, who
each have t$o or threc bols hcrc, through whose hands ever-v-thingpasses,and who do not darc
t o d c v o t e t h c m s e l v e st o t h e i r o w n a c c o u n t , i n f e a r o f s u f f l r i n g t h c s r m e f i t c a s t h o s e w h o w e r e
trading bclbrc thr:m, so that the result ol'all this is that, apart liom
pcoplc, rvho llonc do thc trade, there renuins onl,r a troop of thicvcs ancl brigands, rvho livc
onh frtm plundcr, lnd nibblc it us everv dav ... in short if \ou have goods to scll, 1'oumust
givc thenr at thc pricc thcl wish, or elsc rcsolve to kecp thcm, since !'ou c:ln no longcr scll
except to his merchantsalone.li"
The precise significance of this rcorganization is open to debate. Akinjogbin
suggestedthat thoseexecutedwerc private merchantswho had infringed the king's
monopoly of trade;r77 but the wording of the report implies that they were rather
royal officials who had engagedin illicit private trade. In either casc,Tcgbesu's
intention to reassertroyal monopolv control of trade is clear.The statementthat
thc new traders were appointed by the N'Iiganand Mehu jointll mav' be a mis-
understanding,or alternativell,'the arrangementwas subsequentlyrevised,sinceb1,
the 1770sthe king's traders were understood to be under thc authority of the
Mehu alclne.rT'J What is not in doubt is that the group of ror':rltraders crcatedin
1746 remained in place thereafter,into the nincteenth centur)'. An account relating
to the 1750s-60s observedthat the king of Dahomcy maintaincdfour or five traders
at Ouidah who sold only his slaves;they wcre still rccognisablcin lli50, when
r a P R O , ' l ' 7 { ) / l l - 5 f i ,l ) a v l } t x r k , \ \ ' i l l i r m ' s l i r r l , \ l r r . l r r n e
r c s c t r l t h c h o r r o r i l i u l i l l e I I u n n o n , ' n t r s t t r o l s l t i p s ' , r r l r i t h u r s h e l t l b r r t l c r r l o r r c l . r t u r ' | o r o g r n ( l ) a g b r r ,i n
t l r c r r i n c l e c r tht ( c , ) !u r \ ) : l ) ; r g b r r /, . a O , ,l l L , t n t t t l , t u t l t i l r . . \ , \ .
l : i l { o b c t l s o t t .\ r / r ' ' . l ( , 1 .
'" \\1,(.(r,/.1/r.
I r r < r . ( ) r r i t l . r Il rl .i b Ii1t,
\ l i r j , , ; r l ' r r rI ,) t h , ' u 111. l . ' ,
' l ) r ( l r r r r r r r r\t l l r r l l , t l { r l l r r r , , r r \' ,
l{xl
Dahomian Ouidah
Forbesrefcrrcd to'six tradersor superintendants oftrade appointedbv the king'.r7e
'l'he
membership of this group of royal mcrchants is only partlv known, and
evidently changedover time. A French account of the 1770snamcs trvo of thcm,
listing thc oflicialsat Ouidah u,ho were secondrrnd third in rank aftc.rthe )bvogan
a s ' C o c q , l " K i n g ' s m c r c h a n t ' a n d ' B o u i l l < l na, l s oK i n g ' s m e r c h : l n t ' . r 8T0h c f i r s t o f
thesetitles is more commonly given in F,nglishsourcesas 'Cokc' or 'Coki'. In thc
records of the t,nglish fort, it is first clocumented in 1746, whcn it was probablv
newly created,and when the Coke is describedas 'a King's Councillor and his
special trader'; in latcr rcf'erences hc is called 'first councillor' and 'second
caboceer'to the Yovogan.rsrOther contemporary referencesconfirm the Coke's
rank as second'caboceer'of Ouidah;'Era Portugucsemissionaryin 1797named the
'secondcaboceer'as
"I'uli', but since this source does not mention thc Coke, this
was pcrhapsthe current Coke'spersonalname.rsiConsistentll'with this status,the
Coke is rcprlrtcd as deputizing filr the \bvogan when the latter was absent fiom
Ouidah;rs]and on at lcastthree occasions.when thc Yovoganclieclor was removcd,
it was the C<lkcwho was promotcd to succcedhim.lr't5 The office of'Coke survived
into the earlv nineteenth century, being rcgularly refcrrcd t<l in thc records of thc
English fort until its abandonmentin 1812. It is not documentcd later, however;
when Burton askedafter it in the 1860s,he was unable to find it,rs('and it is not
recalledin tradition nowadays.It was probably suppressedin a reorganizationof
commercialadministrationat C)uidahat the beginningof the reign of Gezo.
'l'crnigan's
and Mehou's T h e t i t l e o 1 ' t h es e c o n do f t h e ' k i n g ' sm e r c h a n t s ' i sc o m m o n l yg i v e na s ' B o n i o ' o r
' B u n i o ' i n E n g l i s hr e c o r d s I. t i s l i r s t
d o c u m e n t e di n 1 7 5 5 ,w h e n a ' n e w B o n i o ' w a s
appointed.rs;A later refcrenceconf-lrmshis status as 'third cabocccr'of Ouidah;
and on at lexst onc occasion,whcn the Coke was executed,thc 'Boni<.r'was pro-
moted to succeedhim.rr{rIn recordsof the French fbrt in the l7[J0s,it is this official
who is dcscribedas 'secondcaboceerofJuda', thc Coke not being mentioned;rse the
reasonfor this discrepancyis unclear,although a possibleexplanationis that the
'Illonio' had norv
becn assignedto deal with thc French fort specifically, whereas
I 7 " P r u n c a u , I ) ^ i n l r t i t , i l , 2 ( X ) ; l , i r r b c s ,D u h o m t y . i , l l l .
r*" I)c (lhcnevcrt & llullct, 'Rcflcrions'. 19.
'xr PRO.'l'70l704, Sundrr
Accounts, \\rilliam's Irort,-lrn. ,\pr. l7-16;'l'70lll5ll 9. l)av l}xrk, \\rilli;rn's |ort,
M a r c h , \ p r i l 1 7 . 5 5 , 2 7l \ { r r c h 1 7 6 5 .
r\/ANIi(l(r/26,(luillic,Ouidah, IAug. 1764|'(irqsccondguurcrneurdesnigrcs'l;
L)alzcl,Histort,,191.
r'' l)ircs, I rugtn. j0.
r n ' l ' . . g ., \ 1 ' l , e o d , I i r y t r . 4 r6' ,l l : ' t h c ( i r k e . . . w h o , i n t h e r b s c n c e
of-the livougah, was the ncrt cabocecr'.
'" PR(), f'70ll l60. '(.abocccr (irok, 'l'70/1161,28
'(.rbocctr (irkc
6.fuh l7(rll, n o r m a d c I , . u b e g a ho r V i c e r o v ' ; Fcb. 1771,
* h o r r r i r c t l t o s u p c r c c t l e l s i c l h i s p r c d c c c s s o rt h c V i c e r o l ' . I n l 7 7 t i t h e Y o v o g a n w a s c x c -
( u l ( ( l ( ) n t l r t l r r s i so l l t t r r s l t i o r r s l i r r n r h i s s u b o r t l i n r t c o t l i c c r s , t h c ( i r k e a n d t h c ' l r o o e l ' , a n d w a s s u c c e e d c d
'ortt ol
ll l t i s . r tt r r s l r s ' , p r c s r r n r r b l r ( i r l r : | ) a l z c l , I l r : t r t r y , l g J , .
1 7 . 5 5 ; N o r r i s l, l r n u r s . . i 7 . ' l l o r n o t r ' n r i r r i n f i r c t r c p ' ' ' l l t t r l r r t t , l l r " t , r l . t . { } ' )t t
'
l ' l t ( ) , ' l ; l ) / l l i S . l ) , r r l l , , , l , \ \ r l l r . r r r r ' s l ot r, \ l . r r . l r r r r leT i S , r t p o r t i n g l h er r r i r l l o l ' a ' l n c u l l o n i o . h c b e i n g
r r r , t r l r ' ( . . r 1 ' l r ' r t lrtr r t l r l l ' r r r ' , 1 l l r , , , , r l l , r r r r l r .r r l r o r s r r l r r \ r r c r o r ' l i r c c o l l r n r b i r ( c v i d c n t l r r p e r s o n a l
n . r r ( ) . l r r \ ( ( l t t t , . t t l t t, t t r t l r , . . . r r r \, r ' . r .t , r ' ( l l r ( ' rt t t l r r < r r . l I l ) o u l t ( ( \ t o t l r to l l i t t s o l \ i t c r o r r n d ( i r k c .
"l'R().l,(i l l r ' o . l ) . r r l l , ' , ' 1 . . ' , \ l , r r , l r l . r " . l , ( l l ' \ . 1 ) , r r l t , u , l . l r r l r\ r r q l l i l . ' l l r r . r r t . r r l i r n i o t h c o l h e r
l r t t t r i, l t . . r r r ( , , 1 ,
\\l ( l ' ' , . ( , , , r r r r '\ l , r r r " r r , t ' r , r r , , r \ r r ,r lr r , . r r r r , r r , ul ). rl r r r , r t r ' l , r ) l l l i r r t l , ' l ' l
lill
 Dahomian Ouidah Dahomian Ouidah
the Coke continued to handle relations with the English. In another F-renchrecord before the nineteenthcentury.leT In 1850all six 'traders appointedby the king'are
it is likewise this officer, rather than the Coke, who is describedas'commanding in named by Forbes; they still included the Boya, but only two of the other five are
the Yovogan's absence',although this may have been becausethe Coke was also identifiable with titles or family names still current: Aklassato and Tokpo, which
'Bonio' survived
then absent from Ouidah.reoUnlike that of Coke, the office of are the names of two Ouidah families, the first descendedfrom a man who is said
through the nineteenth century, being identifiable with the title Boya, recalled in to havebeen an 'assistant'to the first Yovoganappointed by Tegbesu, and the latter
local tradition. Tradition confirms that this office dates from the reign of Tegbesu, from a merchant who settled in ouidah under Gezo.le8Forbes elsewhere in his
'From
but also indicatesthat its importancewas enhancedunder Gezo after l8l8: account names Atind6hou and Bahini, but these were evidently no longer counted
the time of King Ghezo a Boya had a tight hand over all the slaves,and was in among the 'king's traders'.lee
charge of overseeingembarkation operations.'lelThe implication is that under The precise division of responsibilities between the Yovogan and the 'king's
Gezo the Boya replaced the Coke as the head of the royal traders. The office does traders'is not clearly explainedin the sources.The assumptionthat after 1746the
not seem to havc rcmained important in the second half of the nineteenth century, latter took over responsibility for the conduct <lf the king's trade, leaving the
but the title was perpetuated in the name of a familv descendedfrom the Boya wh<l Yovogan merely as the 'political Governor' of Ouidah, is logical but perhaps over-
held office under Gezo, and also of a quarter of the town which this man founded, schematic.2(x) The Yovogan as well as the'king's traders' in fact continued to figure
Bovasaramd,'Boya's Q-rarter',of which the family hcld the hereditaryheadship.r'rZ as a supplier of slavesto Europeans, and, although some of this trade mav have
A third'king's merchant'is named in recordsof the French fort in 1789,when been done on his personal account, on some occasionshe was clearly delivering
he was hcld responsible for the deportation of the fbrt's director Gourg and even slaves on the king's behalf.20rThe explanation may be that, although the actual
''finion'; and
physically assaultedGourg in the processof his forcible embarkation, trade was now conducted by the royal traders, slavesbelonging to the king might
'Teneu') in the Portugueseaccount of 1797, which
this name also appears (as be lodged in the Yovogan'sresidencewhile awaiting saleor shipment. The Yovogan
describeshim rather than the Boya as being the'third caboceer'of Ouidah.rerAn also remained responsible for the collection of duties on the export of slaves,the
'Alindehoo'; from com-
English account names the man who assaultedGourg as goods received in payment being likewise stored in his residence, prior to being
'Atindehoo',
parison with the other reports, this is presumably a miscopying of sent up to the capital.2oz
which is in fact the name of a family that still exists in Ouidah, Atind6hou, Under the Yovogan, there were junior officials posted to the European forts ro
'a
descendedfrom a man whom its traditions confirm was fbrmer functionary of collect these duties. Between 1728 and 1733 Agaja had maintained separare'cap-
King Tegbesu,assistantto a Yovogan'.re'+ In 1803 one of the'king's traders'was tains' for the three forts in Ouidah, thosc originally appointed being 'Ouroakaye' for
Johatoo', who in this capacity presided over a judicial hearing into allegations the English, 'Bagba' for the Portugueseand Alidji ('Alliguy') fbr the F-rench,but by
against a British merchant, but this name is not otherwise recorded.le5 Another 1733 Yansu ('Nangou') was serving as English 'captain' and 'Zonglar' for the
subordinate of ficial in the Ouidah administration documented in the late Portuguese.20l Although the contemporary account of the appointment of the first
'Fooey', although he is not specifically
eighteenth century (first in the 1770s)was Tegan as viceroy of Ouidah in 1733 implies that this office supersededrather than
'king's
dcscribedas one of the merchants'.r'16 supplementedthe separate'captains' frlr different European nations, later evidence
'king's traders' in this period cannot be identified in
The others who servedas shows that a form of the latter system was later revived. The records of the English
the contemporary record, althr-rughit is likely that some of them are mentioncd in fort in 1747 refer to an 'English Cabboceer',who assistedin securing the releaseof
it, among Dahomians named as selling slaves to Europeans, but without being r " 7R c y n i e r , ' O u i d a h ' , ' 1 9 .
explicitlJ' distinguished as trading f'or the king. Rccent tradition suggeststhat onc Iu8Ibid., 5.5.[forbesgivcs thcsenrmes as'Boh-ee-ah','Oh-klah-foh
'king's merchant' in thc eighteenth century was the to'Ipresumably miscopiedfor'Oh klah-
of those who served as a soh-toh'1,'Toh-poh'; the other three,which are not identifiableor attestedin anv othcr source,are 'Ah-boo-
'a
foundcr of the Bahini family, who is said to have been trader on the account of vch-mah','Goo-vah-moo'and l\h-hah-doh-moh toh'.
r"" Atind6hou is mcntioncd in lll49 as 'caboceer'for Fonsaramdquarter (discussed
King Agonglo [1789-97]'; but this name is not recordedin contemporaryaccounts bekrw). 'Baa-hee-ncc'is
listcd, ftrllorvingthc lixogan antl other Ouidah dignitaries,amongrecipientsofroyal bounty at thc Annual
rq'lAN F- ('6126, Gourg, Ouidah, 2 lreb. I 789
['I]ouuion'1. It appcars from I)alze I, II isror.l'.201, that at this timc (.ustrrnrsin I 11.50: lirrbcs, I ) uhon t.y, ii, 216.
the Coke, together with thc Vtvogan, was cngagcd in a militarl carlpaign in thc interior.'l'he titlc is also " * ' R r r l r i nL r u , ' R o r r l n r o n o p o l \r n ( l p r i v r t c c n t c r p r i s ei n t h e A t l a n t i ct r a d e :t h e c a s co f l J a h o m e . \ ; , J A I I , 1 8
'Boiio',
rccorded, in the Iirrm in the Portuguesc :rccount of 1797, though rvithottt lnr indication of his ( l()77)5 , 6 . 14 . L a s , . \ ' / a ,i ( , ' r r a r.t1, . 1 7 .
ranking rvithin thc Ouidah administration: Pires, I'ia.r1or,.10.
'"'Sct'.
t t t t t s le r p l i c i t l r ,r L r sS l t t l o s c o r r c s p o r r t l c n t n c ,o s - { . 15, 2 , 5 9 l 2 t l l ) e c . l t i 4 6 ; l 9 F t b . & l - 3A p r i l 1 8 4 7 1 ,
'Note
"" Gar'<rl, historiquc',62.67 . r t t o r t l i t t gi { } s l r rt s l r l r g l r t l r o t t tl l t t L i r t g .l o r u h i t h p r r n r c r r lu l s n r : r d ct o t h e } o v o g a n ,a n d w h i c h w e r ec o l -
r"r Rclnie r,'Ouidah', -5It.
I t t l l r l l r o n r t l r t \ , , r , , g . r r r ' sl r , ' r r s t '
r'\ANl,l(frl27,(iotrrg,'\li'nroircpotrrscrrirtl'ittslru(li()rrrttl)irttltttr'.17()l.l)ires.lraq,zr,.i0. '
\ r r t o l c t l r r r t l r t l | i l l l s l ) r r r r r . r r r/ r. , r r , / ' . r . l . ' i I
1 " 1I ) r l z c l , I l t s t u r y ,) ) 7 ; l l c r r r i c r . ' ( ) t r i r h h ' . i i '\\1,(trl.rr,ltr'lrslr,l).rlr.rrrrr
,\r1rr l,'.'\,l,rrt.()rrrrl,rlr.llr\rrg lTii lh<st..rl)l)eirt('lrt.tillesrrthcr
r ' \ l ' 1 . e , , , 11. , , 1 , r r ,I, I. I
t l t , t r t l ' , t . , , r , r l n . r r , \ { . r \ . r r . r r r r r r , l \l \' r l t ' , r l ' r r r l ) t h , ' t r r , 1 . l l l l , r r . ' ) . \ l r ( ( . l l t ( . t t l r t . l l r s \rl i r l i i \ i . l \ ( . \ f ( . u t ( . ( l
' " f ) . r l l ( 1l .l t ' l , , r t . lr l i . t . l I t t t t t t l l o ' l l r( , r l r . r r r (I l' r ' ( \ . 1 s , , \ r r l ' , ' r { l r tir' 'l rt lt rr t r
ttt L i . ' l r t . .\ r , { . \ \ , ' r * . r . , . r 1 . , ', , , , r l l , , l

lll.' l0i
 Dahomian Ouidah Dahomian Ouidah

liritish citizcns takcn prisoncr bl thc l)ah<lmianarmr,;moreo\,er,this man had the (explainedas meaninpl'Thereis somethingthere!') recordshis serviccsto Gezo in
s:lmename or title, Yansu,as the one who had servedas 'captain' of thc English uncovering wealth conccaled from royal attention, although the srory is told in
prior to 1733,though whether this meanshe was the sameman (or perhapshis son) relation to the levving of inheritance tax on the Adjovi family of Tov6 rather than
or merclv the successorto his title is a mattcr fbr spcculation.2')+ In thc micl- rvith referenceto Brazil quarter.20e It must be admitted that contemp()riry accounts
nineteenth centurv. the position of 'cab<lceerof the British fort' rvas held by give an impressiono{'imprecisionand confusion in the division of rcsponsibilities
I lcchili, rvhich is thc name of a familv that frrrmerll'livcd in F-onsaramd quarter;its among variousofficialsof the C)uidahadministration.This mav not be due merely
traditions claim that its firunder was an official in Ouidah from the time of-the to imperfect understandingion the part of European observers,sincc it is very
original conquestunder Agaja, even before the appointmentof the first lovogan, likely that both thc overlappingof'functionsand their recurrent redefinition repre-
but if so the functionsattachedt<lthe title evidcntlv changedover time.205 sented a deliberatepolicy of thc Dahomian monarch\',designedto prevent excessive
Somc information on the othcr 'national' othcialsin the mid-nineteenthccnturv concentrationof power in anv singleoflicial.
is given by Fbrbcs, whcl listed the 'caboccers' u'ho had 'superintenclencc' over Alongside these 'caboceers'of thc various European nations, there were also
'lbwn'
variousquarters of Ouidah: in addition to Hechili frrr 'F,nglish (Sogbadji), officials who served as interpreters. The English fbrt records of 1717 ref'eq in
hc understurd that Ahouandjigo('Irrench'fou,n') was under the Yovogan,Docomd addition to the 'English caboceer'Yansu, to a second 'caboceer'called 'Adomo'.
'[bwn') This man seemslikcly to be identical with a 'Captain Tbm', alias'Adomo Tom{r',
('PortugueseTorvn') under Bo,va,de Souzt's Brazil quarter ('Chachrr undcr
'fown'
Noudofinin, 'Viccrov's Town' (F-ons:rramd) undcr Atind6hou, and 'Markct who had been employed in the English facrory at Jakin, bur was taken captivc by
(i.e. Zobt markct) under 'Ah-poo-dehnoo'.2{)" Althoup;hhis rvording implies that the Dahomians at their conquest of Allada in 1724 and subsequentlyserved as
thcsc rvercadministrativcheadsclf thesequarters,this must representcither impre- interpreter to a l)ahomi:rn embassyto England in 173l-2; probably therefbre in
cision or misunderstanding on liorbes's part; more probabh', thel' rverc inter- 1747he was also serving as interpreter.2rr)l,ater, the post of official English inter-
'l-he preter was hcld by a man called Gnahoui, who according to family tradition
nrediariesbetwecn thcsc quartcrs and the central authorities. statemcntthat
thc l.'rcnchfbrt u'asdirectlv undcr the l'<lvoganis pcrhapsllso a rnisunderstanding, IearnedF,nglishin ouidah, and'was designatedb1'thc King of Abomel'to accom-
sincc all such officialswould be under thc overallauthority of the Vx'ogan. Iiorbes pany the F,nglishmcn lvho went up to the royal residence, and served as intcr-
tloes n<itconvet'a clear impressionof the functions of thesc ollicials. An obvious preter'; the death of this man,'lbwee, the king's lingluist',was reported in 1823.211
intcrcnceis thlt thel'collectedduties on tradc concluctedlt thc pnrticularfictorics His son inherited the positi<lnand is recordedas servinp;as intcrpreter to vari(,u.s
irssigncdto thcm (or, in thc case of 'Ah-poo-dehnoo', <ln transirctionsin the Ilritish missionsto Dahomey in the 1840sand lfl-50s:as Fbrbes explaincd, 'This
rnlrkct); and tradition in Ouidah does recall thc cxistenceof a group of, officials man's father was a servant in the British fort at Whvclah f.sic:though hc was actualh'
r r i t h t h i s f u n c t i o n , w h o h a d t h e t i t l e g a n h o n t o , ' c h i e f .ast t h e g a t c s [ i . e . o [ t h e rather a l)ahomian officirl, u,ho dealt with the frrrt], and his son b1 birthright has
l;rctrrriesl'.1{)7 flowcvcr, whercasthe traclitionsimph that the ganhontowere distinct his placc.'il2The Gnah<lui familv is nowadays resident in Fonsaramdbut may
li'onr thosc who conductedthe king's trade, Frlrbesunderstoodthat it r,vasin fact originally have lived in Sogbadji; at least, the vounger Gnahoui in ltl43 was
t l r t ' k i n g ' st r a d e r sr v h oc o l l e c t c t tl : t x e so n t r a d e : ' o n e o r t h c o t h c r o f ' t h e s cm u s t b c understood bv a British visitor whom he served as interpreter to be a 'narive' of
'fhe 'the English
l)t'('sclrtat all salcs to take the roval duty'.:"'r Boya, listed as 'cabocecr'fbr town'.2rrLikcwisc, in recordso[the Iirench fort in the l7t]0s,referencc
l )ot on.rc\, was indccd currentlv also head of the king's traclers,but otherwisethe is made to a person called 'Baup6', who was 'F'rench interprcter lbr the l)ahomians';
rr,rnrcsdo not correspondu'ith thosc in lirlrbcs'srlun listing of thc latter,although this name evidentlv reprcsentsBokp6, which is rhat of a lamily in Ahouandjigo
.rrr t'rrrlicr Atindch<lu had bccn onc of thc 'king's traders' in thc l7U0s. Of' the rvhosetraditions c<lnfirm that it servcd thc kings of l)ahomey as intcrprctcrs in
.rlrcrs, Noudofinin is the name of a famill in Brazil quarter; its traditionsconfirm Iirench.zl{
t l r t ' l i r r r n t l c r ' sr o l c i r s r r n a g c n t i n r o 1 ' l l t a x c o l l c c t i o n ,c l a i m i n g t h a t h i s n a m c Not much is known of'the svstenrof appointmentto the Ouidah administration.
'l'he
<lfliceo1'lirr'og:rnuas clcarll r non-hereditaryappointment,as well as being a
' l ' R ( ) . 1 7 { ) / + 2 . 1 ,S u n r l n r \ c c o u n r s ,
'llrtle
\\'illianr's lirrt, Nll A u g . 1 7 . { 7l ' l , i r n s u e ' 1 . vcn insccure onc (n'ith the great majoritv of incumbents down to the 1770s
l'l'. Slrnt l l l 5 { ) 5 1 . ( . h s s . . \ ,c n c . 2 i n n o . 2 2 0 , l ' i r r b c s , - f o u r n r l , 2 9 N ' l a r l f i 5 0 ; P R O , l r o l l 4 / 1 t 8 6 , I , - r a s c r ,
dismisscdfionr oflicc, rrnd rn<lstol'theseexccuted,irs noted hcrcafier).The 'Iegan
l ) . r r l r r r r l u r r r r l n t h , f i\ o r . l l i 5 2 e t c . l ' l l e e t h c c l e c ' , ' ' \ t - c h i l l c c ' l ; R c r r r i c q ' ( ) r r i d r h ' , 4 1 . l . ( . t r r r c n t t n r l i t i o n i n
'(
t l r e I l e r ' l r i l i l r r r r r i l rd o e s r r o t r c c r t l lr l l \ c o n n c e t i o n s p c c i l i c a l l l l i t h t h c l l n g l i s h l i r r t : t l e l i l n r r r k , l J - l u n c 1 9 9 7 . " " ' l { t r r t i t r , ) t r i t l r r l r '{, l
'"
" l ' l ' . S l . r r r " l r r , l c l f l l ( ) 5 0 , l i r r l r t s . . l o t t r t r r l . T ( ) c t . l t l " { ( ) I; i r r b c s , l ) t h o n t y , i , l 0 5 , g i r i n g t h c t l r s t . l n i m e s i r s l { o l r i t r l . r r u . ' K i r r q \ g r r j . ro l | ) . t l t , r t t t ,t t l r e S l r r t l l r t l t , r n t l I l r c t l u c s t i o n o 1 ' \ V c s t, \ t i i c i r n p l l n t a t i o n s : t h c
'5t 'lirruttott/lix,qtton', '( 'l'hc
l r tt l t l l l c r / l l i t . h l c l t t ' . i r r r x l r l c r c h ' .' \ h t i n r l c r l r r x t r ll = ' 1 h t t t . , . t n r r r hl ' . r t t t s r t o r t ol l r r l l r r r , ll r. , r r r r l ' , , r r ,\ lr l o l r r , ' l i r r u , ' t o l . r r t l . r n rl 7
l .l l , . l - Z ' ,
l ) ( ' \ t , , 1r i r \ ( l r r r r r ' r r l S , r q l r . r t l l r r , r ' L r t t r l r t l t l I ' r ' \ r , r n t r r r ' l ) u t \ \ , r \ \ . r ( Jlnl il 6l r.i1 : l J u r t o t lt l,r r r r a z . i , ( r - { . 5 . l l r , r , , r 1 . l t( )l ' , ' , 1 ) I. i , ' { , i
l ' . r r r\l l . r r t r . l t r r . l , ' s r r rl ' l ' l , r r r r . r |r)r. r l r o r r r r|,. i r r , I l . r ' l l . r s | ) r l r o r r r t r ' . J p : r r l lsl .L i t r t , l u t n l n l t u t s u l u r n . l { r r t t t c t (, } r r r , l . r l r ' , l' il ( , ( ( , I I l r l ' I s ' l
l , l ( l r , ' l ' ) . . ' l ( l l ) \ , , r ( , r l r , , t l r . r t . r l t l r , , r r l l r t l r rl rr rt ,l r r" r\ rl r p r r , , l r l r n , r , r s r t , , t r t l t r r t r l r t r l , i t t l e r r l r i r r t l r r t l t s u .' r . , i . r r l . '
I'tlx',,1),th,,1
llr l, r|).//4, I r r ' , ' , , D lrr' ,, r r llf 1 r , , " ' t t t .l ' , ' , , , t . t 1 , ' t . , l t t : 1,, i,,' r l i t t t t r t l l n t t t l l ) , t h , , t t t r ( l . , , r r ,l lf,i ,l lr )r .. l i { l
".
'\\l ( l , ' l r , r r r r r ,\ 1 , , , , , , , ,t ,i , , L r ,1j \ l l , r r . r r r L , r r ,l 'r ll l l ( , r r r r r ' l , , l l l i r r r r r r r ' ( ) r r r , l . ri li r ' I
l , , t l \ . . I t t l t , ' t , : .' l l l

lill
 Dahomian Ouidah
of 1743-5 was a eunuch of the royal palace, in origin a captive taken by the
Dahomian army, but this was probably exceptional.2r5Contrariwise, the Yovogan
appointed in 1823, called Dagba, was a member of the Dahomian aristocracy,but
this also was probably a new departure. What is clear is that l)ahomian officials in
Ouidah were regularly appointed from outside the town, rather than from local
families.Forbes in 1850observedthe bodies of two recently deceased'caboceers',
from Ouidah and Godomey, being taken up to Abomey, and commented that'it is
the custom of Dahomey that all the bodies of officers that die shall be sent for
interment to Abomey', explaining that 'the official positions are mostly held by
Abomey people, and all have ancestral houses in the city, in which there is
invariably a family tomb'. In Ouidah, even Dagba, who held office as Yovogan for
the unprecedentedterm of around 50 years,and founded a family that still exists in
the town, was buried in his ancestralhome in Abomey.2l6
However, it appears,as noted earlier, that appointment to the highest offices in
Ouidah was often by promotion from within the local administration, the offices of
Yovogan, Coke and Boya forming a sort of promotional ladder, with the Coke
succeedingto the office of Yovogan,and the Boya to that of Coke. This implies that
one of the qualifications for office was consideredto be prior acquaintancewith the
operation of the European trade. In the late eighteenth century, at least one of
those who served as Yovogan was a person of great experience and consequent
linguistic competence. The man appointed in 1784 spoke all three European
languages in local use, French, English and Portuguese; although convention
neverthelessrequired him to speak to Europeans through an interpreter, he would
correct the latter when he mistranslated. Likewise, the Yovogan in office in 1803
(who was possibly the sameperson) was fluent in English, French and Portuguese,
it being explained that this was from his 'having resided from his birth chiefly in
the vicinity of the forts, and in his younger days been much connected with them
officially,as a linguist'.217
Although European observerstended to stressthe role ofthe Yovoganand other
officials at Ouidah in the conduct of overseastrade, their functions extended
beyond this to the management of the affairs of the town more generally.They
included, first, the collection of taxes, especially in the commercial sector of the
economy.Taxes were levied, not only on the export trade (as describedmore fully in
the following chapter) but on the movement and exchangeof goods more generally.
ln Zobt and other markets in Ouidah, as described in the nineteenth century,
sellersofgoods had to pay a duty, which was collectedby an officer ofthe Yovogan.
Other collectors were stationed to levy tolls 'on all public roads leading from one
district to another,and on the lagoon on each side of Whydah'. Taxes are said to
have been 'farmed to collectors',but this probably means only that the officials
who collectedthem were entitled to retain a proportion of what they receivedas
remuneration.2l8
rrt \rrrris. .lItnotrs.ll 17.
- I
'"I'irrlrts,
l ) t h , t n , 1 ' ,i i . l ( ) ( ) ;l ) r g l r r . L t ( . , , l l , , t r t r t t l r u r l r ' t 1 , , 5 l ' , \ 1
'I
l s e t l ,/ . r ' l r r t rl.( l l l , \ l ' l . c o r l , l , , p t r , , 'i.l l ,
' )tttrr.ttt. t
l l t i t l r . t . l . l l l . l . ) , ' . 1 , '1 . 1 , ' rl ' r ' s .l l , th ' , t t t rt . t . i t
Dahomian Ouidah
But the critical function of government in local conceptions was the administra-
tion of justice.2reThe autonomy of the local administration in this respect was,
however, severelycircumscribed. An early nineteenth-century source reports that
the local authoritiesin Ouidah c<luldsettleonly'ordinary disputes',while those'of
greater consequence'were referred to the capital, and even in the case of 'minor
affairs' the parties involved could appeal to the 'supreme court' at the capital.2z0
Other accountsnote more specifically that casesliable to capital punishment had to
be referred to the king at the capital.22rWhen a British trader in 1772 witnessedthe
Yovogan superintending the execution of a woman in the market-place of Ouidah,
it was explained to him that 'the King himself had considered the offence, and
decreed the sentence'.222 Apart from execution (and sale into slavery), the normal
forms of punishment inflicted in Dahomian courts included fines and imprison-
ment. As noted by Duncan, prisoners were detained in shacklesin the Yovogan's
house. Although Duncan saysthat imprisonment was both 'fbr life, and for limited
periods', this is probably a misunderstanding; more probably, incarceration was
normally short-term, as a means of enforcing payment of fines.223 Judicial adminis-
tration included the arbitration of disputes,as well as the application of criminal
justice. Efurton, for example, refers to the Ouidah 'dignitaries' as 'settling small
cases,such as petty debts and the disobedienceof wives and slaves', and to the
Ytrvoganadjudicating financial disputes between foreigners.22a
Undcr the Yovogan, the component quarters of the town enjoyed a measureof
autonomy. The quarter head, according to a nineteenth-century account, 'judges
ordinary affairs, he is in some sense a judge and guardian of the peace'.22s
Presumably, quarter heads were in thc first instance responsible for the mainte-
nance of order and the adjudication of disputes within their own quarters, with
serious <lr disputed cases being referred upwards to the Yovogan. Within this
system, the directors of the three European forts operated as headsof their respec-
tive quarters, responsibleto the king for their good behaviour. The directors were
evidently treated as Dahomian chiefs; in particular, they were required to attend
the 'Annual Customs' at the end of the year, and to bring tribute (or, as they
preferred to see it, 'gifts') for the king. During the eighteenth century, European
directors were from time to time dismissed, and sometimes even their successors
appointed by the king. In the caseof the director who served longest, Lionel Abson
of the English fort (1770-1803),on his death the king seizedhis estate,including
his children, as was normal for a Dahomian chief.22t'
In L,lmina on the G<lld Coast it appearsthat the Dutch enjoyed rights of 'extra-
tcrritorialitt'', the pcrsonnelof'thc Dutch fort being tried and punished by its own
r r " S c c L r t u . . f / a r ' , ( , ' a a r t .l i ( ) ( ) L
r r l ) l l ( , f ) c r l s o n . \ o t r ' r . l f r l . l 7 l 2 . S e r r l s o l i r r b e s , l h h o r u t . 1 , ,i , 2 { r : ' t h c
c a b o c e e r s ,h e a d e d b y t h e L , a v o g a n
| \ i r r o g r r r I l i r r r r rr t o r r r t . o l r r l r i t h t h e t l r t i s i o r r i s s u b j c c t l o r o l i r l c o n f i r n r a t i o n ' .
' l { t p i n , ' \ , r r r g c ' , l l l J . l l r r r t r r t tl,l r r r r a zi., l ( X ) .
''r
\ r r r n s . l l t t r t ) u\ . l t ] . I
' ) u r r t . r r r .r , n
I ' /',t, | )l
' l l r r r r , , r lrl.r , , r , , r , r l , . ' l I
l i r r r rl r r . \ , / , 1 , r r ' i. l ,
'
\ l r t r t , ' i ' l , t tIr ). t L " t t t t' . l t t t l
ltl,
 Dahomian Ouidah Dahomian Ouidah
officials rather than the indigenous authorities.22T But, beyond the I'act that the generalll an obligation of militarv service, which might be invoked for major
director as rvard head would havc handled purelv internal or minor matters, this campaigns,which in principle fell upon the entire adult male population but in
does not appear to havebeen the casein Ouidah. In 1788 a slaveof the F,nglishfort practice normally inr,olvedeach 'cab<lceer'supplving a quota of troops; thc t<ltal
who burgled the house of one of the king's wives was executed. without any military strengthwhich Ouidah could be calledupon to supply was reporteclin the
refcrence to the fort's governor; and in the following ycar another <lf the fort's 1850sto be nearly 2,000.23+
slavcs, together with two freemcn of Sogbadii wlrd and one of Docomd, was The main function of the Ouidah garrison was defencc of thc town and the
arrested, for having 'debauched' the wifc of one of the Yovogan'sofficers.zz8 In the beachto the south againstoutsidethreats,especiallythe raids of the exiled Hueda
1780sa substantiirlwoman trader who actedas agent li)r the director of the French and Popo down to the 1770s.But the troops were also somctimesemployed in
fort, callcd Kposi ('Paussie'), rv:rs seized and her property' ctlnllscatecl by the offensiveoperationsoutside Ouidah. In 1787, for example,a l)ahomian raid on
Dahomian:ruthorities,on thc allegationthat she had illicitly dealt in coral, lcgally a Porto-Novo to the east was carried out by the Coke and the Caho from Ouidah,
roval monopolv.22'Even Europeanswere clearly subject to local iurisdiction. An and later in the samc ycar tru)ps from Ouidah joined a fbrce sent down from
intcresting caseoccurred in thc 1840s,when one of the Portugueseresidentsin Abomev in an expcdition againstthe exilcd Hueda to the rvest.2rs In 1890 also,as
'fhc
Ouidah murdered another. ctrlprit u,'asarrestedand taken to Abomey; but the will be seen in a later chaptcr, it was the Ouidah forces, commanded by the Caho,
Europeanmerchants,fcaring that the exccutionof a white man by the indigenous who undertook an attack on thc French at Cotonou. On other occasions,fbrces
'bought him off', and he wirs still at from Ouidah joined the main l)ahomian arml'on morc distant campaigns.In 1789,
authoritieswould set a dangerousprecedent,
largein Ouidah in 1850.In 1852,whcn a British tradcr at Ouidah rvasarrestedand for example, the Yovop;an,Coke and Caho wcre callcd up from Ouidah for a
fined by the I'ov<lganfor having accidentallvinjured a child, the British vicc-consul campaignagainstKetu, in the interior to thc north-east;and personslrom Ouidah
(now occupy'ing the English fort) protested that the matter should have been also took part in (and were captured in) an attack on Abeokuta, to the cast, in
'he 'froops
handled thr<lugh himsell, but the Yovogan brushed this aside, declaring that 1864.216 of thc Ouidah garrison also carried out police functions within the
did not careif I, or any other person was in Whydah, as the English representativc, town, the Caho having charge of the 'constabularv',who maintained a watch
he should continueto imprison and fine Englishmenas he thought fit'.rio during the night.2r7
Ouidah was alsothe locationof a military garrison,commandedby thc Caho.At Under Dahomian rule, Ouidah bccamca centre of provincial administrationin
the time of the Hueda-Popoattirckon Ouidah in 1763,the local garrisonnumbered the coastalarea. As nineteenth-centur,\'sourcesspecifl', the lbvogan was governor
between800 and 900 troops,but by 1776this had fallen to around 300, and in thc not only of Ouidah but of' 'all thc part of Dahomey neighb<luringthe sea';and like-
1860s it was even lowcq about 200.231The local military forces were divided wise the Caho was commanderof 'the war captainsof all the maritime regi<lns'.2r8
between two main encampments,the Caho's on the north-west of Ouidah, and a The chief of Savi, the fbrmer capital <lf the Hueda kingdom, was now subordinate
detachment under the Cakanacou,at Zoungbodii on the road to the beach. In the to the Yovoganof Ouidah.2re Ouidah's jurisdiction extendedbcyond the boundaries
eighteenth centurv, when thc main military threat to Ouidah was representedb1'" of thc old Hueda kingdom, to include neighbourinpitowns that prior to the
the exiled Huedir and Popo,who normally approachedbv canoealong the lagoon, Dahomian conquesthad beenbelongcdto Allada, such as Tori, inland from Savi.r+{'
the principal strength of the garrison was l<-rclted at Zoungbodji. In the 1770sit On the c<last,when Godomey and Cotonou to the east were developedas outlets
r,r'asnotcd that 6 or 7 soldiers rvere posted at the beach, to overseethe European fbr [)ah<-rmey'strade in the nineteenth century, their chiefi, who also had the title
traders' tcnts therc, while there were 225 in the Cakanacou'scamp, xs against onh' of Y<rvogan,were likewise subordinate to the Yovogan of Ouidah; as was the
about 40 in the Caho's; but thc Zoungbodii garrison was probablv lcss substantial lagoonsideport of Ab<lmey-Calavi.2+l
'standingior perma-
in thc nineteenth century.2r2According to one account, these In general, Dahomian administration was effective,judged by Europeansto
nent troops' stationedin Ouidah were condemnedto this serviccin punishmentfor maintain a fiamcwork of reasonableorder. This is not to deny that there were
off'ences,such as adulterv.233 There wirs also,howevcr,in Ouidah as in I)ahomey pcrvasir,cproblemsof thefi in the F,uropeantrade sector,as there had been under
thc []ucda kings bcfirre the [)ahomirrnconquest.The l)ahomian authoriticsaftcr
rr? lfeinberg, .-lliituns unl l)unpetns,32.
I* PR(l 'f70l I 16.1,l)a1 llook, \\rillirrm's l'irrt, 2'1 Scpt. lTllfi, 2 April l7lt9.
1727proclaimeclthcir intcntion to supplcsssuch abuses:Agaja told a British trader
rre l)alzcl, II istort,. 2ll8-10. II
\'rllorr,'Lc rorltrrrre rlt l )rlronrri'. l,/J-l-l.
rril Iirrrbes, Duhont'1',ii,202 ''
4; PRO, trOt]4/lll't6, l"ruscr, Ouitlah, 2 \larch ll't52. f )rfzcl. I ltttrtt t'. ltll. ltl t-
I I l ) r L r n e r u ,I ) r t r i p t i o t , 2 Z - l ; r"
d c O h e n c r e r r & l l r r l l e t , ' R c l l e r i o n s ' , { ; l l t t r t o n , l l r s s r r z ,i , l ( X ) . ' l h e s t r t e m c n t i n Ilrirf,201, lirrqlttro. l,,utnrl.l;r) r'l lll \pril lll{r{l
''
t l r e s e c o n t l s r ) r l r e e . t h J l Tf , l r c r r s e r r l i e r ( , . 1 7 6 f i l ( . , ) r l r e q r r n s r r n h r r t l r r r r r t r l r t t s t l l t , (1X0) ,(0) 0 { ) i s i n t p r o b r b l e ; l l L t r t , ' r t .l l r \ \ r i l r . r , i i {)
''
l l t r . r r r r l . ' \ ' r t l s r r rl r | ) . r l r , , l r r ' i , S , l l r r r l , r l , l l r , ' r , , r .r . i l
'"\\1,(.trllllrrr.uot(.\tonr.ll)lrrllrrll.r ''
l l r r tl l r r r t r r r ' s . r ( ( , r ,r rr ltl , ' t r r r r l r , , ti lri ri t l r , ' l l i t ' ( l s ( l o ( \ t l o l r ( t I i \ l ( t . lltttt,'tr llr,,r,,r r I i.'
' ,
t l t t l , t t r t t t .( o l . r r r \ l r l r \ l . t r t t tt.tttlt l t l . rt tl i . t rl t \ o l l l l r ' , r ' , 1r, , i t ' ' t " I l , r , . 1 ,' r r t . | ) t l t , , t , t ,t r r
'1,,t ','1,
| ) r r r r r . r rIrt., t ' l , t I l l l l l l, l).tit,,,t,t ll,rt.., I l,t t,tli, tt,"t, l'

l{l\ llt't
 Dahomian Ouidah Dahomian Ouidah

that 'I might depend up<ln it, he would prevent all impositions, and thievery, and representation of Dahomian rule in local tradition, stressing its oppressive and
protect the Europeans that came to his country'.242In 1763, after complaints from exploitative character,this seemseloquent testimony in its favour.
the European forts of the theft of goods in transit from the beach, Tegbesu
summoned the Yovogan to Abomey to deliver a 'personal reprimand'; and after
further complaints, he issued a proclamation at Ouidah that 'whoever stole the oJ'aprioate merch&ntsector
The emergence
value of even a single cowrie the King was determined to punish with death'. The
proclamation was repeated in identical terms by Kpengla in 1777, and again in In early scholarly literature on the slave trade in Dahomey, in the 1960s,it was
1781,'that if any body is detectedstealingwhite men's property they would be supposedthat it was operated as a royal monopoly; but the detailed contemporary
killed'.243The very frequency of such proclamations implies, however, that they evidenceshows that this was not so.2s0 First, l)ahomian chief'sother than the king
were ineffective. Testimony on this is contradictory. One European merchant in also engagedin the trade: the English fort in 1782 listed the Migan, the Mehu and
the early nineteenth century observed that 'an existing law to punish theft with the Ajaho, as well as the Yovogan,among persons owing slaves;251 and other records
death, prevents mischievous acts of that nature ... The Evo Gaw [Yovogan] refer in the 1770sto a 'trading man' of the Yovogan,called Dosugan ('Dosu senior')
regulates all grievancescomplained of, without delay.'2+a But others continued to and in the 1780sto a man called'Seignion',who was'merchant'of the Ajaho.2s2 But
complain of the theft of goodsby porters. Duncan in 1845 thought that the severity there were also private merchants,outside the Dahomian administrative hierarchy.
of punishment was actually counter-productive, 'the [European] merchants being The key to understanding the combination of state and private enterprise in the
too humane to urge the king's interference, for they are aware that if he were Atlantic trade is the distinction bet$,eenthe sale of Dahomey's own war captives
requested to take cognizanceof any case of robbery of a whitc man, thc robbcr and the middleman trade in slaves brought from the farther interior.2srThe
would certainly lose his head'. Burton in the 1860s,however,suggestedthat Euro- disorders arising from the Dahomian conquest of the coastalarea in the 1720sdis-
peans' reluctance to pursue cascsof theft in the Yovogan'scourt was due to the rupted the supply of slavesfrom the interior, and for several years afterwards the
heavyfeespayablethere and that they preferred rather to'take their own measures', Dahomian authorities showed no interest in reviving the middleman trade.
including private violence.2as Tegbesu from the 1740s,however,consciously sought to revive the supply ofslaves
Even so, a British merchant in the 1860s compared Ouidah favourably with from the interior, to supplement that derived from Dahomey's own military opera-
Lagos, recently brought under British rule: 'property, as regards theft, is quite as tions: in 1746 he issued a proclamation declaring 'the paths open and free to all
safe,if not more so, at Whydah' - where, moreover,taxes were lower.2+6 As regards tradcrs' to come to Ouidah, and this policy was reaffirmed in subsequent
more serious crime, European judgements of Ouidah (and of Dahomey more proclamations notified to Ouidah, for example in 1769 to declare 'the king's
generally) were more uniformly positive. Elurton remarked that, despite the prcva- intention to open all thc paths and for the future to live in amity with all his neigh-
lence of petty theft, crimes of violence were 'exceedingly rare', murder almost bours'.254 In principle, the king had a monopoly of the disposalof captivestaken by
unknown and burglary 'almost impossible', except after a fire.2a7Murders of Euro- the Dahomian army, which had to be surrendered to him in exchangefor payment
peans were evidently very rare; the killing of a German merchant, on a canoe in cowries at the end of the campaign, although some of these captives were then
journey from Ouidah westwardsto Popo in 1843,createdsomething of a sensation, distributed as gifts from the king to favoured officials and courtiers. But, as
the culprits being executed and their bodies exposed at the lagoonside as an Dahomian tradition makes clear, slavesobtained by purchase from neighbouring
example.2as Likewise tradition in Ouidah recalls that Dahomian administration was countries were handled by independent merchants, rather than royal officials.2ss
effective in 'watching over the security <lf the people, educating and disciplining The revival of the middleman trade from the 1740s, therefbre, implied the
them, averting evil spirits and in short repressing evil by punishing very severely emergenceof a private sector in the slavetrade at Ouidah.
evildoers [and] criminals', and in particular in 'habitually inflicting the death
rir)'I'hc assumption of ir ro1'al nronopoll. of ovcrseas tradc is ccntral, fbr example, to thc analvses of Polanyi,
penalty on murderers, no attempt was pardoned'.24e Given the generally negative
l)uhonu'.1,;Akinjogbin, l)uhomt.y; Georg lrlwcrt, ll'irtvha./i unl lterrsthafi xon'l)unme'(Dahome.y) in I8
2 r 2S n e l g r a v c . N e p 'Royrl
lttount,6l. .'/uhrhunLrt (\'[unich, 1973). For critiques, sec I-aq monopoly'; Wcrner Peukert, Dtr utlantische
4rPRqT70/ll-59 6l,l)avllook,William'sFirrt, 17,21&2U\{arch,22&27Nor,5l)ec. l76.l, ltiNor:1777, ,\l,lutrnhrn'ltl i ntt I)rhuw1, 1710 1797 (rt\itsbaden, l97ll).
I ' r I ' R ( ) , ' 1 7 0 l I 5 . 1 5 ,l . i o n c l . \ h s o n , ( ) u i t h h , l . { I ) c c . l 7 l l 2 .
ll Sept. l7ltl.
r{{ Robertson, Notu's,2fi-[. r ' r f ) r f z e l , l l t s t l r y , l 6 ) l ' l ) o s s r r g r h ' 1 . \ \ l ' , ( . 6 / 2 6 . I n t c r r o g i r t o i r c d c - f o s c p h L eB e a u , f l S e p t . l T l i T .
r { 5A t l a n r s , R n r t r l ' s . 2 . 1 9 4 ( } ; l ) u n c a n , ' l ' r t r t l s , i , 1 9 7 f l ; l } r r r t o n , . l l r r r l r l , i , 2 l l . r ' ' l { o l r i r rL r r r , ' S l . r r e l r . r r l t r s . r r r t l r r r i t l t l l c r r r < r r , n r o n o p o l i s l s a n d l i c c - t r l t l c r s : t h e s u p p l y o f s l a v e s f o r t h e A t l a n t i
r r t ' I ) l ) , R e p o r t l i o n r l h c S e l e c t ( . o n r n r i t l c r o r r t h c S t r l c o l t l r tl l r i t i s l r S e t t l c r n c n l s o n t h c \ \ ' e s t c r n ( i r r s t o l i \ l i i c r . l r r r l < i r r l ) . r l r . r r r c r . ,l i l i , l l i i ( l ' , 7 1 l / . 1 ( l ( l t ) l t ' ) ) , { 5 ( r f i ;l i r r r d i l l i ' r c n t i n t e r p r c t a t i o n , s c e l ) a v i d R o s s ,
I l i ( r 5 ,N l i n u t c s o l ' l . r i d c n c t . \ 5 ' l 5 t t , ( . r p t . . l r r r r ts ( . r o l i . " l l r t l ) . r l r , r r r r rr' r. r r ,r l , lrl rr r . r r r s t c r r . I t . ' ; , l l i l s ' , / l l l . ) S ( l r ) | i i ) . . 1 i 77 5 .
''rl'l{().lil)/,1)1.\rrrr,lrr\,,,,rrrrt',\\rllr.rrrr'..l,,rt.l.rrr
r'; llrrrlon, llrrval. i,5(r. \PrrllT{r'.17(l/llh0,l)rrllrrrL,\\'illirnr'slirrt,2.l
A I ' l l ( ) . ( . ( l t l 6 /l ) . I l r r t t r r r (r .. . u ) (( . r ) , r \ 1l l. \ l , r r rl r l l ' i . l l .| ) r r r r r . r r/ rr ., i , , , ' ' .r , I I i \"\ I;{,')

" \ r l r , , . / / r ' t ' , r r ,, r r |, If,rr.., I l n , " , ' l i , ' t . t t ' r ' t' ' i

ll(l ilr
 Dahomian Ouidah Dahomian Ouidah
In the contemporary record, the existence of a group of private merchants 'I'hese
persons from whom they were bought.25e records, however, prcsent great
distinct from the king's official tradcrs was first noted in the account cited carlier problemsof interpretati<ln.One complicirtionis that s<lmeof the slaves(in thc casc
relating to the 1750s/60s,which distinguishedbetweenthe agentswhom the king of the Duhomet.the majoritv) wcre bought from Europcansresidcnt in Ouidah,
maintained at Ouidah to trade filr him and 'the other merchants',who 'sell the rathcr than dircctl-vfrom Afiicans.
'Ihc
king himsclf is mcntioned onlv in relation
captiveswhich are brought to them from severalparts of Africa, on commission or to slavcssupplied in symbolic exchangefor pa1'mentsof 'customs',at the opening
fur their o\\.n account'.2s6 It is also clear in an account of an attempt <lf Kpengla in 'I'he
of trade. remaining salesby presumed Africans involve a larplenumber of'
the l7tl0s to establisha'monopoly of trade'. Whether his policy strictly involved a individuals,44 in 1773and 36 in 1792-3, but for most of thesethere is no wal'of'
statc 'monopoly', in the senseof excluding all private participation in the slave determining their statusas betweenofficials ancl private traclers.The difliculti' of
trade, is doubtful. But Kpengla certainly rcverscd earlier royal policy by himself identifl-ing them is compoundecl bv thc f'act that in manv cascs thcv are clcarll'
entering thc n-riddlen-ran trade; hc dccreed fixed priccs, bclow thc current markct referred to bv their personal namcs,rathcr than family' namcs or titlcs, ancl some of
rate, for the purchase of slavesfrom the interior, and 'himself commenced trader, thcsc are so common (e.g. Amusu, Capo, I)osu) as to make an)' attempt at
and beganto buy slaveson his own account',settinghis agentsto buy up slavesfor individuation futilc. Onc interesting point is that only a hanclful of names are
resaleat the coast,and when traders proved reluctant to sell at the official price, he common to the two lists, though rvhetherthis reflectsthe gap in time betrveenthe
resorted to compulsory purchase, decreeing 'that every trader, possessingtwo two vovages,or the fact that thev involved ships of two difl'crent Europcan
slaves,should relinquish one, and the best of them, to him; and if thrce, two were nationalitiesis unccrtain.2('0
to be thc king's'. These measuresprovoked ficrcc opposition from thc Dahomian Thc principal prcvious attcmpt to analvscthe details of transactionsin these
trading community; howcver,and Kpengla's succcssr)rAgonglo, on his accessionin journals, b.v Wcrncr Pcukcrt, idcntificd onlv thrce statc oftcials (l'ovogan, Coke
1789,was obligedt<-r repudiatehis policy,allowingtradersonce more 'full liberty'to and Bova) among the sellersof slavesin 1773,and onh'two (Yovoganand (,oke) in
trade'.25t ll92-3, topiethersellingonlv 23 out of lfl4 slavcssold by prcsumcd Africans on thc
'lhcrc
is littlc evidence on the balance between royal and private cntcrprisc in first <rccasionand l2 out <lf 129<tnthc sccond;on which basishc estimatedthat the
the slave trade in Dahomel; which probably in any casevaried over timt:. In 184tt 'state sector'accountcdfor onlv about 13 per cent ofthe total trade in 1773and 9
rvhena Ilritish mission lvasattcmpting to pcrsuadeGczo to acccptthc abolition of per cent in 1792-3.26tF,ven within its orvn terms. the logic of this inl'erencesecms
the slavetrade, and there was some discussionof payment of compensationfor the questionable,since some at least of thc unidentified sellersof' slavesmust surclv
financial klsses that this wr,ruld involve, thc Dahr-rmianssupplied an estimate of' have been state traders or officials also. ln fact, scvcral of thosc uhom Pcukcrt
royal income fiom the trade that rvas based on the assumption of 8,000 slaves 'l'he
failcd to idcntif'vcan bc idcntificd, and somc of thesewcrc also officials. Bo1,a
exportcd annually (certainlv an exaggcration),of which 3,000 were sold by thc ('Ilonvo'), for example, solcl shves t<t the Smallop as rvell as to thc I)uhornet,ancTt
king; given the context in which it was given,it seemsremarkablethat the shareof third 'king's merchant', Atind6hou ('Atinue'), als<lappearsamong the scllcrs in
trade claimed to be done by the king (37.5 per cent) was so lou'. In 1850another 1192-3, while another of the Ouiclah 'caboceers',the <lnecallcd 'Fjxrcy' in othcr
British mission was told by the Mehu and the Y<rvoganthat 'if one trade-ship sourccs,is perhapslisteclamong th<lscsclling slavcsto the F'renchship (as 'Vru1'')
arrived in Whydah, the king claimed half thc trade; if threc, he monopolisedtwo', and certainly among those supplving the F,nglish ship ('f-apuseer F'ohr'').
which the British understoodto imply' that 'whateverwas offered in subsidl; one Moreover, officials mal. well have been involved in more salesthan thosc fbr which
half only became the property of the king; the other of the traders'; if their they are spccilicallvnamcd, operating through subordinateagients.In fact, one <11'
intcrpretation was corrcct, contrari$isc, it is notable that the share which they those recordedas sellinga singleslavcto the Spullon is explicitly said to havedonc
claimcd frrr non-royal enterprisc (33-50 pcr cent) was so klw.rsEGiven these so on behalf'of'the(-oke;262 r'r'hilethc 'Desoug:l'<lr 'Dasouga'rccordcd as selling fl
contradictorv biases,it ma1' be believed that in thc mid-ninctecnth century thc slavest<rthe I)uhomr:tin 1713.is probablv to be identificd with the Dosugan docu-
king's shareof trade was somewhcrccloscto a half. mcntccl in othcr eviclcnccas thc 'trading man' of thc Yovoganat this time, and a
F'or the eighteenthccntur!, on thc facc of it, thc best cvidenccfirr the balance 'Sencs'rvho sold 2 sLtvcsin 1792-3 mav bc miscopicdfor 'Scnco', representingthe
betweenroy'aland privatc entcrpriscin thc slavctrrrclcin l)ah<lmct'is provided b1
the accountsof two ships traclingthcrc, tlrc lrrcnch ship 1.cI)uhont't in 1773and
t h c I r n g l i s hs h i p 7 I c , S n u t l l o n , i1n7 ( ) 2. 1 ,r v h i c hc \ c c l ) l i o n i r l l \p r o r i t l c d c t l i l s o f t h e
p r - r r c h r s<c l f ' c i t c hi n d i r i d u i r l s l i t r c o l b r t l c h o l s l i r r c s ,i r t c l r r t l i n gt h c n i l n l e so f ' t h c

''"
I t r r r n t . . r r rI, ) , r , r t l ' t t ' , t t , . t l l \ t l
| ) . r l z tl . I l t , r , , r 1 . . t l i I '. .'.' i I

l ' l ' , \ l r . . r , , r r , . t , r \ . l r . r r r r r r . r r r , l l ) r l r , , r r r , r ( r r r , l , l r . r r r L l i , l " , r r l , l t , | , r l , ' . , l t t i t , ' nr t, r l \ l '

lli
 Dahomian Ouidah Dahomian Ouidah

'Seignion' who traded for the Aiaho. Adding in theseadditional saleswould raise brgther of Hwanjile) and associatedwith him in his trading activities,while the first
Codiia was the brother of a wife of Agonglo and traded filr her.266 However, few if
the shareofstate officials to 32 slavesin 1773 and24 in 7792-3, around l7 per cent
any of these individuals can be traced in the contemporary record. D6gu6non may
and l9 per cent respectivel-v; and these must be regarcledas minimum figures, since
'king's merchants'who remain unidentified, among those who supplied slaves to the Srpulknn in 1792-3 ('Dekeneuo'),
some slaveswere presumablysold by "pp.", and
r.tiing 9 slave-.s, these also included a Kossou ('Caussue'), wh<l might be Kossou-
or by others <ln their behalf in caseswhere this is not specifically noted. Moreover,
'king's mcrchants',held NadtJn, and a Sossou ('saussuc'), which was the pcrsonal name of the second-
some slaveswere sold by other personswho, although not
official positions:the king's French interprcter Bokp6 ('Beaupr6')sold 8 slavesto generationhead of the Hodonou famih; sclling 4 slaveseach' . ,
the Dahomet,and his English interpreter Gnahoui ('Yawe') sold 5 slaves(and also A further difficulty in interprcting the contemporarv evidence relating to the
some ivory) to the Spallop. The latter ship also received 3 slaves each from a clivision between state and private cnterprise is that the clistinction betwecn royal
'Donio' and a 'Semong', who are probably to be identified with local military and private merchants is not very clearly recollectcd in traditi<-rns n<lwadavscurrent
in Ouidah. Local informants generally use the term ahisirtrtn(or ahinon) to refer to
officers: Dognon being deputy commander of the garrison at Zoungboii, while
the leading merchanrs of Ouiclah in the pre-colonial pcriod. Ancestors of a number
Chimon was the name of a subordinate of the Caho in the garrison at Ouidah
'state sector', the latter's of particuiar merchant families ilre remcmbered to have held this rank, including
itself.2('rIf these are also considered to belong to the
some alreadv in the eighteenth centurv: thus the founders of the Hodonou and
minimum share would rise to 22 per cent (40 slaves)in 1773 and 28 pcr cent (36) in
Zol>l1;i6families are said to have been appointed ahisinttn by Tegbesu, that of the
1792-3.It is possiblc,however,that, despite their status as officials, thesemen were
sellingslaveson their own account. Ahidasso family by Kpcngla and those of thc Abodooui, Tchibozo, T<rkpo and
It is nevertherlessclear that a large proportion, indeed the majoritl', of the slaves Qr6num (Hou6nou) fhmilies by Gezo
(1818-58).26i Qu6num family tradition lists
sold to these two ships must have been supplied by private merchants.The largest thleother ahisinonof Ouidah in the mid-nineteenth centurY as Adjovi, Bahini, Boya,
supplicr seemsto havebecn the same person on both occasions,called
'Boucaud' in Codjia, Dossou-Ycrvo,Gnahoui and H<ldonou.268Linguistically, uhisinon means
'Boko' 'merchant' generically (literallv 'market-wife-mother', apparentl,vwith the
the records of the Dahontel and in those of the Spallaip, who sold no less -.r.ly
'regular customer'); but in Dahomey it evidently' had a technical
than 5l out of the 184 slavessold by Africans (28 per cent) to the former ship, and connoiation of
l3 out of 129(10 per cent) to the latter.This man's pre-eminenceis confirmcd by a meaning fgr a status conferred by royal authority, although the precise functions
ref-erencein the records of the F-renchfort in 1787, which describeshim as
'Great attached to this status are difficult to determine. In contemporary sources,the term
'Boco' 'akhi'sino'),by Burton in the 1860s'rvho explainedit,
Boucaud [i.e. Boucaud scnior], first merchant of the country'.264 is a was recordedonly once (as
lthe great tra{ers, who pay over duties to the King'.26eIn
common personal name, but nobody so called seemsto be recalled in traditions in unhelpf'ully, as denoting
Ouidah relating t<-rthis period, and it mav wcll be that his family did not remain the traditiirns.the ahisinonarc said to have been distinguished from the generality
prominent in the town subsequently.But given that no contemporary evidence oflesser traders by the privilege ofbeing authorizedto trade beyond the fiontiers
'fhcy
of Dahomian jurisdiction.2i0 were distinct from the royal officials who
suggeststhat this Boco held any official position, it is a reasonablepresumption
that he was a private mcrchant. collected dutics from European f'actories(the ganhonto),but are des-cribedas selling
In principle, it ought to be possibleto identify some of the private merchants slaveson the king's bchall; as rvellas trading <lntheir own account'r/r
active in Ouidah at this period from local traditions. The merchant families that The traclition.sthus describea situation in which the categoriestlf royal and
survived into the twentieth century include some which trace their origins or their privrte traclcrswere ovcrlapping rather than distinct. Somc holders of royal offices
settlement in Ouidah to thc eighteenth century: three (Hodonou, Kossou-Nadton, wcrc ablesimultancouslvt<ldevelopa substantialindependenttrade, as in the cases
Zob*i6) to the reign of Tegbesu (17+0-71), one (Ahidasso) to that of Kpengla 9f llol'a and Gnah<lui;while ctlnversely,some who began as private traders were
(177+89) and three (Bahini, Codjia, D6gu6non) to that of Agonglo (1789-97).26s suhscqucntlvtppointccl as agentsfor rol'al trade, as happenedmost clearly (and is
Somc of these,however,may have been originally roval rather than private traders: discusicd in a larcr chapter) in thc c:rseof Hou6nou. The traditions evidentlv
the first Bahini, as noted earlier,is said to havetraded'fbr the account'of Agonglo. dcscribe thc svstcnr rrs it <lperatedin the nincteenth century' and it would be
Others are remembered to have worked f<rr womcn of the r<lyal palacc: the first hazartl6usle crtrrrpolirtethcseirrrangcmcntsback inttl the eightecnthcentury,since
'Qrecn Mothcr' of'-ltgbesu, and '"'
Kossou-Nadtonwas a brother of [{u'aniile, thc l i r r n i t t t l l c t t t l ) ( ( l l l t l t \ i t t s l . l t t t c s ' . c tl l . r l ' l l t ; t t " f t h t It"TtrJ'212 l3'

traded at Ouidah on her behalf, and thc lirst Ilodont)u wits his ncphcw (son of a " l l r r r r i t r . ' ( ) r r r r l , r l ir(' 1. .i i ir.6i
rl
" ' ( . l u l t t t t t t t ./ , ' l l , , i l r , , , 1 ri . r l
'' )'1,
l"rPcukert lrtl 'l)orrio'. l l u r l o r r . l l r , , r ' , r lr .,
t h e s e c o n dn l n r c l s ' l ) o r r r r r ' r r r l h t r l l r r r r .i ollrtr sllrts rrttt lrorrglrlrotu'l)oncs',
\ l . r r r r , r l t , r r l ) t t r t t L t t tI rt ., 1 ' t t l ' / " ' r ' i i r ' l " l r r l ' r t r " .l ' ) s i ) . I i l
l t s . r t r t r r . u r r r ' l i r r t l t t ( . l t t r t t o n l . t t t t t l r , * l t i r l t p r r r r tl tl tl ct lrtlr . t t l s o l l t e ( . ; t l t o
w h i c h n r r r b e r n r i s r o y r r i r r g ot h ' ( ' r r r r r l l t r t r( ' \ l ( l l t l l r r l t r r r l t t l i 0 t l l l r r t t r r t t t l t l t t t '
ltttt 13", " \" (trrt/t'
\lrrt' I r ' r . l ' . . r r rI I . l . r r '
t;urrlcrintltccarltrtrtrsollitrrrlrrolottt,tltttlt.stclltrttttt.'()rrr,l.rlr'.trl """
.,il1)rlIrrrrr t\l,rrr,,rr,,l(rriltrr., |\lt l', \ i\rl \ \ l r , . , r r 1 ' l , r,,l .l lr . r l l l t r t l r r r , a t t . t , l t t ll o r l ) , t l l o t t l t . t t l
r ' r \ \ l ' , ( . ( r / . 1 6 .l n t c r r o q . r t o t t tr l t
1 , , . rI ' l t I t l k , r r r .l . i( ) , r | , | i i
'' , ' l l r , r r l r , r l r , r t l r r r r l , ' rr l , ' l r r r ,
l l t r r r c r . ' ( ) r t t r l . r l rl .' ) l ' , : i .

lll
 I)ahomian Ouidah
commercialorganizationin Ouidah was ccrtainly subject t<l significantchangein
the interveningperiod. In particular,it is clear thcrc were originalll' restrictionson
royal officials engagingin private tradc, but these were subsequentlyrelaxed.In
the carly' years of f)ahomian rule at Ouidah, under Agaja, royal officials were
forbidden to trade on their own account and, although this rule was breachcdin
practice,dctected violati<,rns were rigorousll reprcsscd:in l7-1.i,fbr crample, the
king's 'chicf' gaoler' (i.e. the official in charge of his captives)was executcd for
having illicitlv sold slaveson his own account.272'fheprinciple was reassertedin
'l'egbesu's
liquidation of existing merchantsat Ouidah in 1746,after which it was
noted (as quoted earlier)that thc officialsrvho replacedthcm did not dare to trade
on their own iccount. Bv the ninetccnth century,however,this rigorous prohibi-
tion was no krnger opcrative: F-orbesfirund that thc six 'traders ... app<lintedb1'
'thc advantageof
the king', including thc Boya, were not paid, but instead had
trading at the royal pricc, or ten per ccnt under thc market', bv inrplication
evidently on thcir own account.2Tl When and how this rclaxation of rcgulations
occurred is unclear; although a likely' contcxt is at the beginning of thc reign of
Gczo, whcn, as argued hereaficr, other evidencesugigeststhat the comn'rercial
communitYin Ouidah acquircdgreaterautonomy'.
It should also be stressedthat evcn'private'mcrchants in L)ahomeyuere, in a
sense,officials in that they were auth<lrized to tradc by royal authority..As was
noted in thc 1780s,'thcnegotiators[= 1.u4.ts] must havea proper licencefrom the
king'.27{Nloreover,in 1779Kpengla is rccordedto havc granted 'the black traders'
pcrmission 'to sit upon chairs: a privilcgc that, heretotbrc,thev had not been
permitted to enjoy'.2i5The significanceof this :rct is clarificd by later sources,
which specily that a chair was part of the insignia of a l)ah<lmian 'cabocccr' or
chief, a status that was c<lnferred upon several prominent merchants, the king
granted this rank to wealthv men in return for lavish gifts, the systemscrving in
cffect as a source of revenue through the sale of honours.276 This status of
'cab<lceer' was not purelv honorary,as it carricd an obligation to provide military
frrrces:Forbes noted that the leading merchantsin Ouidah 'have to suppll' whole
regiments' for the Dahomian army.277
Given thc problematic nature of the cvidence, the composition of thc private
merchant community in Ouidah in the eighteenth century is difficult to grasp. On
generalgrounds, it rvould be expectedthat the conditions of' wholesaletrading,
requiring accessto substantialcapital and credit, would favour the dominanceof a
small number of large-scaleentrepreneurs.lT'In Ouiclah, there werc certainly
substantialmerchants, such as Boco, ll'ho sold many slllcs to both thc Dahometin
1773 and the Swallorpin 1792/3. But thc accountsof'thcsc ships shou thirt around
r 7 rA N F I ( b / 2 5 , L u c t . J u t h , 2 6
\ug. l7.lJ.
rtr lrorbcs, l )u hurt1,, i, l l l.
r7i lscrt. /,r1lrrr. 9ll.
rI Ihlzcf Ilt!t0rt',lill.
. 1,
r ; " l l r t r l o t t . l l r " r a z . i . 7 i . l l e r . r r r t l ,\ r r l r s r r rl r | ) , r l r , t r r t ' .i , S ( l
'
f r r r r l t t sl.) r h , , n t y , t , | | \
Dahomian Ouidah
a fif th of'the shves purchasedfi'om Aflricanson both occasions(12 of 184 bi the
formcr, 24 of 129 bi' the lattcr) rverc sold by persons u'ho were involvcd in onll' a
single transaction, ftrr only <-rncor two slavcs,which has becn citcd as indicating a
significantrole for 'small-scaletraders'.r7') However,even someoncsclling a single
slave rvasoperating on a relatively large scale;the selling price of an adult male
slavc in 1773, ll 'ounccs' or '14 grand cabessol'colvries, rvas equivalent to the
rvagcsof a porter filr over five -1ears.280 The substantialmerchants were clearl,n.-
ovcrwhelminglym:rlc:as was explicitly'notcdin thc l7ti0s,in contrastto local tradc
which was conductedbv women, the slavctrade was 'the province of men'.281 An
exceptionwas the woman merchant Kposi arrestedin the 1780s,although it is not
specilied that she tr:rded in shves; howeveq she is describedas 'follow[ing] her
husband,wh<lwits also a considerirbletrader' to do businessat Abomcy, in-rplving
that shc operatedin plrtnership rvith him, rathcr than having riscn indcpcndcntlv
from the ranks of the femalepettv traders.282
In the nineteenth century; the Ouidah merchirnt community incorprlrated a
number of personsof'{'oreignorigin u.ho settled permanentlyin thc town, such as
FranciscttFelix de Souza. Some of the long;er-servingdirectrlrs of the European
fbrts in thc eightcenthccnturl; such as Lionel Abs<lnof'thc flnglish f<-rrt, might be
regarded in the same light, as hrrvingbecome efflectivelvnaturalized l)ahomians
and often trading on their own account. A more precise parallel and precedent was
'Irrxrkoo',
alias Dom Jeronimo (died 1790), who was in origin a prince of'thc
Dahonrian royal l'an-rilr',sold into slaverv in Brazil b1,'Icgbesu, but redeemed and
returned to l)ah<lmcy'bl Kpcngla, r,r'hobecamea prominent slavc-dealer at Ouidah
in the 1780s.He, howcver,enjovedthe honorific title of 'the king's friend', which
suggeststhat he lunctioned as a royal agent (as did de Souza later), rarher than a
strictlv independentmerchant, and he remained basicallyparr of the Dahomian
ruling establishmcnt,cvcn prcsentinghimself as a candidatefor thc royal succcs-
s i o ni n 1 7 8 9 . r * l
Private merchant enterprise under Dahomian rule suffered competitive dis-
advantagesin relation to the state. As described more fully in the next chapteq the
kings of Dahomey enfbrceda right to sell their slavesfirst, beforeanyoneelsecould
trade, and to receive higher prices. Private merchants were also subject to heavy
taxation. tansit dutics wcrc lcvicd on slavcs,as well as other commoditics, at
'Ihe
various points along thc road from Abomey south to Ouidah.28l Hueda kings
earlier had also levicd an export tax, at a rate of -5galinas(1,000cowries)per slave
(2.-5per ct:nt of their current sellingprice), collectedfrom the Afiican sellersrather
2i"\larionJohnsotr,"l'ht
\thttticslrretrrtlcrtnrl lhecconomlof\\t'stAliica',inRogcr.{nstcv&PE.tl.Hair
(cd\\, l)itrlot)1, thL !frt'rtt.\'ltit'l rr,lt rul lholttin (l,ircrprxrl, 1976),2+ 5.
' ^ " ' \ s s t t t t t i t t l tl l t . t l . t
l r r r t t r u , , r I t r l , r r r r l\ \ i r \ l ) : r j ( l( r t l l 0 t o r r r i t s p c r r l r _ r )l i r r o n l _ r t h r c e r h l s o f t h c f i r u r d l r
'sttk','l'1
g t l t t r l , . t l r tr : ( l ; ( ' , 0 ( 1 0( o \ t r r ( ' \ )r ( | r ' ( \ ( n t ( ' ( l u r g c s l i r r r r r c r l . - 1 { Xl )t c r s o n , / d r r s .
r"r lst r t. /., lt, t '- l 0ll
' ' t : | ) , 1 l z t , /l /. r i r r r . l l l S
''l,lt().'l;tt./l.lr.
l r , , r r l, \ l ' . . , , r r . { ) r r r , l l. lrlltr, , l,\', 1 , t ) / l l { , . )1. ) , n l l , r r L . \ \ i l l r . r r r r ' r l i lri rl r .r n . l T l i " l ,
l t , l . r r rl , \ . . l r t l t , l , l l , , r " '| . " ' ; " '
'''
l ' l ' \ l r . r , , r r ' . t\,' ,, l r . r r r t r, r, r , l l t r l r , , r r rt , , , , , ! l r r r r \l { , 1 ' , , r rl t , \ . r l l , , r rl , r r o r , r r r r r r r ,l )l r. r l r o r r r r r ' . 1 / i i t r
ll
 Dahomian Ouidah
than the Europeanpurchasers.28s Under Dahomian rule, a referencein the 1770sto
the levying of duties 'at the gate of the forts' may allude to a similar tax. More
explicitly,it was noted in the 1840sthat all exports,including palm oil and ivory as
wcll as slaves,wcre subject to a tax, levied on the Dahomian sellersand collected bv
the Yovogan,the duty on slavesbeing'very high', charged 'according to the number
of slavesshipped on board' and usually paid in rum or tobacco; another source
givesthe rate of this duty as $5 (10,000cowries)per slavc,equivalentto 6.25 per
ccnt of the current sellingprice.286
The profits left to private merchants after these impositions were taxed further,
through a levv on merchantincomes.In 1772it was noted that the Annual Customs
at the capital were attendedby 'the black merchants,or trading men, and indeed
cvery head of a family', who were obliged to bring 'a quantity of cowries, propor-
tioned to their circumstances'.287 Tradition indicates that this tax on merchant
incomes r,l'asregarded as the counterpart of the taxes levied in kind on farmers and
crafismen, the same term, huzu, being applied to both; one nineteenth-centurl'
source, however, gives the local name of the income tax paid in cowries as 'head-
money' (tahme).283 I)ah<lmiantradition dcscribesthe annual tax in cowries as levied
on all adult males at a flat rate (rvhich in the late nineteenth century was 4,000
cowries per head).28e But presumably this was a minimum figure, and those with
substantial monetary incomes paid more. Other contemporary sources certainly
confirm that the tax was graduated: two accountsof the 1840s,for example,report
that chiefs paid according to their status and merchants 'proportionately to the
extent of their commerce'andthat taxeswere levied'accordingto rank, reputation,
and incomc'.2e0 The taxing of merchant incomes was basedon an informed assess-
ment, rather than a conventional figure: the king posted one of his own daughters
and two officers in the household of each of his 'ministers', to 'superintend the
minister'strade, on which he pays tribute accordingto their report'.2e1 The rate of
the tirx in the early nineteenthcenturv was one-third of income.2e2
Mcrchant wealth ll'as also subject to an inheritance tax. It was noted in the late
cighteenthcentury that 'The King of Dahomy ... is heir to all his subiects.On the
death of any of his officers, their whole effects, of which their wives and children
arc considered to be a part, go to the King'. This royal right of inheritance is also
recorded in the nineteenth century; one account for example reporting that 'at the
deceaseof any caboceer,the whole of his propert-vis considcrcd as belonging t<l the
King'.u'trLocal tradition in Ouidah likewiserecallsthat on the dcath of a chiel, 'all
r ' i ' R c f a t i o n d u R o l a u m e d c J u d a s ' , 7 6 - 7 ; L , t b l . t , I , i t 1 , a g ai i,, t l 0 ; d c s \ l i r r c h a i s , ' - l o u r n a l ' , ' { 9 .
"nf)e Chenevcrt&Bullct,'R6ilexions',7;Duncan,'l rattls,i, l22.i;Pl',Nlissionsto.\shrntecrntl l)ahonrcr,
C , r u i c k s h a n kR c p o r r , I 6 . I n t h c 1 t l 6 0 s ,t h c d u t l i s g i v e n a s $ ' [ p e r s l l e : I t l ' . S l l c ' l r l l e I 1 1 6 . ](.. l a s s I ] , n o . 2 1 ,
(irnsul lireeman, Lagos, I
J u l v 1 8 6 3 1P P , I ) c s p r t c h e s l i r n r
rn7Norris- Memoirs. 87.
r ' * ( } r 6 n u m . . 4 r p a 1 , s l t s l i , n s , Z . l ;I ) u n c r n , ' l n t t l s , i , | 2 2 . 1 .
r t " L c I [ e r i s s 6 ,] , ' l u t r t n R o ; r r a a r , ,f i . l - { .
i " " l l r u c , ' \ ! r r r g c ' , ( r 5 ,| ) t r r t t r t t ,7 ) a ; , / , . i . I l l i
t " ' f ' ' r r r l r c sl .) t h r t n L y . i . l \ l
""llolttrtsott.\,,1,,.111'ott,tlrtt,loltlrrpr,'1'rrt\i'l(\rtrttt,ltrt,lrr.tlr.,,'ll,,r,,l.ttrtrrt.tllr'
'"
l l r t l I ) r r r r , . r r /r ,. , r , / ' r r ) t ' I
il\
Dahomian Ouidah
the goods forming the inheritance, including their wives and children, are held at
the disposition of the king, who decides their fate'.2'raAs one contemporary
observer, Burton, grasped, the deceased'sestate was in fact normallv restored to
his family, on payment of a death dutv.z'sDahomian tradition maintains that the
royal right of inheritance was mer€ly 'fictitious', since only limited sums were
taken in tax.2e6But the contemporary evidence indicates that, at least in the caseof
merchant estatesin Ouidah, the inheritance tax was heavy.Two nineteenth-century
accounts thus assert that 'the greater part of the property of every individual
reverts to the crown at his demise', the heir receiving back only 'a very small
portion of the estate'.2'7Ouidah tradition indicatesthat, at least in the nineteenth
century, the tax was levied at a rate of three-quarters of the estate, while also
rccalling that eff<lrts were regularly made to conceal movable property, including
slaves,in order to evadepayment.z"3
Ouiduh within Dahonte.y
Karl Polanyi argued that Ouidah was never fullv integrated into the Dahomian
state. Rather, the Dah<lmian kings contented themselveswith a 'remote control',
which kept Ouidah deliberately 'isolated from the core of the country'; in this way,
it is suggested,the supposedearlierstatusof Ouidah as a politically neutral'port of
trade' was effectively perpetuated,albeit in a changed form, under Dahomian
rule.2"' In this, Polanyi seemsto have been influenced by an observation of Burton
that Ouidah was 'a "white man's town", and under the direct supcrvision of the
King, who rarely interferes with the administration', though fJurton went on to
qualify this by noting that 'If any evil report reachesthe capital a royal messenger
comcs down, and the flocal] authorities tremble.'100 A contrary view is propounded
bv Elis6eSoumonni, that the administrationof Ouidah under Dahomian rule was
rather'organizedwithin the framervorkof a province integratedinto the rest of the
kingdom', and this seemsto offcr a better fit with the evidence.-i0r
The autonomyof
thc Dahomian officials based locally in Ouidah was severely circumscribed,
important matters being referred to the authority of the king in the capital.'fhese
ollicials also, and indeed the directors of the European forts and also visiting
l'.rrropcantraders,regularly travelledto the capital to consult with the king, while
r'onvcrselvotlicials ancl roval messengersfiom the capital were sent to Ouidah to
irrspcctconditionsand t<ltransmit and enforceroyal orders.
" \ g h r , / / r r t a r r r ' ,5 - { .
''
l l L t r t o t t .l l r r v " z . i . . l ( r 7
( i n t n t o t l r r e \ \ ' i l r r r o t , n o . l . 2 ( ) . 1 : r r lr1. 1 6 . 1 .
" l . c I f t r t . . c , l . l r , r t n / ? " 1 r r a l l r ' .l l - l 5 .
'''
l ( , r l r t . r t s r l r\,' , t , ' ' . l 7 l . l ) 1 1\ l r s s i o r r r t r r \ s l r . r r r t t tr r r r rll) r h o r n e r . ( . r L r i c k s h a n k R e p o r tl ,( r .
" f r , r . / , ' I ) , t h " n t t ' . l l , . r l r ' 5 , r t t zl..rr. l t n t l l L , l t . \ ' , , t r ; , t . 1 . 1 , 56(0, l l t t t r l o n s p o i n t t l e S o u z r s i r c s t h e r a t c a s z i :
r l r r ,.l l i
''
l ' , ' l . r t rrr. I ) , t h , , u ,t . | \ l ' t
'llrttt,,tt
l l r " r , , ar r t ' ,
| \ \ , ' r r t r r , ' t r t lt lr r. , . r , l n l t r . , t ! . r t r ' n , r l . r p r ' r t l l tr ll r. rl r t r , r r l r( ) r r r r l . r l t r r r t l r r . l r r r r ' t t . r . r r t l r r t l r t r r r t
.\ \trr,lrlrlt l""r','ltlt,\,'i /,//, l\ .l
 Dahomian Ouidah
Nevcrthcless,L,dna Bav's studv of Dahomian political culturc notes the 'great
distance... both psychologicalllancl culturalh' which persisteclbetweenAbomcv
:rnd Ouidah. From the perspectiveof thc Dahomian ruling elite, shc suggiests,
Ouidah rcmained 'somethingalien, ... an cntitv which could not bc rvhollv con-
trolled'; the belt of'marshland(called the Lama) that separatcdthe original hcart-
land of'l)lhomcv from AllaclaanclOuidrh remaincda cultural and psvchologicalas
well as a physical barrier, even afier the political incorporrtion of thc southern
kingdoms.r')rIiuropeans noted that peoplc travelling fiom Ouidah inland to the
capital Abomev talked of going 'to l)ahomev', as if it were a different countr\,-.'i(r1
RecentOuidah trldition reprcsentsthe period of Dahomian rule between1727md
Itl92 in tcrms of an alien and exploitativc, cffcctivelv colonial, rcgimc; local
hist<lrian(.asimir Agbo, firr example,spcaksof the'Fon dominltion'or'l)ahomian
occupation'.itt+'l'[isidea of Dahomian rulc as a fioreignconqucstrvassupported,as
has bcen secn, by the appropriation,in Lrcal tradition, uf thc historv of thc pre-
l)ahomian Hucda kingdom as that rll'thc urban cummunitv of Dahomian Ouidah.
'l'his
perspectivcmav rcflect mainlv recollcctionsof the nineteenthcentur\',whcn
relations between Ouidah and thc L)ahon-rianr.nonarchl became increasinglr
dillicult, especially'during the second half-of the century after the cnding of the
Atlantic slavetrade.But therc u,asclcarll' tcnsion alreadyin thc eightcenthcenturl'.
In thc l7lJ0sit was suggestedthat the rcasonwhl the king nu'cr came to Ouidah
was 'becausehe f-earslilr his lifc', in consequenceof local rcscntment o1' the
'cxtrcmc despotism'of'his rulc. r"5
'l'he
problemittic nlturc <lf thc rclationship betwccn Ouidah and f)ahomev in
the eightecnth ccntury is dramaticarllyillustrated b1' the insecurity of tcnure of
ollicials in the torvn.'I'he fiequencv of'cxccutionsand disnrissalso1'scnirlrclfficials
during thc flrst half--centurvof'I)al-romianadministrationis trulv astonishing.As
sccn earlier, the second viccrol', appointed in 17,13u'ith thc title'I'egan, was
cxecutedafter only a few months in office, and thc third Tcgan r,vrskilled in a
rebellionin l7'15.This rvasprobablythe occasionfbr the suppressionof'thc title of'
Tegan and its replacementby that of'\bv<lgan;anclprobablvin conncctionwith this
rerlrganization'legbesuar<lundthe beginning of 1746 also cxccutcd and replaced
thc cxisting r<llirl trlders at Ouidah.'I'he turnover o1'oflicialscan subsequentllbc
fbllorvcclin dctrril in the recorclsof'the English fbrt fiom 1752 onrvards.i""ln
Januarv 1752the Caho,comnunclerof thc local p;arrison,lras erccuted. ln Ma1,or
June 17.5-la senior oflicial from Abomo', the'lbkpo (to bc clistinguishccl fiom thc
Ouidah mcrchant I-amil1-' <lf this name), was sent clolvn t<l Ouidah to 'scizc some
great men's cfI'cctsncar this place', and in Jull' ur August thc (.okc, heirclof-tirc
kinpl'stradcrs,was killed. In March or April 175-5both thc lirrogrrn irnclthc (irkc
rrrrlhl; ll rlr-r o/ tht [,topurl,10i 8.
rrr PR(), IrOll+/llll(r, [,ouis li'aser, I )ailr journrl, J.i
- l u l r | ) i i l . l ] o t r c h e .. \ ' , 7 , r, 1 2 , . ; - 1 ;
t"t Agbrr, I I rt oi rt, | 2, 15.
i"' lscrt. /,r/ft'rr. 102.
r " l ) l l . ( ) . 1 7 { ) / l l 5 i fi r . i . l ) r t l l o r , l s . \ \ i l l r . r r r r ' . l , l, ,r rr . ) l s l '
s ( ) t l t\(( . t r \ ' . t ( ( r ) r l t r l \ t t t t s s t t r r l , t t t , l , ' l l r r ' t r , , , t r lr,lr, trlltrt,tlr, r, lror lt rr ll tt o. r r tr l r r I r r l l . " r r \ \ . r r rl lo. r t l r r r r r
r t t l i r l tr r lt l r r \ , ' \ o r ' . r rr tr r\ , ' r L ' , . , , . r 1 . ,\' \ l
Dahomian Ouidah
were executed; in May or June the lbvogan's successor(who held the title Tegan,
rathcr than Y<lvogan)was likewise execut€d;and the succeedingvicerov (now again
entitled Y<rvogan),named Bocco Bambia, was executcd in his turn in November. In
Mal: orJune 1756the lbvogan was summoned to Abomev and either dismissedor
executed,his replacementbeing installed at Ouidah by' the l\{ehu in person.The
Boya, secondto the Coke among the king's traders, was killed in Septemberor
October 1756,and the Coke himself in Septemberor October 1759.In April 1760
the Yovogrrnwas 'recalled from the post'; his successorheld office for only twelve
days (28 April to l0 Mav) beforebeing summonedback to Abomey and killed, and
'fhe
the new appointeein turn was'displaced'in October 1761. Yovoganappointed
on this occirsion(named 'Honnou' in other sources)died a natural death while still
in office in Junc 1768,secminglvthe flrst holdcr of the title to achievethis distinc-
tion. In l\,[:rrch1770thc C,okervas'degraded'andreplaccd,and in Februarr,l77l
the ).ovoganwas'superseded'.The new Vrvogan then appointeddicd inJuly 1776,
again apparentll,'ofnatural causes,but his successorwas erecutcd in March 1778.
Continuing tensions art: suggestedby the f-actthat twice, in A,'Iarchl77tl and May
1779,the Ytrvoganand other oflicialsof Ouidah u,creordered to assemblcin order
to swearlovaltv to the king. The Y<lv<lgan appointedin l77ll, howevcqsurvived sir
vears, a nerv incumbent being appointed in June 17t14.In thcse records, these
cxccutions and dismissalsarc reportcd as bald facts, rvithout erplanation. Only
vcrv occasionallt'is more detail avaihblc fiom other sources.Thc executionof thc
Yoxrgan in 1778,for examplc,was duc t<l allegedlyfalselccusationsmadc b-vhis
subordinirtes,the Cokc and 'F-ooev',that he had usurped thc royal prcrogativesof
nclring sarrdalsand using a'llhitc nran'sumbrclla'; his rcplacementis said to havc
gone insanc,so presumablt was rcrnovedon groundsof incapacitr'.;{'t
,{ftcr the 1770s thc fiequcncy ol'exccutions of officials diminished, though
rrhcthcr this reflccted the monarchy'ssuccessin suppressingoppositionor that of
thc olllcials in placing restraintsup<lnro1'alpolver is uncertain.Tcnsions bctween
( )uidlh and Dahomcv pcrsistedbut norv took a different form, inv<llvingconfron-
tirli0ns bct$'ccn thc monarchl' and the local merchant contmunity'.Although
nrcrch:rntshitd bcen givcn oflicial rccopfniti<ln as'caboceers'inthe 1770s,thev werc
still not rrltogcthersociallv rcspcctable.Thc heavl scllc of taxation of merchant
rrt';rllh,it nrirr'bc sr.rggested, rcflccteclnot onlv thc roval appctite fbr revenue,but
.tlsort conriction tl.ratconrmcrcialueirlth required to be restraincdfbr sociopolitical
r ' ( ' : r s o l lssirn c c t h c i r c c u n r u l a t i <ol nf ' r i c h c s i n p r i v a t e h a n d sr v a st h o u g h t t o p o s ea
l l t t ' t ' r ttlo t h t ' t l o t r t i t r r r n cocl ' t h e n r i r r t i a vl a l u c sw i t h w h i c h t h e D a h o m i a nm o n a r c h y
r r . r si t l c n t i l i c t l :r r sl ' i r r ' l l c sp c r c c i r c c le, n t c r p r i s cw r s ' n o t e n c o u r a g c d ' b e c a u s c ' t h e
l r n g i s r r \ \ : u ct l l : l l ! i l ' t h c e n j o _ r r r r c<n ltf - h o n t ea, n d t h e l u x u r i e so f h e a l t h a n d
I t , t p p t t t t s s\ \,( ' l ( ' ( ) r l ( ( ' o l r l ; t i t t eht lc, u o t t l r l l i r i l i n r o l u n t c c r sf i l r t h e a n n u a ls l a v e -
l r t t n t ' . ' " ' \ r r r , r j , rtr l r r s l rr r i l s l ) r ( ) \ r r k t ' t lr,r s r r o t e ccl a r l i c r ' b, r K l l e n g l a ' sa t t e m p t t o
( r r l ( r l l r t r r r i t l . l l t r r r ,l t :t tr t l t i t t : l : r r t s l t r t t t ' l t r t s lcl t' o
l r r tr h c i n t c r i r l ri n t h c l 7 t l 0 s ,
r r l r t rl t t , , l r s t t l r u , l r l i r t r t o l l l ) r , \ r t r r r nl r o n l l l r t r r r t ' t t ' l t l t t tt to l t u t t t t n i l r t h l r t i t n l t s
. r 1 r . r 1 1 , 1 , " , l.r, \, l r r s r r t r t r r , , r \ r i , , n l l 1 , , I l , r r r t r t r , l l r t ' r ' t .r r t . l t l i n ' t l t t ' r ' t ' l l t s l t c s t t n t l c r
l l r r r r r , r i l l , r ( ( , r r r ' . r r ' , lrt,. r ' t r r r r r t , r t r . r r r t l r
Irrl ,l ll :
( 1 , ' , ( r r r ,. l r r , l , \ , , ' I . '
f,'rl', lttt
l.'tl
 Dahomian Ouidah
Agonglo'ssuccessorAdandozan(1797-1818),when one leadingOuidah merchant,
D6gu6non, is said to have suffered confiscation of his propertl, on rwo separare
occasions,on onc of which he lost no fewer than 380 slaves;and around the same t[[[[t(
+
time another, Sossou Hodonou, u'as imprisoned and presumably also had his
property confiscated,since the family fortunes had to be rebuilt by his brother and t
successorDovonou.30eMost famousll', as will bc seen in a later chapter, the locally
resident Brazilian trader Francisco Felix de Souza also quarrelled with Adandozan,
TheOperation
over unpaid royal debts,which led to his imprisonmentat Abomel in consequence
of which de Souza gavehis support to the coup d'etat that overthrew Ad,anzozanin of theAtlantic Slaae Trade
favour of his brother Gezo in 1818. The revolution of l8l8 thus represented,in
one of its aspects, an assertion of the interests of private merchant enterprise
againstthe centralizingauthority of the Dahomian monarchy.
r"" Revnier.'Ouidah'.53-,{.

ouidah under Dahomian rule was more than simplv a site of Europeantrade.Even
in narrowly economic terms, it was also a centre for fishing and salt production, as
well as for local trade, especiallyalong the coastallagoon. It also ierved, as has
been seen, as a seat of Dahomian provincial administration ancl as a militarv
garrisontown. Nevertheless,its central function was in trade with Europeans;this
is not just a Eurocentric perception, it was shared by the Dahomians themselves,
as reflected in the title of the administrator of the town, yovogan, ,Chief of the
white men'. ouidah was a 'white man's town', not in the senseof being uncler
European control but in that its principal function was as the site of tra{e with
Europeans.
The Dahomian kings continued thc policy of the earlier Hueda kings, of
maintaining Ouidah as a neutral port rvhere hostilities among Europeanswcrc
prohibited. In 1755, for example, Tegbesu sent to Ouiclah to r"-i.t.l the directors
tlf the Europcanforts that'the road should be free and nobody should be molested
while at anchor there'; in 1762, when British ships firecl on a canoe delivering
strppliesto the Frcnch fort, he again sent to protestand to 'desireall white .n.n tu
livc in friendship and let all palaversdrop'. In 1791, whcn war with France was
rrgainthreatening,the British were still confident that Ouidah would remain a safe
Itavcn,since 'thc king of Dahomey is so absolutea monarch there as never to suffer
rrn-r'I'.uropcansscttled in his dominions to have any conrroversiesof anv hostile
llilturc rvhatcver'.r'l-hc p<llicv bcgan to break down only after 1794, when the
li'cnch rcvolulionar-\'llovcrnmcnt, having cndcd its own slavetrade and thus no
longcr hrrvinganv intcrcst in thc sccuritv of thc ouidah'port', begana systematic
trrnrpirign of' pirircv rrglirrst llritish rrnd Prlrtugucsc shippinpl at Ouidah ancl
t ' l s t ' r r l t c roc t t l l t c I t i g h t o l ' l l c n i n . r , ' \ sl r r t er r sl t i 0 3 , h r l r v c v c qa f t c r a B r i t i s h s h i p h a {
l . t k t ' t tr t l " r c n t ' l rr t ' s s t ' lo l l ( ) r r i t l : r h t, l r c l ) i r h o n r i r r nr r t r t h o r i t i c$s , e r cs t i l l s c c k i n et o

I ' R ( ) , l , l , ' l l \ \ ' , . l ) . r r l l , , ' l \ \ r l l r . r r r rl ', ., ,r r . \ , r r ll, Lrr..'N r , ( ) ( r l 7 { , 1 , 1 7 { l / l s r , . (t .i o r c r n o r &

( , , r l r r l . ( , r l , '( , , . r , . |t , \ l . r r , l r l , , l l
\ l t r t , ' y l , r r / ) . r i r , , ' Ir , I \ i

l. I
Lt.t
'fhe
Operation of the Atlantic Slave'frade The Operation of the Atlantic Slave'liade
uphold the principle, arresting a tsritish factor on shore on suspici<lnof c<lmplicity
vogo' in the attack.l
Until thc second quarter of thc nineteenth century the L,uropeantrade was still
overwhelminglyin slaves.Although significanttrade was also made at Ouidah for
gold during the first halfofthe eighteenthcentury.this was not a local product but
a re-export, brought from Brazil by Portugucse traders to exchange fbr slaves.l
When the F'renchfort at Ouidah was abandonedin 1797,following the ending of
thc Frcnch slave trade, its former director suggestedthe possibility of alternativc
-"--- trade in ivorl', cotton, localll'manufactured cl<lth and palm <lil, and a British trader
at Ouidah in 1803reported that the trade there included ivory and palm oil, as well
o\o'{o
go$o'' as slaves.5lys1l,, howevcr, was sold onlv in very small quantities; the British ship
Swallop in 1792-3, fbr example, purchased ivory to the value of only 70 ounccs
o-Tl.*..oooo**' ({280), representingunder 2 per cent of the valueof the 122 slavesobtained.Cloth
was exported principally to Brazil, the demand coming from the population of
African origin thcre, but this was manufactured in Yorubaland and went mainly
"\\(t\a* through more easterlv ports, such as Porto-Novo and Lagos.r' Palm oil was in
growing demand in Britain as an industrial raw matcrial (mainly in soap-making)
and by the 1780s'large quantities' were already being exported through Ouidah for
O"tdu" the British market;7but the real take-off of thc palm-<lil trade occurrecllater, in the
1840s.These other commodities wcrc as yet of trivial importance in comparison
with the slavetrade,which remainedthc mainstayof Ouidah's businessthroughout
\ the eighteenth century'.
"-tr.UO After the destruction of Jakin in 1732, Ouidah was left as the sole outlet for
a-"" ^\Fa^b\lo' Dahomey'sexport trade; a project to reopenJrrkinas a slavingport in l7l6-7 camc
to nothing.8Nevertheless,under I)ahomian rule the volume of the slave trade
Ir-*t"o*
S *tus through Ouidah was lower than earlier. Tbtal exports from thc Bight of Benin as a
Qo(o"- whole tended to be lower afier the 1730s;and within this total Ouidah suffered
increasingcompetition fiom rival ports in the region: Grand-Popo and Littlc P<lp<
to the west, and Badagry; Ekpd, Porto-Novo (from the 1750s)and Lagos (from the
1760s)to thc east.Ouidah, however,remainedthe largestport in the region down
to thc end of the eighteenth century, still accounting fbr between a third and a half
".""
of all exports from the Bight of Benin. In 1750, Ouidah was estimated to be
exporting between 8,000 rrnd 9,000 slavesannually',which must have represcntcd
the great majoritl-of cxports from the Bight. In 1765,however,when exports from
\(e\9 thc cntire coastfrom the Volta to Bcnin were put at 12,100slavesannually,Ouidah
w'ascontributing onll' -5,(XX) of these,although this was well ahead of its nearest
rival Grancl-Popo, lvith cxports of 2,000 annualll', and Porto-Novo and Benin
z? (nrcrning \Virrri,rrther thrn thc kingdom of Benin itsclf), eachwith 1,200;in 1788,

,A$
\.1' /' 'l'lt().'lil)/lll)i,l).r\11,,,,k,\\illiurrr'slirrrt,5\rrg.lllO.i;\1'l.e<xl,/ir1z,qr,ll.1
() 10 2() . 1 0r n r l e s . ,e( l-1.
' l l o l r r r r| . r r . " l l r t q , r l r lt r . r r l to l \ \ l r r r l , r l irr r t l r t s t r t r r l t t r r t l r
ttllY r n t l e i q h t e e n t hc e n t r r r i c s 'i,n I ) a v i d I l c n i g c & ' l i ( i .
\ l r ( . . r s L r (, t r l s ) .l l , , l l l t r , , t nL , , t t , , r t t,tt,t t , l . \ , ' , r rl l l t l t t ' ( \ l . r t l i s o n l.( ) 9 0 ) , 1 0 5 l l i .
\ \ 1 , ( { ' . . ' / , n r ( n r , , r r ' ( u rr r l ) ( r r r . r r r , l , l . r ( r . r r l r r r r r ' . 1 ' . r r r ' , l i r r i r o s r ' . \ t r r r \ l l . \ l ' l , t o t l . l a ; r i 4 , , l -
\ , l . r r r ./.i , , uI | 1 , . ' t ,
\ r , r r r ' , l l , , r t , ' t , I, l t '
\ l : r g ri llrt por l s' ol l lrt :l.ttt t r.ttlt
\ l t r t t , ' r l ' r r r/ ) r i r , ' , , r , I ' t ' I

| .'I I'
 The Operation of the Atlantic Slave Trade The Operation of the Atlantic Slave tade
total exports from the Bight of Benin were estimated at 12,500annually, of which are the accounts of the two ships already mentioned in the preceding chapter, the
Ouidah accountcd for 4,500, while Porto-Novo and Badagry together supplied French Dahometin 1773and the British Swallop in 1792-3.t+
3,500,and Lagos and Benin a further 3,500.e The European trade at Ouidah under Dahomian rule was closely regulatedby the
The diversion of trade to ports east of Ouidah mainly reflected the rising state.In general,the Dahomians continued the system that had operated under the
importance of the kingdom of Oyo, in the interior to the north-east, as a supplier of Hueda kings before 1727, although with some modifications.rsThe most obvious
slaves;by the 1770sOyo was reported to be the source of most of the slavessold at changewas that European traders now normally did the initial businessof opening
the coast. Some of the trade from Oyo went through Ouidah; Abomey-Calavi on the trade with the Yovogan at Ouidah rather than with the king in the capital.
the western shore of Lake Nokou6 served as a frontier market for the purchase of European ships' captains did sometimestravel to Abomey to see the king, but only
slavesfrom Oyo traders.r0But in the longer run, the Oyo preferred to take their when they had some specificproblem or dispute to resolvewith him. Also, Dahomey
slaves to eastern ports beyond Dahomian jurisdiction. Dahomey attempted to enforcedmore rigorously than Allada and Hueda earlier its position as middleman in
eliminate the competition of the eastern ports by military action, raiding Ekpd in the slave trade, requiring traders from the interior to sell to Dahomian merchants
1747 and Porto-Novo in 1763. Subsequently, the Dahomians allied with Porto- rather than being able to deal directly with Europeans;this was a principal reasonfor
Novo to attack and destroy Ekpd in 1782, and Badagry in 1784, and, after this the preferenceof the C)yo t<t take their slavesto the eastern ports of Ekpd, Porto-
alliancehad broken down, they again raided Porto-Novo in1787,l79l and 1804. Novo and Badagry,where 'they are allowedto come to trade at the coast'.16
This Dahomian pressure on Badagry and Porto-Novo, however, was ineffective in Under Dahomian rule, Europeans continued to have to pay 'customs' for
the long run, to the extent that it drove the trade of Oyo further east to Lagos, permission to trade, now delivered to the Yovogan at Ouidah; it was stressedthat
which was beyond the effective reach of Dahomian military operations.rr the payment of customs 'ought to be done as soon as possible,for the traders dare
In the secondhalfofthe eighteenth century, the slavesexported through Ouidah not receive goods till the King has got his dues'.r7Under the Hueda kings
went mainly to Brazil and to French Caribbeancolonies,especiallySaint-Domingue immediately prior to the Dahomian conquest the customs consistedof goods t<l the
(the future Haiti). Over the entire history of the Atlantic trade, around 60 per cent value of 6 slaves to the king and 2 to the 'caboceers', one each to those most
of slavesexported flrom the Bight of Benin are estimated to have gone to Brazil, as involved in the European trade, the Yovogan and the Agou.rs Under Dahomian
against 20 per cent to the French Caribbean and only l0 per cent to British rule, the rate was higher and seemingly paid only to the king, although collectedon
colonies. The relative importance of different markets varied over time, however, his behalf by the Yovogan. The French fort at Ouidah in 1750 complained that
with the British taking the majority of exports in the late seventeenthcentury but customs at Ouidah were 'heavier than at any other place on the Coast', consisting
declining in importance after 1700, as British slaving increasingly focused on the ofthe value of l0 slavespaid to the king, plus one further paid'for the opening of
Bight of Biafra and Angola, while the French trade grew to rival that to Brazil in trade'; in 1752 the Yovogan attempted to raise the customs to20'l slaves,but on
the second half of the eighteenth century, until the market in Saint-Domingue was appealto the king the rate was reduced to the normal 11.'eLater, the system was
closed down by the slaveinsurrection there in l79l.t2 refined, with payments graduated according to the size of the ship, measured by
the number of its masts. The change may possibly have been introduced in 1777,
when a Portuguesetrader requestedto be allowed to pay 'only half custom' and the
The conductoJ'theEuropeantrade king sent to consult the directors of the forts at Ouidah as to 'whether the white
men would look upon it as a precedent for the future'; although the size of the ship
Details of the mode of operation of European trade at Ouidah are documented by a involved is not explicitly mentioned as the issue, it seems a likely basis for
number of descriptions of trading procedures, for example in a F'rench source of requestinga lower rate.2oIn 1784-5 the rate was given as the value of 12 slavesfor a
1750,and in Danish and British accountsrelatingto the l780s.rrAlso illuminating

'! ANI.I C6l25, Pruneau & Guestard,'M6moire ( ' l i i ') o f ' l h c

pour scrvir ri I'intclligcnce tlu crlrrmcrcc de Judrr', llJ March Prirr (iruncil, l7fi9, in I)onnan, Dotumtnts, ii, 59G7; seealso'State of the (lustoms which the
1750; K. David Patterson,'A notc on shvc exports fiorn thc (,ostr rh Nlina, 1760 1770', 111li'lN, s6rie B, ships thlt nrrkc thcir uholc trade at \\'hrdah pav to thc King ofDahomey'(undated, but apparently ofthc
3 3 / Z ( 1 9 7 1 \ , 2 5 5 ; e v i d e n c eo f ' R o b e r t N o r r i s t o t h e S c l c c t ( i r n r n r i t t e e o l t h c l ) r i r r ( r r u n c i l o n t h c S l a r e ' I ' r a t l e , 1770s ll0s), in (ionrcr \\'illianrs, Ilrstory p/ 111s
Lrttrpool Priruttrr.s (London, 1897), 550-53.
1789,inl.,lizabcthl)onnan(etl.). l)otunrtntslllustrttittol rhtIlrrorl'tl rht.\lrtt'l)rlttrt lutritu(\Vlshing Scc rlsrt lltt ie(r)utll, brsetl Inrittlv ott thc clse ol'thc l)uhuut, in Berbain, It Comptoir.liunsais de Judu,
ton, 1930-5), ii, .591.l. 6t) 11
r(r I)c (lhenevcrt & llullet, 'Rtllerions', 5. S t t l r r r t l r e rl . . r n , ' l { o r . r lr ) ) o r r o p o l \ '
l l S e eL r u , ' l , l g r x r n s i t l c - 1 7 - i j ; l i r r t h t r i s e o l l , r g o s .s t t l l s o l l o l t t t t l , r r r . ' ' l i r r r l t , t t t r l | ) t ( l r c n tr t r t t ( l l r r l l c r . ' l { r ' l l c r r o r r s i' .
Port', P , , l i l i r ' rl r c l t i r t rtl h t
'\r.,,ttttt
S l r r c ( ) r r s t : l h c l r g r x r t t l r r l l i r r n t l t l t e r i s t o l l . . r g o s . l iS( (l X l ) ) ' . 7 1 l / . 1 ' l ( l ( , i i i ) . 1 -{ l8l o f I r 1 r c t t , , . 'r. r t| ) , , r r r , r r lrl.t t u n t t i l t \ , t . i t l l l
r r l . l r i s & l { i c h r r r l s , r r r . ' \ \ r '\rl tr r r . t , t n rtl l t t t r . r n \ . r l l . l n lsrl(. r r rt t . r r l r ' . . ) l .}) l |..ttr .\/,rr r ( t',ttt .'lltl
l' '). \(rr'rrlr'lllr l tlr'tttts l ' 1 . ' \ , 1 ' r r r r r r , r(rrrrNr r . , t . r r \r ll r. r r , , r r , , l \ \ l . r r , l rl i r l l , ( r u ( . \ t . l t ( l , \l ol r
\ \ l ' , ( . / r / l r , l ' r r r r r r ' . t r r l i ( r r r t s t . r r r l . ' \ l c r rl S r , \, lr,rrrr't.l rl i r l l , l r r r t , l , t t , , , . r , ; \\1.( lTil
. r t t ( . n ( l u trlrr r I t r r r l, r . r . ,o l . r( . r r r r r , , 1\ 1 . r r , . . . r\ r\ l n , l , r l r 'r r r ,r r , l ,r r , , , , i \ r , l r r l ' . r l |, l) . r l zI, t , ' t l r r ( l r r r r l l r - ( l ' l t { ) ,l , l l l l r ' l l , . r \ l l , ' , , 1\ \ r l l r . r i l r r l , ' r r r , \ l r r , l lr, i ,

l.tl' It
 'fhe
Operation of the Atlantic Slave tade
ship of three masts,but onll'7 for a two-master; but a few ycars later it was citcd as
14f, slavesfor a ship, 7 for a snow or brig (i.e. with two masts) and3h for a sloop
(with one mast); and by 1803it had risen to 21 slavesfor a ship of three masts,14
for a brig or schooner, and 7 for a cutter or sloop, a rate of 7 slavesper mast.2l
Europeans sometimes sought to reduce the rate to which they were subjcct by
dismantling one of the ship's masts prior to arrival at Ouidah. A British ship in
1803,which obtainedmost of its slavesat Lagos but some also at Ouidah, evaded
the higher rate by posting a cutter to trade at Ouidah and conveYingthe slaves
purchased from there to the main ship at I-agos, so as to pay customs only on the
smaller ship, although when the ruse was detccted this involvcd the factor posted
on shorein a dispute with the localauthoritiesf,ortax fraud.22
Slavesfor the purpose of payment of customs,it should be noted, were valued
under Dahomian rule not at the current mrrket price, but at a fixed rate. In 1750,
for cxample,customsat Ouidah wcre calculatcdon the value of 20 grand cabessof
cowries, 40 iron bars, 40 pieces of linen cloth or 2-5guns per slavc, whereas the
current market price for male slaveswas 33 grand cabess,4-5iron bars, 70 linen
piecesor 40 guns; and in the 1780scustomspaymentswere still calculatcdon a rate
of5'ounces'(equivalent to 20 grand cabessofcowries,40 iron bars,etc.)per slave,
although the price of a male slavcwas now up to 13 ounces.23
customs calculations probablv represents the market
Dahomian conquestin 1727, whcn the level of customs was presumabl.vreset by
the new klcal authoritics. In conscquence,although the rate of thc customs in
numbers of'slaves' had increased,rclativc to the current price of slavcsit had
actuallydeclincd.
Following the abolition of the British slavetrade in ltl07 and the abandonment
of the English f<rrtat Ouidah in lUl2, it was rcported that thc systemof charging
according to the number of a ship's masts had bcen suspendedand the charge
rcduced 'from a dcsire to encourageEuropeansto settle here', the rate of customs
n o w b e i n g ' s e t t l e db l ' a g r e e m e n t ' a n d o n l v ' t r i \ i a l ' i n v a l u c . 2Br ut this concession
was evidentll' onll' temporar\',presumably abandonedwhcn the slavetrade revived.
B1' l8-50,slavemerchantsat Ouidah werc again paving a'\'erY heavvKing's duty',
said to bc $ti(X) per ship (equivalent to thc value of tcn slavesat currcnt prices),
alth<lughthe British merchant Hutton, who was trading in palm tlil, rvas paving
only'goods to thc value of $180 pcr ship.ZsThe systcm of charging accordingthe
number of a ship's masts\4'asalsorcinstated:in thc carli' lll70s, u'hcn thc trade had
shiftcd lvholly into palm produce,customsrverecitcclls arouncl{'1.; 1= $lftOl firr a
two-mastcdship, but'much more'for onc of threc nrasts,and b1 ltlT-5thc ratc hlcl
risen to betwccn{50 and {60 for a brig, and bctrveen{7.5 ancl1,90firr rt bitrquc.r"
r r I s c r t . l t l / r r r . 9 7 ; ' . { c c o u n t o t l r r p c n c c s ' , i t t I ) o n t t r t t , l ) u t r t t t u r t s , i i , 5 1 ) 6 .\ l ' J . e o t l , L , 1 r r 1 , . l l l
rr \{'l,crrtl. L'tu{r,ll) I I, I l3 15.
r ' ' { c c r r u n t o 1 - l l r p c n t r s ' ,i r t I ) o t t t t r n , l \ t , r t u t t r l ' , r i , 5 t l ( t
lr Robcrlson. \a/t'i- l6{.
''
I t l ' , S l a r t l i ' r r l c l f i i ( l l . ( l . r r s\ . ( r ( irrrr.
" \ S r r . r n z r . ' ( )t tl t c t r . r r lr rr \ \ r s t t t t t \ l t t , . t ' / , ' t t r u t ,l / r h , \ , ' r , t t , , l l t r '
( r o r l t t t r r t\ t t . t l t , t r (. . r | r ( . . r ' , t . " \ , , r l r . ,
'fhe
Operation of the Atlantic SlaveTrade
In Hucda before the l)ahomian conquest,the king had also cxerciseda right to
'Ihe
scll his slavesfirst, bcforc an"t-bodyelse could trade.27 earlicst accountsare
explicit that Europcanswere <lbligedto take as man) slavesas thc king had to offer,
or elseto agrce on the number thcv would take. By the 1720s,however,thev were
obligcd to purchasc onll' a fixcd nunlber, thrcc from the king and two each fiom
the lilvogan, Ag;ou and the 'captain' fur the lturopean nation involved (in the
F'renchcirse,Assou),a total of nine in all.28'fhis restrictedfbrm of the svstemwas
continued under l)ahomian rule; the French fbrt in 1733 rcferred to 'thc fbur
customar)'captivesu'hich vou are obliged to take from the King'; and in 1750to a
rcquirementto purchasc,l bols of 9-10 1'earsof age,befbre thc formal opening of
trade,rvhich had to bc paid fbr at adult ratcs.z')Ry the 1770s,howeveqalthough thc
king u'asstill supph'ing 2 y'oungbovs (or girls) prior to thc opening of tradc, thcse
were givcn in symbolic exchangc1<lrthe pavment of custclms,rirther than as a
separatetransaction. Floll'er,er,both the Duhometin 1773 and the Snulhtn in 1792
opened their actual trirdc with the purchase of 2 further childrcn from the
Yovogan,rvho were prcsumablysolclon the king's behalf. The royal right of first
sale was evidently'maintainedin the illcgal trade of the ninctccnth ccnturr,',when
thc BrazilianF-rancisco Felix de Souza,in his capacitvas agentto Gczo, is erplicitly
Thc price used in recorded to havc enj<lyedthe right to 'command relusal <lf all articles of'fcred fcrr
rate at thc time of the sale'.r{)Althoughlimited in scale,this right of first saleservcd to enablethe king t<l
'I'hc
insist upon his choice of the merchandiscon of-fer. practicc als<lcontinucd in
the palm produce trade o1'thc ninctecnth centurl'; in the lll60s it was noted that
'no othcr trader can trade lvith you
until the king has n.radehis selectionof the
carp;o',llndin the lti70s that'the kinpq's tradcr sclectsfrom fresh imprlrtationssuch
goodsas he deen-rs suitableto his master'.'l
In Hueda before 1727, prices rvere scttled with the king, at the beginning of
trade, rather than being ncgotiatcd separatelv with each individual African
supplier.rz't'hisdid not mean that prices werc inrariant, as was inf'erredb1'Karl
Polanvi, since in f'act slavc prices at Ouidah rosc substantialh.,fiom 9 grand cabess
of cowries(36,000shells,90 lb. by wcight) in the 1680sto ltl-20 cabess(72,000-
80,000 cowrics, 180 200 lb.) by thc l720s.rr A similar practice of administcred
priccs opcrated under Dahomian rule, although thc dctailed mech:rnismswere
different.C)ncinnovationwas that prices\\rcrenow regularlydenominatedin terms
of the 'ouncc', which had in origin rcprcsentedthe value in goodsof an ounce of
gold (valuc {.1 sterling-),which was subject to some r.ariation accordinpJto thc state
of' thc market but which bv the 1770shad bccomea conventionalunit of account.
II
l ' , s .1 " r 1 " . ,r.r \ 1 , r r l \ r { )
' '(ls,ll
l\l l'l{()l()sl'lll'\
t'\ | "r
 The Operation t-rfthe Atlantic Slave Trade The Operation of the Atlantic Slave tade
Table4.I Pricesof' (adult male) slatesat Ouidah, I 725-93 tobacco and linen) reckoned to the ounce.3iDifferential prices were paid for men
(lowries Ounces and women and f<rradults and children. The Dahometin 1773, for example,at the
(grand cabess) beginning of its trade paid l0 ounces for adult men, but only 7 ounces for women
and boys and 6 for girls; the Smallop in 1792 paid 13 ounces for men and ll for
1725 ltt-20 boys, but l0 for women and 8 for girls. The age of children was apparently
1 7 3I 7 estimated by their height; an account of the 1780srecords that the trader went to
1733 29 7 purchaseslaves'with his measuringstick in hand'.18
t 74 3 30-32 The system of 'fixed' prices was not cntirely inflexible, even within the course of
l 750 -t -) t6l" the trade of any singleship. Under the Hueda kings in the 1690s,it was noted that
1764 40 10
European captains sometimes competed for the slaveson offer, 'out-bidding each
r773 +044 l0 1l
r776 44 1t other, whereby they enhance the prices'; but this apparently alludes to bargaining
1787 52 l3 over which goods (or what combination of different goods) should be paid, rather
1792,3 52-60 13-15 than over the price in any particular sort of goods.seUnder Dahomian rule,
however, there was evidently also some flexibilitv in relation to the price as sct in
S o u r c e s1: 7 2 5 :L a b a t , L ' r 4 , a g g , i i , 9d2c; sM a r c h a i sJ, o u r n a l ' ,3 l v ; l 7 3 l : I { a r m s , I i c D i l i g t n t , 1 5 2 ; 1 7 3 3A: N F I ounces, as is shown by the accounts of the Dahomet and the Spullow. The first
C 6 l 2 5 , l , e v e t , 2 6 A u g . 1 7 3 3 ; 1 7 4 3 :A N I ] I ( 1 6 1 2 5 ,L c v c t , l ' t J u n e 1 7 4 3 ; l 7 - 5 0 :A N F , ( i 6 l 2 5 , P r u n e a u& began paying l0 ounces for a man and 7 frrr a woman, but raised its price to l1 and
G u c s t a r d , ' N { 6 m o i r e ' ,N8 l a r c h1 7 5 0 ;l 7 ( r 5 :A N I i C 6 , 2 2 5C, u i l l i 6 , 2 l N o v 1 7 6 4 ;1 7 7 . 3a:c c o u n t o sf Le l)ahomet;
ti ounces respectivcly after less than two weeks' trading; the latter did most of its
1776:L)eChenevcrt& Bullct,'R6flexions',.ltt; l7U7: ANE, (16126,InterrogatoiredeJoscphLe Beau,8 Sept.
trade at l3 ouncesfor men and l0 for women, but paid l5 and l3 ouncesduring its
17t17; 1792/ j: rc(r)untsol' t he .Snal/'rr.
u This price is cvidently givcn accordingto the market price of cowrics(currently 20,000to the oz. of gold), last week of trading. This is consistent with evidence from elsewhere in West
rather than the conventionalrate of 16,000to thc oz. Africa, that ships tended to pay highcr prices rowards the end of their trade, in
order to cxpedite their departure.+0How this relates to the regime of supposedly
fixed prices at Ouidah is not clear; possibly the 'fixed' price was in practice a
minimum, which Europeans could exceed if they wished. Forbes in 1850 also
equivalentto, for example,16,000cowries(4 grand cabess,40lb. by weight),4 iron suggestssome flexibility around the fired price, noting that the legally cstablished
bars, 5 guns, I roll (80 lb. weight) of Brazilian tobacco or 8 piecesof linen cloth.ra price was 'subjcct to [the king's agent's] alteration, if concurred in by the viceroy
This served to facilitate payment for slavesin an assortment of different goods, and sir tradersor superintendants[sic] oftrade appointedby the king'.+l
rather than in a single sort ofgoods fbr each slave,as had been the normal practice The Hueda kings before the Dahomian conquest also received higher prices
(fixed',
earlier.ssAn account of the 1770s states that the price of slaveswas at a than other sellers of slaves;according to the Dutch trader Willem Bosman in the
certain number of ounces; and it was still reported by Forbes in 1850, when the 1690s,for example, slavespurchased from the king cost (commonly one third or
'laid down by law'.3{'This
trade included palm oil as well as slaves,that priceswere one fourth higher than ordinary'." It is not clear whether this practice was initially
wording seemsto imply a longer-term stability of prices than had existed under the continued under Dahomian rule. No eighteenth-century source explicitly refers to
Hueda kings, but although they may no longer have been renegotiated from one it, and the accounts<tf the Dahomeland the Spallom do not suggestany such price
ship to the next they were still subject to change over time. In fact the price of differential, except that the {brmer (but not the latter) paid for the two children
slavescontinued to rise under Dahomian rule, from 7 ounces per male slavein the purchased from the Y<rvoganat the opening of trade at adult prices.+3Otherwise,
1730sto l3 ouncesby the 1790s(seeTable 4.1). Changesin the ruling price were Afiican supplicrs werc llcnerally all paid at the same rate; the only systematic
now decreed by the king fiom the capital rather than settled in local negotiations tlistinction was that higher priceswere paid for slavesbought from l,uropeans,who
with the Yovogan at Ouidah; in 1767, for cxample, the king sent messcngersto the
European forts to give notice of 'his intention tcl raise the pricc of slavcs'. The ' l ' l t ( ) . ' 17 0 l 1 1 6 0l,) r r l l x r k , \ \ i l l i r n r ' s l , i r r lr 7, S c p r . l 7 6 i ; ' l ' 7 0 / 1 5 1 5 , L i o n A
e lb s o n , O u i d a h , 2 6 S c p
value of the ounce in goodscould also be variedbl'ro)'al decrec;in l7ll3, following | 7t.i
complaintsthat lruropcan traders wcre giving g(x)dsof poor qurlitv and/or short " lsctl. /.,//r'rr.()t
measure,the king temporarilv d<lubledthc qtuntitv ol- ccrtrrin goods (including " f
'lrrllrl's,'
f l r r r l . r l ' . l l l i , s t r l i r s r r r , r r rl ,) . , , u l r t t i, l , \ l r 1 . l
" hl,rrr. ltl,trtt,.\1,t,, lt,t,lt llll
'
r { i \ l r r i 6 n J r r l r n s o n . " l h c o u n c c i n t i g h t t c r r t h t t r r t r r r r \ \ t s\ l r r r . r n t r . r l t ' . 7 l l l . t - l l t l ( l t ) , I r ) i l l ' l t r r i l l t s o t t t t l , , r l r , r . l ) , t l t , , r t t ., t . | | |
'( iolrl '
r c l i n c r r t c n t si n L r u , tr-rtlc'.| | I I i f l r r s t r r . rl t)r, ,t . t t l ' l t t , r ir t. , i . r . , , r \ t l r r r r 1 , , 1 , t , . 1 , . t
'
K r r l l ' r , l r r r r i , ' S o r t i r r g s".ol nu (l lr ( ( l r . r r l ( " r r t l r r \ \ r s \t l t r r . r n s l , t lr r, , r r l ( ' , / l / / . \ ( l r l h l ) .l i l hr/ l l t , l ) , t l t , ' , , t , / l r . r1r, r, l, , ' l , , t . r l ' , , r r r r r lr r ' r r l , ' r , l , r t l r r r l ' r r ' , r r t r r r ! i t l r r ' l ) l ( o( l . r r r r . u r . r lt{ l , , z . r r r r l . r s o r r r . r r
"
l ) e ( . l r c t t c r c r t l \ l l u l l c t . ' l { r ' l l , r r , r r ' , l S , l , r r l ' r s . l l , t rh. 'l ,l ul , t .rt, I ' r r tt l r r \ ' r r ; , , r , , r r l r I ' l ' , , \ l r ,r t " ' , , . ' , , ' , I i l r r r r r r r . r l . r r r I, (l l l , ' r . r \ \ o l r . l r
"

I itt til
 The Operation of the Atlantic Slave'I'rade The Oper:rtion of the Atlantic Slave f'rade

rcceiveclone ounce per slavemore than given to Africans, the diffcrence presumabll' instructed to stockpileslavesin order to erpedite the kradingof'ships,but its local
representing thc Europcan tradcrs' commission on the sales.Holvcver, roval price agentcomplainedthat it lackcclsuflicient storesof Hoodsto do so.50 Ljndcr Dahom-
dillerentials are again attestedin the trade of the ninetcenth ccntur\,'.I"orbesin 1850 ian rule in the eighteenth centur1.,the accounts of the Dahrtnet and the Sn,allont
'ten per cent undcr the market' (i.e. in terms of
referrcd to thc 'royal pricc' ns being show that most of their slaveswerc purchasedin small lots, only a f'ew each day,
the prices for Europcan goods),although he notcd that officials such as the Boya which presumablyreflectsthe pace of their delivery fiom the interior to Ouidah;
rvcrepcrmittecl to tradc at the ro,valpricc, in lieu ol'salar-r-'. I-ikcrvisein the palm- the former, howevel did bu-ysome slavcsin large batches, two of'66 and 5-5flom
pnrducc trade thein lU70s, Europcans werc'compelled to sell goodsto the king at the English fort and three o[ 20, 23 and 14 fron-r the French firrt, which had
lower ratcs than to his subiects,and thus we have two distinct trades,the king's probably been accumulatedand held in aclvanceof sale.l,oading times wcrc highli,
tradc and our ordinarv business';it was then also notcd that women of thc rtlyal variablc,dependingon thc number of ships competing for slavesas well as on the
palacesometimesarrang;ed for thcir own busincssto be done bY the king's tradeq in supply arriving flromthe intcrior. At thc hcight of thc trade under the Hueda kings,
order to benefit from thesepreferentill priccs, alth<lughthis was strictly irregular.# ouidah had a reputation fbr rapid delir,ery:in the late 1690s,ffosman reck<.rne
After paymcnt of customs, permission to trade with the ship was fbrmally that it could supply a thousandslaveseverv month, if'the paths from thc intcrior
proclaimcdby the official 'bell-ringer' or 'Captain Gong Gong [Fbn gangaz,belll'. were open, and that ships could be dispatchcdon avcragein lcss than a month.sl
Thc actual busincssof trade u'as conducted through officiallv appointed inter- Undcr Dahomian rulc latcr, howcver, at any rate fiom the 1770sonwarcls,the
'I'hc 'brokers' fcrr the Europcan trader, whose
mediaries. Yovogan designated tu'o supplv of slavesftlr sale at Ouidah becameless reliable,reflccting both the divcr-
duty'was to servcas agentsin the purchase ofslavcs,'to go to the [African] traders' sion of the trade from the interior to rival coastalports and thc patchy rcc<lrdof
houses and look for slaves and stand interpreter for the purchase'.asUnder the successof Dahomey's own military operations.''l The European forts collectively
'trunk', in
Hueclakings, slaveshad bcen brought to a central communal prison, or ccrmplaine d to the king in 1774 of 'the badness of trade' and in I 780 of 'the scarcity
the capital Savi, where Europeans$'ent to buy thcm.{t'It doesnot appeal howcver, of slaves'.5iIn consequence,the loaclingof a ship might now take considerable
that therc was anv similar central point of sale in Ouidah under Dahomian rule. time: the Dahomet|nll73 took three and a half months to purchase422 sl.rves(ti
Nowadays, visitors to Ouidah are shown a site, by a tree south of the dc Souza March to 25 May) and the Spu llop in 1792-3 over {ive monrhs ( l0 November to 25
'place of auction
compound, which is describedas thc lla place des enchdres]' April) to obtain onlv 153. Slovr rates o1'loading were also a rccurrcnt subjcct of
rvhereit is said slavcswere sold.'fhis rvas,indeed,ftrrmerlvthe site of a market,but complaint to rhc king and flrom the capital to Ouidah: in l7l]2, firr erample, rhe
slaveswcre not in fact sold in this or any othcr public market in Ouidah, but rathcr king sent a messageto the oflicialsand merchantsthere requiring them to dispatch
out of mcrchants' houscs. An account of thc 1780sdescribeshow the Dahomian a British captainlvithin the m<lnrh,'otherwisethey rvouldincur his displeasure'.5+
'criss-crossesthc town c\,ery morning, going Slaves wcre not alwavs dclivered upon pa\.mcnt, goods somctimcs bcing
brokcr employeclbv a European trader
from one negotiator [i.e. tradcr] to anothcr and asking if slaveshave arrived'; rvhen advancedon crcdit againsttheirsubsequentdcliverl:i5Bosman in the 1690snoted
the-r'did arrivc, the factor
'goesinto the housesof the black merchantstcl inspect the that 'If thcrc happcn to be no stock of slaves,the fL,uropeanlflactormust then
'fhis
slavesand, if they pleasehim, he buys them'. remained the practice in the resolveto run the risk of trusting the inhabitantswith goodsto the value of one or
'Slavesare never exposeclin the market, but all salesare two hundred slaves;which commodities they send into the inland countries, in
nineteenthcenturv also:
arranEledprivately in the housesof the derlers.'17l\{oreover, as has been secn, slaves order to buv with them slavesat :rll markets.'s('Likewisc, under Dahomian rule. in
destined for erport were not, in fact, auctioned but sold at prices set in advanceby the 1780s'the slar,etradersherc... may often havea credit from the Europeansto
the local auth<lrities;recollections of auctions of slaves,if authcntic, ma)- relate to thc cxtcnt of a thousand or morc thalcrs [dollars]', equivalent to the value of
domestic slaves,forming part of the estatesof deceascdEuropcans, which were around 70 slaves;and in thc palm-oil trade of the nineteenthcenturv.in the 1870s
indeeclsold in Ouidah by public auction,at leastoccasionally.*' it wirsrepurteclthat thc king 'rarely pays ready cashor produce fbr his purchases'
Prior to the nineteenthcentury, slaveswere not usualll' held in largc numbers rtncluits usulllr in dcbt to Ilritish merchantsat Ouiclahftrr betrveend200 and.100,
againstthc arrival of ships,but were delivercdas thcy becamcavirilable;as Barbot
notcd in 1682, '[theJ'] scnd their slaveson board, as s(x)nas thev lrrive from the '"
f . r r r , / : r r q l r r l tr t l l i : r l l r t r t , i , n r r . l l l 2 , . l o h n ( . r r r c r . ( ) r r i t h h , l ( ) S e p r . l { r l l - 5 ;i d e m . O r r t , s l n n t l t
interior of the country'.{')Later in thc 1680s,the l'.nglish factrtrv in Ouitllh lvas , t t ' l l l h y , l t h , r r r rl ( ) . l o h r r ( . . r r t c r . ( ) r r i r hIhi (, ) ( l lf)Ii5.
I lirsrrr.rrr. r,
/ ) , r r 7 , l r , r a..ii f i . i I i
+ 1 l i r r r b e s ,l h h u n t . l ' , i , I l l ; S l a n z r , ' O n t h c l r r t l c ' , { u l 2 . \ L t r t l , ' r l ' r nl .) . t h , ' , ut , l l l \
r i ' S t r r t c o t t h e c t l s t r n l r s ' . i r r \ \ ' i l l i r r r r t . / / r r t r r l ' , 5 5 1l s; st rt lt . / . r ' l / r ' r ' . ( ) l ' i '
l ' R ( ) . l ; l ) / l l { ) l . ' , 1 ) . n1 t , , , , 1 . \ \ r l l r . r r r r ' r ll ol (r)rt,r ll7l. lJScpr l7l{0
*" llttsntrn. l)6t ultl!til- .\(*. '
I ' R ( ) , | , l l , ' l l t , . ' ,| ) . r rl l , , , l , \ \ r l l r . r r r r| ' ,' , rr , l { t l r r r r tl , t i . )
1 r l s c r t ./ . , / / r r , . t ) l :l ' l ' .S l . r r t J l , r t l l J r i l ' , i l l . ( L r . sl J r r r r l l l t t t t r r tr ) . I , r t l r l s .i \ , , r lSl') l { ' , l r r |r .r r n , l t t t . t t r ., t, n , l t r l l r tr r l r ' ( " 1 ' ) r r r ll ) . r l r , , r r r r r ' ,I rrrr , l r ,S r r , r r r s r . rI ,r rl (r r r ' (l i r r r c r ( t t l r ) , ( , r r r r r . z
r \ l i l r . u r t r r t t t P l r ' s. c r 'l ) t t n r . r t t /. r , r , , / ' , t . I l . ' ,t'\ l t ltt.tttl l tritrl, il lr'.rl.r lr/'t'/l I ' i.

" l f , r r l r o t( .) t r( , t t r t t , , tt t. . l t \ , l f , ' , r r rr r r / l , Jtt tt,',t ;tt\l

Ii' lii
 The Operation of the Atlantic Slave tade The Operation of the Atlantic Slave Trade

cquivalcnt to around 8-16 tons of palm oil.s7Although the credit extended to Bosman recalled that in the 1690s when he had taken slaves on board but was
Afiican merchantswas evidently short-term in intention, normallv clearedduring unable to land goods to pay for them, owing to bad weather, the king and chiefs
the courseof'a ship's trading, it was sometimcsextendedfbr longer periods.The agreed to accept payment 'at the arrival of other ships', although in the event the
accountsof the English factory at Savi in 1682,for example,listed among its assets wcather improved and Bosman was able to pay them.65The Hueda traders accepted
15 slaves'standing out', which had been'acknowledged before the King and written 'notes' from European traders for the goods due to them.66Immediately
assuredto be paid off at the arrival of the next [Royal African] Company's ship'.s8 after the Dah<lmian conquest, the king's rraders, being unfamiliar with this
Moreover, in practice, debts were often left unpaid beyond the agreed term. The practice, showed a marked lack of confidence in thesc notes, saying 'they did not
governor of the English fort in Ouidah in 1782 tried to refuse further credit, like a bit of paper for their slaves,becausethe writing might vanish from ir, or else
complaining of debts owed bv several leading officials: the Migan owed him for 47 the notesmight be lost'.67But by the 1780s'noresof credit'were again standardin
slaves,plus 150 oz. worth of goods supplied for ivory, the Mehu 6 slavesand over the ouidah trade; a British trader in 1803 noted that'f'he black traders seldom
39 oz. for ivory, the Ajaho owed for 8 slaves,the Brazilian returnee Dom Jeronim<l receive payment for a slave,from the whites, at the time of delivery', but 'prefer
37, the current Yovogan3, and there were debts of l2 slavesdue from two previous promissory notes, or books as they call them', which were presented for pavment
'at the winding
Yovogan,which the king had undertaken to pay,besideswhich he was owed 500 oz. up of accounts'.68Problems arose over default on debts owed by
'the Black Traders. \4'omen&c'.seIn l78l presumably in responseto Europeans to Africans, as well as by Africans to Europeans. In 1786, for example,
for cowries by
'forbidding his people getting into the king sent to complain about non-pavment for slaves he had supplied on
Europeancomplaints,the king issuedan cdict
white men's debts'.n0However, the practicc continued and remained a feature of credit.n"
the illegal trade of the nineteenth centurl'. The Brazilian trader Jos6 Francisco dos Thc landing of goods and embarkation of slavescontinued to be done by Afiican
Santosin the 1840s,for example,complainedthat'You have to give credit t<l the canoes.It remained normal practice in the eighteenth and into the nineteenth cen-
Blacks,and they pay late or never."" tury for European ships to bring canoesand canoemenwith them from the Gold
In some other West African coastal ports, such as Old Calabar and Douala, Coast on their wav down to Ouidah, although alternatively, they could be hired
credit extended by European to African merchants was secured by the giving of locally from the European forts, which maintained their own staff of canoemen.
persons as 'pau,ns', who could be taken as slavesin caseof default on the delivery The passagethrough the surf was extremelv hazardous, with canoes frequentlv
of the slavesf<rrwhosc purchase goods had been advanced.62 There is no evidence capsized,and crews and passengersat risk from man-eating sharks as well as from
for this practice in the European trade at Ouidah, howevcr,either undcr thc Hueda drorvning.Bad weathcrcould prcvent canoeslanding or embarkingfor severaldays
kings before 1727 or under Dahomian rule later, although pawning was practised at a time, with the worst conditions occurring during the rainy season,between
within the domestic economv.Under the Hueda kings, payment of debts could be April and Jull'.70
enforcedby 'panyarring' (from Portuguesefenhorir,'distrain'), seizing a person ftnts or huts were set up on the beach, for the temporary storageof goods,but
who might be sold to clear the debt, but this was no longer permitted under these were occupied onl1, during the davtime, European traders normally retiring
Dahomian rule.nr In Dahomey, debts could only be pursued in the r<11'al courts, to ouidah itself overnight.tr Goods had to be taken from the beach overland to
rvhich in principle could order the debtor and his (amily to be sold into slaverl', Ouidah, employing the servicesof local porters, who were hired at the rate of 120
although this sanctionwas rarely invoked.6+ This absenceof private-ordermechan- cowries per load or dal'. The cost of carriage of go<ldswas a recurrent s<lurceof
isms for the rccovery of debts in Ouidah evidentlv reflected both the eff'ectiveness concern for Europeans trading at Ouidah, especiallyin pre-Dahomian times, when
of the Dahomian state, which was strong enough to guarantee the policing of they had to be carried not iusr to Ouidah but from there on to Savi, where the
crcdit, and its concern to monopolize coercivepower. actualpurchasingof slaveswas then done.72 In l7l3 the director of the English fort
Credit was also extendedin the oppositedirection, fiom Afiicans to F.uropeans. proposcd the cutting of a canal from the sea to the town, to enable canoes to

i; 'On " ' I k r s m i r n ,i n V r n l ) r n t z i g . ' l . n g l i s h I l r s n r i r n i r n t l l ) u t c h B o s n r a n - V I ' , 2 8 . 1 - - 5 .

Isert, 1,rttcrr, 9li; Swanzri thc tradc', lll l.
'N 'l'in)ol
lrw, L,nglishin lllst .lfnta, i, no. 488, rccei pt lir grxrds, 2.1( )cr. | 61t2,cnc. I () h\ \ rnr i t rgc, ( )Lritlah,2ll "" I'hillips,'Journal', 2 lfi.
Oct. l6tl2. " i S r r c fg r r r c , , \ t ' 0 , . l ( i o u u t , i i T l i ( r r - l r k i n , r u l h c r r h a n ( ) u i d a h ) .
! ' } P R O . 1 ' 7 0 1 1 5 - 1 . 5| -. i o n e l A b s o n . O u i d r r h . l ' 1 l ) c c . l 7 f t 2 . r ' \ f s c r t , / , r ' l / r ' r r (, ) l l ; \ l ' l . c o d ,
I u1'tgr,h().
d) PRO,'f70ll162, I)a1'I}xrk, William's lirrt,.l{) Nor. lTlll "' \ k i r r j , r g l r i r Ir .) r h , , n t y , 1 4 5 .
6r f)os Santoscorrcspondcnce, no. 2ll " L g \ o r r t s , l l t D t t n \ , ( r l l , \ r l . r r r r sl ,l t u u l t , l i ( ) ' \ l ' l , r r r t l , l a ; r r 4 r , , 7 l l ; I i r r b c s ,l ) t h o n e 1 , . i , 1 2 7 l l l s c c a l s o
l.i \lrreh lli'161.
t ' l P a u l l l . l , o r e j o r ' & l ) a r i d l { i c h r r t l s o n , ' l i - t r s t . p . r s r r s h i p r r r t l \ t l r r r t r t l t i s t o t r t l t e t t t s l i l t t l t r r t t .l o
t lt t t t t l . t l i o t t s o l l . . r r r . ' l k l r r t c rt rl r t s t . r . u r rt ll r t l . r g , r r n sJ' ,J . l t )
t h c O f d ( l r h b r r s l r r c t r r r l c ' . l r y 1 1 1 1 l1l 1 r4t r t r t , tl ll t i t l t ' . 1 ( l l ( l ' l ( , ( ) ) .i i i i i . 1 1 1 q 1 1 1 . ' l rl t t s t t r t ' s ssol rl t r t t t q I r l . r r t . l , l t ' t , . t l ; , \ . l . r r r r . . / i , t t t r l ' . . ' i ltl)r,r r t . . , l l r , , r , , l . ri .l
lnunshirrir '\liicr., llO(l llil(l'. 7 l//. ll (ll)(ll ),r't r(r l j l l t ' \ . t t l \ r l , r , , r 1l , r , t , ,,r, t t l r r l ( , , r . r l\ l n , , r r r( , , r r r l t , r r. rr r, l r r \ ( . , 1 , t r t . t lrrnr \r tr r r y lJgl l q . 1L 1r r t r r r tl t o r r r( ) l l i r t o
'( l l r r , , l . r , , ' rtrl r , r ' t , , r t h , lt.l r . r t t l r r , l r , . r l ' r r , , , . . (, .' li l ' \ | t t , y , i l D r l trr r l l r r . l . r r t r r rl rr 0 r r rt l r r . r r . r t , . r s r\t\l ,t t \ i l r ) t\ r l
" ' l , r r u . ) t t p , t r rt t t t t g ' .l r l ) l . l r I i
''
\s r r . r rr r r r t l rl lr t l r , l \ , { } r \ r r . r t t z r .( ) r t l r r r . r r l r ' l. S . ' y ' r r . r r ' l . r n . l n r l r ' h r n l l , ' tl t , ' , r r r , , l ' r i l , , l , , ' \ \ r r r , l , rl r \ l . r r , l r l t ' s i
 The C)perationof the Atlantic Slave'Iiade
transport goods directlv to the town, but this proiect was rejectedb1' thc Hueda
authoritiesas'not natural'. In l7l4 hc altcrnativelysuggcstedcmpltlying h<lrses, in
order tcl savethe cost of hiring porters, but this too was not implcmcntcd, presum-
ably'becauscit was realizedthat horsesdid not thrive in the coastalenvironment.
Although horscs werc known in Ouidah, thev were vcry f'cw and employed only fbr
riding on ceremonial occasionsb1' thc Yovogan and other senior clfficials.irGoods
wcrc normally head-loadedto Ouidah, a standardload being 50-60 lb., cquivalent
for exampleto 2 iron bars,5 gallonsof rum or 20,0(X)colvriesiTlto delivcr thc price
of a singleslavelr<luldtherefilretakc severalporters (or journeys).Barrelso[go<-rds
too large to be head-loadedwere probably rolled along the ground; certainly the
'watcr-rollcrs', hired in
dclir,ervof water to thc berch filr the ships rvasdone bv
gangsof six, who lvcrc paid 80 cowriesper barrel delivered,plus 80 cowriesdailt,
'I'he journcy
for subsistcnce. involved crossing the lagoon, which was n<lrmallv
fbrded on foot, although whcn thc waterswere high it might be done br ctnoc.ti In
'bridge' (meaningprobabll'a causewat') over thc
1776the l)ahomiansconstructeda
lagJrxrn,in ordcr to fircilitatethe movcment of troops to thc bcach, but this is not
mentioned subscquentll, so prcsumably was cither not complctcd or ntlt main-
taincd.T('
'c:rptainof thc sand
Undcr the Hueda kings, thcre were two officiirls,a [i.e. tlf
the beachl', w'ho oversaw thc securitv of goods dclivereclat the bcach, and a
'captain clf'the sl:rves',who directed the deliverv of slavesto the beach.t;Under
Dahomian rule, huwever,contcmporarvaccountsin the eighteenthcenturv refer t<l
'conductr)r', rvhosebusincssit u,as't<l take care of goods
a single oflicial, called the
'lnsrverablc fbr
coming from, and slaves going to the bcach', and who was
deficiency'and rvaspaid a galina(200) of cowrieslor everv timc he conductedanv-
thing, plus a flask of brandy cverl'Sundal'.78 Other referencesto a pcrson postedon
the north bank of'thc lagoonto monitrlr the movcmcnt <lfEuropeans,uho rcquirccl
'passcs'fbr this
the permissionof the lbvogan to leavethe countrv and were issued
purpose, ma.r-'ref-erto the slmc official.i') Recent tradition names the ofllcial wh<-l
managedthe embarkationof slavesas'Gankp6'(or'Yankp6').n{)'l'his namc alstloccurs
occasitrnally in c<lntemporarvsources:as'Gampc'in an lcc<lunt<tf 1797,dcscribed
as a subordinateof the Cakanacouof Zoungbodfi, having thc responsibilitl'of'
guardingthe beachand sendingadviceto Ouidah of'thc arrival of L,uropeantraders;
and as'Nar-o-pav'in 1U51,who was saiclto own a houseon the bank of the lagoon.Er
t',\\l\(.6/25, 1 ) u ( l k r m b i e r ,l - 1l ' ' c ' bl 7 . l5;PRO,'I'70l.5..fosephlllano&\Iartinllrrdrctt,Ouidah.'{Aug.
t 7l + .
tr Phillips,
J o u r n a l ' ,2 2 7 tI ' i r r b e sl,) r h o r n t ' t i, , 5 1 .
;i I)uncan rcfers to r 'terrr': 'l'ruttls.i, I lZ: firr an instlncc ol-crossingbv canoe,scc I)RO, lfoll'l/tjlJ6, Lotris
Ifrrscr,I )ailr journal, 22Jull l tl.iI .
r ' A N I i ( 1 6 1 2 6l.) e s ' a r e l .I ( ) c t . 1 7 7 6 .
7 t P h i l l i p s , ' J o u r n a l ' , 2 l1l l9 .A n o t h e sl o u r c cr e f c r st o r ' c ( ) n ( l u c t c Ldrcrsn r r r c h r n t l i s e s ' r rl t' t o
c a p t i l i ' :l . e b a t ,I o 1 , t . 9 t ' .(i)i 2 , 3 . d e sN t r r c h r i s . ' - l o r r r r r r l ' , . i 2 .
; s ' S r a r c< r f - t hccu s l o n r s 'i.n \ \ i l l i r r r s .I I i : t r tyt , 5 5 1 .
t " I ' , . g l. ) u n c r t t .7 ) r r r '/,r , i , I l l
' " l ' . . g l. f r k r r r r b i L
. r l l , ' t r r , / ,' , ' , / , r , ' . i s
' f i l ' .l r . r ' , r l ) , r r l r ; , r r r r r r . ir O
l ' i r r . s l. t , r ' , r t t . l ' l l ( ) .1 ( ) \ l
'Ihe
Operation of the Atlantic SlaveTrade
This probably representsGnahouikpe ('Gnahoui junior'), which is the namc of a
family in Ouidah whose founder is said to have been appointed as 'assistant'to the
first Yovogan,in the 1740s.82
In the seventeenthand eighteenth centuries, slaveswere normally embarked as
and when they were purchased, although the processmight be dclayed by weathcr
conditions.While alvaiting an opportunity for embarkation,thev were lodged in
securebuildingscalledby Europeans'trunks'(Dutch troncken;French /razc.s);83 the
Fon term was {anho,'iron hut', referring to the shacklesin which slaveswere
helcl.8+Under the Hucda kings, when a communal 'trunk' was maintainedat Savi
by thc local authorities,slaveswerc returned to this trunk after thcir purchasehad
bcen agreed, their subsistencc thereafter being charged to their European
'I'runk'
purchasers;a 'Captain of thc was responsible for anv losscs through
escape(but evidently not through death).85Alternativcly, slavescould be lodged
in the F.uropeanfbrts at Ouidah. Under Dahomian rule, the system was some-
what diff'erent.As reported in the 1780s,once the purchasehad been concluded,
'the slave, if
not a royal slave, is then dclivered to the fort or f'act<lrvin the
evening.But if it is a roval slave,he must stav with the black negotiatorsuntil he
can be brought directly to the ship.'8("1-hereason for this distinction is not
explained,but it may be becauseprivate traders did not have sccure facilities flor
the holding of slaves;presumablv the king's slaveswere lodgcd in the prison in
the Yovogan'sresidence.
In the illegal trade of thc nineteenth centur),, when thc three European fbrts
were no longer functioning (and by the 1840srveretakcn over for'legitimate'trade
in palm oil), thc lcading forcign slave-tradersresidentin the town maintainedtheir
own prisons fbr slaves,now generally known as 'barracoons' (frclm the Spanish
harrat'in). I)uncan in 1U.15reported seeing six 'large barraco<lns'at Ouidah.si
Another accountrcported that the barracoonswere situatednear the residenceof
the lcading slavcmcrchant of thc period, FranciscoF'elixde Souza.88 Local 'tradi-
tion'nowadavs assertsthat dc Souza'sbarracoonwas locatedinZoma'i quarter,on
the west of the town;8'rthe name Zomt| 'Fire (or I-ight) prohibited', is commonly'
linked t<l its role as a barracoon- thc usual explanationbeing that slavesu'erc
brought to the barracoonby night and kcpt there in darknessas a mcansofcontrcll.
'l'his
storv is doubtful, however,since earlier sourceserplain thc name as alluding
Io the location of de Souza's stores of gunpowder in this area;e0pr<lbabll',an
rluthcntic tradition o1'a storehousehere has been embellishcdin the reccnt quest
lirr 'sitcs of memrlr\'' connected to thc slavc trade. Likewise. reccnt 'tradition'
l n r l t t t t t t t rt l t s
l lrlr lS'l
 The Operation of the Atlantic Slave Trade
identifies a second place, also called Zomai, situated in the village of Zoungbodji
south of Ouidah, as the location of a barracoon in which slaveswere lodged before
their final departure for the beach; an adjoining site, which is believed to have been
that of a communal grave for those who died prior to embarkation, was chosen in
1992 for the erection of a memorial for the victims of the slave trade (called 'Le
M6morial du souvenir'). Here again, although the story is not intrinsically
implausible, the location of a barracoon at Zoungbodji is not corroborated in any
contemporary source.
The experience
of the ztictims
The above description follows convention in describing the operation of the tradc
fiom the point of view of the European purchasers.But what of the experienceof
the slaves themselves?This is more difficult to reconstruct from the available
evidence. There are few descriptions of the embarkation of slaves in European
sources;the only really detailed treatment is by Duncan, in 1845; and the only
accounts by persons who had themselvesexpericnced embarkation as slavesfrom
Ouidah, by Mahommah Gardo Baquaquaand Cudjo Lewis, also relate to the mid-
nineteenthcentury (1845 and 1860 respectively).By this time the slavetrade was
illegal, and this illegality. as will be seen in the following chapter, affected the con-
ditions under which slaveswerc exported, in particular, encouraging their embar-
kation en hloc rather than, as earlier, in small parties as and when they were
purchasedand weatherconditionspermitted. Also, in the illegal trade,slaveswere
often not shipped directly from Ouidah, but were sent along;the lagoon to other
places for embarkation, as happened to Baquaqua, who was taken by boat on a
journey of two nights and a day, to be embarked from a place whose name he did
not remember but which was probably Litde Popo.el
The slavessold through Ouidah included some who had been enslavedthrough
capture by the Dahomian army and others who were purchased from the interior;
some of the latter, it was noted in the eighteenthcentury,might havebeen 'sold 7
or 8 times from market to market befbre arriving' at Ouidah.e2Of the two whose
narrativessurvive, Cudfo Lewis exemplifiesthe fbrmer and Baquaquathe latter
pattern. Cudjo was captured in a Dahomian raid on his home town of 'Togo' or
'Tarkar', probably Takon, north of Porto-Novo;'| while Baquaqua was from
Djougou in northern B6nin, enslavedby kidnapping, and had been resold at least
'Ichamba
twice before arriving in Ouidah. His original captor took him to
west of Djougou, in modern Tog<l), lvhcre hc rvassold to a woman, wh<l took him
on to 'Efau', i.c. Fbn, referring apparcntlv to il town in thc nrlrth of Dahomey;
there hc was sold again to a 'vcr\ rich' nritn who livcd klc:rll1,rrnd it was prcsum-
a b l y t h i s m a n u h o s u b s e q u e n t ht o o k h i n r s o u t ht h r o u l - 1,h' \ l l o n r c vt o O u i t l r h , w h e r c
''
l l r t l t t r r l r r r , t l t , , . 4 r r p h y ,1 l l .
" t l ' r t t n t . t r r ,l ) L ' ' t r p t r " t , ) l l t l
" I l r t r r t r r l t . r r r \r r) ' ( n r \ t o l r t t r l , t t t r , . trlr r t l rt l r . r tr , , , ' r , l , , l l r t l l r r t t o t r. t f , u r \ t
\oro l l r " r , , ar . ' r l r
I is
The Operation of the Atlantic Slave Trade
'they took me to a white man's house', to whose owner he was presumably again
sold.ea
The distance which slaveshad already travelled prior to their arrival at Ouidah
affected their psychological state, as well as their phvsical condition. Those cap-
tured in Dahomian wars against neighbouring states might entertain hopes of
escaping back home or of redemption by relatives, before they were sold into
export. In one incident in 1803, following a Dahomian attack on a town in the
interior, it transpired that a son of the town's ruler was among captives sold to a
British trader at Ouidah; when the Dahomian authorities becameawareof this, the
Coke, head of the royal traders, came to the English fort to transmit an offer of
restoration to his father's position, but when the young man identified himself, he
was instead seized to be sacrificed at the Annual Customs.esAlthough in this
instance the offer of liberati<ln was a deceit, evidently this was only effective
becausethe idea of last-minuterescuewas consideredplausible.The possibilityof
liberation in fact extended, exceptionally, even to slaves already embarked on
European ships; in 1784 the king sent to Ouidah to redeem a slavewho had been
'sold on board one of the ships in the road by mistake'.e6Contrariwise, those
brought from the remoter interior had already passedbeyond any realistic prospect
of redempticln or escape.Baquaqua'saccount illustrates this; he recalls that on his
passagesouth to the coast, he at first hoped that he might regain his freedom by
escaping,or else that his mother might arrange to send money f<lr his redemption.
He explicitly indicatesthe point at which he lost hope of liberation, on his arrival
in the Dahomian capital:
When rve arrived here I began to givc up all hopcs of ever getting brck to my home ap;ain,but
had entertained hopes until this timc of being able to make my escape,and bv some mcans or
other of oncc more sccing my natiye place, but at last, hope gave wav; the last ray secmed
fading awar; and my hcart felt sad and weary within me, as I thought of my mother, whom I
loved most tenderll', and thc thought of never more beholding her, added very much to my
perplcxitics. I felt sad and lonely-.
Even as the prospect of redemption or escapefaded, there rcmained the possibility
of being retxined in slavery locally rather than being sold on for export, the
dccision being outside the slaves'control and largcly a matter of chance,although
thc fact that Europeans offered higher prices for male than for female slaves
obviously'cncouragcd the sellingof malesinto export. Baquaquarecordsmeeting a
li'icnd from [)jougou, called Woru, who was already held as a slave in Ouidah and
lvho 'seemedanrious that I should stay', but Baquaqua,as he says,'was destined
(south- lirr othcrparts'."t
.Slrn'es gcncrrrllvrrrrivcd in Ouiclahovcrland from Abomel via Allada, Tori and
S r r v i r, r j o u r n c l o l ' l ( X ) k n r ; l l r r q r r r r r prre: rc r r l l c dt h i s j o u r n c y a s t a k i n go n l y a d a y a n d
l r i s s c ( ' n r sr l n i r r r p r o b : r l l llvr r p i d p l r s s a g c .l"Jt u t s o m es l a v e sa r r i v e d
i r h i r l l , : r l t l r r r r r gt h
" f f . r r ; t t , r r 1 t t ,l lt r, , , t , r , t l , h t , \ ; lll
'
\l'f r , , , f .L , r , t v ' . t ' l t ) l
" I ' R ( ) . | ; l l . I l t , . ' I ) . r r l t , ' , , 1 ,\ \ r l l r , r r r r 'l . ,' r r . . r t ' I ' l , L \ l
'\tt,tl,' '
{ l . r r r r r s ) .r r r ' . rlr' o r t o l f . f r l r r . r ( l r rl .l ft ., ' r r ' t 1 ' h 1 i t l ll
I i,l
 The Operation of the Atlantic SlaveTrade The Operation of the Atlantic SlaveTrade
in Ouidrrh fiom thc east, from Oyo and other plirces,brought part of the way b1' that the African dcalerscloselvshavedolder male slaves,to concealanv grey hairs,
canoeto thc lagoonsideports of Abomey-Calavior Jakin, from rvherethey might and anointedtheir skin rvith palm oil;r'riand the shavingof thc headsof older slavcs
be brought either overlandor by canoealong the lagoonto Ouidah. Most probably prior to saleis alsorecalledin a Dahomian proverb.l('6 one accountsaysthat female
arrived in small groups, as noted earlier. But rvhen large numbers of slaveswere slaveswere dressed up attractively when offered fbr sale, in multiple waist cloths,
taken in Dahomian campaigns, these might be delivered to Ouidah in bulk: in 'as if thcy
were going to a dance'.107
Slaveswcre examinedby the ship's surgeon,to
1862,for example,a party of 400 slaveswas awaitedin Ouidah, apparentlycaptivcs check their good health and verify their age, 'making them jump, stretch out thcir
from a reccnt campaign againstthe tol'l'n of Ishaga,to the east.')') arms swiftly'; their age was estimatedby examining thcir teeth, and Porruguese
Arrived in Ouidah, slavcsmight spend a variableamount of time in custody traders (rvho were particularlv insistenton purchasingonly adolescentmales)even
there, either befbre sale or while awaiting favourable wcather conditions fbr licked their faces with their tongues to check fbr stubble. Thcre was an especial
embarkation.Baquaquairnpliesthat he spent onll' a single night in Ouidah, being conccrn to check fbr r.enerealdisease,for which purpose 'our surgeon is fbrc'd to
put on the morning after his arrival on a boat that took him along the lagoonto the examinethe privities of bclth men and women with thc nicest curiosity'; 'thcy are
place where he lvas embarkcd fbr the trans-Atlantic crossing, but this was surely thoroughlv examincd, even to the smallest member, and that naked too both men
'stockade'for about three weeks before
exceptional;Cudjo Lewis was held in a and women, without the least distinction of modesty'.r08Cudjo Lcwis likewise
'fhc
being sold.rrx) conditions under which slavesrvere held in Ouidah evidcntly recallcdof the American captain who purchasedhim in 1860:'He look and look.
anticipatedthe unhealthy conditions on board ship. In the 1690sa British trader He look at our hands,and look at our feet. He feel our arms and legs,he open our
'it 'rhen
remarkedon the 'horrid stenchof thc Negr<les'in thc trunk ilt Savi, being an old mouths and look at our teeth. he point at those he u'ant. And he point - like
house where all the slavesare kept together, lncl evacuatcnature vvherethey lie, so -
this at Cudje.'rttvIn the 1780sit was n<-rted that male slaveshad thcir hands tied
that no jakes [i.c. latrine] can stink worse'; thev were also poorly f'ed,subsistedat a behind them during this examination,this being done 'by order of thc king because
minimal standard,'like our fL,uropeanlcriminals,on bread and water', at a cost to a slaveoncebit a Europeanterribly when he tried to inspecthim'.rr0
their European owners of only 2 Dutch stuivcrs (about 30 cowries) per day.r0l What happened to the slaves who were rejected by European merchants is
'l'he
Although Duncan in the 1840s painted a benign picture of conditions in the unclear.They may have becn killed. Dahomians arc certainly reported to have
barracoonsat Ouidah, maintaining that thev were not overcrowdedand the slaves adopted the practice of killing any captiveswho wcre old or wounded, or indeed
hcld in thcm wcre rvell fcd irnd taken out periodicalll firr an 'airing', this was not too young, and therefore'unmerchantable',for examplein their clmpaiginsaglainst
the usualperccption;anotherobserverofthc slme period describedthe experience the Hueda in 1727-8,but this wasnormally cloneon the battlefield; as wasnoted in
'filth, diseascand famine'.r02
In these the lll3Os, 'fcw of the old were so unfortunate [sicl as to reach the barracoon' at
of those held while awaiting shipment as of
conditions, mortality among slaves prior to embarkation was clerrly significant. Ouidah.rrr One eighteenth-centur)'account, however, records that infants wh<l
The English fort at Ouidah in l72tt advisedagainst purchasing slavesin advanceof reachedOuidah with their mothers were commonly 'thrown to the wolves [i.e.
the arrival of ships on which to cmbark them, not onl,n- becauscof the cost of their hyenasJ',meaningpresumablythat they were abandonedoutsidethe town, because
'thc risk of mortality occasionedby the smallpox,
subsistencebut also bccauseof European traders werc usuallv unwilling to bu)'them.l12Alternatively,thev mav
flur, fevers and other distempers incidcnt in this part of the country'.r0rThis havebeen sold into the local market, although presumablyold or sick slaveswould
became a bigger problem in the illegal trade of the ninetcenth ccntury; when have bcen difficult to disposeo[ there also. A Dahomian proverb recalls that slaves
slavingoperationswere disrupted by the British navy'santi-slavingsquadron,and taken to markct who failed to amract a purchasermight be bearen,this being a
slavestherefore often had to be kcpt locally for longer periods u'hile awaiting an convcntionalparadigmof unjustifiedpunishment.rrr
opportunity for embarkation.At the very end of the slavetrade,in lfl64, when thc Slaves were branded at or after their sale. In the 1690s,this was done upon
British blockadepreventedthe shipment of a cargoof sl:rvcs,smallpox'wreaked. . .
r"' Philfips,
the most fearful ravages'among them; altogether800 out of 2,000 died, from a Jrrurnal',2lli, Lrrbat, I oyugt,ii,106.
r""'\noltl shrchrshishcadshrredandisaskedtogivchisname,hcsavshciscallcd",{fi'unroredavs"':Jean,
combinationof discascand starvation.r0{
\ o r h u r t I i g r r o n t l i ' , ' l . s c l r r c s f t c s c h v a g c t l a n s h p r r r [ ' m o l r g i c l ' r r nd u L ] 6 n i n ' , i n D o u t l o u l ) i t \ n e ( e d . ) . , 1 , a
In contrast to this ncglect during their incarccr:rtion,slavesrverepreparedfclr
Oht iut Lt l< lun. uut t rt,'u Jt lt t rutt( nt:,{rit;r((l)aris, l()9li), .1.{9.
sale so as to presentthe best possiblcappelrrnce. (ilntcnrporar\'ilccounts report l" lserl- lttltrs.tlS.
" ' I ' l r i l l i 1 , s . ' . l o r r r n .Jr l 'f ,i , l i r s r r r . r r rl ). r t , r t p t t , , n , . i ( r -r 1l s. o l . . r l r r t ,/ i r t l r t r , ,i i , l ( ) 6 .
" ' l S r r r g h c r o , . / r , l r t u l .l l l l A u g . 1 8 6 2 1 . " ' . f r t t t t r S . t r r r t t ( . l t t l t l l t s . ' l t o t t t l t r t r g l r ' t o s l . r r e r r . r r r rllr c t t l o n r ' , I l i r u t n . g h t u N L , n s -. l t t , l l u t l t l . 2 I ) e c . 1934.
r ' ) " f l r q u r r l r r a , l l i o 4 r r p h l ' , - 1 0 - l l ; l l r r r s t o r r ,' ( . t r t l j r r ' so r r r r s l o r r ' . I r i ( r
" l s c r t ./ . r ' l t r r , . ' ) l
r " r f t h i l fi l r s , ' .ef t t r t t r l ' .2 | l i . l i r s r t r r t r rI .) r \ , I t | |) t t , \ l A l \ r t t r t l r , \ , t t l , , 1 , t t ' , , l ' / . ' , | , r s . ( " t t ' , / " u /, tt rt t t h l l t l l r , t u ' I t ' r t , r t o l i , l l t o n r a s \ \ r l s o n . O r r i r l r2hl r. r l v
ltt
r r r f t f ' . l l J l l i S e l t r l ( . o r r r r r i t t ti r{ ').{\r { ,rl . l ) r r r r . l t , l t , t : t l ' ,r , l l l . l ' l ( ( ) . ( . ( ) ( } l r l 1 , \ \\ l l l r r r t , , n . l l l r r l rl f i - l . i 1 , . ' \ l l r r r r t l r r\ , , r ) , , r , , \ , , , r , r l l ,
' f . . r u . ( . i , r r r , / ' , , u , l t u , i r t t l t l l t l l r , t n t ' l , , t t . tl rl ,r ., t, .r 'r,r . r . \ \ t l . , , t t . ( ) t t t , l . t l t . ll ., '.l )r Sr l r I ' r r r r , , r r| r) ., ' .I t l , l t , , ' t ' l l ' |) '
" ' l ' l ' . \ l . r . r l r . r r l ,l \ t , l ( 1 , r . .\ . r r , ' | ' l ( , , r t r t r , ' , 1 , \, \r r, l r r , , t \ . , , r r ' , , ' r rI . I t , , lsl'l l l , ' , , ,I ' , , , ' t , 1,,,,'l\

llo ill
 The Operation of the Atlantic Slave Trade The Operation of the Atlantic Slave Trade
purchaseand prior to the return of the slavesfor temporary lodging in the communal children, varying from seven to ten years of age. These were not in chains; but marched with
irrunk' at Savi, and at Ouidah in the 1780sit was likewise done immediately after two slight grass cords, knotted at intervals ofa yard. The two cords are put, one on each side
purchase,and prior to the delivery of the slavesto the European factories.rr+ But in ofthe neck, and another knot is made in front ofthe neck, leaving suflicient room, but so tight
ihe illegal trade in the 1840s it was done at'the beach' immediately prior to embarka- as to prevent the head from being slipped through. The others were all in chains, sometimes

tion; the modern tradition that slaveswere branded at Zoungbodii may, in this case, cight on one chain. At intervals of a yard are larp;e circular links, rvhich open to receivc the
neck, and which are secured by'a padlock.'?0
be an accuraterecollection.l15 This marking of slaveswas needed,in the system as it
operated in the seventeenthand eighteenth centuries,when slavesremained in the In 1850 F'orbeslikewise saw slavessetting out from Zomai, at the western end of
custody of their sellersfor some time after purchase,in order to prevent confusion Ouidah, for shipment from Popo, in a 'chain-gang'; and in 1863 the missionary
between slaves owned by different parties, and alsq as Bosman remarked in the F-rancescoBorghero saw slaves being marched from Ouidah eastwards to be
1690s,'to prevent the Negroes exchangingthem for others'.116 It was still neededin embarked from Godomey, under armed guard, 'in detachments of l0 to 20, the
the illegal trade in rhe nineteenthcentury, despitethe delaying ofthe branding until men chained by the neck, the women tied by the neck with ropes', though children
immediately before departure, becauseit was normal practice in this period for were carried by their mothers or led by the hand.r2rCudjo Lewis also recalledthat
severaldifferent merchantsto embark slaveson any single ship; the correspondence he and his fellow-slaveswere marched to the beach, 'one chained behind the other',
of dos Santos in the 1840s,for example, meticulously transmits details of slaves' and Baquaqua too that 'we were all chained together, and tied with ropes round
brands to their consigneesin Brazil, in order to guaranteeaccurateidentification. about our necks, and were thus drawn down to the sea shore'. The journey from
The actual process of branding is described in several accounts by European Ouidah t<l the beach involved crossing the lagoon, which was done on foot: Cudjo
'we mark'd the
slave-traders;an English captain in 1694,for example,reported that recalled 'they had to wade, the water coming up to their necks'.r22
(surprised
slavesin the breast, or shoulder, with a hot iron, having the letter of the ship's Duncan observesthat he was to see with what cheerfulnessthey all
name on it, the place being before anointed with a little palm oil', reassuring his bustled along as if going to a fair', although an explanation is in fact suggestedby a
'causedbut little pain, the mark being usually well in fbur or five
readersthat this remark which he himself makeselsewherethat when they were taken for shipment
(taken
days,appearing very plain and white after'; and the Dutchman Bosman a few years the slaveswere out, as if for their usual airing ... without any intimation of
later, recorded that'a burning iron, with the arms and name of the Company's, lies their fate'.123Surprising as this may appear,the account of Baquaquaconfirms that,
'we yet take all
in the hre, with which ours are marked on the breast', insisting that until he was actually put on the ship, he was unaware that this was the intention:
possible care that they are not burned too hard, especially the women, who are immediately prior to embarkation he and his fellow-slaveswere givcn a hearty meal,
more tender than the men'.rr7The processwas also describedby Duncan in the of 'rice and other good things in abundance',of which he says'I was not awarethat
1840s:'the gang on each chain is in successionmarched close to a fire previously it was to be my last feast in Africa, I did not know my destiny.'r2+Borghero, how-
kindled on the beach. Here marking-irons are heated, and when an iron is ever, describes the slaves being taken to Godomey in 1863 as walking 'in the
sufliciently hot, it is quickly dipped in palm-oil, in order to prevent its sticking to deepestsilence',suggestingthat theseat leastwere awareoftheir fate.l2s
the flesh.'l18We have the recollections of one victim of the process,in the account In a further brutality, prior to embarkation, slaveswere stripped of their clothing.
'[a] man went
of Baquaqua, exported around the same time as Duncan's visit: Bosman in the 1690sobserved that 'their [African] masters strip them of all they
round with a hot iron, and branded us, the sameas they would the headsof barrels have on their backs; so that they come on board stark-naked as well women as
or any other inanimategoodsor merchandize'.lre men', and the practice was still noted in the 1720s.126 Although there is no explicit
For the journey south from Ouidah to embarkation from the beach, slaveswere evidence fbr it during the first century of Dahomian rule, it evidently continued,
marched in chains and some of them made to carry their provisions for the voyage. since it is refcrred to again by Duncan in the 1840s:'the little piece of cotton cloth
The passageof one batch was observedby Duncan in 1845: tied round the loins of the slave is stripped off'.t27Baquaqua also recalled that he
Knowing that a shipment of slaves was about to takc placc, I stationcd mysclfl on thc road
and his fellow-slaveswcre put on board ship'in a stateof nudity', and Cudjo Lewis
where I knew thcy would have to pass.
'I'he
first party consisted ol'about scvcnty very strong that 'as thev steppcclinto the small boats which were to take them to the fship] ...
-l'hcsc
athletic men, apparently from twcnty to twenty-fivc ycars of age. wcre lollowcd by a thc I)ahomiansavariciouslyt<lrcthcir garmcnts from them. men and women alike
number more, carrying pails or buckcts lor thcir lixrd on thc passagc. About fort! were lrlJ I )rrr)crur. 'li tytls. i. 2lll .
r r l i r r r l r t s I, ) r h , t n t y i . I I 7 ; l i r r g h c r o . . ' / , ' u r u t l ,
l . l ( , I r ) ( ) ( 1 .I U 6 . l l .
r r i P h i l l i p s , ' J o u r n a l2' ,l l l ; I i r s n t a n ,l ) t ' s t r i p l u t n , 3 6 -l sl ;c r t ,l t l t t r s . t ) 8
" I f t t r s t r r t t , ' ( . r r t l j o ' s o \ \ r r \ t o r \ ' , l r i 7 , l l . r t q r rl l. ur rr 1l rrtrpr h
, y,ll.
r r ; I ) u n c i r n , ' l ' r u t t l s , i , l - 1\ s3 s; o g h al ,) l t r t u i t r t L J t l a O i t t , l t t l l \ i l t 1 ( s , . 1S0 o; g l o . ' N t t l e s s r t r h t r r i t c ' . ( r ( ) .
" l ) u t t t . u t l,r , t i t l t , r .l ( l l , l { . ' t
r l " l J o s n r r nl,) t s t r i 1 t t t r t n , . 1 6 1 . ' ' l i . t r 1 t t . r r 1 rl lrr."r t. t , 1 1 ' I t .
11
l l : l ) h i l t i l ) s , . - f ' r r r r r r l ' , 2 l l l , l l , s r r r . t r r , l ) Ll {, ,r r. tl i1( ,rt.rl 1i tt.rs. t . t . . r l s o l . . r l r . r t , l , , 1 , r r , , . i i , r ) l ''
l l , ' r r l r , r , , /. , , r l u t l . I i ' / l ' , ( ) ( t l \ r , i l
ll\
| ) u n ( ; u l . 7 r , r r , . / t .r . l . l i
'
l l r r r r r r , l lr\., , t t l ' t t , t n i l ' l . r \ r l t r ' , L , r r , , I I I l \ l l
r ''
f f . r 1 t t . t , 1 t t . ltl,r , , r r ' t 1 ' L 1 , l l | )rnr,rr /,,/,, /, r I I i

I l.' lli
 Thc Operation of the Atlantic SlaveTrade The Operation of the Atlantic SlaveTradc

rvcrc lcfi entirely nude', which he rcmembered, even aftcr the passageof ovcr 60 vear.The level of'betwccn U,000and 9,000 slavesannuallv rcporteclin 1750,when
years, as 'a great humiliation'.r28Likewise, when the French Catholic mission male slaveswere sclling for 33 grand cabess(132,(X)0) cowries,would have vielded
purchased slavcs from thc Ycrvoganfor local use in 1862, it rcported that he (allowingf<rrlorvcrpricespaid for fcmalesand childrcn) a valueof'betrveen210,000
'claimed back thc wretched rags which they had to wrap themselves',so that the and 240,000cabess,cquivalentto d210,(X)0and 240,(XX).rr+ l-ater in the eightecnth
missionhad to providc them with new clothes.r2q centur\,,as has bccn secn.the r,olumcof exports through Ouidah I'ell,but this was
'I'he
A final ordeal (prior to the horrors of thc trans-Atlanticcrossingitself) was thc partlv ofllct by an increasein priccs. export of -5,000slavcsannually in thc
embarkation through the surf and acrossthe sandbarsin the small canoesemployed 1760s,whcn the price of male slaveswas l0 ounccs,<1r40grand cabcss,would havc
for this purposc. Even in the canoes,slavesmight be shackled,in twos, to prevent yicldcd around 40,000 ounces,equivalcnt to 160,0(X)grand cabessof corvrics,or
rebellion or escape.rr('Forthose from the interior and who had no familiarity with d160,000, rvhile 4,500 slavesannually in the 1780s,at 13 oz. per malc slave,
the sea, wh<l rvere presumably the great majority, the prospcct must have bcen representedaround -50,000 ounces,200,000cabess,or d200,000.
terrifying. Duncan in 1845, whcn embarking to leave Ouidah, took with him a But how much of this u,ould have gloneto pcople in Ouidah, as opposedto thc
sevenyear-old Mahi slave-girl whom he had receivedas a gift liom Gezo. Although rtlval court of Dahomcy or suppliersof slavcsfurther in thc interior? On the pricc
she was not destined for slavery'in the Americas, her experience and feelings o{-slavcs paid to suppliers in the interior, as opposed to those received from
cannot havc been all that different from those v'ho were: European purchasersat the coast,thcrc is little evidence.In 1787 King Kpcngla
complainedthat slaves'in the bush' were costing bctwcen40 and 45 grand cabess,
lshcl had ncvcr seen thc sca, and consequentll fclt much alarnr. Shc could scarceh be urgcd to
at a time whcn the price paid bv Europeansu.as l3 ouncesor -52cabcssfor a man
gct into the canoe, though I told her she was going back to her ,{bome v mother [i.e. hcr fbstcr-
nrothcr in captivit]'in l)ahomeyl, of'whom shc was very'firnd ... Unlbrtunately thc sca uas
and l0 ounccs/-l0 cabessfor a lvoman, thus squeezingl)ahomian profit margins
r , c r 1 - h i g h ,a n d t h e s u r f h c a r ' 1 ,i r n d . . . a s c a p a s s c dc o m p l e t c l v o v e r u s l r o m b o w t o s t e r n , f i l l i n g severell;hc subsequentlytried to imposel<lwerprices,decreeingthat no more than
i t . . . T h e l i t t l e g i r l , r v h o l v a s u p o n h e r k n e e s i n t h t : b o t t o m o f ' t h e c : r n o c ,h a d c e r t a i n l v l i t t l c 32 cabcssshould be paid lbr a man and 26 for a woman, but this had the effcct
cause to bc pleased with a sea lifc, and is verl likclv to rcmember her flrst sca \ovage fbr a long mercly of causingintcrior suppliersto divcrt their trade trl rival ports eastand lvcst
timc. As soon as thc littlc crcature was ablc, lor she rvas :rlmost sul'focated bv thc surf, she tlf'Ouidah.r'r5'I'hissuggeststhat a grossprofit margin of 13 per cent was considcrcd
callcd out for her Abon-rcv mother.lir inadcquate,but one of'3tl per cent was,in current market c<lnditi<lns, unre:rlistic.
'l'he
The canoes were frequcntly overset, with loss of life by- drtlrvning or from the only detailcdanall'sisof the distribution of returns from the salcof-slavcsin
ubiquitous sharks,attractedto the arca b1' the prospectof human prey. I3aquaqua l)ahomey'rclatcsto the period of the illegal tradc in the nineteenthccnturli when
recalledthat when he was cmbarkedthe first boatloadof 30 pcrsonswas capsizcd, slaveprices wcrc normally denominatedin dollrrrsrather than 'ounccs' (the dollar
and everyonelost except for a single man (apparcntlv a member of thc crelr; rather being conr,entionallvtaken as cquivalent to thc smaller 'hcad' of 2,000 cowries,
than one of thc slaves).rr2 making $lJto the ouncc).ri"A llritish visitor in l8-17recordedthat a slavecost gl5
Fbr some, hcllvever,death by drolvning or sharks rcpresenteda rclcasefrom the at Abomev and $5-6 more at the cuast,plus the coastalagent'scommission<11'$16,
'l-his
morc terrible prospectof what awaitedthem in slaver)'acrossthe Atlantic. In the giving a total sclling price of $36-37.rrt account, however,is problematic,
1690s,an English tradcr notcd that slavcsoften jumpeclout of thc canoesand divcd sinceother evidencegivessclling pricesfilr slavesduring this sarncvear of between
unclcr lvatcr in ordcr to prevcnt thcir rcscuc, cmbracing dcath as a preferablc $70-90, the higher pricc pcrhaps incurprlratingthe agcnt's commissionand other
alternative,'thev having a more dreadful apprehensionof lJarbadoesthan rve can charEJcs, and in the fbllorving vear tht: 'avcrage' price was citcd as gll0 (see T'able
h a v eo f h c l l ' . 1 3 3 -5.1).The ratc of the agent'scommissionis confirmcd as gl6 in other cvidcnceof
this period,rrsbut one or othcr of the other figures must be wrongJ,or at least
:rberrant- most probably (in comparison with prices fbr thc 1780s),the initial
purchasepricc at Abomel. I1'we assumea price of $ti0, the ag;ent'scommissionof
TheproJits0f the slaxetrutle

The value of slavecxports through C)uiclahunclcrl)rthonrirtnrulc is casilr cn<lugh

fi<lnt vcar t<l
it fluctrurtctlsubslirrr(irrllv
calculateclin aggrcgttc, although <11'coursc
r r ^ f l i r t l t t r q t t rB , iotrtplt.1,,-l2lllttrstrtrr.'(.Lrtiio's()\\tlslor\',()5;.
rr" llorghcro,./,,rtrutl,1l1 | Stpt. 1S{r2l
|
I t ' ) I t h i l l i p s , ' . l , , r r r n r lJ' .l ' )
I ' r I ) r r n t r r r ./ r , r ; , / ' . i i , . ) r ) l ri t
'' l f , t , ; r t . r , 1lnl t, ,r ,. " t ' t 11' l.t | '
'l'/
l ' l r r l l r l ' ' .1 , ' r r r. r l

ilt ll'
 The Operation of the Atlantic Slave Trade The Operation of the Atlantic Slave Trade

$16 would reprcsent20 per cent of the selling price (or put in anotherwa)',a mark- nineteenth century returned former slavesfrom Braztl, manv of whom were slave-
up of 25 per cent). Although no more than a rough indication, this secms a traders,complainedof'being 'obliged to give up their trade, and attend the annual
rcasonablefigure to assume. customs' in the capital, claiming that this involved 'spending, as they explainecl,
On this basis Ouidah merchants would have been earning in commission their year's gains in the journey'.lal But the fiscal exactions of the monarchy,
something between 32,000 and 48,000 grand cabessof cowries ({32,000-{:4ti,000) although provoking persistent resentment and complaint, evidently left the Ouidah
annually in the sccond half of the eighteenthcenturv. Assuming a population for merchantcommunity still in a position of considerableafflucnce.
Ouidah ofaround 7,000,this representedaround 18,000*27,500 cowriesper capita,
equivalent to the standard subsistenceratc (80 cowries per day) for 225-340 days.
These calculations do not include earnings from the sale of provisions and other TheAtlantic trade and the domesticeconomy
services to the European sector. Truly, whatever may have been the case for
Dahomey as a whole, Ouidah lived by the slavetrade. Polanyi suggestedthat the European trade in eighteenth-and nincteenth-century
The income fiom the European trade was not, of course)equally spread within ouidah had no direct linkages ro the local economl; since it was monopolized b1,
Ouidah, but disproportionately enriched the wealthy' merchant class. I.ittle the Dahomian state. European goods obtained through the sale of slavesthus did
quantitative evidenceis availableon the scaleof merchant wealth in Ouidah, but in not generally enter the local market, and were availableto the mass of people only
the 1780s,when Kpengla's attempt to enter the middleman trade in slaveshad the in so far as they were distributed in largessebv the king, in the 'Annual Customs' at
effect of forcing several private merchants into bankruptc\', these are said to have the capital. This supposed'separateness of external trade from the market' was
included some 'considerabletraders' who owned property to the value of betlveen presentedas a central featureof Dahomian economicorganization.l+a
60 and 70 slaves;and the woman trader Kposi, who was arrested and expropriated This picture is empirically unsustainablein severalrespects.As was seenin the
in the sameperiod, is alsosaid to have'acquiredconsiderableproperty by trade,to previous chapteq the slave trade in Dahomey was not in fact a royal m<lnopoly,
the amount of seventy slaves, and upwards'.rle Some evidence on the scale of slavesbeing supplied to Europeansby private merchants,operating on commission
merchant incomes in Ouidah is also offered for a later period, in the mid- or on their own account, as well as by royal officials selling slaveson behalf of the
nineteenth century, by figures for the incomc tax that leading traders paid, levied at king. It must be assumedthat a significanrproportion of their earnings,in thc form
the rate of one-third of income.In 1850Hou€nou was reported to be paying tax of of imported goods or monev (cowrie shells), was erpended within the local
$3,500annually,indicating an assesscd annualincome of $10,500,equivalentto the cconomy of ouidah. Moreoveq European traders also had to purchasegoods and
commission on the sale of around 650 slaves (or, by 1850, of palm oil to an servicesin the local market, so that some of the imported goods went directly into
equivalent value). Gezo himself, as reported by Fbrbes, claimed that Hou6nou, the local economy. In the 1780s,for example, it was estimated that a ship would
Gnahoui, Adiovi and other leaclingindigenousmerchantswere paying him $5,000 expend a total of around 100 ounces,mostlv in cowries,over and above'customs'
'duties and presents
each annualll,'in [i.e. direct tax]'. Although Forbes himself and other duties to the king and other officials, in payment lbr various services,
thought this 'considerably exaggerated',the figure seems plausible;with export including 35 oz. for canoe hire, 20 paid to porters, l0 lbr water-rollers and 5 for
duties levied at $5 per slave,it implies trade of the order of 480-.{90 slavesannually laundry-women; 100 oz. representinga value of 1,600,000cowries,or a standard
apiece.r+('This level of taxation,and by implication of trade, was substantiallyless subsistencerate (ll0 cowries per day) for 20,000 person/days.tasThe European
than that of the leading Brazilian merchant resident in l)ahomey at this period, forts, as well as visiting ships, also paid out substantial sums in wages and for
Domingos Martins, who in 1850estimatedhis own'expenseswith the king'as no services:the English fort between 1752 and lSll expendedon averagein wages
less than {5,000, or $20,000,annuall!'.iriBut it was grcater than that levied on and other pavments to ftlrt slavcsand free Afiicans the value of nearlv 1,000
seniorchiel.sof the capital,such as the N'{ehu,who was paying only 2,000 headsof ounces,or l6 million cowrics,annually.r+('
cowries (equivalent to $2,000) annualll', although this may mean that they were At the most basiclcvcl, the implication that imported goodsdid not go into the
more heavilytaxed,rather than that their incomeswere plreatcr.l+2 klcal markct in significantquantitiesis dcmonstrablyinaccurate.Europeandescrip-
Not all of theseearnings,of course,would have stavcdin Ouidah, a substantial titrns tlf'thc rrtlin (7,obt) mirrket in Ouiclah consistentlyrefer to the presenceof
proportion being taken in taxes,and also in expenditurcincurrccl in rttcnclanccat stllls sellin;1irlporlcd l',ttropertrr
conrrnoditics,rrsrvell as agricultural Droduceand
the royal court, as well as trading expcnscsincurrcd outsirlethe town. In thc mid-
" lbitl, rr,7l
rr" l)alzcl, I Iistory, 208,215.
" ' l ' , , l , r r r r t , l ) ' t h , , u , t . ' ) l S c r ' . r l s , ' l l , , r c t r r . \rrrrrr , r l r l . ' S t p . r r . r t r . r r , l l r . r t l t . r ' r l r ' l r L c t ' , i . 1 ) . l r ' r i ,
l + " l l f r n c h c l c r , ' . \ r r l ) a h o n r cl trs' ,u t ' t o n t r t t h l l t 4 u L ' , ) \( l l i ( ) l ) , 5 7 ( r t l ' l ' , S l . rlrl tr r t l cl l " i i l ) l . ( . l . r s s\ . t . n t . l i n
t r , l l l , u l , t , t r tl h , L t r l l I n 1 ' r r , ' l. ; , \ ,
n o .2 2 { )I,i r r b u s . . l o t r r r r r l , ' l . lIrhr li rl ) '
\ , , , r t t t r rt r l r r | r t r r , . ,. r n I ) , , r r n . r Ir r) , , r ' r , tt ,t t , r r ' . l l r ,
" r I , l , . S j r r e ' l r ' , r r l r .5l l(il.( l.tl ,. r s\r. , r r , l t l r r r , r { ) . l , r r l , r ' s\ .r tr rr r ll l r l )
'
l r r r l r t s .l ) , t L t t r r r| , r , ; \

ll
 The Operation of the Atlantic SlavcTrade
Iocal manufacturcs.ln 1776,firr example,the markct was describedas dealing in
'firodstuffsancllruropcan and local go<-rds'; in 1784--5,'inthe stallsonc finds cvery
possiblekind of'L,uropeanas wcll as local trirdegJoods'; in llt25, p1<-rods on salcin thc
markct included 'a variet,v-' of Indian and English manufbctures,beads, Brazil
'many articles ol' Eurrlpean manufacture',
tobacco, etc.'; in ltl4-5, it displavcd
inclucling English cotton cloth irncl gun-flints; and in 1U63 it was reported ttr
' l l r a z i l i a n r u m , a n d c h e a pF r e n c h l i q u e u r s ' . r 4 7
includc a'gin palace'whichsoltl
Likewise in ltl-50it was noted that trrders fiom C)uidahtook'forcign cloths', rum
and tobacco,as well as salt and fish, to the market at Ttrri, to exchangefor palm oil,
lbodstuffisand localll' manu l-acturcd cloth. Irs
'I'he
li{csti,'le of' Ouidah was clearll' markcd by u'idespreird consumption of
'gencral drcss' in l)ahomey included a
imported lururies. I.'orbesnoted thxt the
largecloth worn ovcr thc shouldcr,which might be eithcr locallvmirclcclr imported
('countrl rlr fbreign'). Hc also obscrved that 'firreign liqur-rrsare scarcc and
expensive',the usual drink being local becr, but this, while perhaps true of the
interior, rvassurclv not the casein Ouidah; [)uncan, on thc contrary,ref'ersto its
(malc) inhabitantsas spending their leisure'smoking and clrinking rum'.r+eThe
impact of overseastrade on thc donrestic cconom\ however,penetrated evcn morc
deeply than this. The highly commercializedeconomyof Ouidah, which functioned
essentiallyas a cash cconom), was noted in the previous chapter. It was the
European trade that provided the massivequantitiesof currcnc\; in the filrm of
imported corvrl' shells,which made possiblethis expansion<lf thc exchangle sector
of thc domcsticeconomy.llven thc purchaseof basicfixrdstuf{.s \\'asthus mediated
bv a commoditv derivedfrom the Atlantic trade.
of'the slaaetrude
Locul understundings
It is difficult to reconstruct how local people understood the Atlantic slavctrade at
the timc of its operation; and indeed cvcn if the evidencewere fuller it would
prescnt problems of generalization,since understandingof the trade presumably
diff'crcd from one rrea to another and among different social groups within an1'
geographicalarca. It is tempting to assume,in explanation(and by implication,
extenuation)of the willingnessof Aliicans to sell slavesinto the Atlantic trade,that
thel- werc ignorant of what this involved. In Ouidah, horvcver,and within thc
Dahomian ruling elite more generalh it seemsclear that thcrc must havc been an
informed understanding of where it was that slaveswere sent and whlt t'atetwaited
them when they got there. Therc werc Dahomian oflicials who h:rd becn to
America (and to Europe) on diplomatic missions lnd rcturnecl to tcll the talc.
Some had even themselvesexperiencedslavcrt'in thc ,,\rnclic:rs.
A d o m o ' [ b m o , o r i g i n a l l ya l i n g u i s ti n t h c l ' . n g l i s hl i r c t o l r : r t- f : r k i l tr. t l t o u r t ss e n tb r
r 1 ; l ) e ( . h c n g c r t & l t u l l c t , ' R i ' l l c r i o l t s1
' . { l ; l \ ( r t . / . ,l l , r ' . l l ) l . l ' l { ( ) . \ l ) \ l
l l J 2 5 f: ) t r n c r n . l r ' t t r l s , i , l 2 l , l l r r r t . r r . l l r " t , , r r . t '. -t -
l { * I i r r t l r e s ,l ) t h ' , u L y , i , - \
i r ' l l r i t l 1 7 . i ( | .| ) r r r r r . r r/., , / . ' / , , r . l ' r r )
.
lt\
The Operation of the Atlantic Slavef'radc
Agaja as interpreteron a mission to lrngland in 1726,but initialll'sold into slaverv
in Maryland, USA, ll'here he spent around five ,r'earsbefore being liberated to
complete his journcv to F,nglandand to return to I)ahomcy in l7.l2.rs')Anothcr
was the r<lval prince 'Irookoo', alius Dom Jeronimo, a lcading figurc in the
commercialestablishmentof Ouidah in thc l7ll0s, who had spent no I'cwerthan 2-[
ycarsas a slavein Brazil beforebeing redeemedand repatriatedto Dahomey'.r5r
The slavetrade was understoodin Dahomey to raise moral issues,but only in
relation to defining rules within which it should operate,especiallf in regard to
whom it was consideredacceptableto enslaveand sell, rather tL rn putting in
question the legitimacl' of the trade itself - in which, of coursc, Dahomian
attitudes were essentiallysimilar to thosc of Europcans,prior to thc emergenceof'
thc abolitionistmor,ementof the eighteenthcentury'.1s2 In D:rhomiantradition, one
of the fundamentallau'sattributcd to the filunder-kingWegbaja,in the seventeenth
centur\,, prohibitcd the sale as slaves of anyone born rvithin the kingdom,
contravcntion being a capital ofl-encc;in principle, this rule was enforced so
rigrlrousll' as to prohibit the sale even of female captives who became pregnant
while in transit through Dahomey.r5r The prohibition undcr l)ahomian rule of the
practice of'panyarring' persons tcl cnforce payment of debts, noted above, was
cvidently an expressionof this principle, intendcd to eliminate the danger of
Dahomians being wrongly sold into overseasslaverl'. Slaves in Dahomel were in
principle fclreigners,captivestakcn in war or purchasedfrom outside the country;
Dahomians should be enslavedonly in punishment fbr somc specific and serious
of-fencc.When kings of'Daht-rmc1', in clef'aultof suflicient supplies ol'lirreign slaves,
resorterdto 'selling their own subjects',as was allegedboth of Tegbesuin the last
yearsof his reign and of Gezo in the early 1820s,this was consideredaberrantand
illegitimate,in cffect an index of socialbreakdown.r't+
As long as the boundarieso[ what was consideredlegal enslavementwerc not
transgressed, dealing in slavcs does not appear to have raised moral scruples.
Although the attitudes which local slave-tradershad towards their busincssare not
well documented, some insights arc prclvided by the remembercclpraise-namesof
prominent slar,c-traderswho wcrc ancestorsof families still resident in the t<lwn.
Referencesto thc slave trade in these are somctimes, bv the standards of modern
susccptibilities,alarmingly callous.For example, the praise-nameof the second
head of the Gnahoui family, active in the 1830s-50s,contains the chilling lines:
'Weepingbretks out when the slavesseeyou visit the prison;
the Portugueseman is
sad at you sellinghim old slaves.'r5sThe only hint of sympathyfor the slaves,in the
praise-namcof the lJrazilian F-ranciscoFelix de Souza, is cast in terms of his
ri0 Lrt, 'King \gr jr ol |)rlronrcr'.
I ' r l ' l l ( ) . ' 1 7 { ) / | i + 5 .L i o r t l \ b s o t t . ( ) r r i t l r r lh{ . | ) e e
Orre exln-rplcis I7112.
r ' r S e t g c t t c r . t l l t l,l o l r r r rl . . t s . ' l . e g r t rl n t l i l l c g r r el r r s l . r r c r rt t l i r r \ \ e s t \ l i i c a ,
in (hc conlc\t ol thc \thntic slalc
l r r < l t ' . i r r ' l i ' r r r r i . r 1 , ' l , r \ r \ l \ , ( ; h , t u , tl tl t, t , , t , t r , l t h ,I t , / r / , / ( ' l r ( n t o r ) \ - l . l l n ) . 1 ) . 5 1 3 . 1 i .
'" f , t l l c l t t ' r ' ,l l r , t , t r l l , , y , t t t t rrrr, , { r . . ) r ) l
ri;'ll.( 1 . 1 1 r1111r , rl lt t r r t r . t ll.( r \ r , r
''
l ) , ( l r , r r , r , r r \ l i r l l , r , l { r l l r r r , , r . . i . l ' l l l } . \ l } \ l \ \ ' l l , ( l . r l p r r t r r r r . l o r r r r r . Ir {l r. \ r , r l S l i .
' \ r ' l ' , ,l.l t ' t , , t , '. ' i ' t , l l r r ' , r , , , r , l l r r r1, 1 . , , , ' , , r r r ' . t r tlltr.,r t s rt t . r t r r c r r r l trllr(t) l r r l r r . t . t n r l ' l i l r r . tlL, rprt r r r
l r ,r r l ' r , l
Il"
 The Operation of the Atlantic Slave tade T'he Operation of the Atlantic Slave Trade
'[hc] on the spot buys thc indeed, has argued that the slavetrade was understood in Dahomey as a mechanism
bcnevolencerather than of the suff'ering of the slaves:
child, the mother, the husband, the wife, just for the asking', which may mean that for the exile of political opponents.r6z But this is perhapsa question of di{ferent
de Souza,in purchasingslaves,out ofthe goodnessofhis heart, would not break up levels of understanding; what was well known in Ouidah and Abomey might have
f'amilies,as was by implication normal.ls6 been unknown to the slavesthemselves,especiallyif they did not speaka languagc
In recent times, de Souza family tradition has sought to justify the ancestor's in which they could communicate with their sellers.
participation in the slave trade by reference to the Dahomian practice of human The problem is basically one of evidencc.While the equation of witchcraft with
sacrificc, arguing that those exported as slaveswould cltherwisehave been put ttt slave-trading in recent tradition is undeniable, this might represent a retrospective
death:it is even claimed,inaccurately,that prior to de Souza'stime the Dahomians interpretation of witchcraft in terms of the slave trade, rather than a contem-
had killed all the captives whom they took in war, until he persuadedGezo to sell poraneousunderstanding of the slavetrade as witchcraft. However, the latter hypo-
them instead.r5T This rationalizationin fact goes back to the time of de Souza thesis does have some support in the contemporary record, in recurrent reports
himself;a British official visiting Ouidah in 1844found that he'considershimself a that slavesbelieved that Europeanspurchasedthem in order to eat them, this being
great philanthropist', on the grounds of having savedthe lives of the slaveswhom perhaps better understood in terms of the spiritual cannibalism allegedly practised
he purchasedf<rr export.rs8Likewise Forbes in 1850, on an abortive mission to by witches, rather than in a litcrally culinary mode. Such beliefs were reported in
persuade the Dahomian authoritics to give up the slave trade, heard the samc Ouidah in the late seventeenthcentury. Barbot in the 1680s, for example, noted
'The King of l)ahomey, not wishing to kill that'all the slavesfrom [Ouidah and Offral ... firmly believethat we havebought
argument from the Yovoganof Ouidah:
all his prisoners,would wish to sell a few; if he cannot sell them, what is he to do them to have them f'attenedin our own country, so that we will bc better able to sell
with them?'rseVery probably, this argumcnt was dcrived ultimately from European them when they are suitable to bc eaten'; likewise, Bosman in the 1690s,'We are
pro-slavery literature, in which the defence of the slave trade as saving persons sometimes sufficiently plagued with a parcel of slaves,which come from a far in-
from sacrificein Africa was alreadystandard in the cighteenth centur)'. land country; who very innocently persuadeone another, that we buy them only to
The perccptions of the victims of the trade, as opposed to the African slave- fatten and afierwards eat them as a delicacy', and the belief was still reported at
traders, arc even more difficult to document, but some indications may be derivcd Ouidah in the l720s.r6rIt seemssignificant that Bosman refers to slavesspecifically
from subsequenttraditions, in so far as they reflect the perspectiveof communities from the far interior, whose knowledge of the operation of the trade may be
and social groups that were vulnerable to seizure for enslavementand sale into assumedto be have been more limited; and it is also noteworthy that this belief in
export. In some other parts of West Africa, such as Sierra l,eone and Cameroun, it European cannibalism is not reported from Ouidah itself in later pcriods, perhaps
has becn suggestedthat modern beliefisabout witchcs, who are envisagedcither as reflecting the diffusion of a more realistic understanding of the purpose of the
inhabitingan invisiblecity wherc they consumeboth imported luxuriesand human trade.It evidently persistcd,however,in the interior: in the 1820sit was still noted
flesh, or as employing their zombified victims as labourers on rcmote plantations, that slavesfor sale in Borgu were terrified of being sold to the coast, as it was 'the
may reflect memories of the operation of the Atlantic slave trade.lt'0In Dahomey universal belief that all those who are sold to the whites are eaten'. Likewise
also, witchcs are believed sometimesto exhume their victims from their graves,to Ilaquaqua, who was from Djougou to the west of Borgu, claims, as noted earlier, to
'I'he
sell them 'into servitudein some far-awayland'.r6r implication is that the slave have had no knowledge of his intended destination prior to his embarkation for the
tracle was understood in the idiom of witchcraft, European slavc-traders(and also trans-Atlantic passage,and initially understood his fate in religious terms, assum-
thc African dealers who sold slavesto them) being equated with witches, who ing that he was to be sacrificed: 'I had never seen a ship before, and my idea of it
prospered through devouring or otherwise exploiting the souls of their fellow- was, that it was some object of worship of the white man. I imagined that we were
humans.'fhis intcrpretationmust seemdoubtful, however,in the caseof l)ahomev. lll to be slauplhtered, and were being led there for that purpose.'r6+
where as has been seen people were wcll aware that Amcrica r,r,'as a place in this A variant of'thc concept of slave-tradersas cannibalsthat has been recorded in
world, from which some of those sold as slavcsoccasi<lnally returncd; F,dnaBay; l)ahomcy rclatcs that the cowry shells which werc used locally as money were
obtlincd b1' lishing with the corpscsof slavcs,who were killed and thrown into the
In' lbid., 225. llut an altcrnative reatling might bc that this is sirnph rn illLtstrrtion ol tle Sttttzr's u'calth: he scrr,to hc lcrl ullorrb1 thc scl snails,and thcn hauledbackout to retrievethe shells.r6s
could allbrd to buy up wholc flmilies, ruther thirn indilidurl slles.
ri; liiclclwork, de Souza compound, I)rospcr tle Souzr, lllJan. l()9(r. '
l , r l r r r r( i . l l . n , ' l ' r , r t e r t r r r r , l r , l i t i < . r le r i l c . r r r r l t l r t \ t l r r r t i t s l r r c t r r t l e : h i s t o n : r n d c o l l c c t i v cm e m o r y i n
ril PRO,(',()96/l,Lieutenirnt(iorernttrllill,(.rpe(irast(.rstlc. ll\or. lfi-l-}. | ) r r h r r n r t' . . \ ' i l . l l ( . 1 ( ) ( )l l. l . ) l ' o
It" l'11Slave'lradellJ50.51,(.lass,\,cnc.Iirrno.l()fi.lirrbes,.lottrrrrl.l5\lrrrch1850. " f f . r r l r r r t . ( ) n ( i u r n r , t , r r . l r i t ) , 1 | r s r r r . t r r . l L \ , tlrt lrtit,trtlltns,\ l . r r r ' l r . r i s , ' . f o r r r r r r l ' . . l l l ; l , r b a t ,
"' f f r r g l r ( l . r ; r l r r ' r t r r/ r" r .t t r t , t l , ' tl \ , " t t , lI \ l ' t , l t t t ' t ' r r t r t ' , t Il t rt t t r r t t r , t l l r t , , t( l . o n r l o t t ,l f i 2 ( . ) ) , 1 ) - { ; l } r r 1 t t r t 1 u
2 { X ) l ) . c h . l i ; l l a l p h \\ r r s t c r r , ' l ) , r r r . r l , r s l . r r t t r . r , l , , r r r , l t r r t n r , , r ' t i t t t l r r ' l r , t r p l r , r r , r l t l t r \ t r i r r t , t r l t t t t l c t l , t t t t l ' , l l r ' , 1r , 11 ' 1, ,1 L t
'
i r r L . r r rE S t r i r l r r x l t , I ' t , t t ' , ' l t h , \ l ' t ' , I t ' t ' l t . ; t ) s l l l f n r r t l l t t t , . l t , t ul !t t l l l , , , ' , l t , t l t' l l l ' ) ' \ l , l ' r l r ' , \ , ' ( . l r r r r r ' l s r l . r r l r c r r\ l r r t r r t l o t t r r l t r r l .t r lr tt r t l t '
I f c t ' l , , r t t s .l ) , t h t ) r t) '. r t . ' i ' r \\,,t1, \l\,..rr,1r.. rr\,rr', ll[,rr,,l r/r t 1 ' t t t , . t i , ' l , t , , t r l, \ . r r r t , . .l r ) \ \ ) . r .l r l r , l i l , r r r o t l r r r

I r(l t'l
 The Opcration of the Atlantic Slavefiade
Whilc this telescopesgeographl; sincc covvricswcre fishcd in thc lndian Ocean
rather than thc Atlantic, it niccly cxpressesthc moral truth that monetarv wealth
rvasobtaineclat thc cost of the lives of the erported slaves.r6('Here again,howeveq
whether this storv dates back to the time of the slavetrade or representsonll- a
r c t r o s l ) c ci \l c c o n s t r u c l i o ni s u n c e r l n i n .
A parallelbelief is rccorded in Wcst/Ccntral Africa, whcrc thc Kongo cnvisage
thc lands of'thc living ancldead as separatcdbv watcr, and thc land of thc dcad is
conscqucntlyidcntificd with America (and/or F-urope,the two continentsbeing
commonlv conflated);within this fiamework also,the trans-Atlantic slavetrade is
understoodas'a f<rrmo1'witchcraft',involving the transportationol'Africans to the
Othcrlrrlrld 'impr<lperlv and prematurel,v-'.lr', In Dahomian bclief likcwisc, thc
Land of the Dead, Kutomcn, is locatcd bcyclncla rivcr, which the souls of thc
deceascdhavc to cross bl' canoe; accordinglli a ceremonv held some time after the
actual burial, intended to secure their entrv into the Otherworld, is cllled their
'embarkation' (c.),o,lohun,'puttingthe ctlrpse in a bgat').r"8Althtlugh Kutomcn
was th<lughtt<l bc undcrgr<lund,thc river that had to bc crosscdto cntcr it uas
somctimesidcntificd with actual rivcrs; Duncan in thc ltl.10sundcrstood it to bc
the Volta, to the west.16"lt rvas also, however, sometimes identified with the
coastallagoon, implf ing that the I-and of'the Dcad lav in or bc1'ondthe Atlantic;
this is onc cxplanation <lf'fcred for thc namc of (,oton<lu (Kutonun), the
lagoonsideport cast of Ouidah, mcaning 'At the mouth o[ the river of the dead'.
Howcver, no similar tradition seems to have been attached to Ouidah, and,
indeed, even at Cotonou the storv is not linked to the slar,etrade.rT{)Nlloreover,
cxistencein Kutomen was rcgardcd positivclr';it was the souls rvho wcrc unablc
to entcr it (those 'not vct cmbarkcd') ancl wcrc instcad condcmned to wandcr
betwcen thc worlds of thc living and thc dead whose fate was pitiecl and f-eared
and who might becomc victims of witchcraft. L,videntll',fbr Dahomians the land
of enslavementacrossthe Atlantic rvasdistinct from that of the properlv buried
dead.
In fhct, libcration from slavcrv in America was often seen in terms of escape
into the Lancl of thc l)cad back in Africa. One ;rspcct of the expcrienceirnd
attitudes of the enslaved and transportcd Africans th:rt is well attested in
contemporarvsourcesis the idea that u'hen thcv died, their souls would return to
Afiica, which even causedsome to commit suicidc as a mcrns <lf gctting back
home. Although this belief is mainlv documented among Afiican slave pop-
ulations in the Americas, it lvas ccrtainlv currcnt als<lin Afiir':r an.rongth<lsc
l t i ( ' " u ' ) v c r . i r r n ,t h e s t r l r t i s t r i r n s p o s c t it o i \ n r c r i c a : ( , h a t * i r r , I r t t n t l , r t f o u t , l r h . 2 6 .
r u uR a l p h . { . A u s t e n , " l ' h c m o r l l e c o n o m \ o l ' r r i t c h c r u l t ' , i r r . f c r r t( r r n r r r r l l & . l o h n ( r r r n r r r o l l ( c t l s ) , l l a , / r ' r l r l 1 ,
tnl irs llultonttnrs ((.hicago, l99l), lt9 I 10.
r r r ;\ \ ' \ ' a t t \ ' l a c C a t i l r ,
"l'hc \\i'st in (irngolcsc crptritrrtt'. irr I)hilip l)
( N l a t l i s o n , 1 9 7 2 ) ,+ 9 7 + .
r o l u t l t h u u , : r u ( l ' i l r i \ , l ( ) l i ( l ) i. i . I l l . l l r r r L o r r t r . l ) , tl t , , u t1, , r . l r ) i ) l l i
l i l ' | ) u n ( i r f r l, r t ; , l ' . i , | ) ( t
l ' " \ l e l r r f l , k , , . ' l . , s 1 t r , t t r r l r l . r t r r , ' t t r ( i , t , , r . r , l , . , , r l r rr ,, r. '. ,r t , , r r ' l. ,
lii ll
lr
( . L r r t i n( c t l ) . llrt,,r rnJ rht Iltst
\l"t' 't lt't1t, "
The Operation of the Atlantic Slave Trade
destinedfor export. An English captainshipping a cargloof slavesfrom Ouidah to
Barbadosin 1694 recorded that twelve of them committed suicide by drowning
and others starvedthemselvesto death, explaining that "tis their belief that when
they die the1, return home to their own countrv and friends again'.171 In the
project of commemoration of the slave trade that developed at Ouidah in the
1990s,grcat cmphasiswas placed upon two allegedmonuments of thc trade: two
trces on the route from the town south to the beach,along which slaveswerc taken
to be embarked on ships for export acrossthe Atlantic, thc 'Tree of F'orgetting
[I-'Arbre de I'oubli]' on the southern outskirts of Ouidah, and the "Iree of Return
[L'Arbre du retour]' in the villagc of Zoungbodji, halfway'to the beach. As told
nowadays,slaveswerc requircd to walk round the 'Tree of F-orgetting'(men ninc
times, women sevcn) in ordcr to make them lose their memories,thc purpose of
this practice being to prcvent thcir spirits returning to trouble thosc who had
enslavedand sold thcm. Contrariwise,thel'ran round the 'Trcc of Return'(three
timcs) in order in ensure the return of their spirits to Aflrica, this being done in
orclcr to give them hope firr the future. Thcsc stories thus encapsulatetw<l
contradictory dimensionsof'the operation of thc slavetrade: its gJeneral tendencv
to obliteratethe cultural identity of its victims and, on the other hand, the resis-
tanceof the slavesthcmselvesto this processof deracination,whilc alsosuggesting
some degrce of bad conscience(or, at least, f'earof rctribution) on the part of
'I'he1'have
African slavc-dcalers. been interpreted as suggestinga consciouspolicv
on the part of the Dahomian kings, beginning with Agaja, who is somctimcs
credited with har,ingplanted both trees, to establish'psychr>religiouscontrol' of
the operationofthe slavetrade.r72
It can be rcadily concededthat the storiesofthe l'recs ofForgetting and Return
are both emoti<lnalll'appealingand intuitivcly plausible.But, unfbrtunately.thel'
are probably spurious.lTrThcv arc not supported by any contemporarl'-accountof
the operation of the slavc tradc at Ouidah; in fact, thcr, werc sccming;lv not
'fhe
recordcd prior t<l thc 1990s. more n<lrtherlyof thc two trees is recorded in
'frcc',
contemporaryaccounts,undcr thc altcrnativename of 'The Captains' but as
thc place wherc arriving Europcan slave-traderstvere mt:t bv the Vlvogan and
other local authrlrities of' Ouidah. Some accounts do mcntion a cercmonv of
circumambulation.but it uas thc Ouidah chiefs.rathcr than slaves.rvho circled the
t rce (thrcc timcs), prior to firrn-rally'grccting the F,uropeans.rtrThe tree at
Zoungbocljiis not clcarlv refcrred to in anv contcmporarysourceof'thc period <lf
tlrc slrtvctritdc, irrtrl,nhcn it w:rs flrst rccordcd as a histrlricalmonumcnt, it r.l'as
c x p l i r i n c tal s t h c p l r r c eu h c r c A g a j a ,a f i e r h i s c o n q u e s o t 1 ' O u i d a hr, c s t e dt o t a k eh i s
l i r s t d r i n k o f ' l ' , r r r o p e r rsni n , r : r t h c rt h r r r rb e i n g c o n n c c t c dw i t h t h e e m b a r k a t i o no f
s l i r r e s ; r ;tth c l i r r k i r r gol l ' l h c t r c e t o s l i r r c s 's p i r i t r - r ar le t u r n t o A f r i c a s e e m st o h a v e
'l,,rrr
l'lrrllr1,.. r r . r l '..l l ( l
\ , ' r ' 1 , ,I , r ' \ r , , l . r ' l l l l
I , , r l r r l lrr, l t r ,t t . , t , , t.r, , I r s \ t , r r r , , t r , , 1 ' l r r r , ' r .r rr rl r, rl l
' ( {' ' ( r , , r r r r '\ l , r r , , i r ' ' . , r ' r r , l r r r ' . l r r ( l r , , r . rl )r r r . t r r r r ' . l ; ' , 1 , l ' R ( ) . l r ( ) S l / l i S f rl i. r r r s t r
\\l l,"rr
\(lr,\l'r), l , ' r r r r r r 'li l r , l , l r , l l l r r r t , , r lr l , , , , I i ' r I
I,i
 The Operation of the Atlantic Slave Trade

been articulated only in the context of the project of commemoration of the slave
-
'Ouidah '92' conference. The validity of these monu-
trade connected with the )
ments, it may be suggested, is as an expression of the need and desire of the
modern inhabitants of Ouidah to come to terms with the town's slave-tradingpast,
rather than as throwing light on how that trade was viewed by their ancestorswho
operatedit.
itt
De Souza'sOuida,h
The Era oJ'theIllegal Slaoe Trade
1815-39

In the first half of the nineteenth century, Ouidah was profoundly affected by the
legal banning of the trans-Atlantic slave trade and the adjustments which this
necessitatedin the conduct of commerce, and by the related development of a
substantialBrazilian community in the town.l In the early stagesof both processes,
the central figure was Francisco Felix de Souza, a Brazilian slave-tradcr who
settled permanently in Ouidah in the 1820s.Unfortunately, this critical period in
Ouidah's history' is in many respects obscure, becauseof the deficiencies of the
available evidence. The detailed documentation provided for the eighteenth
century by the European forts ceasedwhen these were abandoned in the early
nineteenth century, and European visitors remained rare thereafter until the mid-
1840s.F'or the 1820sand 1830s,the most infrrrmativecontemporarymaterial is to
be found in the records of judicial proceedings relating to illegal slave-ships
captured by the British navy; but these provide only fragmentary (and not always
reliable) information on what was going on on shore. To a greater degree than
cither before or after, the internal history of Ouidah in this period has therefore to
bc reconstructedon the basisoflocal oral traditions.

The legalprohibition oJ'theslaoetrade

'l'he
lcgal banning of thc slavctradc was a complcx and protractedprocess.As far
rrs it lfli'ctcd Ouitllh, thc first important movc was the abolition of slavery in
ffrcnch cokrnics b,r thc rcvolutionarr,'govcrnment in 1794, which was itself a
t ' c c o g n i t i o no l ' t h t ' r c i t l i t r o f ' t h c ( l c s t r u c t i o n< l f - s l l v c r vi n t h e p r i n c i p a l F r e n c h
t o l o t t \ o l ' S r r i r rlt) o r r r i n g t t t ' l rtrl t t ' s l ; t r t ' i r r s r r r r c c t ioof n' 1 7 9 1A. l t h o u g hs l a v e r vw a s
r t ' l t ' g r r l i z t 'ltrl t \ : t P o l t ' o t r l r r l S 0 l . t l r t ' ; t t t t ' t t t l l tt o r c s t o r ct h e i n s t i t u t i r ) nw c s n o t
c l l i ' tt i r t ' i t r S : r i r r lt ) o t t t t t t g t t \r (' ,' r\ u r g t t t c t tl r t o p l o r o k c t l r c p r o c l a r n : r t i oonf ' t h l t t

\rrll,'l'rrrl.r* l l r , , r , ' l r r t r , ' r r , ' t r l r , l l r r r r l r . r r r , , , r r r r r r r r r r r t r r r r ( ) r r r r l . r l r ' , . \ i " 1 . . ) . ' ( .l tl ( X l l ) . - t - )

lrl
 De Souza'sOuidah
country's independcnceas the Republic of l{aiti in 180.1.Although French slaving
revived after 1802, vcry few French ships scem to have called at Ouidah. The
practical effect, thereforc, was that what had lately been the principal market filr
slavesexported {iom Ouidah now disappearec.
Among other nationswith an interestin the slavetrade,the trade becameillegal
for citizens of Dcnmark from 1803, Britain irnd the USA from 1808 and the
Netherlandsfrom 181,1,and France apJainbanned the trade from 1818. None of
these, however, were by thc carly nineteenth centurl vcrl importrnt in the slave
'fhe
trade specifically at Ouidah. main market for slaves from Ouidah over the
eighteenth century had bccn thc Portugucsc colony of llrazil, cspccially thc
province of Bahia, and this trade, although temporarily disrupted by thc war in
Europc, had revivedevenbeforethe peaceof 1815;in l8l2 it was estimatedthat no
fcwcr than 45 ships fiom Bahia traded at Ouidah.2By the 1tl20s,a substantialtradc
had also developedto the Spanish colony of Cuba. Portugal and Spain, however,
resistedBritish pressurc for abolition longcq and initially acceptedonly partial
prohibition.r A first Anglo-Portuguesetreaty in 1Ul0 rcstricted the slavetrade to
Portuguese possessionsin Africa, but these were explicitly stated to include the
Portuguesc fbrt at Ouidah, where the slave trade thercfore (uniqucly in West, as
opposed to Central, Africa) remained legal for Portuguese subjects; however, in
l8l5 a secondtreaty bannedPortuguesefrom slavingnorth ofthe equator,includ-
ing thereforeat Ouidah. Thc lcgal situation was complicatedby the secessionof
Brazil from Portugueserule in 1822,but in 1826the newly independentgovern-
ment of Brazil acceptedthe banning of the slavetrade north <lf thc cquator as thc
price ofBritish rccognition.Spain alsoaccepteda treaty banning the trade north of
the equatorin 1817and a total ban in 1820.By the l820s, therefore,the slavetradc
in West Afiica, including at Ouidah, was technically illcgal fbr all interested
Europcanand Americirnnations.
Legal prohibition, however, was by no means the same as effective abolition,
since the banning of thc slavc trade proved difficult to enforce.+The policing of
abolition in Africa fell mainly to Britain, although there was also some limited and
intermittcnt action by France and the USA. F-rom 1808 the British navy main-
taincd patrols off the African coast, from its base at Frcctown in Sicrra Lconc, in
order to intercept illcgal slave ships.s Initiallli however, these patrols had no
authorit),to arrest, or evcn inspcct, ships of other nationalities.A supplementary
Anglo-Portugiuese treatv of 1817 conccdedthe right of se:rrchof'suspectedslave
ships and this provision was also acceptedby Brazil in 1U26,and similar arrangc-
ments werc agrced with Spain in 1818. Floweveq thc legal powcrs acquircd by
thesetreatieswcre limited in crucial respects,ll'hich compromiscdthcir cffective-
nessin practice.Onc difficulty was that Portugal and Brazil had initialll rrcccpted
abolition only north of the equator; frrr Brlzililn ships until lll.ll rrncll)ortugucsc
r Akinjogbin,Dahont.y.195.
' S c c f u r t h c r L c s l i c I l c t h e l lh, 'tl l h t l i t i o n r t fh t l ) r r : t l t r u . \ h r t l l r , l L ( ( . . r r r r l r r i r l lst el T. { l )|.) . r r i t l l \ l r r r r r r ,
O l i o u s O n n n t r t t ' :l J r i t t r r t . . \ p , t r u r ut,hl t l l u t l t t t r t r , lt h t ( . ' u l , , t r t . \ ' l t il,r , t , l , l ( . . r u l ) r ( l ( ( , l r ) l \ i l l )
t
S e c e s ; r .l ) r r i t l l . l t i s , l . , u t t t , r r t rO, r t , u ' t h , t u , tl h , l t , l r t r r , , l t l t , l t , t r t , , t t l , t t t t t , . \ 1 , t ,I' r , t / , ( \ , u
' ( . l r r r s t r r g r l r c r l , l o r r l/ ./ r , \ , t y,tr,l rh'.\1r,,
The Era of the lllegal Slave'Irade
until 1836,the slavetrade south of the cquator remainedlegal. This loophole was
exploitedby slavc-tradersbound for Ouidah; as was noted in a British navalreport
of 1821,Portugueseships trading there regularly carried papcrs authorizing them
to trade for slavessouth of the equator,at Malemba, Cabindaor Angola, and, once
they had made the short passapiesouth to the equator, they werc effectively
immune from seizure.6Flven morc critically, the treaties with P<lrtugal,Spain and
Brazil authorizedthe arrest of ships only if they actuallyhad slaveson board, even
though their intention to trade in slavesmight be manifest.The British sought to
close this loophole by negotiatinpinew agreementsto allow the arresr of ships
equipped for the slavetrade, even if they had no slaveson board. Such an 'equip-
ment' clausewas acceptedby' Spain in 1835,but this was of limited effectiveness
sincc it was evadedby thc shift of Cuba-bound vesselsinto other national registra-
tions, especiallyPortugucse.f'he British did not resolvc this question until 1U39
when, despairingof securing Portugueseconcessionof an equipmcnt clause by
negotiation,they unilaterallyassumedthe right to intercept suspectedslaveships
under Portugucsecolours.
To thc extent that the British naval campaign sometimesinvolved thc scizurc of
slaveships at Ouidah itself, this also represcnteda violation of Dahomian national
waters, but thc British in gcncral showed much less f-astidiousness about
encroachmentsupon African sovercigntl'.7In the case of Dahomel', such actions
were also a challcngeto the statusof Ouidah as a neutral port, which Europeans
-I'he
had fbrmerly been obliged to respect. issue was raised by the Dahomian kings
from time to time in their negotiationswith the British. In 1845,for example,Gezo
suggestedthat British warshipsshould be instructednot to rakeanv slaveships'till
they had entirely left the coast', and his successorGlele demanded in 1864 that
they should not capturc slavers'near his beach'.8But the British do not sr:emto
have understood the legal and historical basis of the Dahomian position or even to
havcrcgistercdit with anv seriousness.
'fhe
main cffect of the illcgality of the trade, prior to 1839, was rhat it now
became normal practicc for slavers to lic off the coast while their cargoes were
assemblcdon shore,and then to embark them er masse,inorder to minimize the
'Ihe
time in which they wcre subjectto seizurc. specdingup of embarkationtimes
was a frequently noted f-eaturcof the illegal trade: an officer <lf the British navy's
anti-slaving squadron told thc Parliamentary'Select Committee on the West Coast
of Africa in 18.12,''Ihey can take in a cargo of 600 in about three hours.'eThe
implicltion firr thc slavcswas that they now spent a shorter time on board ship, but
l klnger timc hcld on shore.Some of the slavesin a carg;oembarkedfr<lm Ouidah
in 1U49,for cxanrplc,had bcen rcportcdly'dctained in the town for no less than
'lhis
trinc nronths, rrrvrrilir.rg
iln opportunitr firr shipmcnt.r0 longcr tinre waiting
" l'll().lr()iil./l'),Srr(rc.rqt(.ollicr,'lleportrrprrrrllrt(rr.rstsrnrlScnlenlclttsol'\\tsternr\fiica'.271)
l S J l . g , pi l i . l ( l t ' , . r , , . r 1 s , , \ , r r q Ir lr u, r , t , , / / r r r .l l ) i i
5 t r l , t t ,t . t l l r I l t s , l , ' , r t , ' , , t(,, r , ' ut L . l t l l . l
'
| ) t r t r , , r r Ir r. , t , ,l ' . | . r t ri , l l r r rt o r r l l t , t , , , tt .. ' , ,
\,,r1.lr/li,) l ' l ' \ , 1 ( , 1 { r , r r r r r r r l r , r . \ l r r r r rl t\ rr ., "1l , n , , l l \ l ' . ' l \ 1 . ( , , r r r n r , r l , l r . r l l r n t r l l r o . r r l l r r ' . r r l
l r r , / , ( l , r r r r l , , r r ,l ' t l ' ) ) l ' l ' S l . r ' , l r ' , 1 , l \ l , r , l r ( l r . . l t r , l , \ r , , t , , f . r l l ) i l r , . i l r( ) r r r , l . r. l' rl \ r r I l l r l ' /
I'
 De Souza'sOuidah The Era of the Illegal SlaveTrade
onshore necessarily meant increased mortality of slaves prior to embarkation. pricesat Ouidahin theillegaltrade,1834-61
Table5.1 Slazte
Several contemporary observersreported increasedmortality on shore during the
Price in $ Price in original form Comments
illegal trade: another witness to the 1842 Select Committee, for example,observed
1834 fi72 12oz. @ $6 per oz. 'All expenscspaid'
that, becauseslavesnow neededto be held for long periods at Ouidah while waiting
'perhaps the half of them may be dead before 183 5 $ris 520 slavesfbr $44,000 'When embarked'
for an opportunity to embark them,
1837 $66
they can be shipped'.ll Since, conversely, slavesnow spent shorter periods on board
l84l $64 4 doubloons Paid flora lcmalc slave
the slave ships, it might be expected that this greater mortality on shore was
1842 $2846 {6-r0 Slaves'verv cheap'
counterbalancedby reduced mortality during the trans-Atlantic voyage,but it does 1842 $4tt-64 3-4 doubloons
not appear that this was the case.Contemporary observers,again, believed that the 1847Feb. $70-80 Seesourccs
difficulties in shipping slavesencouragedovercrowding of ships, with consequently 1847I)cc. $75-90 Seesourccs
increasedshipboard mortality. Duncan in the 1840s,for example, maintained that 1848 $80 + $5 export duty
becausethe British navy's blockade restricted opportunities for shipping slaves, 1849 $80-100 Price'veryhigh'
'when these do occur, large numbers are put on board, which frequently causesa I850 $60 Slaves'numerous'
185 1 $40 'In the bcst conditions'
loss in the number before reaching their place of destination'.r2Statistical evidence,
although not clearly attesting an increaseof physical crowding of slaveson board 1857 $s0-80 Seesourccs
ship, does indicate that mortality was greater in the illegal trade of the nineteenth I858 $60,70
185G8 $r00 500fr. 'Increasingevery
day'
century than earlier;rr the explanation may be that, becauseof their longer wait on 'On the bcach'
r8 6 l $90
shore,slaveswere now in poorer health when they were embarked. 1862 $80 + $4 export duty
A second tactic adopted in this period, in order to evade the attentions of the l86l-3 $80 400fr.
British navy, was the dispersalof slaveshipments from Ouidah to other ports to the 1863/ 4 $7s 'Including the customhousefee'
{16.16s.
east and west, to which slaves were sent by canoe along the coastal lagoon.
Although such lagoon links were by no means new in the trade of Ouidah, they .loarrrr: llJ-14and l8-'17:PB Sl|rc'lrade l8+0, (llass A, no. ,17,caseol the.Jutk lliUng, rcceiprdated llt Dce. lttjlS; lll35r P Slarc'llade 1836,
(llass A, no.47, caseofthc lll /i2la/d//', Instruction lirr (,apt.Jos€da [nza, Havana, 14 April lll35; l8.ll: Slave'liadc llJ4l. (]tassA, no.
126.crsc
acquired an enhancedsignificancein the period of the illegal slavetrade; moreover, rrl.the Nota lirrunu,letter liomJoio Pcreira|ianna, Bahia.oJoio l)eus, Ouidah, n.d. ll8.lll; 1842:PP, 1842Selccr(i)mminec, { 776, I.'rancis
whereasearlier the movement of slavesalong the lagoon had normally been from Suanzy & 2519, IIenry Broadhcad;lll47: l)os Sanos corrcspondence,
'outsidc'+
nos 52 ll9 Feb. 11347, stating that dc Souza tlcmandsg8(1,uhites pa1 $70
dutl but dos Sanrrs himsell paid $3.0(I) lirr-lJ slrres = $75 cachl, ll0, lt3 Il & 22 l)ec. llt-17,giving current pricc rs g90'cxccpt at
other ports for shipment at Ouidah, now the direction was reversed. Given the prcfercncc', bul himsell prid $7.5each for'l mcn, 2 uomen l; llt.lll. PP, \'lissions t) Ashantee & l)ahomcl; (-ruickshrnk Report, 16; tl3.l9: PP, Slave
'Iiadelll'19
notoriety of Ouidah itself as a slaveport, it attracted the particular attention of the 50,(,lassll,enc.l0inno.9,|orbes,5Nor:lll.1');lll5{):PP,Slave'l'radclll505l.(ilass,{,enc.Sinno.lglJ,Firrbcs,6Aprillll5{);18
.\uguste llouct, in Jean Claude Nardin, 'l,a rcprisc dcs rclations liancr>dahomtcnncsru XIXe siiclc: h mission d'Augusrc Boucr ! h cour
British, and slaveswere therefore,even if originally bulked up at Ouidah, frequently d'Abomev', C L l. 7/ 25 (1961), I I It; I ll57r PP Slave
'liadc
I ll57 ll, (llass Il, no. 25, (irnsul ( ampbdl, Lagrrs,| 0 Aug. I 857; I ll58: PP,Shvc 'Iiade
moved along the lagoon fbr embarkation at other, less well-known placcs.laIn IU5ll 9, ClassA. no. l3l, (irmmandcr Wise, l9Julq l85ll Iactuallr'$6{1 170',prcsumablymiscopiedl;1856-ll: \rallon,'l-c rovaumede l)ahomey',

particular, this period saw the development as a slave 'port' of Godomey, east of I/.157; 1116l:PP Slare lrade 1116l,(lhss A, cnc.l in no. 172,(irmnrodore l.dmonstone,2.{Nlarch 1136l;l1162:PP, Stave lrade lli62, ClassIt, no.
]'1, (irnsul l"rceman,Lagos, I Jul1 llt62. also PB I)cspatchcsliom (irmmodorc Wilmrr, no. l, 29 Jan. lll6j; l136l.3: Abba Laflifte, Le Diltnet,
Ouidah. According to tradition, Godomey was the site of the ftrrmer slave port of ( lirurs, lltT-l), I'l-1; llJ6l/4: Burton, ,4,lrrriu,ii,2{)9 l{). (irnversio

Jakin, which had been destroyed by the l)ahomians in 1732. But it was re-
lronr strrling, rlthough the dollar was conrcntionalll equatedrvith 5s. [{l = $41,pricesin 1842sccm lr be basedon thc then ollicial valuc ol gl =
'ls .{rl on the acturl crrrrcnterchangcratc ol $l = .+s.6d.I4fts.l.
[{hs. I, and in l1163/.1
establishedin this period, to serve as an outport of Ouidah. At least one recorded
slaveship in 1830, after landing its cargo at Ouidah and purchasing its slavesfrom
de Souza there, proceededeast to embark them from Jakin.ls Its alternative name l)roblems relating to the supplv of slaves through Dahomey. As one European
Godomey is first attested in the contemporary record in 1843, when de Souza was trirdcr noted: 'Whydah . .. had, at one period, an extensivetrade for slaves,but since
'on business'.r6
reported to have travelled there from Ouidah thc lrbitrarv mcasuresof the governmcnt becametroublesometo their neighbours,
The slave trade at Ouidah in the early nineteenth century was disrupted not the tradc for sllveshasonll'been supportedby [Dahomey'sown] wars.'17 Gezo,who
only by the difficulties created by the legal banning of the trade (and by the crtl.tlcto thc throne in llJlt'1,sought to revive the middleman trade in slavesfrom
disruption of shipping due to the Europeanwar of 1793-1U15), but alsoby internal lhc inlcrior: u'hert hc scnt rl nlcssilgcto the Ilritish authorities at Cape Coast in
l l t 2 0 , t r r g i n gl l t c t t t l o r c o c c r . l l )l \h c r c c c n t l l ' a b a n d o n e d I r n g l i s hf o r t a t O u i d a h , h e
Ir Pq 1842 Select Clommittcc, 615, Irnncis Srvanzr.
$ ;tsscrlt'tllhrtl 'rt ll('\\ s\st('lrl ol'policr rvrrscstltblishccl', pcrmittinElmerchantsfrom
r? I)uncan. ?"rat s/.r.i, I 15. ( ) r o r t r t tol ll t t ' tt o t t t t l l ' i c s i r r t l r c i t t t t ' r ' i o r t ( ) ' t r : l ( l c l h e r c i n c o n r n l o n ' . 1 3 ' lo' hf i s
tr l;,kis. Iitonunit Oron,th.135 o.
r 1 S , - ' c , f i r r c r r n r p l c , o n t l c S o u z r ' s o p c r r r t i o n s i tl lt lt ll {t )t s .l l r r n t l t r , . l r ' ; r ' r) tr ' r r t i ' . \ ' r ' r r r , , ,l rl i, ll' l(rrlrrtr,rrr \,,r, ' .rl'll
l ' l ' l l S f r r t " f l r r l c l l l . l ( ) . ( . l . t s\ s, t r , ' i t . t ( I l l l l , ( l . t s s\ . t t r , l l , t . t s t , , l t l r I ' 1 , ' I ' r ' ' t r t t ' t 'Il{().((}.'.11.('\
l{,'l',rt!,,r.(.rl,t(l.r..r(.rrtlr..'\(l't l \ . t ( t , r l l . . r r r , ' s l . r r r . r , r r r l r . r s .r rr rr rr rt ll t l l t . r r r r . n
r " l ' R ( ) .( l ' t t l ( t / l ) , I | \ l h r r r r r . \ r l r r t r ' . . ' iS r p t l l l i
I

l''S I \',
 f)e Souza'sOuidah
thc middleman trade was compromised by the outbreak of war between DahomeJ'
and Oyo in 1823,which led to a'partial obstructi<-rn of tracle'.reAfter Dahomel''s
victory, which cnded the pavment of tribute to Oyo, however,the supplv of slaves
generatcdbl' Dahomey'sown wars increasedsubstantially;as a result of a seriesof
successfulcampaiplnswagcd by Gezo, especiallf in the Mahi and lbruba country to
thc north-cast.
In thesc circumstances,the slavctrade at Ouidah flourishecl,despiteits illegal-
it1: In l82l it u.asestimatedthat no fewer than 100 slaveships were calling annually'
at Ouidah and Lagos, though this figure lvas probablv exaggerated.r0 In the Bight
of Bcnin as a whole, slave cxports rccovercd to high levels, estimatcd to have
averagcdaround 12,000per year in thc l5 yearsimmediatell'following the peace
(1816-30),though falling to 9,000 per vear in the 1830s;r,r'ithinthis region'.rltotal,
holvever, Ouidah's position of dominance lr':rs progressivell' eroded, principally
through the developmentof Lagclsto thc east,which alreadvaccountedfor more
shipmentsthan Ouidah in the lfl20s and ftrr almost twice as nranf in the 1830s.2r
This rise of Lagos to predominanccwas a consequence of the outbrcak of a scries
of devastatingof u.ars in southern Yorubaland from the 1820s,which created a
largesupply of captivcsin its immcdiatc hinterland.
The continucd buo.v-'ancv of the slavctrade in its illegal phasccan be measured
bv the prices paid for slaves(see'I)blc -5.1).Comparison rvith the eighteenth
ccntury is complicated,bccause,although the 'ounce' continued to be currcnt as a
unit of account, prices werc no\4'more c<lmmonlvdenominatedin dollars. Thc
ounce\l'asgcnerallvequirtedu'ith $8, and the dollar therelbrewith the snull 'hcad'
of 2,000cowrics.But this seemsto havc been a conventionalratc, and actualsilvcr
dollars (which wcre increirsinglvimported fiom the Amcricas to pav fbr slavesin
Africa in this period) oftcn passedat a premium; a receipt firr gooclspaid fbr slaves
signcdb1'de Souzain the 1830sreckonsonly'$6 to thc ounce.2rEven <-rn this basis,
sllve prices rvcreclearlv lowcr in the 1830sand earlv 18.10sthan their peakof l3-
l5 oz. in the 1790s,althoughthc1.rosesomewhatlater in thc 1840s.
The abandonmentoJ-the Eurolteun.t'brts
Although it mav have had little immediatc effect in reducing thc volumc of slave
exports,thc legal banning of the slavetrade hacla significantimpact on its mode of
operation at Ouidah. The most obvious and immcdiatc consequencc$as the
abandonmentof the three l,uropeanforts in thc town.
Thc first of the filrts to be irbandonedrvirsthe lrrcnch, whose rirtitinalewas
removedbv the abolition of slaveryin French coloniesin 179-{.'I'helast ofl'icialll
appointcd go\rernorof the fort abandonedhis post ancl crrbrrrkcd filr lfrance in
v R(;OO,2l
- f r n .l l t 2 . i .
r ) P R O .l r ( ) l J . t r / 1(9i r.l l i c r . ' R c r ) o r l2' .7 l ) c c .l l J Z l .
: t l : . l t i sl-: L o n t i l t ,O n , n , r h . l - 1 (5) l ( l r b l t . , \ . ' ) r r r l \ l l ) )
l r r l)
f'he F-raof the IllegalSlave Trade
1797, entrusting its care to the storekeepcr,a free'mulatto'callecl Pierre Bonon.
When slaverr in ltrcnch colonics was relegalizeciin 1802, there was some
discussionof the possibilitl of reoccupyingthe Ouidah firrr, as a basc fbr renewed
slave-trading,but nothing cameof this. A F'renchnavalvcssclthat callcclat Ouidah
to inspcct thc f<lrt in 1803 fbund Bonon still in occupati<-rn, and deliverecla
ccrtificaterenewing his temporarv appointmcnt in chargeof jt.2r Corresponclcncc
bctwecn the firrt and Frirnce Nppearsro have lapscd after 1u06, but Bonon
remainedin residence;he rvasstill therc in 1829,when hc wrore ro the authoritics
in Franceaskingfbr pay.mcntof arrcarsof pay due to him.2+
Ily the lfl20s thc Frcnch fbrt was no longer scrving spccilicalll Frcnch trade; in
Itt25 it u'as bcing uscd as a warchouseby the Brazilian dc Souza.ri There was
ncvcrthclesssome degree of continuitv lirlm the pcriocl of l,'renchoccuparion:it
f"rench navirl ofllcer who risitcd Ouidah in lU39 found French colours still dis-
plavedon the firrt.r{'Accordingto later testimonl the king, in order to maintain the
F'renchconncction, appointecias 'temprlrat'ycomntandant'of the frrrt 'a mulaftg
dcriving from thc unions betwcenthe klcal womcn and the French lvho f<lrmcrlv
lived in thc lbrt'.Z7Local tradition identifies a f-amilycalled'falon, uhich is stiil
resiclentin Ahouandjigo w'ard,as having served as hcrcditlrv .guarclians'of thc
French ftlrt, and this family claimsdcscentfiom a Europcanor'mulatto' trader whg
servcdin thc firrt, whosename is recalledas 'Picrrc'falon' or 'picrre Bonnaud',and
who is cvidcntly'to be identified rvith the Picrrc Bonon left in chargein 1797.2tIn
l 8 - 1 2t h e f i r r t w a so c t u p i e dh 1 l l , ' r c n c hf i r m e n g u g c di n ' l c g i r i n r a r c ' - r r i r t l cb r p a l m
oil, Regisof'N1arscille,but Rcgis'sagent in lU4ll still alludcclro a'native mulatto'
calleclGrimaud, whcl had furmerly bcen 'c<lmmandantof the fbrt', prior to thc
arrival of'thc,\'larscillefirm, whri rvaspresumablva son or more remote relatiye11f
Picrrc lJonon.2"In the 1860sand earll ltl70s the titular'commandant'of thc lirrt,
under the French merchants in occupation, was a man called 'riti, who was
understood to be a son of'thc original indigenouscommandirnr;and in ltl90 thc
position was hcld by "I'alao L= 'l'algnl', 111'rhe samef'amil1'.r0
Thc English lirrt likewiselost its purposc rvith the banning of the British slave
tratlc in 1U07.An ollicirrl incluirf into thc tsritish posscssions on thc Afiican coast
in lttl0 rccommendedthat the fort at Ouidah should bc abandoned.as it was now
'totallr
useless,being u,ithout an\ tradc'. 'l'he last go\.ernorancl othcr renraining
rr ANIi(l(r/27'l)cnrau,Paris,toNtinisterol-N'larine,25Nirrrsc,lcar7;l)cnlau,l)aris,toPierrellonon,Z0
Aug. 1797'& (.rPt. .{rnour to l}onttn, 20 plnvis5s, \c;ir \l . both enc. to Bonon, Ouirlrh, l0 rcndenriaire,
\car \ll.
r* llernrrtf Schnrppeqlnl)olititlutttlt'trtttttrtarct'.fi'unltistlunsltCol.li'tkOunnttltt8.jlli187l(Paris,
l96l),
I63.
rt l)R(), \l )\l5i/I
l , ( , h p 1 r c r r o r r , - l o r r r r r2r l( .r \ o r . l l J . 2 5 .
r" Rclrrrrlrrlirtrtl,.i\1rr
i f J . i ( ) . r ; t r o l ci tr lr l l r b e r l ( . 1 1 1 n . r l , r , l l i s t u i r t r l u l ) a h t n t t . 1 , ( l r a rli9s 6, 2 ) . 2 7 - 1 .
r; \rlqttslt
li)tl(l.tlt.le.trr(.l.ttttle\.rrtlirt,'l..rrtprisurlesrelrtiorrsfirneotlrhonrcrnnesrLr\l\csic,clc:
l n r s s r . r ( l ' \ u r r r ' t t l i r u < . t . r l . r r , , r r r \r l r , , r r r t r '(., 1 . l. . l / ) J ( l r ) ( r i ) . r 1 0 .
''
l l t r r r t r . ' ( ) r r r r l . r l ri .' .' , i l , . \ r , l j , ) /. / r , l , , r r. , I S i
tL,,t, \,/i /i, t,t t,,, /, /ri, \
",
lr,l
 I)e Souza'sOuidah The Era of the Illegal Slave Trade
personnelwere evacuatedin l8l2.rr As in the caseof the F'renchfbrt, the Dahomian preservesonlv a telescopedversion ofthe genealogyand does not recollect either of
authorities took measuresto maintain at least a nominal British presence.It was the family heads documented by name in the contemporarv record during the
reported in 1825 that 'the King of Dahomey still keeps the English fort in some nineteenth centurl', Madiki l-emon and his son John.{)
degree of repair, in the hope that the English might return and reoccupy it and The caseof the Portugueselbrt was more complex. The last governorofficiallv
bring a renewal of the slavetrade'; and Gezo told Duncan in 1845 that'he had appointedto the fort,JacintoJos6 de Souza,was sent out from Brazil in 1804.He
alway'skept a temporary governor in the F,nglish fort, since our abandonment of died soon after and command of the fort passedto his subordinate officials and
the place'.r2Duncan met this 'governor', who accompaniedhim to the capital, in eventuallv to his own brother, the famous Francisco Felix de Souza.alCommunica-
order to introduce him to the king. He was still residing in the English fort, tion between the Ouidah fort and llrazil was, however, disrupted by the Anglo-
although since 1838 he had shared it with the agent of the British trader Hutton. French war of 1803-15and, bv the time this ended, the situation was complicated
According to Duncan this man was the son of a soldicr of the former fort by the legal restriction of the Portuguese slave trade. Technicallv, as seen earlier,
'Black Governor appointedby the king
garrison.I Forbesin 1849-50also found a the slavetrade at Ouidah was outlawcdb1'the Anglo-Portugueserreaty of 1815.In
to the L,nglish fort', who served as one of his interpreters. Forbes names him as this context, there was sorne discussionin Brazil of closing thc fbrt at Ouidah,
Mark, or in the f)ahomian form of the name'Madiki', Lemon and describeshim as though no f<rrmaldecisionseemsto havebeen made.+2 By this time, FranciscoF'elix
the grandsonof a corporal of the fbrt garrison;3a presumabll'this was a son of'the dc Souza had abandoned the fort to set up as an independent trader and soon left
man met by Duncan.35Madiki Lemon was still alive and associatedwith the Ouidah altogether,scttling at Little Popo to the west.What happenedto the fort in
English fbrt, now occupied by a British vice-consul,in 185l-2,16but he was this period is unclcar. A passport issued to de Souza by the Portugueseauthorities
evidently dead by 1859,when a son of his, calledJohn Lemon orJohn Madiki, is in Brazil in 1821, shortly after he had rerurned to Ouidah, expressedofficial
recorded as 'Commandant, as he is called, of the English fbrt'; this man also served gratitude to him for his servicesin maintaining the fort over 'ser,eralyears', but it is
as interpreter to Richard Burton in 1863/4.31 doubtful whether this should be taken to imply continuiry of direction.ar Other
T'his Lemon family, alternatively called Glessihounto ('English Captain'), also evidenceshowsthat, evcn when he returned to Ouidah (r. 1820),de Souzadid not
still exists,and remains resident in Sogbadfiquarter. According to its own tradi- take up residencein the Portuguesefbrt. which in 182-5was being used as a
'lodging house' fbr Portuguese
tions, it is descendedfrom an F-nglishmanwho married a local woman (from the captains.+1
Zossoungbof amilyi who claim to have been the first inhabitants of the quarter), thc The abandonmentof the European forts left a vacuum in the organizationof
original 'Lemon' being either this Englishmanor his son by his African wife.rsThe trade at Ouidah, since they had served the function of f-acilitatingcontacts and
Englishman from whom the family is descendedcan, indeed, be identified in the organizing servicesfor visiting traders and to some extent also of stockpiling slaves
'Lemon' to the in anticipation of the arrival of ships. Such local agents were no less nccessaryin
contemporary record. Although modern tradition relates the name
citrus fruit, explaining it as a nickname given to the fbunding ancestorbecauseof the illeg'al trade; indeed, they were needed even more since, as noted earlier, the
his sour disposition, it seems in fact to be an indigenized version of the name threat from the British navy's anti-slaving squadron created pressures fbr the
Raymond, and this was the first name of a soldier in the English fort at Ouidah, speedingup of cmbarkations,and this placed a premium on the bulking of slaves
Raymond Cullie, who arrived there as a drummer (shortly afterwards promoted to prior to shipment.+s This gap was filled by unofficial residentagentssettledon the
the rank of gunner) in 1779.3e This man was still listed as a member of the garrison coast. In Ouidah. the most important of these were the Afro-French merchant
when the fort was abandonedin l8l2; whether he then left rvith the departing Nicolasd'Oliveira and the BrazilianFranciscoFclix de Souza.
governor or stayed behind in Ouidah is unclear. Familv tradition unfortunately

r l A k i n j o g b i nD , a h o m t _ y , 1 9j2. JVicolasd'Olioeira
n P R q A D I \ I 5 5 / 1 1 , ( i l a p p e r t o n , J o u r n a l , 2N6o v l t l 2 5 ;D u n c a n ,7 . r a r t l s , i i , 2 6 9 .
r r l ) u n c a n , ' l ' r a t c l s , i , l 4 0 , 2 1 61 7 . D u n c a n h e r e d c s c r i b e s h i m a s h a v i n g h i n r s e l f b c c n l i r r m e ' h a c o ripnttthr e
al
Nicolas d'Oliveira u'as, according to tradition one of two sons (thc other being
fort, but elsewhercsavsthat he was'the son of a serjcant'of the frrrt garrison:PP, lt'i4l'tSclcct (irmmittcc,
called Jclrr-lhptistc) of a dircctor of the F-rcnchfort in Ouidah, called Joseph
$.112e.
r{ Iirrbes Duhout.1,, i,48, 53+, 129-.j0;ii, 176.
r i A B r i t i s h v i s i t o ri n 1 8 . 1 3 1"
w a sg i v e na s o n e r r f h i s ' g u i d e si r n di n t e r p r e t c r s ' rn r t i r c o 1 ' ' l . n g l i s h ' l i r w n ' c i r l l e t l -fohttl'it.r(l\'ttr') l.<trott, trho ttils hcrtl ol tht lirrilr i n l ( ) 1 7 ( R e v n i c r , ' O u i t h h ' , - 1 { r )i s n o u , h c l i c v c d t o h a v c
' N , t a d a k iw
' ,h o i s p r c s u m a b lNv l a d i k iL c m o n , b u t h c n r r r t h c n n { ) tv e t l r i \ c s t r c c c e d cl.ol t h c g o r c r n o r s h i po l ' l r < < tttl t t r o r rr r l t l r t ' l r r r r t rrr l t
'
thc frrrt: lirecnrrtt..'/o ur nt l. 250. \ r - t f e t . I l r \ ' I t , / / , , r .. ' l ( l I
! ' P R O ,l ' - O l t 4 / l l l i ( tl i,r r s c r ,I ) t i l r j r r u r n r l .l . j . l u l r I l l 5 l c t c . ' ll,r,l. ."/'t il)l)
r t \ \ \ 1 N l S , \ \ ' i l l i r n r \ \ i ' s t . ( , r p t ( i r r s t . ( r l lrlr' ri irrt ) . l i r r t r r rl lrr, r r r a z . li l,( l I ' l l , r , l. l t ' . '

, ill'l)i')'" il i ll,;',",' "" "'\"r'\"

r n R c r t r i t r , ' ( ) r r i t l rl l(rr' ,, l i t l t l u , r rlL. e, t t t , r t r r , , r r t l x r t tl .t t tr tll.t' l)r ) ( r
' " l ' l { ( ) . ' 1 7 { ) / l l f ' l . l )l .l r, \x , l . \ \ r l l r . r n r ' ' 1 |, '\ rl t, .r r . \ i \ r r r 1 , , r ,

|('.' I t ,i
 'l'he
De Souza'sOuidah lrra of the Illegal SlaveTrade
Ollivicr, by a 'n-rulatto'u'omancalled Sophia;somc versionsalso recall a third son, critical role in the later instlllation of de Souzaat Ouidah is not mentioneclin any
Joseph,by a clilfcrcnt mother.+r'ThePortugueseform later acloptedfbr thc lamily earlv source,the first allusion t<.r his involvementbeing in traclitionsrccordcdin thc
nan.re, d'Oliveira, reflects the f-amilv's subscquent absorption into the larger I890s.51His royll half'-bruther Princc Ahokpe is mcntioned in contemporar)
lJrazilian communitr'. The father is ccrtainh idcntifiablc as Joseph Ollivier dc sources,as a promincnt member of the court of Gezo in I u'19-50,but these contain
Montagudre, who was clirectorof the Frcnch lbrt in l7l8-86 and eventualll lefi no rcferenceto Nicolas d'Olivcira (rvh<lwas br then deacl),or indccd an1'hint of
Ouidah in 1788;17 his 'mulatto' rvifc Sophie (.ric)is also rcferred to in thc contcm- Ahokpc's European connections.i5Dcspite this obscuritli however, as thc first
porarv documentation, in records of an investigationhcld in 17ti7 into illcgal private tradcr in Ouidah to found a quarter of the tolvn, he was clearlv a tigurc of
private trading bv hcr husband, to which she herself was allegedlv a party.+E Eireathistorical significance.His career prcfigured that of the more eminent
According to tradition, on his dcparture from Ouidah, Ollivier cntrustedSrlphieto FranciscoFelir de Souzaand indeedpavedthe lr,avlbr it.
the care of the reigning Dahomian king Kpengla, on whose death (in l7tt9) she
passedinto the custody of his successorAgonglo: bl' both of which kings shc had
'Ihc
further children, hcr son by Agonglo, being called Ahokpe.r" traditional FrnnciscoFelix de Souza
accountmav not be accuratein detail, since Sophie is prcsumablvto be identificd
with a 'Miss Sophia', wht) sold a slaveto the L,nglishship Sn allon in 1793,which 'I'he
careerof de Souzahimself is much bctter known.5"He ll.asborn in lJrazil, in
implics that shc was thcn still basedin Ouidah, fbur vcarsafter Kpengla'sdeath.50 Bahia.He first came to West Afiica in about 1792,stayingthree vearsbeftrregoing
But thcre is no reasonto doubt that she ended up in thc rol'al harcm. Portuguesc back to Braz.il,and returnccl to settle permanently probably in 1t100.57 FIis ear[
missi<rnaries rvho visitcd Abomey in1797, at the time of Agonglo'sdeath,receivcd activitieswere outsidc Ouidah, in the 1790sat Badagrl'to thc clsr, and from 1800
a messagcappealingfbr help from a 'mulatto' woman,whom thev understoodto bc at I-ittle Popo,at both of which placeshe founded factoriesthat hc namcd Adjido.s8
the daughter(.rir')of a firrmer governoro{'the F'rcnchfbrt at Ouidah, rvho had given But, when his commercial fortunes dcclincd. he entered the scrvice of the
hcr to the king, and this woman is surclv to be idcntified rvith Sophie Ollivicr.ir Portugucse fort at Ouidah, where he is attested serving as secretarv to thc
D'Oliveira family tradition, as will be seen, also recallsher presencewithin thc storekcepcr in 1803-6.5'q The last oflicially appointed governor of the fort, Jacinto
roval palaceduring the reign of Agonglo'ssuccessor Adandozan(1797-l8ltt). Jos6de Souza,scnt from Bahia in 1804,was his brothcl and later accountsindicate
Whatever may havc been thc casewith their mothcr, the Ollivier s<lnsinitiallt' that Franciscoprocured his brother's appointment."') Jacint<ldc S<luzadied soon
remained in the French {brt, all three of them bcing listed among thc fbrt after his arrival, as did his immediate acting successor, and with the death of his
(mulattoes',
with the statusof slaves,in r. 1789.52 According to tradition, howeveq supcrior officers Francisco assumed command of the fort. In thc f'ace of the
thc eldestson Nicolas subsequentlvsct up as an independcnttrader,who acquired breakdownof communicationswith Brazil at this time, horveveqhe abandoncclthc
sufficient wealth to establishhis own quarter in Ouidah, immediatclv west of' fort to set up as a private trader in the still flourishing although now (fiom 181-5)
Ahouandiigo; this quarter was called Ganvd, which is said to derive from a praise- illegal,slavetrade.6r
name of Nicolasd'Oliveira alluding to his commercialactivities,meaning'importer De Souzirseemsinitially t<l have conrinued to reside at Ouidah;62a shve ship
of ir<ln'.'irHc subsequently,as will be scen belo$,,playeda criticrl r<llein assisting partly owned b1'him, which was taken by the British nav,yin 1816,had taken its
FranciscoF'elixde Souzain his establishmentat Ouidah in lt'120. slavesthere.6rHc subsequentlybecameinvolved in a dispute with Adandozan,and
Nicolas d'Oliveira's careeris poorly documentedbecauseit coincidcd with thc in consequencesupported the coup d'etat by. which the latter rvas dethroned in
hiatus in the contemporarv documentation relating to C)uidah, due to the
abandonmcntof thc Europcan fbrts there; in the c<lntemporrlryrccord, he is not '1
Firsf in l\ti,, I.c I)uhomtt'.22.
mentioned subsequentlyto his listing among the personnclof the lirench fort in i5 Firrbcs,
l ) u h o n t y , i , 7 3 ; i i , 2 | i , 9 3 , 1 0 2 , l l 0 , l - 1 7 , 2 1 . 1l ' A h - h o h - p e h ' 1 .
i6 Scecs1;.f)avidRoss,"l'hcfirst(-hachaof-Whldah:
1789, when he can havc been no more than l0-l I vcars olcl. Evcn his allegedlv IrranciscoliclixdcSouza',Olu,Z(1969),19-2ll;Robin
'A
l,au, earrcira tf c lrruncisco Iri'lir rlc.Souza na ,{liicrr Ocidental', 7bpot,2 (2001),9 39.
1i' Rcvnicr, 'Ouid,rh', 5ll-9; dc Sorzr, I.u Funullt dt Sou:u,18. ';
I)P, Papcrs relltivc to [,agos, enc. in no. ll: I Iutton, (iapc (rrast, 7 Aug. lll-50; Ridgw,tl', Journal', 195.
{ i T h e c l a i m i n s o m e v c r s i o n s o f t r a d i t i o n t h a t t h c f h m i l l a n c c s l o r s c t t l c d i n O u i d a h l s c a r l l r s 1 6 2 . 1i s c c r t a i n l l '"
I)c Souzr,'(irntribution', l7 lll.
spunous. '''
\/crgcr. l:lut Lt rLllut,2+0 I, +()() |.
i r A N I ' , ( . 6 / 2 6 , l n t c r n r g a t o i r c d c J o s c p h l c l i c a u , S c p t .( ) c t . l T l l T .l , c l l c a u u i t s r l r c c ' n r u h t l o ' r s s o c i r l c t l u i l h '''
R(;(.'(;, )5 \pril )fi2.i,rtlltcttrl jtt tlistrrletl lirrnr irt Jrlur trrtlition, uhich slls thrt lirancisco:rppointcd his
t h c f i ) r t , \ s h o h r t l l c t c t l r s r g c n t t o O l l i v i e r , h e u r s a r r c s t c d o n { r r \ r r g . l T l l T r n < l t l i c r l i n p r i s o n o n . Z 0O c t . l ) r ( ) l l l ( r ( i t l ( r , r r ( ( l l t t t . t t t rt tt st ll q t t . r r r o ) t o s r r c t 'ht ti rnlr l s g o r c l n o r o l t h c l i r r t u h e n h c h i m s e l f l e f t O u i d a hd: e
'" Ro nicr, '()uidah', 5l'1. '(
Sottz.t. rrrtr rlrrrlror'-l
nr \erour)ls ol thr'.lrrr//aa'. Li \lrrrr lr I lr).i.
" r l l L t r r t l l r . . \i',rl ) , . , r r r. \ , . r r, , , . r . | | i
'r '
l ' i r r ' . ,I r ( ( t t , \ l l l l l l t t t . t n . \ \ r s r \ l r r , . r ' l , l l . \ ' r l , r r r r . r r r r l r l r . | l , r r r r , r , ' ( ) r r lr lr l .l rl rl tr 'l ,l t l t l r ; r r r r ) 1 t ) t \ \ t : t t ( . r ) r t r ) ) p l r t h r t l r t .
''
\ \ 1 . ( 1 r l l l . l r s r r ' , l c s r r c r i r , . r , r l r t r l r{ r, rl .r r r r l , r l t l tl r r r l , lrl.' , 1 n r , ' r r , ll , ' I r t t l , l l ' 1 , , ,
' '
l ( r r r r r rt , ( ) r r r r l , r l r \' | l r . , 1 r r . r r l..,lrl r r ' .r i l o t ( , 1l t l l l l r n \ r ' l ' , , /. / , ' r , ,, , . - t . i' I \,tr,,r lit',,r,,/r,' I'i\

favour of his brother Gezo in l8l8; although this story is filly told only in tradi-
tional accounts recorded after his death, there seems no reason to question its
essentialaccuracy."nThe dispute is usually said to have arisen from unpaid debts
owed to de Souza by Adandozan; when de Souza went to Abomey to press for
payment, he was imprisoned but escapedto Little Popo. The traditions of the
d'Oliveira family maintain that Nicolas d'Oliveira playeda key role in arranginghis
escapefrom Abomel; with the assistanceof his mother Sophie, who was still alive
in the royal harem.65From Popo, de Souza assistedGezo with supplies of imported
Europeangoods,which the latter distributed to win support againstthe king. After
his accessionto the throne, Gezo sent d'Olir,eirato Little Popo to invitc de Souza
to resettle at Ouidah. According to I-amily tradition, de Souza moved back from
Popo to Ouidah in September 1820,and this is consistentwith the contemporary
record,in which his presencethere is first attestedin 1821.66
It appearsthat de Souzadid not initially intend to settlepermanentlyin Ouidah,
since in l82l he obtained a passportto return to Brazil. Why he did not in the
event return to Brazil is unclear. According to a story recorded after his death, he
did in lact plan to leavefor Brazil in a slaveship called the Princeo./'Guinea,but
this was captured by the British navv; and a ship of this name was indeed taken by
the British in 1826, when bound from Bahia for Ouidah, with a carg<-r consignedto
de Souza.67But this does not explain why he did not repeat the attempt later. It
may be that he was prevented from leaving by the Dahomian authorities: a British
naval officer who met him in the 1830sunderstood that he was forbidden to leave
Ouidah by Gezo, although he also suggestedthat this precaution was no longer
necessary,since he was by then reconciled to continuing to livc there.{'8
There may also have been legal or political obstaclesto his returning to Brazil.
The earliest contemporary account of his activities after his resettlementat Ouidah
so far traced,in a British report of 1821,describcshim as a 'renegado... banished
fiom the Brazils', and an account recorded shortly after his death statesthat he had
been exiled from Brazil for 'some political crime'.('eThe circumstances of this
banishment,however,are obscure.The illegal slave-traderTheophilus Conneau
(aliasTheodore Canot), who traded with de Souzaat Ouidah in 1830,clrrimedthat
the latter had come to Africa after involvement in the Brazilian war of
independcnce(1822-3),having initially enlistedin the nationalistforccsat Rio dc
Janeiro but subsequentlydeserted.T(' This, howevcr,cannot be true, since hc had
been resident in Africa since 1800,and in anv casehis 'banishment' was alreadv
reported in 1821, before the Brazilian secession.Perhtps the story of dc Souza's
6r First told (r. ltl60) b1'I]rccman,'\['est Africa', 169-7.1; although l"reemrn mct dc Souza (first in lll-[.j), he
'traditionart infirrmation',
describcs this storv as
F - r r lr s r n t h e s i so f t h c t r a t l i t i o n r l a c c o u n t s rs e c \ t o u s s l O u m r r S 1 , . e | ) r h o n r c r : l e c o u p d ' [ t i r t d c l , \ 1 8 ' , l : o t t t
() rtt n ru ltu. 6 ( I 964), 205'-..1t.
"' Ilrr, llii,'srr/thcLu,pur,l,17l.
' ' ( ; 1 , 1 . , ' l l i s l o r r o l l i r r t t t i s c ol . t l r S , r r t z r '
" ' l i t t c t r t r r t , ' \ \ e s \t l i i c r ' , l i i , l ' l ' . S l . r r t
" ' l l u n t l t r . . \ i i l t t ) r r r ' . \ ' , r ; i , , . r I. I i
" ' l ' R ( ) . 1 ( ) l i l i l t / , ( . r r l l r r . r . ' l { r ' 1 ' , , r r ' . .l' S, 1. ')1r , 1 , ' r l , t . ' , 1 ) , t l t , , r r r , t . r . l l l { r ,
f l r , , ' l , l r r l r r r ( , ' r r r ' .l r. r\ / , . , , , l , , l l , , ' , (1l , , r r , l , , rl rr / , , ) . ' l l '
De Souza'sOuidah The Era of the Illegal SlaveTrade
'desertion' is a garbled allusion t<l his abandonment of his post at the Portuguese
fort in Ouidah; alternatively, his status as an outlaw n'right have been due to his
involvement in the n<lw illegal slav€ trade. De Souza's legal position mav also,
however,have been complicated by the Brazilian rebellion. This had repercussions
in Ouidah, where the title to the Pr-rrtuguesefort was disputed between Portugal
and Brazil but confirmed to the former in the agreement recognizing Brazilian
independencein 1825;i'a later account saysthat de Souza offered the fort to the
Brazilian governmentbut reccivedno response.T2 A report of 1823confirms at least
a tcmporary breach betrveende Souz:r and the new government in Brazil, which
had seizedtwo of his ships with over 1,000 slaves.trIt is also noteworthy that de
Souzacontinued to asserthis own statusas a Portugucsenational after 1822,and,
although (as explained bel<lw)there rvere practical advantagesin this in relation to
his illegal slaving activities, it may also have representeda more positive statement
of p<lliticaland emotional allegiance.However this may be, de Souza did not return
to Brazil; indeed,he appearsneverto haveleft Dahomey after 1820,his subsequent
journeysoutsideOuidah being only t<lthe capitalAbomey or to other coastaltowns
under Dahomian rule, such as Godomey to the east.
DeSouza'spositionin Ouidah
According to the conventionalview, whcn de Souza returned to Ouidah, this was
not merely as a trader,sincehe was appointedby Gezo to an official position:in the
'a
formulation of David Ross, for example, he became l)ahomian chief ... [with] a
special title ... the Chacha of Whydah'.i+ This, however,is certainll' an over-
simplification, since as has been seen he did not initially intend to settle perma-
nently in Dahomey',but wanted to return to Brazil. Evidently, his evolution into a
'Dahomian chief' was not originally envisagedbut took place over time; and
certainly the appellation
'Chacha' was in origin a personal nickname,which was
transformed into a title of office only' retrospectively;when it was inherited by his
sonsafter his death.75
The nature of de Souza's position at Ouidah is often misrepresented in local
tradition as that of 'viceroy of Whydah, chief of the whites';i6 and this perception
has been consolidated in the wider world through the historical novel bv Bruce
Chatwin, The Vit'ero.1, o/'Ouidah, which is based on the career of de Stluza. The
misrepresentation, however,goesback to his own lifetime. One of the British naval
ofliccrs testif'vingbcfirre thc ltt42 Parliamentary Committee, for example, said that
u hich implics that he ditl not hlve it directh fiom the lattcr.
'l 'l l{.f . f lrntntonl, l',,rru.4lru,l l/it,r, l'\1.; /(i///(Strrnfirrd, 1966),69.
' ' ( . r r l r r s f . r r ; l t n i o ( . r r r r ( : . 1( l : l 5 i l r , r . I r r l I u g c u t t t t t l t h t l t t t r r r t ' l t r t
lortu{ur': fu 5..'/oio l}uptistt ,te Ajudd
( l . r t l r , ' r rl .H ( r l r )i .( ) l ' l l
'
R ( , ( , ( ; . I i \ r r rr l l S l i
'
l i . r r l cI S l 7 . ( l ; r ' s \ . n , , . 1 { / , ( . r \ r( ) l t l ) ( l ' r t n ' t 1 t t , l t ( i u t r t r l t , , s r , I r r . t ( l r . r rl r . r ' ,. ' l l . ' I
\ . r r ' , r r r , t r r r r o l o y r l r , r lrtrl ,r rr r r r ' l( r , r , l r , r ' , r r r , r l l r r r r l t t t t l t c t t . t r l t t t r r t t s . t l t c t t t o s l g r l . t t t s t l r l c i s l l r r t i
, / r , r , l , r, .l r r r , l . I ' r r , r r l l r r r . r r r r r , l n . Ir'rrr, r. r r r .l ,r r r . t t s l , r n l itrt r r , l t l r r r , ' t , l l t t t t t l l l t t F l r t s s l . t r c s l o s o t k
' ' . ' . \ r l ' , , l l r ' t .r , ' , t r
I y I , , , r L. l t . , l , " ' , ' , ,
ltrtr llr

'N{r Dc Souza is
lthe king'sl viceror,,hc has the power of lifc and death', and,
irlthoughthis was contradictedby anotherofficer,who <lbscrvedthat the
'a
o1'Ouiclahwas natir.e',he too opined that this govcrnor was
dc Souzrr:rnd impliccl that the latter had some sort of oflicial position, since he
could allegedlvraise a large firrce o1'soldicrs.;7 In fact, the position of'vicerov' or
\il'ogtan of Ouidah remaineddistinct and in the handsof'a nativeDahomian (lrom
1823,a man called l)agba). The Vrvogan rcmained the paramount local authorit),
as is clear from the accountsof Eur<lpeanvisitors to Ouidah in de Souza'slatcr
years,in the lti,l0s, who upon arrival regularly.visitcdtl.reYovoganto explain their
businessfirst and talkcd to de Souzaonlv subsequcntll.Ts
'caboceer'of Ouidah, which among other
Souzahimsclf 'n'asfirrmallv appointcd a
things involvcd an obligationto provide militarl' fbrces;but this was not uniquc to
him. but (asnoted in an earlierchaptcr) rvasnormal prllcticcwith regardto leading
merch:rnts<lf Ouidah. lt is clcar, in f:rct, that de Souza'sposition was csscntiallv
commercialrather than political, serving as thc king's irgentat Ouidah; l,uropeans
tendcd to exaggcratehis status in [)ahomcv becauseit ll'as r,r,'ith
dircctlv with thc king that thev normallv dealt. [,r'en his commercialpositi<lnwas
oficn misunderstoocland exagg;crated;although he rvas commonly reprcscntcd as
enjoyinga'monopoh'' of trade,this is not stricth'correct.7"'fherealitl'$'asthat, in
his capacitl' as thc king's agent, ht: eniovcd the roval privilcgc of first refusal of'
trade: as an account <lf 1839explicitl_vnoted,'the other lirctors had onl-r u'hat hc
didn't rvantfbr himsell''.t"Hc alsoclearlr traded extcnsivelyon his ou'n account,as
wcll as fbr the king, and thcrebr acquired, if not a fbrmal monopolr, certainlv an
overwhelmingl.t-- prcdominant position in the trade of Ouidah, at lcastckrrvnto the
late I ll30s.
The contcmporar) sourcesalso makc clcar that de Souza'spositi<lnat Ouidah
initially'derivedits legitimacvand authority,not fiom appointmentby Gczo alone,
but rrlsofrom his claim to represcntthe Portuguescgovcrnment.
obtainecl fr'om the Portugucse authrlrities in 11121 authorizetl
rc llraztl thc slavcs u'hich he owncd in Africa, and he seenls to havc represented
this irs authorization to continue tracling in slavesuntil he rcturncd to llrazil: a
llritish report of-1823noted that he'confidcntlv statesthat he has pcrmissionfiom
the king o1'Portugalto realizchis propertl in anl' u'al',eithcr bv shippinlrslavesor
otheru'isc'.8r He also relssertedhis clainr to be governor<lf thc Portuguescf<lrt at
Ouidah ancl hence to oflicial status as a reprcsent:ltivc<lf'thc Portuguesecrown.
Another British report ol'l82l observcdthat he 'assunrcsthe rights irnd privileges
of a person in authoritl',granting papersand licencesto all tht: slavctraders,in all
the fbrm ancl confidcncc of one emporvcrcclto clo so, b1' thc Portugucsc govern-
ment'; the referenccbcing tu the comm<lnpractice notcd carlicr, of issuing f'alse
p a s s p o r t sa u t h o r i z i n gs h i p s t o t a k c s l l r c s s o u l h o f - t h e e q u a t o q u h c r c t h e s l l v c
De Souza'sOuidah The Era of the Illegal Slave'Irade
trade initiall-v-remained legal for Portuguesenationals.s2He did not in fact take up
'caboceer'
resiclence in the Portuguesefort, establishinghis householdinsteadon the opposite
'completelv
under' (west) side of thc tgwn in what later becameknown as the 'Brazil' quarter.But he
continuedto claim to be its legal governor:it was still reported in the 1830sthat he
'bv no means disconnected himsclf from his position of a governor, lvhenevcr it
becamcnccessar)to assumcit upon an1'ground ol'policv with refcrcncc to nativcs
or others'.81
This assertionby de Souza of his status as a Portugueseofficial was probabll' an
attempt to secure frrr the slave-shipsin which hc had an interest the partial
It is entirclJ'likclv that de immunitl' from arrest by the British navv that Portuguese vcsscls enioy-eduntil
1839. In addition, an attcmpt was made to claim that, sincc Ouidah was a Portu-
guesepossession,the British had no legal right to arrest ships there, rvithin what
\I'erc supposedlyPortuguesenational waters. ln l82l , for example,whcn a Brazilian
'the said vesseland cargo are
vesselwas seizedat Ouidah, its masterprotcstedthat
'brought to an
protected by the treatv or convention',becausehis ship had been
him rather than anchor under the f<rrt ... the said fort being in the possessionof the Crtlrvn of
Portugal', though the British authorities refused to acknowledge de Souza's
occupationof the fbrt as having anv official standing.Again, in 1839 rvhen a ship
'I'elles
undcr Portugiuesecolours was takcn at Ouidah, its master, Joaquim dc
'on
Menczes (himself a residentof Ouiclahand son-in-lawto cle Souza),prtltestccl
the ground that his vesselwas Portuguesc,and was improperlv capturcd under thc
guns <-rfthc Portuguesefirrt at Whldah'.31l)e Souza'sclirim to be Governor of the
Portuguesefort prcsumably cnded in 18.14,when it was officiall,vreoccupiedb1'
Portuplal,when he is said to havc handed over the keys of thc fort to the newly
appointedPortuguesegovernor.ss By thcn, the utilitv of claiming a Portupiuesc con-
nection had in anv caselargelv disappeared,with the Ilritish assertionof extended
powersof arrestin ltl39.
'I'hc
pirssporthc It is also clear thirt, again at least dorvn to thc cnd of the I fl30s, de Souza
him to bring rvith him opcratcd in his commercial operations,not mcrelv as the l)ahomian king's local
agent in Ouidah, but as an autonomous merchant whose business operations
crtended acrossthe Atlantic. He regularly'shippcd slavesf<rrsale in the Americas
on his ou'n account,rather than merely supplving thcm to ships in Africa; in Bahia,
'correspondcntand agent' in
thc merchant Andre Pinto da Silveirartperatedas his
such salcsin the l830s.E{'Healso ou,nedsevcralships emploved in trans-Atlantic
shving. At lcastone of thesewasbuilt to his ordcr in America: the Princiltele Guint;
nrcntioncclcarlicr,rvhich u'asbuilt at Philadelphiaand sailedfrom there to Ouidah
(',t t't)nt(to lhhia in llt25, was,accordingto the testinronyof its Amcrican mastcr,
tlrc propcrtr of'dc Souzir,u'h<lhad suppliedthe munct'lilr its cttnstructiott.sT Others

t
l'l',lli+2Selcct(rlrrrrrilttr.\+l)l,l.l.itrrltn,rnllleqirr.rl,ll.errrt,\l-l{rl-1,(rrrrr)r.urtltrllcrrrrllr,n,llrcrtl.
i' - l { 1 .| ) t t t t t r r t . I t t : i l , , t , I l l lt)
f . u. f rtetttrtr. 7,turutl, f\tl
'
S t c l t r r t l t t r l . r r u . ' l l r n . t ] r r ' ) t ) , , p o l \ ' .i t ) ; li
'
l f r r ' , l r r . r r r t . l \ t i l t \ \ t , , u u n j t t , tl ,, tl lt .( , , t , , , , , t , l , r t t , t l , , l l l t r t t r ,l l \ i ' l ) . r t r r . r r , l r r \ , r r ' , r . l l n t , t t , l l t r r , l t t \
' 'i
h ' ( ; t ( , | . \ r ' rr l I s
 De Souza'sOuidah
were purchased in West Africa: for example, the Georgeand James, arrested off
Ouidah in 1825, had originally been owned by the f,ondon firm of Mathew Forsrer
& Co. and engagedin legal trade, but had been sold in West Africa to its mate, Mr
Ramsay,who then took it on a voyage to Bahia and back; bur rhe British held that
the real owner was de Souza, who was believed to have given Ramsay the money
for its purchase.88De Souzaalso purchased condemned and confiscatedslave-ships
for re-employment in the slavetrade: in 1828 he had an agent in the British colony
of F'reetown,Sierra Leone, for this purpose.seOther ships taken by the British navy
that were owned (or partly owned) by de Souza included the Legitimo AJricano,
captured in 1835 with a cargo of slaves bound for Bahia, and the appropriately
named Dom Francisco,taken in 1837, the Florida also in 1837 and the Frtrtuna in
1839, these three all bound for Cuba.e' Others, although not owned by de Souza at
the time of their capture, had been his property earlier: the Atreaido, taken in 1834,
had been purchasedby its master from de Souza ar Ouidah in 183I for 92.000:and
the Emprehendedor, mentioned earlier, taken in 1839,and then owned by de Souza's
son-in-law Joaquim Telles de Menezes, had been purchased by him from his
father-in-law in 1837 for $3,500.erMost of de Souza's ships seem to have been
purchasedin West Africa; the Dom Francisco,for example,had been bought from a
French owner at Prince's Island for $12,000 and the Fbrida from an American
owner at Ouidah; but the LegitinroA.t'iicanowas said to have been built at Ouidah in
1834. This ownership of ships by merchants resident in Africa was a general
pattern in the illegal trade, but de Souza appearsto have been a pioneer in it, while
the construction of ships on the African coast, either by assemblyfrom imported
prefabricated parts or from scratch from local materials,was likewise an occasional
practice in this period.e2De Souza's ships regularly called at Prince's Island t<r
obtain passports from the Portuguese authorities there, and one of them, the
Fortuna, carried a passportissuedat Luanda, Angola.
Moreover, de Souza'sslave-tradingoperations on the African coast in the 1820s
and 1830swere not restricted to Ouidah or to places within Dahomian territory.
Prior to returning to ouidah c.1820, as has been seen,his principal basehad been
at Little Popo, to the west. Despite his removal from Popo to Ouidah, he seems
initially to have intended to mainrain his influence in the former; in 1823 the
leading trader there, George Lawson, was still described as 'agent to De Souza'.e3
rn 1822-3 there was a civil war in l-ittle Popo, in which Lawson challenged the
authority of its chief Comlagan, who was driven out and settled with his followers
at Agou6 to the east, and tradition recalls that de Souza supported l,awson in this
87 ((m') Bahia merchant, Antonio
Pedroso de Albuquerque: Slave'Iiadc
Principe fu Guinl.
8E PP, Slave Trade
1826-7, Class A, no.38, George Randall, Sicrra Lcone,30 N,Iarch llJ26.
8e Christopher h-yfc,.4 l{istor.y
oJ'Sierra Leone (London, 1962), lt)6.
'qo PP, Slavc
Trade 1835, (llass A, no. 54, casc of thc hgitinnt . lliitmo; I fi.l7, Furthcr Series, no. I 3. case of- thc
Dom Francisro; no. 14, casc ofthc l:loritla (owned jointlv bv de Souzr and irs nrrsrcr,..\lcrrndre Ihlbilo
Proenga ofl{alanl); Itt40, (]lass A, no. (rl, crse of tlrc /.irrlrlra.
" l P P , S l a v c ' l ' r a t l lel l 3 . 5 , ( . h s s . ' \ , n o . 5 2 , e r t s t ot l t < ' l t r t t n l 4 l l t . i 9 + 0 , ( . h s s \ . r r o 7 7 . c . r s t . qrl\ < .l . n t
"' li,ltis. l.toru,nit Ontuth. l5tl. lll2.
" R(;(:(;.II lib Irlli
L{l
The Era of the Illegal SlaveTrade
seizure of power.e+Despite his ally's victory, however, it does not appear that de
Souzamaintained his factory at Popo; local tradition recordsthat after his departure
to Ouidah the house he had built there was neglected(indeed, 'fell down'), until it
was reoccupiedby his son Isidoro in l840.esThe reasonfor this abandonmentis not
explained, although it may be that communication between Ouidah and Popo was
disrupted as a result of the civil war of 1822-3 and the settlement of the defeated
faction at Agou6. The interruption of communications between Ouidah and I-ittle
Popo was not absolute, however. At least one ship in this period, in 1836, is
reported to have purchased its slavesat Ouidah, but actually embarked them at
Popo, whither they had been 'passedby land' (more probably,by the lagoon).e6
In the 1820sand 1830s,de Souza was more active in ports to the eastof Ouidah.
His opening of a subsidiary port of slave embarkation at Godomey was noted
earlier. But his activities also extended further east, to places beyond Dahomian
territory. In particular, he re-establishedlinks with Badagry, in whose territory he
had briefly maintained a factory earlier (at Adjido, actually a few miles east of
Badagry town), during his first period of residence on the coast in the 1790s.
According to de Souza family tradition, when his eldest son Isidoro returned from
education in Brazil in 1822, he was sent by his father to trade at Badagry, from
where he returned to Ouidah c.1834.e1 Adjido is mentionedin recordsof the illegal
slave trade in the 1820s,although thesc make no reference specifically to the de
Souzas;one ship taken off Lagos in 1826 had earlier called at Adiid, to purchase
provisions and other goods, and another was taken off Adjido itself with slaveson
board in 1827.e8The traditions explain the abandonment of the Adiido factory in
the 1830sas due to lossesincurred from fire and theft, and by implication attribute
the failure to Isidoro's youth and inexperience. But it may be that broader geo-
political factors were also involved; it is suggestive that Isidoro's installation at
Badagry roughly coincided with the establishmentthere of Adele, the exiled king
of Lagos further east,under whose rule the town achievedan enhancedcommercial
importance as the principal outlet for the trade of Oyo in the interior; but con-
versely the return of Adele to resume his throne at Lagos r. 1835 pr<lbablymarked
the end of this flourishing.')eDe Souza continued, however, to do some trade at
Badagry; in 1836,for example,a ship from Bahia trading at Ouidah carried tobacco
and other goods for de Souza to Porto-Novo and Badagry.r0oHe also maintained
connections further east along the coast with the rising port of Lagos: two of the
ships that de Souza himself owned, the Florida in 1837 and the Fortuna in 1839,
took in their slavesat I-agos.
''1 (irvibor, 'A
1827, Class A, no. 49, case ofthc I r Ctnt'i, I Il9 201 ; Strickrodt, fio-l')uropcan tndc re larions', I liu-200.
"'(il.l.: l\lcnrorrntlrrnrol'JLrtlgenrcntintheclscolKlinvcrsus(lhicod'Almeida,LittlcPopo,2Marchl893.
'"' 'l'rrtlc
Itl', Slarc l l l . 1 6 ,( . h s s . \ , S u p p l c n r c n l ( . , n o . l l , c a s eo f t h c / i ' z l . r .
'(
" ' I ) t S o r r z r r . . o r r t r i l r u t i o r r ' ,l ( ) | l t t h t n s p t ' r r t { r r t r r s r t ( ) r r i d r h b c l i r r c b c i n g s e n t t o L i t t l c P o p o , w h i c h ( o n
o t l t c r c r i r l t n r t ) u . r si r r I l i ' l ( l
''
l ' l ' . S l . r r t l r . r t l t l i i . l 7 , ( . l . r s \s, r r o r l , r . r ' r ' , , 1 t l r l l t t , , r u , t ( r c l t r r i r r q l o ' - l r r t L r , r p l r c c b c l n c c t t l l t d r g n ' r n t l
l . . r l o s ' ) . , r l s r ' \n' "1 , ( . r \ ( r r l t l r/ r, r a , ( \ t r r , l , , , r r l r n t r l r c r l r t t t l t t s t l o r t t t t t t n t , r r r o t t g l t , r s ( ) L r i t l r h ) .
" f l , , l , r r l . r r r . l l r r r , r r r . r r , l\ , l r h . r r l . r y , , , . . r nl l, .l r r l . r i t r r l, t i { 1 , , l l i i T ' . / / / . \ ' \ , t ) / ) ( l t ) i ! ) , i i i()(rltorrgh
t l r r . , l , u r. r l l t r r l r t l r i , l r \ , , r r u l. 'rt t r r ( (t r , , t t l
'l'l'\l.rr,
l t . t , l ,l \ i , ( l r ' . . \ r , , i r i , , . , , ' t r l r , / i r n
l,l
 De Souza'sOuidah The Era of the Illegal SlaveTrade

L,videntlyde Souzain this pcriocloperated<lnan internationalscale,rather than
'Dahomian' figure; the perceptionof him
as a specificallv as essentiallya '[)ahom-
ian chief', it may be suggested,really appliesonly to his last ycars,in the 1840s,
lvhen the internationaldimensionsof his activitiesbccameattenuated.
De Souzu'sussocintes
in Ouiduh
Although the traditions (and indeed, many of the contemporarv accountsalso)
crnphasizethe individual role of de Souzaand implicitly give the impressionthat
he was the only significanttrader in Ouidah, his careerevidently dependedupon
the collab<lrationof a number of associates,both f'ellow-fbreigncrsand indigenous
Dahnmians. In the early stage, his most important associatcwas the older-
establishedmerchant Nicolas cl'Olivcira; as seen earlier, d'Oliveira is said to have
assistedde Souza in his escapefrom imprisonmcnt under Adandozan and was later
delegatedby Gczo to invite him back to Ouidah. Local tradition also statesthat on
his return to C)uidah in ltt20 de Souza initially lodged in d'Oliveira's Ganvd
quarter, prior to setting up his own establishment.r')l
claims that d'C)liveirawas appointed as a sort of deputy to de Souza, rvith the
statusof 'secondcclunsellor'toGezo, but this is perhapsmerely a rationalization.r{)2
Nicolas d'Oliveira seemsto have died early in Gezo's reign, but the c<lntinuing
importance of his family is indicated b-"-- the fact that his son Denis is said to have
married his daughter to Gczo, the marriage being celebratedlt Ouidah, rvith de
Souza acting as proxy f<lr the king.l0'rHowever, Denis d'Oliveira also predeceased
de Souza;r0+ and the importanceof the famill'evidentlv declinedthereaftcr,at least
to judge from thc lack of any referenceto it in contemporary sourcesthrough most
of' the nineteenth century'.
Nicolas d'Oliveira docs not appear anywherc in the contcmporary records of'
illcgal slaving at Ouidah during thc 1820sand 1830s.These do, however,name
scvcral other persons who resided at Ouidah fbr purposeso1'tradc, whether in
rrssocirtionor competition with de Souza. ManJ' <lf these namcs occur without
strliicicntcontcxt (or corroboratoryreferencein other material)to idcntify thcm or
cstlblish their preciscrole and importance.In tuo cases,howcvcr,such individuals
cnlcrgc more clearly from the record.Onc wasJoaquimTellcs de N,lenezcs,
nrcl)tioncd.who scttled in Ouidah around lfl30 and married one of de Souza's
tlrrtrghtcrs.He is first documcnted in ltl35, as the rlrvncr of'a ship taken by thc
liritish navJ',thc Therezu,bouncl with a cargo o1'slavcslirr N,lontcvidco;and he is
:rlso d<lcumcntedas both master and <lrvncro{' turl slavc ships captured subse-
tlrrcntlr. thc -/tttcn Ctntlinu bouncl lirr Cubl in lti.l6 lnd the Iirnprthtnlclor b<luncl
born either on Prince'sIsland <lrin Pcrnambuco,Brazil; but, like de Souzahimscll,
he consisrentlyasserredPortuguesenationalit)..r05 Like his f'ather-in-lau;his slaving
actir,itiesextended beyond Ouidah; of his ships taken by the British, the Therexain
1835, after calling at Ouidah, had taken in its slaves at Lagos, and the Jot'en
Carolina in 1836 went even further afield, shipping its slavesat Old Calabar. His
final appearancein the contemporary'recordwas in 1841,when he rvasa passengcr
on a suspectedslrrve-shipbound fiom Bahia to Prince's Island.r""l)e Ntenezes
presumablyopcratedin partnership,or at least in cooperation,with his father-in-
law; indeed, one of the ships he tlwned, the Emprehendedor, as seen earliel had
originally belongcd to de Souza, who sold her to him. He is not remembered,htlw-
ever, in local tradition in Ouidah, presumably because he left no dcscendants there.
Another leading slave-dcalcr who settled in Ouidah in this period was Juan Jos6
Zangronis(or Sangron),thc son 9l'a prominent merchantof Havana,who supplied
slaves for his father (and, latcr, for his brother) in Cuba. In the contemporary
record, Zangronis is first attestedat Ouidah, taking delivery of goods shipped from
Cuba, in 1834. He is again documented thcrc, serving as consigneeof a cargo
shippedby his fathcr in 1835,as supplfing slavesto two ships during 1836-7antl as
De Souza famil-vtradition consigneeof part of a cargo shippcd from Ilavana fbr Ouidah in lf:l39.rr)t Whatever
the circumstancesof his original establishmentin Ouidah, in the long run Zang-
ronis clcarly traded in associationrather than in rivalry with de Souza; the ship
Emprehendedlrtakenby the tsritish in 1839,then owned by de Souza'sson-in-lau' de
Menezes, according to some testimony had previously been owned jointly bi' de
Souza and Zangr<lnis.The British missionary Freentan, who met Zangronis at
'in rank and influence ... second only to De
Ouiclah in 1843, describedhim as
Souza'.r08 He died in February ltl43, and was buried in'the Portugucseburial-
ground'(i.e. in the Portuguesefort).roeUnlike de N{enezes,Zangronis did leave
descendants in Ouidah; a'half-caste'sonof his, FranciscoZangrclnis,is noted inci-
denttllv attending the royal court at Abomey in 186'1.r'0 Indecd, the family survives
to the present,although its name is now given a P()rtuguese fbrm, Sangr6nio,and its
fbunder (whose namc is recalledasJos6 Sangronio) is wrongly rememberedas having
'a Brazilian of Portugueseorigin', rather than as Spanish from Cuba, this con-
been
rl
fusion evidently reflecting the famill''s absorption into the Rrazilian community.r
alreadl' r"' l)f), Sfiic'l-radc lti.i6, (llass A, no. -59,case of thc 7'hertzu; lti.i6. Class A, no. 69, casc of the -/oztz Cuntlinu;
'l'hc
llt.19 +0, Chss A, no. 77, crse ofthe limltrthtnlalor. first []vo ilccounts state that lre had been residenl irt
()urdah ftrr 5 lcrrs (i.e.since llt30/l); thc third srrs for llJ lerrs (since ltt2l), but pcrhaps this is a misprint
lirr ll.
l ' ' I ' 1 , S l r r c ' l ' r r d e l l i . l 2 . ( . h s s , \ . n o . 7 ( 1 ,c a s eo 1 ' t h c O u l l i u n u . A n o t h e r p a s s c n H c rl v r s J o s 6 ' l t l l e s d e S o u z a , o f
\ \ [ r t [ h ' , p t r h r p s r rr c l . r r i r c ;t h c I ] r i r i s h r r r t r r t i d c n t i f i c c lh i m u i t h t h c ( l h t c h a , b u t t h i s w ' a sc l c a r l v a c < t n f u s i o n .
r l t l , - S l . r r r ' l t . . r t l rI f t . l ( ' .( . h s s \ . r r o . 5 ( 1 c, r s e o l t l r t . l l l s , r r , I l t J 7 , ( . h s s A , n o . 3 ( ) ,c r t s eo t ' t h c / , 2 / a n a i n o . ' f l , e a s e

l i r r l l r r h i ai n l l l . i 9 . I ) c M c n c z c sh i m s c l l ,i n t h c j u d i c i a lp r o c e c d i n g rse l i r t i n gt o t h c s c - 1 t h t ' ( . r t l t t r , l l i . l t l . ( . l . r s r \ , r r o { l . L r s t . o l t l r r ' . f r ,I l l r l , / i z q . \ n r o n g J r a p c r s l i r t t n d o n t h el a s f s h i p , h e l o n g

( ) r r i r l r hl r r t h c l a t t c r ,u h c n c o m m l n -
c i r l ) t u r c sg, a \ r cc o n t r a ( l i c t o r tt c s l i n r o n _a\ b o u t h i s o r i g i n s , t l c s c l i b i n gl . r i n r s c llfs' 1 r B t r ) . rl ) . r \ \ (n g ( . r , \ r r r , , r r r ,( r. , r 1 r rr.r . r s, r n . r rr ' , l r n t . l g r x r t l st l t l i r u t t l r t
t l t t , , l t l r r ( , r u r r t l l l r t , , , r r r l i l , t , , f r r r r ' r , , r r l \ ' ,t lt tt S , l, r t t z . t
r ' r ( i . t r o r .' \ o l t h i s l o r i t ; t t t ' ,( r { ) I, t c r r r i c r .' ( ) u i r l r l r ' .5 ( ) ' ' l j r t , ' t n . t t \t \. t r t \ l r r , . r ' . . ' l l
l r l | ) ( S r ) u / . r .L t l t u r l l , , / , . \ ' , , a , r . I I ," r,.,.rrr,rrr. u,tl..'.\
I /,,trt
'.\llrrt,t.,',/ r l l r , , r r rI
\ , l , , r r f , r n o t/tt.l , ' u , 7 , ' t ttrt u , t l t r ' , 1 , " ', tt ,f r t , , n t t ,r ., ( ) r . , l r \ r , r r z . t| ., t L t n t l l , / , . \ ' , , a, r . - ' i l f r r r t , ' r !r 1 r , , r , ,, ,' ,
'\rr ,li \{,u/,r. l)r \',rr,t l'l',.',, ; \,,, I
|,r Ltnttll,/, \',r ./ 'r/ r,ll

| , ., tr
 De Souza'sOuidah
De Souza also depended, and perhaps more critically, on his relations with
indigenous African administrators and commercial partners in Ouidah. The
supremepolitical authority in Ouidah, as noted earlier,continued to be the Dahom-
ian governor, the Yovogan.A contemporary account reports that the Yovogan who
had been in place at Gezo's accessiondied in 1823."2Tradition indicatesthat this
was Adjossogb6,the man appointedto succeedhim being Dagba.r13 Dagba was to
occupy the office for an unprecedentedlylong period (around 50 years);his name is
recorded in severalcontemporary sourcesbetween the 1840sand 1860s."+His age
was estimated in 1856 at between 5-5and 60, which suggests that he was aged
between 22 ancl27 athis appointment in 1823 and over 70 at the time of his death
in the l870s.r'5As a consequenceof this longevity in office, unusually among
holders of the Yovogan title, he founded a family that exists in Ouidah to the
present. The traditions of this family show that, again apparently unlike earlier
occupants of the office, Dagba belonged to an aristocratic family, called Awesu,
who were hereditary chiefs of Dokon, near Abomey, and indeed claimed to have
exercisedroyal authority in the area before the rise of Dahomel'. Dagba's original
namc, prior to his appointment to Ouidah, was Awesu Atokun; when he became
Yovogan,he is said to have resigned the chiefship of Dokon to his brother, Awesu
Ayafi."6 This is corroborated by contemporary sources: Duncan in 1845, for
'Awassou, the caboceer of Doko', understood that he was a
example, who met
younger brother to Yovogan Dagba.rrTTradition explains that Awesu/Dagba had
been a partisan of Gezo in his coup d'etat of l8l8 and was appointed as Yovoganat
Ouidah in reward for his support.rrnThe precise character of the relationship
between the Yovogan Dagba and the Chacha de Souza is not very clearly explained
in the traditions - for example, whether the Chacha was formally subject t<l the
Yovogan's authority or directly and independently answerable to the king. The
Yovogan's role as intermediary between the king and L,uropeansat Ouidah was
evidently undermined by the Chacha'sappointment, but he retained some responsi-
'customs' and in
bility in the managementof European trade, notably in collecting
holding and delivering slaveson the king's behalf. Dagba family tradition insists
'The two being
that the relationship with the Chacha was cordial and cooperative:
friends of King Gezo it is easy to understand that solid bonds of friendship were
quickly establishedbetweenthem.'rre
De Souza also evidently depended upon African merchants to supply him with
r r rR G C G , l l F - e b1. 8 2 3 .
r r rR e y n i e r , ' O u i d a h5' ,l ; A g b o ,H i s t o i r e , 5 6 .
r11Fi.g.Duncan, Tratels', i, I l7 l8 i, 105, 127;ii, 72 .j ['l)agbah'l; Valkrn,'I-c
['Dagbwa']; ltorrtes,l)uhomt-1,,
royaumede I)ahomcl',l /337-8 ['Dagba'l; l]urton, ,l4r.vor,i, I (X),n. l'l )a-gba'l;
Iti6tt ['Daba'], text in FldouardAublet, la (]utrrt uu Dahomt'.1'
/,9,9&-189.1
r r i V a l l o n ',L e r o y a u m ed e D a h o m e y ' ,l / 3 3 1 1 .
rr6l)agba, La Colletriz,iti.limiliuh, 67.
rri I)uncrn, 'l'rurtls,ii,2.59.Sccrlso liorbes,l)uhout'1,,ii, 72 l.
r r i l ) r g l r r ,L u O o l l L t t i t i t i l t n r l i t l t , 5 i .l l u l n { ) t e t h r l l l r t s r n r e s o r r r t e r l l i t n s t h r t h c h r t l . i t t l r t t . b c c t t r l c s i g l t r t c t l
l i r r t h c o l l i c r o\l i r r o g r n s i n r ' c r ' l r i l < l(l sr rr xr p
x lg r o s t t l l r l r r K i r r g ' l t r l l lrlttsorttt)g, l r t l r c r t r t s , t n l i r r t l r t t l c l r r i n
h i sr p p o i n t n rrtr ti s r r r rtt r p l . r i r r c r l
' ' llri,l .11
The Era of the Illegal Slave Trade
slaves,whether as agents for the king or operating independently. The contem-
porary sourcesare uninformative on the identity of his African suppliers, but some
light is thrown on these by local oral traditi<lns. For example, one of de Souza's
praise-namescelebrateshis generosity by referring to his gifts of cloth to various
African merchants; of six names given, five can be identified: Boya, Codjia,
Gnahoui, Adjovi and Hou6nou.r2()Thesixth name, which cannot be identified, is
Bewa; in comparison with other evidence,it ought perhaps to be the personal name
of the head of the Hodonou family, which was also linked in this period to de
Souza, although the name Bewa does not appear to be preserved in its traditions.
Of the six Boya, as was seen in an earlier chapter, was the title of one of the king's
traders at Ouidah. This title had existed since the mid-eighteenth century, but
according to tradition in Ouidah it was conferred by Gezo on a partisan of his,
called Boya-Ciss6, who had assisted in organizing de Souza's escape from
imprisonment at Abomey and was now installed at Ouidah to engage in the slave
trade. This man originally resided in de Souza's 'Brazil' quarter, but later
establishedhis own quarter, Boyasaramd,'Boya's quarter', on the north-west of the
town; tradition says that his move out of 'Brazil' quarter was occasioned by
frequent fires there, perhaps alluding to the great fire in r. 1838, in which de Souza
lost a great deal ofproperty.r2rln the eighteenthcentury the Boya had stood only
second in rank among the royal traders, after the Coke, but the latter title is not
recorded after the early nineteenth century and was presumably now suppressed,
being supersededas head of the king's traders by the Boya. In the contemporary
record, Forbesin 1850noted the Boya as one ofthe'six tradersor superintendants
[sic] of trade appointed by the king', though without indicating that he held any
special position among them; but in the following year it was noted that the Boya
served as 'acting Yovogan' in the absenceofthe latter.t2z
The other five (including Hodonou) seem to have bcen essentially private
merchants, rather than royal officials (in so far as this distinction can be made in
this period). None of them are attested as traders in contemporary sourcesduring
de Souza's lifetime, with the possible exception of Adjovi, whose name may have
been given to a slave-shipfrom Bahia trading at Ouidah in 1846, called,'Adeoai'.123
However, all five were noted by Forbes in 1850, who listed them among recipients
of the royal bounty at the Annual Customs in Abomey, immediately after the
Vrvogan.r2aOf these,the Codiia, Gnahoui and Hodonou families had already been
establishedin Ouidah, as noted earlier) in the previous century. But the son of the
first Codjia, called Agossukp6,becamea friend of de Souza,and moved out of the
'l'rcat1
with ]rrance,l9 Mirr rr".'\ri'li \larlinc'ltttckpor,'l)orti'c socio historique tlcs louangcs familialesau B6nin (cas dc la famillc dc
(Paris,lll9l), fl
Sotrzr tle ()rrithh)'(\ltnroire tlc ntritrisc, LrNIt, l9l'llt 9),9(> 7.
l r l I { t r t t i c r , ' ( ) r r i t l r r h ' , 5 t , t l\ g h r . I l r r , ' r r t , J l 6 . l k r n i t r a c t u r l l r s r r s l h l l l } o v a i n i t i a l l i l i v e d i n t h e ( l u 6 n u m
t;rr.rrttr,lrrrttlrcl.rttcrn.rs,,rrgrrr.rllrp.rrIolllr.rzilrlrrrrttr
''
l , r r l r l s . l ) , t l t r t n ry',
''
| ) o r S . t t t t , r s , r ' r r r \ l x , n r l r( rnor rl ,l l . ' S| ) r , l S l t r l
' l r r r l r t s .l l t h , , u t , 1r,. . r l i l r \ t r r q
\ l r , 1 r r , .rrr , u , \. l r l o l r r r r . ( . l r r ' 1 . rl ll to t ( l t r o l . r l r ' 1I ,l r r r r l o o n o o ,\ t l r
'(,frr.rr
slt,r', tt,.'llr t t r r r t 1\,l ,r t , ' l r\ r ' l r , ' l rt , l r I X , , l r ; . r l r ' 1 , ' \ . r*rl r r r . h , r l r r l , r l rt r x r I llolt rlolr
trr"' I
t,'t t, '
 I)e Souza'sOuidah The F,r:rof the Illegal Sl:rveTrade
Dahomian quarter of the town, Fonsarami. to settle in de Souza'sBrazil quarter, trirdcrs.rr+'fhatthe f'amil1'hacllchievcd distinction cvcn bclirre de Souza'stime is
where the family still lives.r25The {irst Gnahoui had died in 1823;the man who supported bv contcmporarv sourccs, which recrlrd a FLru6nou serving as a
dealt with de Souza was his son, the secondhead of the family; recalledin tradition l)ahomian militarv commanderin the I7[J0s:as dcputv to the Giru, the c<lmmander-
under thc surname'Dah Ahissigan'.r26 This man inherited his father's position as in-chief of the L)ahomianarml in the war againstBadagrv in l7ft4; and as'one of'
olficial interpreter for the English, serving in this capacitv for various British the King's Generals of War' sent down t<l reinfirrcc Ouidah against anticipated
visitors to Dahomey betwecn lll43 and lli5l.rri But he also becamea substantial attack from Bad:rgrf in lTtlll.rri F-lmilv traclition namcs thc head <lf thc familr
merchant,describedbv F-orbcsin 1850as'as rich a merchantas existsin l)ahomcv. cluring thc reign of'Kpengla (177.+-89)as Ahoglo, and cloesrccall a r.isit bv him to
and as great a slavc-trader'.1r8'I'heHodonou activeat this time was the third head Ouidah, although as a trader (in slaves)rather than l militarr of1iccr.rr"Ah<>glo's
of the family, whose personal name was l)ovonou, who is recalled to havc rebuilt son, Fadegnon,is said to havcservcdas 'minister of finances'(meaningpresumabll'
the fortunes of the family after the imprisonment and disgrace of his predecessor, Mehu) under Adandozan (1797-11118), and rvhcn Adandoz:lnwas overthrown bv
his brother Sossou.l2e Famill'tradition recalls,in general terms, that Hodonou Gezo hc lvasimprisonedas a partisanof the flllen monarch.lrtAzanmadoHoucnou
originallv traded {br thc king but alsoon his rxvn account,and that, rvhende Souza was a ncphervof'Fadegnon. [Ie is said to havc served u'ith distinction in Gezo's
came to Ouidah, he bccame his fricnd and supplied slavcsto him.rx) Although u':rrsagainstthe Mahi in the lli20s, but then retired to bccomea tradcr at Ouidah.
dealing with de Souza,Gnahoui and Hodonou seemto have maintaineda relative He was initially associatedwith Nicolas d'Oliveira, who empkryed hin-r in the
independenceof him; at anv rate,unlike (irdjia, their familiesremainedresidentin purchaseof slavesfrom thc Nlahi countr)'; but was then takcn up bv Gezo, u'ho
Fonsaramd,the Dahomianquarter of Ouidah. garc hin-rthc rank of uhisinonancl:rssuciirtcd
him lvith de Souzaat Ouidah in sclling
Adjovi and H<lu6nou,on thc other hand, u'ere ncwconlers to Ouidah, lvho sl:rvcson the rol.al rccount.rrs'l'heHou6nou fanrill'propertv in Ouidah is situated
arrived in the town as clientsof de Souza.'Ihe founder of the Adjovi f'amilvis said inrmcdiatelv south of de Souza's llrazil quarter and is said originallv to have
to havebeen originallv a palacemusicianin the Dahomian capitalAbomcv who was fbrmed part o[ it, but Azanmado Hou6nou cvcntualll' broke u'ith de Souza,and
sent bv Gezo to Ouidah to servedc Souzaas guardianof'slavesdestinedfbr export, was ablc t<lconstitutehis houscholdas an indcpendentquartcr of the town, callcd
'fov6,
but later moved out of de S<luza'sBrazil quarter, to set himself up in thc after thc famill,'nrrme,(]g6num.
quartcr of the indigcnous(prc-Dahomian) inhrrbitantsof Ouidah, on the opposite Another important :rssociate of'dc Souzanas Antonio Dossou-l'ovo,u ho scrved
(east) side of'thc town. Thc Adjovis norvadavsclaim descent fiom Kpase, the as his interprctcr in Portu€iueseand French. In origin this mirn bclonged to thc
legendarvlirundcr of Ouidah, but this is contestcdby the de Souzas,rvho claim Kocou fimily- of Sogbadji, dcscencledfrom a canoeman fiom thc Gold Coast
that the first Adiovi was in origin a slave, adopted into the Kpase famih'.iri emploved b1' the l,nglish f<rrt,but he now, transferredto de Souza'sservicc ancl
Flowever this ma1' be, Adjor,i's rise to prominence was certainll' based on his took up residenccin Ilrazil quarter.r'")The nanre f)ossou-Vn'o,'the u'hitc nran's
control of the shrine of Kpase,in Tov6, as well as on his commercialwealth:Fbrbes Dosu', alludesto his empl<l!.mentb1'de S<luza.r+{) Hc is also saiclto havc assistecl
in
in ltJ50noted that he'had a large f'etishhouse.eastof Whvdah, situatedin a prett_v de Souza's cscilpc fiom imprisonnrent at Abomc5 ancl to h:rve attcncled the
bosquet',rcfcrringlevidcntlr fo thc'sacreclfilrest'of Kpasc.rr2The fbunder ol'thc subsequcnt slvearingof a 'blood pact' betwccn de Souza and the futurc king
Hou6nou (or ()u6num) family in Ouidah, AzanmadoHou6nou, is also claimcd by Gezo.l+rAfter Gezo's accession,he is saicl to have visitcd llrazil on an official
the dc Souzasto have been originally a slavewho was given by Gezo to Francisco cmbassvthat attenrptedto krcateand bring back Gezo's mother Agotime, who had
Felir cleSouza.lriBut the Hclu6nousthemselvesclaim a more rcspectablc<lrigin,by becn sold int<l shvcrJ'by' his prcclecessorAdandozan.t'In cclntemporrrvrccords,
clcscentfrom thc kings of Weme, which was absorbedinto l)ahomcv in the early hc is flrst mentioncd in llt,t|, whcn hc was describedas dc Souzrt's'principalrra,z'
cightccnth ccnturv; mcmbers of successir,e gcnerationsof the familv are said to lPortuguescnuisrt,bovlor domestic',anclwas seenin compan\ with dc Souza'sson
havescrvedvariouslvas oflicers in the l)ahomian arml', aclministrativeoflicialsand lgnrrcioat thc roval court at Abomev; he was irlso noted bl F'orbcsin 18.50,in
c()rnp:lnvnith thc (.hacha (nrlu' Isidoro) and other members of the de Souza
r5 liieltiuork: (ird jir compound, l-i
-fune 1997. " (frrtrrrurr, LLs lntr:tr<'
' " ' H i s p r i r i s e - n a m ci s g i v e n b l A g h o , I l r t u r r t , 2 3 5 6 .
" l).rlztl.//rrtorl.l11l'(ltrecnoh'l;'llll/ll6),1)rrlixrL.\\illirnr'slirrt,5l)cc.lTliltl'\\L'enoh'1.
'r; lirecman. r " ( ) t t t t t t t r t r /. . , , l z , i t r i' . i I i
. ' f o u r n u l . 2 5 0 l ' \ i a u i ' ] , I ) u n e r n , ? ' r a i t ' l i , i . l l ( ) l ' \ r n r i c ' l : I , i r r h c s , / ) , r / r r r r , . y ,i,, 5 . 1 . i i . i i 5 6 cre.
l ' N a r r v h e l ' l ; P R ( l l ) O l J 4 / u 8 6 , I r n s e q - f o L r r n a l ,l 5 \ u q . l l t 5 l r t c . l ' N r r u h o ' j . '
f l c r r r r t r . ' )( r r r r l . r l{rr' J. .( ) r r c r r r r r 1, , , ' l r , , : t t , ' , \ 1 ( t
'.* lrorbcs, Duhonry, ii, 17 '
5. l l t r t t t rt . ( ) r r t r l . t l (t r' i.. r | ( ) t t rn t r t t . / , ' / r , , : t r , ' .i ( ) 1 r 0
rr" Revnicl'Ouidah', 5i. 'lilrrtct.()rrrrl.rlr',1.)i.lrrlrls,'rL,\,,,,,rt.,,ttt1,,,ttttrl,')l,rn
l()r)lr
r i ' )I r i e l d l r r r r k ,I I o d r , n o u c o n t p o r r n c l ,2 J S e p r . J ( ) ( ) ( 1 . ' \ , ' , r I l . r r r r r , l l , , , . r l tt' l r , , r l ' l r r r . r t r , ' r r , , l t , r , , l l ' r l l r r rl tl , ', ,r ,r ,, , r , r . l i l . r r , t l t . t l l l t , s t t r n . t t t t t r r l l t t r l c < l t o l t
'l
R c t n i c r . ' O r r t r l a l t ' . { 1 . - { 7 ; c l c S o t r z . r . / , r I r n t l l t , 1 ,. \ ' r , r r, i . i r I l r . r r r r r l ' r , r r , l r r( t ' , l r r r l l r r z rrl . .l ' r ( . r i n r r l ' rr t r r r ' , r t n , l , r ' , l . r r ( l r r t '

t,r,
 De Souza'sOuidah
family, at the Annual Customs at Abomey. He is recorded again in 1863, when he
was ill with guinea-worm at Ouidah, but the British consul Burton was able to stay
in his house at'fori on his way to Abomey.l{rHe died, at a verv advancedage,in
1887.'+'tDossou-Yovo also became a wealthy''merchant, but this was perhaps after
de Souza'sdeath in 1849.'4s
Several other Ouidah merchant families claim descent from founder-ancestors
who set up in Ouidah during the reign of Gezo: Akod6 (who lateq under Glele
aftcr 1858, received an official position, with the titlc Chodaton) and the ancestors
of the Mahounon, Abodooui, Tchibozo and Tokpo families.r+6However, none of
theseis explicitly connectedwith de Souza,and they may have arrived in Ouidah
in Gezo's last years,after de Souza's death. Two of them (Akod6, Mahounou) are
said to havetraded 'for the account' of Gezo; while the others (Abodooui, Tchibozo,
Tokpo) are given the title of ahisinon,but whether this intends a distinction between
royal and private traders is doubtful. The only one of them named in Forbes's
accountin 1850,Tokpo, is listed with the Boya among the official'superintendants
[sic]of trade appointedby the king'.
It is clear that a number of substantial commercial fortunes were made in
Ouidah during this period. Although dc Souza's wealth and influence were para-
mount, his successin not only building up a large householdbut also transmitting
it to his descendants,thereby constituting a new quarter of the town, was not
unique. He had been preceded by Nicolas d'Oliveira, and several of his African
associateswere similarly successful in creating hereditary estates,two of these,
Boya and Hou6nou, also establishingtheir own quarters of the town. This success-
ful accumulation was probably due to the political situation created by the coup
d'etat of 1818.Gezo owed his successto the support, not <lfde Souzaalone,but of
the Ouidah merchant community, or at least a faction within it, more generally; as
has been seen, Nicolas d'Oliveira and Antonio Dossou-Yovowere also party to the
plot. Other partisans of Gezo, although they may not have had connecti<lnswith
Ouidah earlier, were appointed to positions there afier his accession,as in the cases
of Boya-Ciss6 and Yovogan Dagba. In these circumstanccs,it may reasonablybe
supposed, Gezo was disposed, if not constrainecl,to allow the Ouidah merchant
community greater autonomy than it had hitherto enjoyed.
The accumulation of merchant wealth in Ouidah under Gezo was probably also
facilitated by some relaxation of royal restrictions on trade, presumably in reward
for services in his support. The granting of permission to the Boya, Tokpo and
other official royal traders to trade also on their own account, first attested by
'l'here
Forbcsin 1850,may well haveoriginatedwith Gezo'saccession. is alsosome
suggestionthat the Ouidah merchant community benefited from a more liberal tax
regime under Gezo, at leastduring the earlier part of his reign. Gezo himself told
Duncan in 1845 that, although he was entitled to inherit his cabocecrs'estateson
r+rBlanchcler,, 'Au l)ahrxnel ', 536
l'| )osu l)vo' l; Forbcs. l)u homt"1,,;i,2+5,217 | )ossrxr eci nrxr', )ossrxr ecir
',\ntonio )osu, )osrr o'
vrxr'l; llurton, rl{r.rsllr, i, l 5 l l l k nown rs l \i'r 1.
r f i I n s c r i p t i o n o n h i s g r r v c . s c e r rr l l h c I ) o s s o u \ i r r o c o l r r p o r r r r t l I, |
.lrlr. l()tXr
r l t l i i c i r l r r o r k .K o t o u r r l t r p o u r r r l . ( , 1 l ( ) ( ) ( r
lrrl
L r "l l t r r r i t r . ' ( ) r r i r l r r l lrl'i.. l ( ) . ; t ) .i l . i \
t,s
The Era of the Illegal Slavetade
t h e i r d e a t h s ,h e i n f a c t ' s e l d o m e x e r c i s e [ d ] ' t h i s r i g h t . r + iT h i s i s g i v e n s o m e
support by local tradition in Ouidah, which recordsthat when Nicolas d'Oliveira
died FranciscoFelix de Souzaintercededwith Gezo to prevent the levying of the
royal inheritance tax. However, this fiscal concessionwas evidently not main-
taincd, since on the death <lf the second head of the family, Denis Nicolas
d'Oliveira, the de Souzasare said to have connived in the concealingof somc of
his slavesin order to prevent their seizurc by the king; one of the de Souza sons,
Antonio 'Kokou', with whom the slaveswere lodged, subsequentlyrefused to
surrender them but appropriated them for himself.rls Moreover, when Francisco
Felix de Souza himself died in 1849, Gezo claimed his customary share of the
estate.r+eThe reversal of this conccssion may have been due to the fiscal
difficulties that the Dahomian monarchy faced from the 1840s,in consequenceof
the declineof the Atlantic slavetrade.
The settlementof returnedex-slaaes
In addition to the free Brazilians and others who settled in Ouidah as associatesof
de Souza, his prominence in the tou'n also attracted the settlement of a large
number of African-born former slaves.Individual former slaveshad re-emigrated,
from Brazil and elsewhere, to settle on the West African coast already in the
eighteenth century: at Ouidah, an example was Dom Jcronimo, referred to in
earlier chapters,an important slave-traderat Ouidah in the 1780s.The large-scale
emigration of ex-slavesfrom Brazil to Africa seemsto have beglun,however, onlv
after the great slaverebellion in Bahia in 1835,which the local authoritiesblamed
upon thc influencc of the free black population, and which was follou,ed by the
deportation of manv suspectedof complicity in it; the re-cmigration thcn con-
tinued on a more or less voluntarv basis through the rest of the nineteenth
There was also a significant, but smaller,re-emigration of ex-slavesfrom
centur\,'.150
Cuba, although in the long run such Cuban repatriates tended to be absorbedinto
thc Brazilian communit\'.rsrBraziliancx-slavcsscttlcd at various ports along thc
coast, including Accra on the Gold Coast, but the most substantialrepatriate
communities \\,ereon the Bight of Benin, at Agou6 to the west and Porto-Novo and
Lagos to thc east,as well as Ouidah itself.r52
In thc immedi:rte aftcrmath of the rcbellion, in 1t135,onc partv of 200 free
Ir; I)uncrrr. 'l rtttls.ii.261.
' n t f ) c S o L r z r ,l t l u u t l l L J L . \ ' r t t t : . t , 2 2 ,5 9 6 0 .
r r " I " r r i i ,/ , , ' I ) t h o u t 1 , , 2 1 r ,r l t S o t t z r , I t l i l u t I f u , l t . \ , t r t : t , 1 3 .
r'"()nthtllr.rzilirrrrrttrrriqrrrliorrto\\est\lii<r.sttcsp..lcrrr\lichacl'lirrner,'l.esllrcsilicns:'['hcimpacto
l i r r r r c r l l r r z i l r . r r sr l . r r t s r r p , , r r| ) . r l r r r r r r t r ' ( l ) l r l )t l r t s i s .l l o s t o n I t t i r e r s i t r , l ( ) 7 5 ) l N l i l t o n ( i r r r u n , . l g u l l s : o s
" l ' t t ' r l r t r , , ' , 1 , ,I l ' r r r t t\ tl l t t r l r I . r r rrrr . . l r , ' ) r / )
'l 'l 'I ( )n
r r l r r Ll r . s t r l t , , , l , , l l , \' . r t . r , t t r , , ,I , ' ' t , ' , , ' 1 ,t , t t , i l , t l l t t , r { l l . r r . r r r , lr(.) l i l i )
'
l , r r t l r r l i r . r z r l r . r, ,r ,r r r r r r r l \ r r r \ , , r . r . , , , l ' . r r l ,r l l , t l r u " t l t , L ' u r t . l 1 l l r ; l i r r \ r l o r r r 'S. i l L t S t r i t L r o t l t ,
'\1t,,
l l r . r r L l r . r n r, lrr, rlu , . t , r r r \ l r r , ( , , r . r r r l , , , , ( ( r 1 1 t , r \ l ' . r r Ir l l r r r r ; o t ( r r l r ) I. r ' l , t , t t t t ' ( . t i t t , t t t l t t t t \
( \ r n l r , r . , r\ \ 'llllir'li
ll l,,rl r',, l,.r \ lrr',1.r' llrrlrrrrtotlrrl'nrorrr,,ltlrrrrl.rtlrol.rrtl"
I I l"',11 " 'll
 De Souza'sOuidah 'l'he
Era of'thc Illegal SlaveTrade
blacks was dcportcd from Bahia on a ship that went specilicallvto Ouidah.rsl most of thc f-amiliesstill in place acknowledge descent from returned cx-slaves,
According to local tradition, Maro quarter of Ouiclah, immediately west of de including Ahi, Dangana, da Matha, das Neves, Ode, Oguidan, Olougbon and
Souza's originll Brazil quarter, was settled by a partl' of ex*slaves,who came in a Toubiaz; the last of thcse,although commonlv classifledas Brazilian,is somctimcs
ship to Wcst Africa and rvcrc granted land b1' dc Souza (or by the king, at de said to har,eoriginatcd from Cuba rather than from Brazil.r('0Severalothcr families
Souza'sinstance).15+ In contemporarYsourccs,thc Brazilian repatriatecommunitl' founded by Brazilian ex-slavescan bc found in other quarters of the town, however,
in Ouidah was first noted by Duncan in 1845,who observedthat, in addition to the such as l)iogo in Brazil quartcr, do Rego inZom'ai and Villaga in tsoya quarter.r('r
'real Portuguese' there were 'numerous' former slavesliom Brazil, mainly of The date of arrival of their fbunders is in most casesuncertain and may have been
Fulani (i.c. Hausa)and Oyo (Yoruba)origin, who had obtainedtheir frcedom either later than the original party in 1835,but, fbr examplc,Joio Antonio do Rego was
bv purchaseor bv returning as servantsto slave-dealers. I)uncan understoodthat already cstablishcdin Ouidah by 18,10and Jos6 Joaquim das Ner:s by 1847.162
'man1" of thern had left Brazil after being 'concernedin an attempted revolution
Several of thesc families remember not only their Brazilian origins, but also their
among the slavesthere', referring evidently to the Bahia rising of 1835.Fbrbes in ancestralAfrican ethnicity, most being of Yoruba extraction. Antirnio d'Almeida,
It]49-50 also alludes to 'liberated Africans' living in Ouidah, who he savs frlr cxamplc, was originallv from thc Y<rrubatown of Iseyin in modcrn Nigeria, and
originated from Yrrruba and Borno, and who had purchased their freedom in thc family retains a Yoruba surnamc, Oloufad6.rt'rOther Yoruba Brazilian families
Brazil, but had bcen unablc to reach their home countrics, 'many' of thcm bcing, include Olougbon (whose fcrunderwas from the town of Ofa, also in Nigeria), Ahi
a c c o r d i n gt o h i m , t h c m s c l v c s l a v c - d c a l c r s . l i i ' l ' hn ci r m c ' \ l a r o ' a p p l i e d t o t h e s e (fiom Abeokuta),Villaga (who was ljesha)rr'a and Ode and da Matha (both from
IJrazilianex-slaveswas first recordedin 1851.r56 'Boma', presumably Igbomina, a Yoruba subgroup).
Others trace their origins from
Onc of thc cx-slavcswho wcrc obligcd to lcavc Rahia in thc aficrmath of thc further in the interior, in what is today northern Nigeria: Sabino Vieyra and the
slaveuprising was Luis Xavier de Jesus,who made out his will, prior to embarka- founder of thc Dangana family were Nupe ('Atakpa'), and Joaquim das Neves was
tion fbr Africa, in 1U35.Either then or later, he settled in Ouidah. Some corres- Hausa,whileJoio do Rego tracedhis origins to'Kanik6', i.e. Borno.r65
p<lndenceaddressedto him therc during 1tl4l survives,through being fuund on an The Brazilian ex-slaveswho scttled in Ouidah wcre mainly Christian, having
illegal slaveship intercepted by the British navl'. De Jesusclaimed to be innocent of been baptized into the Roman Catholic Church in Brazil, and their settlemcnt
involvementin the 1835rcbellion, and in l84l he was petitioning to be allowcd to provided the basis for the establishment of organized Christian worship in the
rcturn to Brazil, but hc dicd still in Africa c. 1851.rs7 This man secmsto have left town, centred on the chapel in the Portugucse fort. When the fort was rcoccupied
no descendantsin Ouidah, but other Brazilian re-emigrantsdid. One such was in l{i144,its personnelincluded a pricst to act as chaplain.r6('Thercafter,the chapel
Antonio d'Almeida (died ltl90), whosefamily lives in Ganvd quarter.He had been in thc Portuguese fort was maintained continuouslv thrclughout the nineteenth
owned in Bahia by the prominent slave-trader Manoel Joaquim d'Almeida (who century, the clergv normally being supplied from Sio Tom6, apart from thc years
c<rmmandedthe ship Principede ()uind. consigncd to dc Souza but captured by the l86l-5, when posscssionof the fort was usurped by missionariesof the French
British in 1826), whose gratitudc he earned, according to family tradition, by Soci6t6 des Missions Afiicaines. Fbrbes in 1849-50, for example, noted the Roman
protecting him during a slave rebellion (referring presumably to 1835); having Catholic church in the Portuguese fort, patronized by the Bahia repatriates and
'I'om6.r67
securedhis freedom, he returned to Africa, settling first at Agou6 but later moving staffed by black priests from Sio These clergy conducted weekly masses
t<l Ouidah, where he made out his will in 186,1.rs8 Not all of thc cx-slaveswho and performed baptisms and burial services(though not religious marriages,which
scttlcd in Ouidah had left Brazil in conncction with thc 1835 rising, however. were rare in Africa). The F'rench missionaries in the 1860s were critical of the
Sabino Vieyra, who founded a family in Sogbadii, came frnm Rio de Janeiro rather quality of the Sio Tom6 clergy, whom they dismissed as having 'no knowledge
than Bahia; alter obtaining his lreedom he became a merchant in Brazil and beyond reading the mass and conducting religious cercmonies, and that in a
originallv returncd to West Africa in the course of trade, but fell into povcrty and
rn" Revnier, 'Ouidah', ,{4-6; Agbo, IIitoirt,200 'Les
scttledin Ouidah as a client of de Souza.r5') 03; Germain Kadja, conrmunait6s de basc de Ouidah', in
'Ihe
main concentration of lJrazilian settlement was in Mar<l quarter, wherc IUGIX)f , Lts l'itirs lt lu rtnaissurtw lc Ouiluh (C.acn,l9lt5), .5G7.
r t ' rR e . , n i e r , ' O u i d a h ' , 4 . j , 5 6 , 6 0 ; A g b o , / / r . v o i r r , l 9 u , 2 l 5 I 6 .
I ( ' rP P , S l r r e ' l ' r r t l c l l l . { 1 , ( - l i r s s A , c r s e o f ' t h c O r a t r l i o , p r p c r s o n
board include a lettcr from lsidoreJos6
ItrJoioJos6Reis,,Slaz'e RehellioninBrazil: Tfu lluslin Rtsingoll8.l5 tn llalar (l}altimore,199.1),220. N l l r q t r i s , l l a h i r . t r t - f o i o . ' \ t t t o n i o t l o l l c g o , r t O u i d a h , 6 S c p t . l l l 4 0 ; l ) o s S r n t o s c o r r c s p o n d e n c e ,n o . 6 4 [ 0
r 5 + G a v o 1 ' , ' N o t e h i s t o r i q u e '7 , 609R e y n i e r , ' O u i d a h ' , - 1 4 . ' l ' h c d a t e s g i v e n ( l l i 2 ( ) b r ' ( i al lrl o l 2rb, l R c r n i c r ) r r c r \ L r g .l t t . { 71 ,r c c o r t l i n l - lt l r t l r r r r s r r r i s s i o ror l ! i ( r 5s t r r t l i r n r l h l t i r t o ' N l r ) , J e l c s ' .
clcarlvspcculativc,and incorrcct.
" " S c c t h c l i t r r r i l rl r r r t i s tt t r t t r r ti,r r \ g l x t , I l r ' t , , n t , ) ) ( t 1
I i i l ) u n c , r n ,' l ' r u z ' e l s ,li3, l t , 1 8 5 , 2 0 1 - 2|;o r h c s ,l ) t h o n t t , , i i , J l 2 . r " ! S t e t h e \ i l l , r , , .l .r r r r r l r
t ) r . r \ ( r r . u u ( ,r l r r r l, . ' r l r
r 5 "I l o u c t ,i n N a r d i n , ' l , a r c p r i s ed c sr c l a l i o n s ' |, 2 0
l'\lrlr'l. " ' l ' i r r t l o l { r ' ( r , ,s c t t l r r 'l . r r r r l r l r , l r \ ( n . r r ( , r l ' r , 1. . ) , l i t t
r s t V e r g e r , O s l i h t r t o 6t ,l 5, w . 5i r h l c r t o l r r i l l l r r t l . t h t r t l , r u r r r e r r t s ,i l7l r r " " S . t t t r t t t l r rI.' , , r t t r t , trlt , ,l ) , t h ' , ' , t ,t .' 1 . . r 1 . . , , , , n t ( n r l r ' r , r \n r t l r r ' ,
t r r l ) r ' \ l o r r l r ' , , r r . ' 1 . t . ( . . r tpl e l t . t l r r r e lst ,
l r f l b i ( 1 . , . +5l.l l . u i t h t e r t oul i l l . l l l { , l i r r t r t r , ' l . r ' s l l r c r r l r t r r s . ,I .l l\{lrl r r , .l l t , r , ' t t , . . ' l t t
l ) . r l r , r r r rr tr rl ' l l r , l r rl ' r r r , r r r r l \ l l A'l r,(l\l') ..'
r ' " ' l \ t r t t t r . ' l . cl lsr t s i l i t r r sI 'I.I l ( l '
f , ' r 1 r , .l,).. t h " u t , | ' r i I l \ l ' r

l s lI I\I
 I)e Souza'sOuidah The Era of the Illegal Slave f'rade
wretched manner'. However, they acknowledged that they inherited from them a service which he conducted in the English f<rrt; he understood that they had
pre-existing Roman Catholic community in Ouidah, whose size they estimated at arrived two or three years earlier, i.e. c. 1840/1. Duncan in 1845 confirms the
600 persons.r68 presenceof a 'few families' from Sierra Leone, who had built 'a small town' on
Not all of the repatriateswere Christians, however.The 1835 rising in Bahia had land granted to them by the king of Dahomey; and Forbes in 1850 also refers to
involved specifically Muslim slavesand ex-slaves,and it must be presumed that Sierra Leonian immigrants in Ouidah, who publicly affirmed their status as
Muslims were especiallyprominent among those deported in its aftermath. Local Christiansby turning out on Sundays'in all their finery', although they did not,
tradition confirms that a section of the Brazilian settlers in Maro quarter were like the Brazilians, have a church to attend.ris However, this Sierra l,eonean
Muslims, though one story distinguishes the original settlers from the specifically community seemsto have disappearedby the mid-1850s (and is not recollectedin
Muslim element that arrived later.r6eThe name Maro applied to the quarter seems) local tradition); probably the Sierra Leonians in Ouidah had removed to Lagos
indeed, to reflect this Muslim element, since it was the name applied to quarters of after the establishmentof British influence there from 1852.
foreign Muslim merchants in towns in the interior north of Dahomey, notably
Nikki in Borgu. Forbes in 1849-50 noted that the Muslims had a mosque in
Ouidah.rT0Tradition identifies the earliest mosque in the town with one which still De Souza's Ouidah
exists in Maro quarter;r7rthe modern 'Great Mosque', also in Maro but further
east,is a twentieth-century establishment.The first imam of Ouidah, Baba Oloug- Local tradition credits de Souza with the transformation and extension of the
bon, was one of the returned slavesfrom Brazr|, although sometimesdescribedas a town: 'he cleaned Ouidah and had streets traced, his slavescleared the plots on
Hausa in origin, he was in fact from the Yoruba town of Ofa. Later imams were which he built the quarters of Br6sil, Qq6num, Maro, a part of Zomai and of
Hausa or Yoruba or from Borno and presumably also from within the Brazilian Docomri'.176 His activitiesled to a substantialextensionof the town, towards the
community. Thc sixth imam, Ahmidou Soumaila, who came to office r. 1883 (and south-west. When he returned to Ouidah, as noted earlier, despite his continuing
died in l9l4), was the son of aBrazllian repatriate, Soumaila, who was originally claim to be governor of the Portuguesefort, de Souza did not resume residencein
from Ibadan in Yorubaland, had redeemed himself from slavery in Brazil and then the fort but constructed a new house ofhis own: in the 1830she was reported to be
lived successivelyin Borno, Sierra Leone and Agou6 before settling in Ouidah, his living in'a well constructedmansion,erectedby himself'.r77This was evidentlyon
son Ahmidou, who becameimam, being born in Sierra Leone.r72The imamate thc site still occupied by the de Souza compound, on the south-west of the town.
aftcrwardsbccamc hcrcditary in his family. 'l'he
building was called Adiido, in common with the factories de Souza had
From the late 1830s,there was a parallel movement of re-emigration from the establishedearlierin Badagry and Little Popo;r78 it included a two-storeybuilding,
British colony of F-reetown,Sierra Leone, by former slavesliberated from illegal which was called, like the earlier European forts, Singbome,and was considered on
slaveships by the British navy, known as 'Saros'.r7rThese were also mainly Yoruba l par with the forts.lTeThis house became the centre of a quarter of the town,
in origin, but were distinguished from the Brazilians by language and religion, occupied to the present by the descendantsof de Souza and his free clients and
spcaking English rather than Portuguese and being mainly converts to Protestant sl:rves.The quarter was originally called 'Chacha' ward, but subsequentlybecame
versions of Christianity'.Although the principal early focus of Saro settlement was kn<lwnas Bl6zin, i.c. 'Brazil'.180 De Souzais also creditedwith the establishmentof
lladagry to the east (and, from there, Abeokuta in the interior), some repatriates tw'<r<rthcr quarters, situated to the west of Brazll quarter. One of these, imme-
liom Sierra Leone also settledin coastaltowns of modern B6nin. There is a 'Salo tliirtcly wcst of llrazil, was Maro, settled, as has been seen, by returned ex-slaves
lSar<ll'quarter, as well as four quarters populated by Brazilian repatriates,in lionr llrazil and dating probably fiom 1835. The other was Zomai, further west
.{gou6, for example.rT+ There was also somc Sicrra l,eonian settlementin Ouidah. rrgrrintiom Maro, which is still occupiedmainly by descendantsof slavesof the de
When the British missionary Freeman visited Ouidah in 1843, he disc<lvereda ,Souzrrlirmih'; this is srid to have bcen built by de Souza as a combined country
group of emigrants from Sierra Leone settled there, who attended a Christian rctlcilt itnd st<lrch<lusc filr grxlds.lslIn contemporary sources,the existenceof
' s o l r r cl r r r g cs t o r c s ' o nl h c \ r ' e s t c r n ' o u t s k i r t s ' oOf u i d a h b e l o n g i n gt o
r"n lforghero,./aarn u /, 15 d e S o u z a( a n d
120 April l tt6l l;'Rehtion', ibid., 252, 21J0.
" " ' ( i a v o l ' , ' N o t e h i s t o r i q u e ' , 6 6 , 7 0 . T h i s s t o r l c l a i m s t h a t t h c s e p e r 4 r l eh a t l o r i g i n r l l r b c c n s l a v e si n ( ) u i d a h . b u t
rverc sold ovcrsc:ts on suspicion of complicitv in r plottcd slrvr rcr olt: pcrhrps r grrblcd recollcct ion of' thc '
l r t c r r r , r r t . ' / , , u r t r l , J l ) , 1 ) r r r r t . r r t ,l r r i r l ' . t . ll7,lirrbes.I)rhonty,i,33,ll7 lll.AnotherallusiontoSierra
circunrstanccs o1-their expulsion fiom llrazil. I r ' o n t . r t r r i r r ( ) u r r l . r l r r r r r r l ' l l ( ) ,l f ( ) ! 1 . 1 / S l { hl i, t . t s t r . l o t t r n l l . 5 \trg. lll5l.
;" lirrrlrcs, l)thont1,, i, 31, l7(F 7. ' (
r.rror.'\ott l r r s t o r r r l r r r "f r. l
rir | )cscriberl in Sinott & \gbo, Ozala/r, 2'1.{ 5.
l l r t t r t l l r . . \ r ' i , a) , , r r r ' \ , r r r , , , r . I I { r
' t l l r r t t i c r , ' ( ) L r i t l r h ' , { {5 . \ l r r t r , ' l . l r r t l c s s r r r l ' l s l r r r r rl r) r h o r r r c r ' , 1 / 1 0 . -i 1 . 'llttrtt.rrrlrrstrrr,'rrir,l
rl(r'ntrrrl'r't.rt\\.rrrr\l'rlltttt,'n, llr"r,,a,t,{r-l
S t t t s l r . l c r r rl l e r s l o r i t s K o p r t o l l , l l ' r t l r , t t o l l o , l L r u '(
" r,rr,r, \'tr l r t r t , ' t t r l t t r ' l.r l . l l r r t t , r llr,,r,,r r.lr,
( \ l . t l r r o r r .l ( ) ( t ; ) t. l ) o u ( l rt l t r sr r , r r lr l , r t sr r o tr l t , r lr r r t l r ' 5 . r r , , ' \ ( l t l ( . n r (r .r nl tJ , . r r l " f , ' r l r r , l t , t h ' , n , r . r .l i l , l t l r . r , l r . r t , , x r ] l l r r r t , , r r l l r " r , , r r r t , l l \ 1 r r l r , . (l r , r , l r , r . , l, lt t , r z r l r . r lt ir, s n ' l
'\trr '\1r,, '(r.rr,,r
lr,,,lt l l r , r z r l r . r r. r' . '. t' , \ , , t r l r r , t , , r r , r r r t, , ' l , l , r r r r , r l l ' r , l r l ' 'll

lt r

De Souza'sOuidah
also including his billiard r<xrm) was first noted in 1U47,and the actual name
Tnmaiin 1u50.r82
In addition to thesc three quartersdircctly firundcd by de Souza,two othcrs, as
hirs bcen seen, werc founded br Afiican associatesof his, Boya and Qrcnum,
respectivelyto the north-west ancl south of his own Brazil quarter. ['-ivc of the
twelve qurrters of Ouidah were thus crcated bv de Souza or his associates.
-fogether
rvith Ganvd quarter, fbunded b1' his oldcr contemporarv Nicolas
d'Oliveira, half of the tclrvn'squarters represent crtensions in thc nineteenth
centur\; all to the wcst of its fbrmcr area.Ninetecnth-centurvOuidah was thus a
much iirrgertown than in the previouscenturv; Burton in the lll60s estimatedthat
it was two miles long (north-rvcstto suuth-east)bv half a mile in depth.rs'r1'he
physical expansion of the town was als<lmarkccl b,t-'thc cstablishmentof new
market centrcs. Although 7,obt in the east of the town rcmained thc principal
markct, Burton noted that thcre rvercnow also trvo markcts in the new sectionof
the town to the south-west:Adiido market, immcdiatelt' south of the de Souza
compound (in the arca nowadavsknown as the 'Placedu Chacha'),and an<lthcrin
Zomai quarter.rs+ The torvn u,aslargcr in population,as well as in extent. In 182-5,
shortlv after dc Souza's resettlcment in Ouidah, it rvas thought to bc 'not as
popuklus as it was somc years aElo',although no ligure \r'as suggcstetl.rEs But
estimatcsof the population in the mid-nineteenthccnturv suligesta signilicantly
larger p<lpulationthan in the eightccnth: in ltl,ll, it was alreldv reckoned to be
around 10,(X)0(seeTable 3.1). In thc 1U-50s it was even higher; but this pr<-rbabll
reflected the growth of klcal slaver\,,with thc cleclineof the slave tradc and its
replacemcntbv'legitimrtc'trade in palm producc,from the l8-10s.
This nineteenth-centurverpansion also changcd the demographic balanceof
'I'he
thc communitv b1' proportionatch' increasingthe lluropcan clement in it.
t c r m ' l , u r o p c a n ' o r ' u h i t e m a n L l , o z ' o l ' i n l < l c a lu s a g ci n c l u c l e cdl e s c c n d a n t o
s f-
L,uropeansbv African womcn such as N{adiki Lemon, hereditary'governor' of the
l,nglish lirrt in lll50, rvho lvas biologicallyonll'one-quarter'$hite'.r86Indeed, thc
term yot:owas constructedin cultural rather than racial terms, returned cx-slaves
from lJrazil or Sicrra Leone, although of' purelv African descent, being also
countcdas'white men', lvho thus enjoveclthe privileges<11'Europeans; for cxample,
rvhen cttcnding the king at the capital, thcl rvere excused f}om thc l)ahomian
practice<lf prostration and were permittcd merelv to boll'. In ellect, as the French
C a t h o l i c m i s s i o n i n t h c l t l 6 0 s n o t e c l ,t h c t e r m ' w h i t e m a n ' r v a s u s e d t o m e a n
' C h r i s t i a n ' . r 3T7h e ' E u r o p e a n ' c o m m u n i t y i n O u i c l a hi n t h i s p c r i o d a l s o b c c a m e ,
predominantl_r., spccificallr,'Brazilian'. In purell c<lmmercirltcrrns, in the pcriod
of thc illegal traclc, Ilrazilian influcncc becamc orcrwhelming-l-rdccisirc, rs the
slavc trade to Brazil continued whilc that of l'\'irnceand lJritlin uas climinated:
l s r R i t l g u r r , ' J < r r r r n r l ' , I 9 ( r ; l , i r l h c . . I ) t h on t
l ' ,i . I l 1 .
r"' llrrrton. .llrriraz. i. (r0.
r ' 1 l b r ( 1 . i.. + ( ) . l l | 7
r" I'll(), \l)\lii/l l . ( L r I P t r t , r r rl .r r r r r r r .lr6l , \ , , r I , \ l i
'" rrrlrr...
f l ) , t l t ' , r t t t l , t. , I l t )
'
l l r r r .l r . ' 1 .l l , ' r l l r r, , , l , l l, . r t r , , rtrt ' l , ' t t t ,t ti . ' , 1
'Ihc
Era of the Illegal Slave Trade
although from the 1820s Spanish Cuba rivalled Brazll as a destination for slaves
exported, this trade was largelv handled on the West African coast by established
Brazilian merchants,including de Souza himself. The relative prosperity of the
Brazilian section of the town was notcd by Duncan in 1845: 'the Portuguese[sic]
part of Whvdah excels,in every senseof the word, both the English and French .. .
[they] live in comfort and plcnty; and occupy good and well-furnished houses'.r88
The pre-eminence of the Brazilian commercial presence also resulted in the
attraction of personsfrom the existing 'European' quarters into the serviceof de
Souza and other Brazilian traders.The caseof Antonio Dossou-Xrvo,originally
from the 'English' quarter of Sogbadjibut recruited as an interpreter to de Souza,
was noted abovc. I-ikewise Duncan observed that, despite thc reoccupation of thc
French fort by the firm of R6gis since 1842,only'some few'of'the inhabitantsof
Ahouandiigohad attachedthcmselvesto it, the people having'chiefly turned ovcr
to the Portuguese';and Forbes in 1850 found that Gnahoui, the king's official
intcrpreter for the English language, actually spoke Portuguese better than
English.rs'r
In fact, the term 'Brazilians',although readily acknowledgedrerrospectively'by
the present-daydescendantsof immigrants from Brazil, is highly problematic,and
the term 'Afro-Brazilians' favourcd by historians even more so. Objectively',the
'Brazilian'
community in Ouidah was not exclusivelyderived from Brazil, but
included pcrsons from Portuguese territories all around the Atlantic, including
N,Iadeira, Sio Tom6 and Angola;r')0 and in the long run it alsoabsorbcdelementsof
non-Lusophone origin, such as thc Spanish-Cuban Zangronis and the Afro-
French d'Oliveira families.Others who came to be consideredas Brazilianswere in
fact Africans who had never been to Brazil but had assimilatedBrazilian culture in
Africa, for erample, Pedr<lF'elix d'Almeida, founder of a tamily in Ganvd quarter,
rvho was originally fiom Little Popo but brought up in de S<luza'shouseholdin
C)uidah, rvherc he lcarnecl to read and write Portuguese.r')r Subjectivelv;these
pcople did not, in the nincteenth centur); necessarilyor even generallyidentifv
themselvesas 'Brazilian'; even somc of thosc whosc origins were geographically
liom llrazil continuedrftcr llrazilian independencein 1822to regard themselvesas
I)<lrtugucse nrti<lnals,including de Souza himself, as noted earlier.Contemporary
sourcesnrorc ofien rcf-crt0 the community as 'Portuguese'than as 'Brazilian', and
this r.rsagc probirblvreflcctsthe self-identificationof thosc concerned.Likewise,the
indigcnousl)ahon.riantcrm 'Agudir' in thc ninetccnth century meant 'Portuguese'
(inclucling llrirzilians),rirthcr than 'Brazilians' (as distinct from Portupquesc), and
t t o l r o t l ri u t h c t t i t r c t c c n t hc c r t t u r r ,o f ' c o u r s e ,r v o u l dh a v ec a l l e dt h c m s e l v e s ' A f r o -
Iir:rziIiirns'.
'l'ht'
l ) o r t r r u t r c s lcJ l r r z r l i i utt' o t t t r t r r r r r i it r r t h c n i n e t e c n t hc c n t u r y s a w i t s e l f a s
l r t ' l o n g i r t ql ( ) i r l r : l n s \ t l : r r r t i t t ' o r r r r r r r t t i t rr,r r i r i l r l i r i n i r rsgo c i r r l: r s w c l l i r s p u r e l v
l l r r t t , . r t r/ .' r , / . I li'l
l l r r , l r . l l l l l , , r l ' , . . 1 ) , t l t , , " tt , t t l . '
llr, \l'rrt,lr'.,,,,,1,,rrrrrrll\,lr l r r r r r r r r r l l ' , , , , ' r , ( l l . i l t r r l r . t r ( \ r t \ r ) | ! i l t \ r r r S . r r , ' l o i l t ( . . [ l ( lt l ] ( .
"rl'I
l , ' r , l r r r r Lr r r r r r l r , , ll l , , r r . . . rr rr r r ,t , , \ r r ' , , 1 r l i , \ r , I I ) r r , l r l r l l l , \
lLrrrr,r l,.lt,,.rli,r. lll\,1,,,,', | |,",
 De Souza'sOuidah The Era of the Illegal Slave Trade

businesslinks with Brazrl. Some members of it travelled backwards and forwards Christians, who 'live exactly like pagans for the most part', practising polygamy
between Africa and America on trading voyages,or returned to Brazil after periods and a syncretistic religion, 'a monstrous amalgam of paganism, Christian practices,
of residencein Africa, and even when such persons settled definitively in Africa, and fetishist superstitions'. But this in no way compromised the central importance
they commonly maintained family and other social ties with Brazil, and sometimes of Roman Catholic baptism as a marker of communal identity; as the French
maintained householdson both sides of the Atlantic.re2De Souza sent his sons missionaries noted, also with disapproval, even Brazilian repatriatcs who were
Isidoro and Antonio Kokou overseasfor education, the former to Brazil and the Muslim participated in rites of baptism.re8Along with Catholic Christianitl', the
latter to Portugal, and Antonio in turn had two of his sons educatedin Brazil, from Portuguese-Braziliancommunity also retained associatedceremoniesthat continue
where they returned to Ouidah in 1851.'erThe leading llrazrlian merchant of the to be practised in Ouidah today, notably the masqueradecalled burian, at which
following generation, Domingos Jos6 Martins, when he embarked from Brazil to songs in Portuguese are still sung,re"and they maintained distinctive food habits
settle definitively in Africa in 1845 (initially at Porto-Novo, rather than Ouidah), derived from Brazil, which likewise survive to the present.200They wcre also
'mulattoes'
left a number of his children there in the care of friends, though his eldest son distinguished by their European-styledress:in Dahomian tradition, the
and rcturncd former slavesare distinguished as 'the men in jackets'; the Portu-
Rafael Domingos Martins later joined his father at Ouidah; and he continued to
own property in Bahia, about whose maintenance and renting he corresponded gueseequivalent, aestidos,was also used of them.20l
with his business partner there, the leading banker Joaquim Pereira Marinho, The Portuguese-Braziliancommunity was associatedwith a range of craft skills
although by the time of his death in Africa in 1864 it had fallen into neglect.re+ that made a significant contribution to the life and fabric of Ouidah. There was an
Another Brazllian merchant resident in Ouidah, Jos6 Francisco dos Santos, also influx of craftsmen from Brazil into West Africa, not only with skills of direct
maintained family links with the h<lmeland, as documented in his surviving relevance to trade (such as coopers), but to serve the tastes of the Portuguese-
correspondence:in the 1840sboth his mother and his young son, Jacinto da Costa Brazilian community more generally.Jos6 Francisco dos Santos,for example, prior
Santos,were still in Bahia, and the correspondencerefers to arrangementsfor their t<l becoming a merchant, is said to have worked as a tailor, in the service of the dc
maintenanceand for the son's baptism, while by the 1860sthe son Jacinto was living Souza family; and he kept the surname Alfaiate, 'The Tailor', in later life.202In the
with his father in Ouidah, but the mother was still in Bahia, and Jacinto travelled to long run, Brazllian influence was especially significant in the sphere of archi-
Brazil to visit her in 1863. The dos Santos correspondencealso documents the tecture. In recent times, Ouidah, in common with other coastaltowns in the region,
supply of everydaygoods and servicesacrossthe Atlantic: in 1862, for example, he has been marked by Brazilian influence on the architectural style of its wealthiest
sent his watch to Bahia for rcpair and his spectaclesto be set in gold frames. He hnuses, this 'Afro-Brazlhan' style being distinguished by shuttercd windows,
followed events in Brazil, expressingproperly patriotic sentiments concerning the ornate mouldings, colonnades and verandahs.203 Most of the 'Afro-Brazilian'
war againstParaguayin 1865.re5 Likewise F'ranciscoRodriguesda Silva,born into a housesvisible in Ouidah today appear to have been built in the twentieth century,
Brazilian family in Ouidah in 1844, was sent to Bahia for educationin 1856,and what is commonly consideredthe finest example of this style in the town, although
later spent periods in Portugal and after 1865in l,agos, where he learnt English.re6 n<rw sadly dilapidated, the Villa Adjavon, for example, bearing the date 1922.201
'l'he
The identity of the 'Brazilian' community was defined aboveall by its use of the origins of this style, however,certainly date back into thc nineteenth century.
Portuguese language, although this spread even beyond those of Portuguese- It is not clear whcther de Souza's'Singbome' was built in Brazilian style, and
Brazilian origin, being now widely spoken by indigenous Dahomians. The French liorbes'sdescriptionof it in 1850as'a large ill-built erectionof no particular form'
Roman Catholic mission, which arrived in the 1860sfound itself obliged to preach sugliests not; but lJurton in 1863 notcd that some of the associatedtenements,
and teach in Portuguese,in order to communicate with its congregation; when this pcrhapsaddcd later, wcrc built 'in the south of Europe style'.20s Although the de
practice was queried by its parent body in France, it pointed out that there were Souzahousc was initially uniquc, in time others also built F-uropean-style houses.
only six persons in Ouidah who spoke French, as against 3,000 who spoke Portu- l'irrbcs noteclthat dc Souza'sson Antonio Kokou had a 'Chinese-builthouse', in
guese.reT In addition to language,the Portuguese-Braziliancommunity was defined rrhich hc rcccivcclvisiturs, u'hilc Madiki Lemon of Sogbadji had recently built a
by religion, by its allegiance to the Roman Catholic church. The F'rench '"flrrrghtro,./rarnrl,16l2l.\prilllt6ll;'l)ocumentsctconsirl6rationsg6neralcs'(1863),ihid.,285.

missionariesin the 1860sregardedthem, the descendants of 'whites' such as the de '''

l { . r rl r i r f r r. \ r r r i r l t S o r r z r .
'l.r
t l i r r r s cd t ' l r r r r e n r o i r c :l c h u r i l , a n ' , i n A d a n d i ' , O u i l u h t i t r a z v r s s e s . t ' i r c s , 4 36 3 .
''
Souzas as well as the African-born returned ex-slaves,as no morc than nominal I ) ( S r ) u / i r l, t I t u r l l L , l t , \ ' " r i - : i r ,l ( 1 5 ( r
'Pottr
l f . r z o r r r r t , L L I ' t , t t , l L ' , r r t r 1 ,\ l , l o r t l r t t ( r n r i r ' \ / / , / / / \ .s t t l , r r r r r r l r r r r c K
l rrl ,\ugLrst, unc politiquc de
r"2Law&Mann,'WcstAfricaintheAtlanticcommunitr'',329 3 2 ; L r r u , ' l ) o r t o f - O u i r l a h ' , . 1 5 96 1 .
r t r l r c r r l r tl r r s l o r r r l r r c r r r r ( ) r r r r l . r l r t t s . r r r ' ! i r r r r r ' . r r l t ( li .l tXr l l, ,' t L " l r l t r r r u i s v n L t r l L O u i l t h . Z ( l - 2 .
I')r I)e Souza, 'Contribution', lfl; dc Souza, I.u l"ami/h lt .\rtu:r, -12, 5(); l)RO, l''()ll-l/lJlJ('. linscr,.loLtrnrl, .j0
| ) r 5 r r t t z , t|. , t l , t n r l l , , / , . \ , , 4 , r : l i
Julv l8-51. \l,f.r( r t t r l r . r i\(l ( , l . r ( t t r l r . r /. , , , r , t\ l t , ' ( ) r t , t t t , t , t ' l , , t t t I 1 , , u , , ' l l r t : t l t t r rt, hrttr ltrtc ttt.\iqtrrr rul thL
L r V c r g c r , l l u t t t r t f l u s , ' 1 7 1 l , u i t h t c r t o l ' u i l l . . 1 t l . 1 5 ; l i r r t h e s o r rI { r l i e l , s t t l l t t r l r t t t , l l t " r r a . i , 7 . 1 ' l
l ' , " 7 1 , ' I i , 1 ' r ' / , 1 r' , 1 l l , r r r l \ . t ' , l'.rrrl,' l'/\ 't
l " i I ) o s S r n t o s c o r r c s p o t t t l c n t c ,y ' r r r r r l r .
'
| ) r . . ,r r l ' r , l . r r r , rl l l r r , . t r . r t r r, rl r \ r r r , , r r\ \f1,,, I tn,.ith |r \l
r " ' ' R r x f r i g r r c s t [ S i l r r & ( . l r r i s t o p l r r ' , 1 . r S li ll tr ,. tr,,, t t t , 1l ,r l r n r l l , l ] ' , , l t t y r r , , , / , r . \ ' r l r , r ( ( o t r r Ir 'r)o( r, r. 1
. ),Ii
l , t l r ' , . 1 ) t l t , " ' t ,r r l l l , t , l l r r r t , , r r1 1 , , . , , I ll)i
' " I t t r n e r . ' l , e sl l r t s i l i t t r ' ' , l l ) i

lli(r
t\,
 De Souza'sOuidah
'white man's house',
with two verandahs,which Forbcs rented from him. D<lmingos
Martins also had a house in Ouidah by 11150,which Forbes considcred 'the best
building in the town'; as described by Burton later, this had a tiled roof and was
built in part in two storeys.206 In 1871 another prominent Brazilian tradeq
F'ranciscoJos6 de Medeiros, was building 'an extensive country-house' on the
outskirts of Ouidah, to the north-west, which was expected,if completed,to be
F#r
'the finest building between
'Chinese' house was
Sierra Lcone and f,agos'.207Antonio de Souza's
evidently imp<lrted prefabricated, but other buildings were
TheEra of Transition
constructed locally. In 1841, l,uis Xavier de Jesussent three slavesto Bahia to be From Slaaesto Palm Oil
trained as masons, and in 1864 a returned freedman from Brazil, Damilo
d'Oliveira (unrelated to the Afro-French d'Oliveira family) had the reputation of 1840-57
being'the best masonat Whydah'.2{)8
De Souza's Ouidah was also marked by the strength of Yoruba cultural
influence.The Catholic missionin the 1860slisted 'Nago' (i.e. Yoruba),along with
Fon ('[)ahomian') and Portuguese,as the languagesusually spoken in Ouidah. The
prominence of Yoruba was in part due to the number of returned slavesfrom Brazil,
who were mainly Yoruba in origin and who continued to speak their ancestral In contrastto the obscurity of the history of Ouidah during the first four decadcs
African language,as well as Portuguese.2()e But it also reflected an influx of Yoruba of the nineteenth centur)', a relative abundance of documentation becomes
slavesdirectly from the interior, deriving from the successfulexpansionistwars of availablefrom the 1840sonwards. Principalh., this comes from a seriesof foreign,
Gezo and his successorGlele (1858-89). f'he build-up of the population of mainly British, visitors,who left cxtcndcd accounts,beginning with the missionary
enslavedYoruba, and consequentYoruba cultural influence, has been noted as an Thomas Birch Freemanin 1843and including the explorerJohn Duncan in l8'15.
important development in this period in Dahomey generally.2r0 It certainly applied In addition, by the 18,10sBritish and French merchantswere cngagedin trade in
to Ouidah, where many families of Yoruba origin descend from slavesintroduced palm oil at Ouidah, some records of whose activities are preserved.This u'as
in the nineteenth century. One prominent example is the Alapini family of Zomai firllowed by the involvcment in Dahomian affairs of European governments,
quarter, whose founding ancestor was a slave sold to the first Chacha; the promi- beginning rvith Portugal, which reoccupied its fort in Ouidah in 18'14.British
nent local historian (and fbrmer curator of the Historical Museum) Justin Fakambi negotiationswith the Dahomian authoritiesfor the ending of thc slavctrade from
is likewise descendedfrom a Ytrruba slavepurchasedby the first Chacha'sson Lincr ltl47 involved a series of missions that passedthrough Ouidah and thc mainte-
Felix de Souzaand employedby him as a tailor.2rr nancc of a vicc-consulatein the town in 1849 and l85l-2; besidesthe official
rccords ofthcse contacts,one ofthose involvcd, the naval officer Frederick Forbes,
106Frrrbcs,Duhone.y,i, l0ll, 129,tsurton,Missin,i,72. published a lengthy' account of his experiencesin three visits to Ouidah in
r(" Skertchll',l)a honrcyAs It 1s,67. ll3'+9-50. The French government, responding to the perceived threat of prc-
r 0 8l - e t t c r o fA n t 6 n i o X a v i e r d e J e s u s , B a h i r , t o L u i s X a r i c r d c J c s u s , 3 0 1A8u4g1 , i n \ r e r g cO
r ,s l i h r t o s l, j 2 ; crnption by thc British, also negotiatedwith Dahomey for commercialprivileges,
Burton,,l4miaz, i, 75, n. bcginning with a trcaty in 1851and continuing in further diplomatic missionsin
20q l)<rrghcro,Jar r nul, 48 ll(l Mrl l ti6l l;'Rclation', ibid., 2-5I. lfl.5(rrnd lll-5ti.In adclition,a British Methodist mission operatedin Ouidah from
)tt'Bav,I4lit'es
of theLeopurd,187 92. llJ-5-1, rvhich, although a fiilure in terms of its own agenda of evangelization,
rrr Reynier,'Ouidah', 56; fieldwork,Justinfrakambi,3 l)ec. 2001.
nc\crthelcss pnx'idcs uscful documentation of its interactions with the local
'l'hcrc
t'orrrnrunitr. is also an unprcccdentedli'dctailedlocal sourcefor this period,
irr thc corresporrdcnce ol'the l}'irzilian trirder Jos6 Francisco dos Santos,which
s t r r r i v c sl i r r t h c r c i r r s l l ' i + + 7 . ' l ' h c p r r p c r so l ' t h c L r n v s o nf a m i l y o f L , i t t l eP o p o t o
t ht rct p c r i o t l l f t 4 3 - 5 3 , w h i c h m a k e s
t l t t ' u c s t l i k c r r i s ei l r t l r r t l t ' t ' o r r t ' s l t o t t t l t ' t t r ' t ' l l ' o
I t ' t ' t ; t t c t tl tl ' l t ' r t ' t t t t t' o l i r r k sl o ( ) t r i t l : t l r . I
l l t ' s i t l t sl r c i r r gl t l . r t r r t l r s t l l r l o t r r r r r t ' r r t t t rl .l r t ' l l i - l 0 s : r n t l l l J . 5 0 sa l s o c o n r p r i s ca
, r ' i t i , ; r lp t ' r r o t lo l l r . r r r : r l r { r rnn t l r . l r r . t , , r r o l ( ) t r i t l r r l rr,v i t h t l r e t l c c l i l r co f ' t h e
\ , l . r r r r1 , , r r , . .1. r r r l r l ' , ' l ' , , . r ' r , \l r , , , ' , r r t l r , , r , 1 , ' l t l r , \ t l . r r r t r \, l , r r , l t . r l , r i l r t r l ' ' , ' l t r r r r rt l r r ' l . , t r r s o t t
, , , r r , . 1 ' , , r r , l , r r ,r ,, l , , t l r , r . , ' , r " , ' 1 , , . , , , , 1 " r r r , \ r , , , ll t' , ' t t , " l t h ,\ l r . ' 1 , , t . 1 , . 1 . 'r. t'

lss
 The Era of Transition
Atlantic slave trade and the rise of an alternative export trade in palm oil.2 This
transition posed both difficulties and opportunities for the Ouidah merchant
community, and was linked both to increasing tensions in its relationship with the
Dahomian monarchy and to the beginnings of the decline of Ouidah from its status
as the leading'port' in the region.
Theslaaetradein dfficulty:
0f theEquipment
consequences Act oJ'1839
After flourishing through the 1820sand 1830s,the slavetrade at Ouidah began to
run into difficulties in the 1840s.A principal factor in this was a technical legal
change: Lord Palmerston's Equipment Act of 1839, by which Britain assumed a
right to arrest Portuguesc slave ships, even if they had no slaveson board, and
under pressure of which P<lrtugalfinally accepteda treaty conceding the right to
arrest ships equipped for the slave trade in 1842. This not only curbed illegal
slaving by Portuguese ships, but also ended the abuse of the Portuguese flag by
ships of other nationalities. Merchants involved in the slave trade, both in Brazil
and on the African coast, quickly recognized thc threat this representedto their
operations. In October 1839, a trader in Bahia wrote to a colleagueat Ouidah to
'all
warn him that Portugal had concluded a treaty with Britain under which
vesselsthat shall hereafter be found on the coast of Africa under the Portuguese
flag will be taken as pirates'. At Ouidah itself, someone on shore wrote to the
captain of a Portugueseship thcre to convey the news that'to windward [rvest]they
are taking all vessels with Portuguese colours, under a new Treaty which has
recently come out from London'.r Although the references to a treaty were in-
accurate (since the change was initially imposed by unilateral British action), the
assessmentof the difficulties that were posed was sound. A fcw years later, Britain
also responded to the reluctance of Brazil to extend its concessionof the right of
search (which was now due to expire) by a sccond unilateral initiative, I-ord
Aberdeen'sAct of 1845,which assumedthe right to arrest Brazilian ships also.
The enhanced powers the British navy thus acquired to deal with illegal slave
ships were combined with a more aggressivepolicy towards the basesof thc trade
'barracoons' at the River
on the African coast, beginning with the dcstruction of
Gallinas, in Sierra Leone, in 1840.There was some reflcction of this in the caseof
Ouidah also.In October l84l a British warship at Ouidah, finding that warning of
its presencehad been communicated to an approaching slaver bv signals from a
flagstaff at the beach belonging to de Souza, fired <ln thc flagstaff to forcc the
lowering of the signal, the first of a number <lf'nlvll b<lmblrclnrcnts<lf thc town
2 F o r t h i s t r a n s i t i o n a s i t a f l ' c c t c dt h c I ) a h o n r i a n n r o n l r c h r , s c e e s p . l l c i t l , ' \ \ i r r r i o r r r i s l o ( r x t s i n c r i s i s ' ; r n t l
'l
more generally Robin Lau' (ctl.), Itntnt .\lttt rt,i lt)
Nimtttnth Lottury Ilt't! . l/iair ((.rnrlrritlgc, l()()5)
t
l ' 1 1S l r r c ' l ' r a d el l J " l ( ) , ( , l r s\s, r r o . l l 7 , t : r s c o l t l r e. \ i , , r , , / , i ,//i,/ r r . l t t t r r , l ( . ; t t l o s , l l S o t t z . t l . o l x ul ,l r t l t i r t ,
l o j \ l r r r o t f- l o z i ' l i i r c i r . r , \ j r r r l . rl ( ) r r r t l . r l rll{,l ( ) ( t l l ' t i ' , .n o l r , r . r r c o l t l r t f t , l I l r l , l r u r ,l c t t c t o l . t t t
t r r r i r lnt t i l i e r lt ) (r \ ( ) n . r l ( ) r r r t l . r l trr. , \ t t l , , t t t , ,( . t t ' , ' .t t r l
The Era of Transition
that were to occur during the course of the nineteenth century.aThe incident made
a deep impression in Ouidah, wherc it was long remembered: thirteen years later
Gezo cited the bombardment in his negotiations with the British, claiming that it
had killed eight peopleand demandingan inquiry into the case;and in the 1860sit
was reported that a cannon-ball from it was preservedand venerated as a 'fetish' in
Ouidah.s
Although the effectivenessof naval action against the illegal slave trade in the
long term is questionable,in the short term at least the new policy had a significant
impact on trade at Ouidah. When the British Parliamentary Select Committee on
the West Coast of Africa reviewed the state of the slavetrade in 1842,severalof the
witnessessuggestedthat the trade at Ouidah had been significantly reduced. Of
two British naval officers of the anti-slavetrade squadron, one opined that the slave
trade at Ouidah and other ports of the Bight of Benin was 'comparatively at an
end', the Equipment Act having'knocked the thing up completely';and the other
that the trade at Ouidah had within the last two years been 'much reduced' and
'very much broken up', mainly in
consequenceof the Act.6 In further corrobora-
tion, one witness reported that in consequenceof this disruption of trade slaves
had become 'very cheap'; discrepant testimony was given on current prices at
Ouidah, eithcr around {Gl0 ($28-46) or 34 doubloons ($48-64), but both were
well below the levelsof the 1830s.7
The evidence given to the Committee, however, also detailed the strategies
slave-traderswere adopting in responseto the Equipment Act. The basic practical
difference which the Act made was that slaverscould no longer safely trade along
the coast prior to taking on slaves,for example to purchase goods and provisions
and to hire canoeson the Gold Coast, but now had to procced direct to Ouidah,
and, at Ouidah itself, they could no longer stand off shore while slavecargoeswere
assembled,but had to minimize their length of stay there. One new tactic reported
in evidenceto the Committec was to separatethe outward and inward voyages;one
ship would deliver the outward cargo and would not be identifiable as a slaver,
while a second would come later to collect the slavesthat had already been paid
filr.EA subsequentrefinement was for the ship employed for the return voyagieto
bc purchased locally in West Africa. Duncan refers to a shipment of slavesfrom
Ouidah in 1845 in a US ship that had been bought by local slave-tradersand
manned from the crcws of slaverswho had been put on shore after the interception
of'their ships by thc British navy.and observedthat such selling of ships in Africa
lirr usc in thc slavetrade had latelv become'a favouriteplan with the Yankees'.e
Alternativcly',as thc ltl42 (.ommittec was also informed, the slaveship might
c:rrry spccic,in thc lirrnr ot'silvcr clollarsand gold doubloons,rather than goods;
'l'l',
l l l . l l S e l e c l ( r r r r r t r r r t t t r ' , \ l i r r r r t els. o
r ilt l c r r c t , \ l + 5 ( ) 6 l , l l c n r v l l r o r d h c r d ; \ 3 9 7 6 , R e g i n a l d l . c v i n g e ;
'lr!lu,ttlr' \ p p c r r r l i r \ o i , l l r ' 1 r r r t o lI l t r \ l . r 1 r ' r t r ' s ( . , , r r r r r i s s i o r rltnr tol lt r i r r , . l l - l r r llrl t 4 l , p p . 2 - 5 7 .
(,ttrrttrttrtr;
l ' l ' . S l . r r r " l i . r r l c l S i l i . ( l . r s r l l . r ' r ( . ) u r n , ' . ' l . k r n t i r r l l ) . r l r r r t t t t l.f i \ o r l l l 5 . l ,I l r r r t o r r l, l r r y o n , i , l ( ) 3 .
l ' l ' . l S . l . '\ r ' l l r t ( r r r r r r r r t t r r , l \ . ' r l r , . ' l \ Sl.l r r r r r l l r o . r r l l r t . . ri (r l l. r . li . l . ( c N r r r . lr.l ct lr i r r g c
l l r t r l. \ i l r ' l , l r . l r . r r r r t . , \ r r . r r z rr r , l . r l ' 1 ,' I
'
l ' l ' . l S l . ' \ r l r r t ( l r r r r r r r t t ,\ i. ' l \ ( t t , l l r r r r r l l r , , . r , l l r , . r , l
l)uli.tl /'/,/" r .'lX)
l(){l l',I
 'l'hc 'l'ransition
The Era of Transition L , r ao f

the ship would purchaseits slaveswith cash from a factor basedon shore,the latter response to the new conditions fbllolr'ing thc 1839 Act. A naval officer told the
using the money to purchase goods fiom other shipping, which wcre then used to lll42 Committee that, givcn thc facility of communicationalong the lagoon,it was
buy further slavesfrom the interior.r0The importance of cash in the illegal trade in uselessto blockadeOuidah without also blockadingthe coast for 20 miles either
this period is illustrated in thc dos Santos correspondence:in May 1845, for side of it, which was practically'impossible.r{The practiceremaincdstandardlatcr:
example, when Brazilian tobacco was out of demand, he asked for payment from in 1848, for example, it was observed that it w'as'frequent practicc to convcv
Bahiato be madc instead'in coin, patacons[Braziliansilver coins],Mexican ounces [slaves]b-t-the lagoon, either to the eastward [.sic:= westward.l,as Littlc Popo, or
[i.e. doubloons]or pesos[dollars],I don't carewhich'; in December 1845,he asked the westward [= eastward],as Porto Nuovo'; likewise,Forbes explaincd in 1849
'money of that'fiom the numbersof slave-merchants residingat Whydah, that port is strictll
for the proceedsof slavessold in Bahia on his account to be remitted in
whateversort except Spanishounces';in l)ecember 1846he requestedpayment in watchedb1' thc cruizers ... [but] by meansof the lagoon the slavescan be shipped
'Mexican ounces',in F'cbruarv1847, 'in any'sort of coin (gold or silver)', and in at either Porto Novo &c., to the eastward, or Popoe, &c. to the rvestward, with
September 1847 in 'silver pesos'.rrConsiderableuse was also made o[ letters <lf much grcatcr safet\".ls
credit. Dos Santos during 1816-7 recorded drawing severalbills againstmerchants In this dispersalof slaveshipments fi<lm C)uidah,a leading role was taken by
'l'he
of Bahia, in payment both for slavesand for goods which he purchased locally.r2 Francisco Felix de Souza. first major instance of the policy was his re-
The advantagcboth ofseparatingthe deliveryofgoods from the collectionofslaves establishmentof links with Little Popo,to the wcst. After scvcralycars' ncglect of
and of paying in spccie rathcr than goods was to acceleratethe turn-round of the this connection,he scnt his cldest son Isidoro to reoccup) his fbrmer f'actoryat
ship and thus minimizc thc danger of interception by the British navy'.It may be, Adjido, Littlc Popo; accordingto family'tradition, this was in 1840,rt'andthis is
indeed,that the decline of the slavetrade at Ouidah that witnesscsreported to the consistentwith thc contcmporary record, in which Isidoro's presenceat Popo is
Committee was to some degree illusory; although fewer slave vesselswere visiblc, likewisefirst attestedin that year.rTThe opening of the new port of Cotonou, on
'I'here
this was partly becausethey now spent only a vcry little time in port. the southern shore <lf l-ake Nokou6 to thc cast,also bclongs to this period.
A further innovation of this period probably connectedwith the Equipment Act was alreadl''a scttlcmcnt at Cotonou in the eighteenthcentury;which is mentioned
was the extension of cultir,ation around Ouidah. Whereas carlicr visitors had incidentally in 1787,but it was not then a centre for l,uropean trade.rsTradition
emphasizedthe limited extent of farming in its immediate hinterland, Duncan in gencrallvcredits the firundationof Cotonou to de Souza, u'hoseassociationwith
1845found that the country around the town was'in many caseswell cultivated'to the new port is confirmed bv a phrasein his praisc-name,which dcscribeshim as
a distancc of 10-12 milcs, much of this cultivation being undertaken by ex-slaves embarking slavcs'quickly',in a singlc day; at (xrtonou'.r" Gezcl is said to have
returned from Brazil. He also heard that the Y<rvoganhad reccntly issued orders opened thc new port on thc advice of de Souza, who was seekingan altcrnative
that 'all the spare land in and around the town Griwhee lGlehue] ... should be point of' cmbarkation for slaves,less I'amiliar to and thcrcfilre less subject to
cultivatcdand planted with corn, or some other useful vegetables'. The chief crops harassmentb1.the British navy than Ouidah; this account also links his associate
'Sangronio', i.e. the Cuban
raised on these farms were maize and cassava,of which the latter at least was used Juan Zangronis (d. 1t343),u'ith thc vcnture.z0'l'he
'fhe
mainh' to subsist slavesawaiting shipment and to provision slave ships.rr implied date seemsto bc, hcrc agiain,in the pcriod following the L,quipmentAct of
'equipment' 1839,and this is supportcd bv the fact that in c()ntemporarvsourcesthc carlicst
stimulus for this development u'as probabll' that frrr the slavc trade as
defined in the 1839 Act includcd the holding on board of'lbod in cxccssof the allusionto trade at (lltonou seemsto be in the evidenceof'a British navalofliccr to
nccds of the crew, so that it now bccame dangerousfbr ships to take on provisions the ltl42 f,ommittee, who observedthat sl:rves\l.eresent from Ouidah for shipmcnt
in advanceof embarking the slaves;whereascarlicr, therefirre, ;rrovisionshad often insteadat lrkpe ('Apce');rrthis probablyalludcsnot to thc Ekpd that had servedas a
been purchasedclsewhereon the coast,where thcv wcrc gcnerally'cheaper than at
I ' PP, I lJ+z Sclcct (irmmittcc,
Ouidah, now it made senseto take them in togcthcr with thc slavesat Ouidah itself. \ .19!X>7, Rcginaltl | ,o inge.
I ' l ) l ' : \ l i s s i o n s t o ' \ s h a n t c e r n d I ) i r h o m e l , ( l r u i c k s h a n k R c p o r t , l 6 ; S l a r c ' I ' r a t l c l 1 ' t - + 9. 5 0 ,
enc. l0 in no.9:
In addition to expediting the turn-round of ships, a firrther mcans of evading
l'irrbcs. 5 \or. lll-l().
the attention of the lJritish squadron w:ls to send slaves fiom Ouidah along thc r" (;1.1..\lenrrrlntlrrnrol
-frrtlgcrrrcntirrlhccrscol-Kcinrcrsus(.hicod'Almeitll,LittlcPopo,2\larchlll93;
lagoon for embarkation from lcsser ports to the west ancl east. Alth<lugh this tactic tlc Sottzr. lt llurlfu ,h .\','rt:.r.1).
had been practised alrcadl'in the lti2Os and llt30s, it bccamc morc rcgullr in l ) l ' , S l . r r c l l ; r r l c l l i ' l ( 1 .( . l ; r s r \ , r r o . l i 5 . t . r s c o l r l x l ' h t t . l h i s s h i p , d i s p a t c h e d f i o n r ( l u h r i n N ' l a l l [ J - [ 0 ,u r s
r" PP, l8+2 Sclcct (irmmittee, 602 .1,7J5 45, lfrancis Srrnzr. i t t s t r t r r t t t lr r r l t l i r t r i l s r . r r r i o . rl t' r ) l ) r , l r l l \ \ " o t l r t r r u t t t l r . r r t l s o r i r t t h c i r r l l s c n c c t o ' N I r l ' z i d o r l f c l i z S o u z
\ '
rr l)os Santoscorrcsponclencen \ f i r r l o t l r r r . l ) t h " r r t t t , l l r \ . n r l l r t r r l l . r q r , , 1 ( . o t o r r \ ' r r t s r r r c r r t i o n c t al s r p o s s i b l c s i t e f i ) r l h c
, o s ( ) , 2 . 5 ,+ 1 , . 5 - 1 . 7 11 2 5 \ l r r a n t l . 1 0l ) c c . l l i ' + 5 , - Z l lI ) e c . l f i { ( r , l ( ) l f c b . r n d l ( ,
tsl.rlrlrrlrnrtrrlrrl.rlrrrr,l,r.lrl.rt,l,rrl(l(n,lll,rtr,\o\r).r(.rn\t.rtl.rtllronrl)alrorrrer.
Scpt. l13-17l '
r r I b i t l . , n o s - l - l l 2 l l l ) c c . l S { f r l , r c l i r r i r r g l o i l ( t t ( r s l i r r ! i 7 l ( r . $ l , l ( ) l r r r t l S l , l ) (i lI0l (: li l ' i b l S { 7 1 . J l i r r \ l l r , , . / / r ' r , , r r , , . ' . ' rt ,
, , ^ , , , , ) , ,1 r r l l , r l r r ,r r r , //r l r r r l " ' i ) . i { r l , r t t l , t t r r l t , , lZ . t t r ' : t , t r t r . r l . r l c S , t t z , t . / .
$ 1 , 0 ( l (rl r r t l 5 1 . l r 0 ( 1r l. r < l i r r r r r t rl i r r s l . r r t r l r r r tt l r t l . r t t c r. r p p , 1 q 1 1 1l ,q' rl 1L l , , , , t l l' i. { l . r n r ll i l l l , r r , l J J l ) r ' r
lll],:, t{,'r,',,,,1,
l S { 7 1 .J l i , r S l . ( 1 0 ( } r ' . r r l r
l'l' l\l'\,lr,t ( ',,,i,,,rrr" ,,'r li, ,,,'l,l,',,,,,
" l ) t t t t t , t r . 1 , , t , 1 , . lt \. - l ' , . ' r ' r , \ ' /
 The Era of tansition
port of embarkation for slavesin the eighteenth century (until it was destroyed by
'Appi
the Dahomians in 1782), but to a place further west called in later sources
Vista', which was an alternative name for Cotonou.22The name 'Cotonou' first
reappearsin the contemporary record in 1852, three years after de Souza'sdeath.2r
Like Godomey, Cotonou was an integral part of the Dah<lmianstate, subject to the
'had the
authority of the Yovoganof Ouidah. Local tradition records that de Souza
'Ibho
lagoon and the dredged, in order to allow canoesto go as far as Cotonou',
referring to the northern branch of the coastallagoon, which runs east of Ouidah;
the opening of the passagein this period is conhrmed by testimony recorded later
in the nineteenth century, when Europeans recalled that in the past they had
travelled by canoe non-stop from Ouidah to Porto-Novo.2aHowever, the opening
was evidently only temporary; by 1850, the Dahomians had reportedly built a
barrier across the lagoon at Godomey, in order to prevent accessby war canoes
from Badagry.2s
Hr-rw this dispersal affected the profits of Ouidah-based merchants is unclear.
Presumably, to the extent that it involved increased transport costs it reduced
merchants' profit margins, and canoespassingalong the lagoon to the west had also
to pay a toll to the king of Grand-Popo.26This may havebeen ofl'setby avoidanceof
the export duties paid on embarkations from Ouidah, but on this thc evidence is
contradictory. A report of 1848maintained that the export duty on slaves(of$5 per
head) had to be paid prior to their embarkation on the lagoon, so that the king's
revenues were not affected.zTThis, however, may involve confusion between the
export dutyi properly speaking,and the transit duty levied on all goods leaving or
entering Ouidah, whether by the lagoon or overland. In contrast, Forbes in 1849
reported that the king was 'jealous of his slavesbeing shipped without his king-
dom', becausehe thereby lost the 'head-tax' due upon them (put by F-orbes,anom-
alously, at $20 per slave).28The monarchy's loss, however, was presumably the
merchants' gain, unlessthe latter had to pay equivalent duties to local authorities at
the actual point of embarkation.
The reorganizationoJ-theslaztetrade
The 1840salso saw the entry' of new merchants into the slave trade at Ouidah. In
part, this was due to natural wastage,as the older generation of traders died off or
retired. Of the two dominant figures in the 1830s, Zangronis died in 1843.
FranciscoFelix de Souza,although he lived on until 1849,had lost his dominant
?2 See, for example,PP, SlaveTrade 185-56, (llass Il, no. 2ll, (,anrphell,Lirgos,{r
A d m i r a l t yc h a r t s ,A p p i V i s t a ,b u t . . . k n o w no n s h o r eb l ' i t s n r t i v c n r m c , K r x r t e n r x r ' ) .
':r PRq FOll4/UlJ6,Fraset'Occurrences'.l-l lreb. lll.52,ctc.
r { G a v o v . ' N o t eh i s t o r i q u c ' , 6 1I;} o u c h e , . S c a p rt s , 8 .
r i P P , S l a v c ' I i a d c l l l 5I 0, c n c . l i n n o . l 9 l l , l r o r b c s , - l o r r r n r l , 2 ( ) \ l a r c h l l t 5 0 . l l r r t i r r t h c p t r b l i s h t r l v c r s i o r r o l '
h i s j o u r n a l ,l ; o r h c ss t i l e ( lt h r t t h r h g r x r nr r r s i r r l c r r u p l c trlt ( i o r l r n r tr o n l r
r " S e c ,f i r r c r r n t p l cl,) t t n c r t t tl ,l u i t l t , i , l 0 ( ) | l , l l l l . l
r ' I ) l ) \. l i s s i o r r s t \rsr l r . r r r l.trt r r t| l) . r l r , r r r r r , ( . r r r i t l s l lrl.trpr rr rI r t l,l r
''
l'l'.Sl.r., lr.rrltlll(, ill.( l.r\\ll.r'rrrllltutt,,(). lrrtlrcr,r\,n
l r ,I
The Era of Transition
position in the Ouidah trade beforethen. By 1845,as he told Duncan, he was doing
'very little
[slave-trading] compared with what he formerly did'.2e De Souza's
declining importance was partly simply a consequenceof his increasingage.As late
as 1843, he was still travelling to Abomey to attcnd the Annual Customs, accom-
panying a French merchant in that year; but in 1845 Duncan found him bedridden
with rheumatism and so unable to escort him to the capital.30The advancing age
and ill-health of the head led to the passingof leadershipin the de Souza family to
thc younger generation. His eldest son Isidoro (born in 1802), according to family
tradition, had returned to Africa from education in Bahia ln 1822. As seen earlieE
he was employed initially in an out-factory at Badagry to the east, but was recalled
to Ouidah after incurring heavy lossesthere; and in 1840he was sent to re-establish
the de Souza factorv at Little Popo to the west. Isidoro's prominence at Popo is
attested by several allusions to him in the correspondenceof the Lawson family,
from 1843 onwards;rr hc is also ref'erred to in that of Jos6 dos Santos, resident at
Ouidah but doing business also at Agou6 and Popo, during l8++-7. In his new
situation, Isidoro's commercial fortunes initially flourished; but in May 1849 his
establishment at Little Popo was destroyed by fire, caused by gunfire during the
ceremonies for his father's death; George Lawson (Jr) reported that 'the young
man has lost a great deal and that will take him some f'ew years more, before he can
make it up again'.12
De Souza family tradition names several other sons whom the first Chacha
authorized to establish themselvesalongside Isidoro at Little Popo and to 'rrade
each on their own account': two Antonios (presumably those surnamed 'Kokou'
and 'Agbakoun', who were the most prominent of four dc Souza sons called
Antonio), Joio, Manuel, Ignacio, Joseph and F'rancisco(called 'Chico', in distinc-
tion from his fhther).33F'orbesin 1849, a few months after the fbunder's death,
named three of his sons who were 'wealthy and slave-merchants':in addition to
Isidoro at Little Popo, thesc were Antonio Kokou and Ignacio,34and the pre-
eminence of these three is confirmed by the fact that it was they who competed for
the successionto the father's title of Chacha in 1849-50 (and, indeed, held it
successivelyafter him). Antonio Kokou, although younger than Ignacio,rsis the
more promincnt in contemporary records of the 1840s.His involvement in trade
ll<lng thc lagoon to the wcst is confirmed by the Lawson correspondence,which
showshim supplying rum to l-awsonat Little Popo in 1843and buying cloth from
a llritish trader at Agou6 in lti4ll;r" he was also active in trading at Ouidah by
" l ' l ' , I l i - + l lS e l e c t ( i r n r n t i t t e e , r \ . 1 0 5 5 .
" l l r t r e , ' \ i r r r t 1 t ' , 5 ( r ;| ) L r n r . u r ,7 ) , r i , i r , i , 1 0 . 1 .
Jan. l 1156('callcd in thc
' 'l,ittlt
.loltts. l ' o p o , r r r r l\ [ r , r r t ' , | . i 0 .
'
( i l . l . , l . r n r s o t rl . \ l . t t t t t o r , l ( l \ l , r r l l i { ( ) l l r r sl i r t i s . r l s o r t c a l l e t li n t l c S o u z r f i r r r i l r t r a d i t i o n : I . i r i . / , c
l ) , r l r t t t r1t . l l , r l t S , , t t u , r|. , t L t n t t l l , , / , . \ , , r r, r . l i
'(
| ) t S o r r z , r . r r r t tt l r t t l t , r ' .. ' l )
' i r r t l r cr l r \ s c i s , , r r l' ) t h u u t 1 , ,i , t ) . '
l ' l ' , S L r r ,l r . r , l ,l S l , , ' l l . ( l . r . , . l l . r n ,l ( l r r r r r , , r l/ ,. r r l r r , r \ o r l t il ' )
l r i r r , r , rr, ,, r . ,l r , ' r r rr r l \ l ' . \ r r ' , r r , , r r r l \ l I , l r \ , , r r z . r/, t l r t t t r l l i , 1 ,. \ , , r r, t , i l ) l i . ( l ( . S o r r z . r . ' ( , , r r h i l r r r
l r r ' i l .l \
lSl(l l i , r rrr I r r t l , l ' , , 1 ' r, ,r r , l\ r " , r r , | ' I
 'l'he 'Iiansttton
Ilra of
1846_7,supplying slavcsttt clos Santos.i7He is :rlso recordcd as the owner of a
suspectedslatc ship, the Gulltunu, arrcsted b-vthc British off the Africln coast in
earfy 18,19(bur cvenrually rcleased,firr lack of conclusive evidence).Thc Galliana
had becn built to Antonio's order,at Oporto in Portugal,and sailedfiom therc first
t6 Bahia,where it was mct by anotherof the de Souzabrothers,FranciscoF'elixdc
'Chico'), who servcdis supercargoon its journey to Africa.rsIgnacio is
Souza(i.c.
not explicitly' clocumentecltrading before his fathcr's de:rth, but is mentioned in
l84ti, attendingtht: ro1'alcourt at Abon-rey.r')
Mu." *,u. inrolve1| in de Souza'sdeclinc, however,than his retirement through
olcl agc. By the 1840shis commercialoperationshad run into difficulties,and hc
was lieavily in debt. At thc time of his dcath in 1t]49,he rvasdescribcdas'almost a notably the Cuban Zangronis in the earlv 1830s;but he, as seenearlicr,traded in
found 'neither
pauper';when the king sent his agentsto takc <lvcr his property they
'a - still shipping shves as late as August l8-i9, when he is rccordcd as the orvnerol'a
-on.1i nor go<lds,nor anvthing of value', only little furniture and some plate'
thougi, very probabll,, his fanrily' would have removed or concealed anv movable
itcmr, to avoid the royal inheritancetax. His son Ignacio was obliged to borrow
money to pay f,or his father's funeral ceremonies.I)e Souza'sdebts were mainlv t<l
-...hrntt in Brazil and Cuba; but hc also owed $80,00{)t0 Gezo' and a f'ewdavs
before his death had becn obliged to scnd his silver coffin as a pawn for his debts ttr
the king.+{)His financial difficulties were clcarll' due in largc part to the losses
which he incurred through the activitics of thc British anti-slavingsquadron;he
told a visiting British official in 1844that the British had captured 36 of his ships
'now unprofitable'.alHe also lost propertl' to the valuc
and that the ilave trade $'as
of 'some hundrcd thousand tlollars' in a fire in Ouidah in r. 1838'12Some con-
temporar)'comment sugeiests,however, that his difficultics wcrc compounded bV
his bwn extravagance-,1 -it*.nagement, cspecially his recklcss acceptanceof
'having been over liberal in his
soods on credit.ls One account also refers to his
Ouidah, in fact, placcthe
fresents' to the king.# Some versionsof local tradition in
principal blame for de Souza'sruin on Gezo, who is allegedto havebecomeiealous
nf hi, gr""t wealth and to havc sought cleliberatclyto ruin him bv making excessive
dcmandson his resources,including failing to pay for goodsdeliveredon credit.li
'l'he
contemporaryevidence,horvever,lends no support to this allegation;indeed,
as noted above,it shotvsthat at his death de Souzaowed monev to Gezo, rather
than vice versa.
Whatever thc cause, de Souza's commercial difficulties prompted Gezo to
i; 'I'hc dos Santos corresponclcnce rel'ersto transactionsrvith r\ntonio, involving letters of'crcdit in thc
larrer'sfarour lor $2,(100in 1846,antl two firr g.1,000(firr 43 slilcs purchasedfion him) and $Z,(XX)in
l8'{7: nos +4, 52, tlO[28 Dcc. lfi'16,l9 llcb. and I l)cc. ltl'171.
rB PP,Slavc'liadc lU49-50,f.lassA, no. 9fi' cascof'the Gulliunt'
r" Blanchclet','Aul)ahomcy', 5.iit.
1 0 p p . S l a v e ' l r a d c l l l 4 9 - - 5 0 (, , l a s sl l , n o . 7 . l ) u n c a n , 2 2 S c p t . l f l ' l 9 ;c n c . l 0 i n n o . 9 , l i t t r b e s 5
Papcrsrclativeto l,lgos, enc in no. ll, I Iutton, ('rpc ( inst, 7 r\ug l l{5(}
{ r P R ( l ( . 0 9 6 l ' + , I J i l l , ( i a p c( i n s t , l l l \ ' 1 a r l l l ' l - 1 .
+ r P R O ,( , 0 9 6 l t 2 , I l u t t o r r ,( - r p c( i r r s t , l 7 \ l r r c h l l J ' 1 7
\rrg lSi(l'
" I t l ' .1 ' r p c r r c l r t i r t t o l , l g o s ,t t t t i t t t t r rS . l l t t t t o t tl'
'r t),
l ) l ' , S l r r c ' l r J ( l ( l N l t ) 5 t ) , ( I r s s l l . t r r t l { ) ' 1 11 1 1 1 l i r t l x s . i \ o r
'
f i ' . r . / , l ) , r h , , t t , 1 , . t i , I I t z , ' t t t r r , I , l ' ' t 't ' ' l ' ' ' t ' t r . l l l ' )
lrltr
The F,raof Transition
reorpianize thc trade,depriving him of his position as solc roval agcnt. According t<t
the British merchant Hutton (writing shortly' after de Souza'sdeath), lbllolving
complaints to the king fr<lm de Souza's creditors in Brazil and (,uba, 'it was
arrangedthat agentsfrom the Flavanaand Brazils might settlc at Whydah, and Da
Souzirshr-ruldgive up shipping slaves,but to reccivea commissionof a doubloon
[$16] for every slave that was shipped'.+("Ihis account prescnts a number of
difficulties,most obviouslythat no prccisedate is indicated;although an rllusion t<l
'a more rigid
l a w . . . r e s p e c t i n gt h e c a p t u r eo f ' s l a v e - t r a d i n vge s s e l s ' s e e mtso p o i n t
to the period after the Equipment Act of 1839. It might be objccted rhat some
other agcnts for the slave trade had been able to scttle in Ouidah carlicr than this,
associationrather than in compctition with de Souza. Converscly;dc Souza was
slaveship takenby thc llritish navy antl owner and consigneeofits cargo(although
this ship did its trade at Lagos, r:rther than Ouidah).r7Morc probably;thercfore,
the changeoccurred in the lU40s.The wording <lf Hutton's account of thc ncu,
arranBementsnow introduced is also ambiguous,and open to clillcrent intcrprc-
tations. David Rtlss read it to mean that cleSouza ceasedtrading altogether,becom-
ing instead'a functionary lcvying a tax ... on every slavecxportcd'.+8Efut a more
natural interpretationis that he would continuc to supply slavesto other Brazilian
and Cuban merchantsin Ouidah, the pavmcnt of one doubloon per slavebeing his
commissionon such sales.A ref-crencc in the correspondcnceof dos Sant<lsin lll47
to 'Don Francisco'sembarkationduty' does not make its nature clcar.l"lt is clear,
howevcr, that de Souza, as well as his sons, continucd to sell slavcs, at least
occasionalll,.In 18,1,1, f<rrexamplc, he was holding 800 slrrvcs,recenrly captured by
the Dahomian army, ready fbr shipping.As latc as 1847dos Santoscon-rplaincd ol'
the high prices demanded fbr slavesbought from 'the old man', refcrring evidently
to de Souza:'hc sayshc wants 80 pesos[dollarsJapiecebecausethe whites buy at
70 pesosoutsideand pay caranquejo' , the meaning of this last word being obscure,
but from the context perhaps refcrring to de Souza's'commission' on slavesales.5l)
One of the nerv slave-tradersu'ho were ablc to set up in Ouidah under thesenew
'rrranEtententswas dos Santos himself, who founded a family that still resides in
'Ibv6
quarter.srAccording to tradition, dos Santosoriginally came to Ouidah in the
scrvicc of the dc Souza famill', and indccd married Francisco F'elix de Souza's
cldcst daughter.52 This, however,was evidcntl),at some period bef'ore18.14,when
his surviving correspondcncebegins,sincethis containsno suggestionofany close
relationship rvith the dc Souzrr famill'; indcpcnclenccof the dc Souzas is also
strggcstctlbr his scttlcnrcrttin'l'ovi', r'lthcr than in rnv of the dc Souza quartcrs.
" ' l ' l ' , I t r p . r s r . t l r t i r t t o l , a g o s ,t . r r r 'i.n r r o t , l l u l t o n , 7 \ r r g . l l l 5 0 .
, Nor. lll49;
I l)l),Slrrre
l r r r t l t l l i l ( 1 , ( . l . r s\r. r o / r , t . r s t r r tl l \ t l t ' t l u t t t t
" l { o s s . ' l ' t r . t ( . l r , r rl r , r ' .- l i
" l ) o s S . t t t l o s ( o t r ( \ l ) , ' t t r l ( n ( r r, lr lrl rt r) l ' l ) lSl;l l l r ( \ t l 1 p , r r t l . S l { ) . \ \ . t \ . t l ) l ) i t rl (i .r 1r ft 1s \l l r c s ;s t t r r l
lrl.'ll)rr llilt,l
l , l { ( ) ( ( ) , 1 r , / . , . l l r ll \l \ l . r r l \ l l l ) , , . . \ 1 r r , , . . \ , , r ! ( . , 1 , , , r r , 1 , \r.r, ,1( 1, l,t,!1 ( l rl S l ; !
lS|' 'l )rrr,l.rlr
l l r r n r ,r l\
l ) r \ r r r r z . rI t I t , , " i , ' , / . \ , , , / 'l i
1,,,
 The Era of Transition
The first of his letters preserved,in August 18,14,implies that he had only recently
settled (or resettled) in Ouidah, after residing in or at least visiting Cuba, since he
saysthat 'everything I possessis at Havana', and a later letter refers to the realiza-
tion of his assets in Havana and remission of the proceeds via an associatein
Bahia.s3From 1844,however,he was operating as a merchant at Ouidah, supplying
slavesto Brazil, mainly to Bahia but also to Rio de Janeiro (but not to Cuba), both
on his account and as an agent for merchants in Brazil. He sometimes shipped
slavesfrom Agou6 and Little Popo to the west, as well as from Ouidah itself,,and,
in these operations along the lagoon to the west, he cooperatedat least occasionallv
with Isidoro de Souza at Popo.54Within Ouidah, the correspondenceis in general
disappointingly reticent as regards from whom he purchased slaves,but occasional
indications are given: in 1847, for example, he bought 43 slavesfrom Antonio de
Souza, but in 1846 he bought 30 directly from the king, the latter being delivered
locally by the Yovogan.ssThe correspondenceshows that dos Santos shipped only
part-cargoesofslaves, ranging from 5 to 95 on a single ship; he was also one ofthe
local merchants who combined to purchase the American ship which Duncan
reported as taking slavesfrom Ouidah in 184-5.s6 Such pooling of resourceswas a
common practice in the illegal trade as a means of spreading the risk. The volume
of his trade grew over the period of the correspondence,from 20 slaves (in 3
separateshipments) in the last five months of 1844, to 79 (in 3 shipments) during
1845, 169 (5 shipments) in 1846, and 335 (7 shipments)in 1847, a total of 596
slaves,in l8 shipments.5iApparently only three of the ships in which he embarked
slaveswere intercepted by the British navy. one in 1844 and two in 1847, but the
latter accounted for 140 ofthe slaveshe shipped, nearly a quarter ofthe total (and
40 per cent of his shipmentsduring 1847).The implication of lack of successin
businessis corroborated by Forbes, who met dos Santos in 1850 and observedthat
he 'is said to be in debt, owing to the uncertainty of his trade', commenting that
'having once embarked in the slavetrade, he is
still a gambler, and his speculations
often bring him in a loser'.58He remained, however, a significant figure in the
Ouidah merchant community. By 185-5had been appointed 'one of the Military
Captains ... to command the forces that can be raised at Whydah and the neigh-
bouring towns', i.e. to the official rank of 'caboceer',and in 1864he receiveda wife
from King Glele.5e
ij Dos Santos correspondcnce, nos I
120 r\ug. lti.t.l], and ti 129 N{arch llt4-5, addressctl toJoio Antonio da
Silva Chaves at llavana].
tr L)os
Santos is also mentioned in the correspondencc of the La*sons at Little Popo, though thc turr
transactions rvith him recordcd, both in I 848, do not relate to trldc, but to gifis cxchangcd u ith him: Jones,
'I-ittlc
Popo and Agou6', 130.
ii l)os
Santos correspondence, nos.1J, -52,,59lZl't I)ec. lll-t6, l9 ltcb. and l.j :\pril Ili17l.
i6
I b i d . , n o . 1 0 1 2 5N { a y l l i - 1 5 1n, aming the ship as thc ,.lurncutu,.
5t Thesc ligures are ofl'cred tentativelr, becrusc rcli'renccs
i n t h e c o r r c s p o r r d e r r c ca r e t l i l l i c r r l t t o i r r t c r p r c l ,
w i t h s o m c f i g u r e s a p p l r c n t l r n t i s c o p i e d i u t t l s r l t t c s h i p n r e r r l sn r c n t i o r r t r l ( ) n n l o r ( l l t l r r o l t o c r r s i o r r ( ) t l r t , r
l l r t t L r t t . \ ' l a ; t ( , r n r t t , 4 l l ,n l . I i r c r ] l s l r r t s r r r l l i l - 1 . { i i t r
s c h t t l a r sh ; r v ec o n r p u i e t ld i t l c r c n t l r : \ c * b t t r r ,
l l l + 5 , 1 6 - 5 i n l f i . { ( r , 2 ( ) 6 r n l l i { 7 ( r 1 q v 1 ; l l q 1 l i . i i ) , t Ll trSl tourrrl zl ,. ,r l. , . \ , , t t , t . i i . q r r t s . r l r r l , r l o l 6 { ) t )
" lirrlrcs. l)rhrtutt',i, ll.l
''
l t l ' , S l r r r " l l . r r l tf i i i { r . ( l , r s s l l . r r ,l ,l . ( . r r r r I l r t l l . l . r l , ' ' . t r \ r 1 r lr\ r r
li)s
The Era of Transition
Two others named by F-orbesin 1849 among 'the number of Brazilian and
Portuguesemerchants' at Ouidah were Jacinta' and'Jozt Joaquim', of whom the
first was a native of Madeira and the latter a former soldier in Brazil.60The first is
elsewhere given by Forbes the fuller name of Jacinta de Rodriguez', and is
evidently to be identified with Jacinto Joaquim Rodrigues (d. 1882), who left a
family in Maro quarter.6rBy his own later testimony, Rodrigues settled in Africa in
1844.62According to family tradition he originally sertled in Ouidah 'with the
support' of the Chacha de Souza, and this is consistentwith the location of the
family's household in Maro, within de Souza's section of the town. Duncan, who
met Rodriguesin 1845,describeshim as'one of the most respectableslave-dealers
in Whydah'.6r Duncan then understood that Rodrigues had incurred considerable
Iossesthrough British captures of slave ships and had in consequencegiven up
slaving for the palm-oil trade. But he was certainly still (or again) involved in
slaving in the following year, when he appearsin the dos Santos correspondencein
charge of the embarkation of a cargo of slaves:dos Santos blamed him for the loss
of 3 slaves,as well as of letters, presumably through the overturning of a canoe.64
Likc dos Santos, Rodrigues had connections beyond Ouidah, along thc lagoons,
but in his caseto the eastrather than west of Ouidah: of his two sons,one was born
in Lagos (Americo, 1847) and one in Porto-Novo (Candido, 1850).6s The second
person named by Fbrbes, 'Jozt Joac4uim',is less easily identified, but a likely
candidate is Jos6Joaquim das Neves, a returned ex-slave from Brazil, founder of
another family in Maro quarter.
More important than any of these,however,wasJoaquim d'Almeida, who was in
origin also a freed slave from Brazil, born in the Mahi country to the north of
Dahomey, who had been owned in Brazil by the prominent slave-trader Manoel
Joaquim d'Almeida, who was also the owner of Antonio d'Almeida.66One account
links the breaking of de Souza'smonopoly specifically with the entry into the trade
of Joaquim d'Almeida, to whom Gezo granted 'the right to conduct wholesale
trade at Whydah'.67D'Almeida's principal residencein later life was at Agou6 to
the west, rather than Ouidah. Local tradition in Agou6 claims that he settled there
in 1835,t'8and contemporary records show that he was trading at Agou6 at least by
1840.6'!But he settled definitively in Africa, after returning to Brazil, only around
60 PP,Slave'l'rade18,{9-50,OlassB, enc. l0 in no.9, Firrbcs,.5Nor: 1849.
"' fiorbes I)uhonrc.1,, i, 92 ["lhcinta', clearlv miscopied]; Reynier, 'Ouidah', 45; 'l'urner, 'Les Br6siliens',
128 9.
"' WMNIS, \\'illiam \Vcst, Capc (irast, (r Junc lll59. l)uncan in Feb. lll45 understoodthat Rodrigueshad
b c c nr t O u i d a hf i r r 2 r e a r s :T i a e r l s ,i , l 3 t l .
" ' I ) u n c a n ,i b i d . , r c f i ' r r i n gt o l n t r n n i r m e d n r c r c h a n tf r o n r N { r d c i r a ;w i t h t h e n a m e ' J o s i n t os' u p p l i c di n P P ,
l l i - l t iS c l c c t( ) n r n r i t t c c ,\ 3 1 . 1 5 .
" ' l ) t t s S a n t o sr r r r r c s p o n r l t t t cnt ,o . 1 (l)2 l l S e p t l l l - 1 6 1r .c f e r r i n gt o ' - f r c i n t o J o s[6= J o a q u i m l R o d r i g u c s ' .
' ' ' ' l ' t r r r t t r . ' l . cl lsr t s i l i t r r sI 'l .( )
" " f i r r r u f r o t t t , s ct st p \ t r 1 3 r ' (r ), t l r l , L t t r ' I, i l , . r l s ' l i r r r r t r . ' l , c s l ] r c s i l i e r rl s0'l. . 1 .
'
lir.r. /., l),tlt,'rtr' y. .t \
'' 'f
l t r r r r f l r t t l , t l r r i t r r t t , , t t l r t r t r r , , t r r t r r rt r t . r t \ y , ' r r ,
r c r I l r o t r r ; 1 r . r P l rr r r \ t r ( r . t , l ' l u t t t r t l l u t , l l l . r t c 2 7 .
( L r ' . ' \ . r r ' , l l l ' t , . r , . , , , 1 t l r r ( , r , t t t , l r , ,( t . r l t r l r r t l r c l l r r t i s l r l . r r r i n ( ) ( t
" f'l'. \l.rrr lr.r,l, lSll l8{l))
l . t l ! r r \ l , r l l r l , ' r r t l r r . . . l r r l ' . . l r , , u , , l r l r rr |t . r ' . . ' n f r r , ' r t t . l , , l ' r . r z l l , r r r r t , r l l r . r l , l , r , , . l r , r , l l r t . t . r r t r r r , r l r r . r l l
l l r r r t ' r r .l l r , , r , , r , r r . . ' t r i r l . r r r t t . l l r , r r r r t l r r I r r r r , , L t ' '. r , r r . r , , l l , r , l t r r , l , , l r t \ p , ' r r , r r t l r , l \ l r r r r r r l . r . r r r l r r r y l t l r r r r
lr,',

thc beginning of l845.i0 It is possiblethat he settled in 1845 initially'at Ouidah
rather than Agou6; ccrtainll', he establisheda businesspresencethere. D'Almeida
figures in the correspondenccof'dos Santos fr<lm lti45 onwards,but the earliest
allusionsdo not make clear rvhcrc he was based.Howcvcr, bi' ltl47, whcn he was
involr.edtogether with dos Santosin a dispute with the Yovoganover payment of
customs,he was clearly trading at Ouidah. Fbrbes in 1849 also describedhim as
residentin Ouidah.TrAccording to local tradition in Ouidah, d'Almeida'sbusiness
associatctherc was AzanmacloHou6nou, fbrmerly' a client of de Souza but who
now broke away to tradc indcpcndently; bv implication, he receivedslavesfrom
Gezo through Hou6nou rathcr than the de Souzas.Indeed, in some accountsit is
Hou6nou who is said to har,cpersuadedGezo to tradc with d'Almeida, and to allow
him to settle in C)uidah.7z C,onsistentll',d'Almeida's household in Ouidah u'as
situated in Hou6nou's quarter of the torvn (Qu6num quarter).7rF-rom Ouidah,
d'Almeida scnt slaves west along the lagoon fbr shipment; Fbrbes in 1850
witnessecla party of slavesbel<lngingto him settingout lirr shipment at Popo f rom
Z<>mai, at the wcsternend of Ouidah.i+
I ) u n c a n i n 1 8 4 5 r c f - c r r c dt o t w o ' P o r t u g ; u e s e ' t r a d e r sa t O u i d a h w h o w e r c
retrlrnedex-slaves,and whom he describesas'slaves'to de Souza,who paid 'head-
moncv'(income tax) to the king of $2,500and $1,-500
the wcalthicr of thcsc wasJoaquirnd'Almeida, whilc thc secondmay possiblvhave
beenJoaquim das Ncvcs. Although ncithcr d'Almeida nor Ncvcs had actually'bcen
a slaveto dc Souza, l)uncan mav havc mcant bv this that the-ywcrc clicnts (clr
former clients) of his or he mav simpll'' have been in error.
the tax paid bi thesc turr, since this was levicd at one-third of income, indicate
asscssedannual incomcs of $7,500 and $4,500, which on the basisof a stanclard
commissionof $16 pcr slave(as paid to dc Souzain the lll40s) uould bc ecluivalcnt
to the Eirossincome on the saleof around 470 and 300 slavcsrespectivell',
trade comparableto that of'dos Santos.l)'Almeida's businessoperationsultimately
grcw to a much highcr level than this: in l8-19Firrbesdcscribedhim as'the richest
resiclent in Why'dah'.;nLikc dos Santos, however, d'Almeida suf'fcrcd losses
through the operationsof the llritish navv; a lcttcr in thc Lawson papcrs from
Januarv 1849transmits rcgrets that d'Almcida hacllatclv'lost an<lthcrvesscl'.7tIn
September ltJ.[9Dunc:rn, nou'Rritish vicc-consulat Ouidah, again ref-erredto a
man who was 'filrmcrl,t-himself a slavc to old l)a Souza', rvho had earlicr been
considered'the richest merchantin Whydah'. but rvho was'nt)$'.fiom a succession
t " H e m a d e o u t h i s u i l l i n l l a h i r r , p r i o r t o e m b a r k a t i o n t { ) s c l t l c i n . \ f i i c r , i n l ) c e . l l l - l - 1 :t c x t i n \ c r g e r , O s
The Era of Transrtron The Era of Transition
of capturesby our cruizers, reduced to nothing', and, here again, it secmslikely
that d'Almeida is mcant.i8
Even more important among the ncw generation of slave-traderswas Domingos
Jos6 Martins ('Domingo Martinez').7e Martins had originally come to Africa
c. 1834,as a member of the crew of a slaveship consignedto dc Souza; the ship was
captured and the crew put ashore at Ouidah, where Martins lived for some time
'upon thc charity' of de Souza; but he then moved to l.,agos,where he becamethe
leading slavc-mcrchant.80After a brief return home to Bahia, he came back to
Africa in early 1846,and this time establishedhimself at Porto-Novo.8rMartins was
the most important slave-traderin this period: Forbes in 1849 describedhim as
'the richestmerchantin the Bights', noting that he was the only trader on the coast
who would ship a whole slave cargo on his own, whereas others pooled their
contributions to make up a cargo.82He settled in 1846 not in the capital of the
kingdom of P<lrto-Novo (the modern city so called) to the north of the lagoon, but
on the seashoreto the south, at the village to which the name 'Porto-Novo' had
originally been applied (modern Sdmd); this was in fact at this time under the
effective contnrl of the king of Dahomey rather than Porto-Novo, and it was to the
fcrrmer that Martins paid tribute.8i He also received his main supply of slavesfrom
per 1'ear.75 It seemslikely'that Dahomey';towards the end of lU,{6 he visited Gezo at Abomcy, taking'splendid
presents'which included 1,0(X)doubloons($16,000)in cash,and assuredhim that
'he need not fear a demand ccasinpifor slaves;that he could takc all that hc, the
king, could sendhim'.8+This wording implies that Martins too traded directly with
'l'he
figures given for thc king, rather than through the de Souzas.Pr<lbablymuch of this trade bypassed
Ouidah altogether,slavesbeing taken overland (or down the River Wcmc) to I-ake
Nokou6, and thcn by canoeacrossthe lake to Sdmd. But Martins also did some
'l'his
businessthrough Ouidah; bv 18,19hc too had an establishmentthcre.hi was
a level of situatedon the eastof the town, closeto the Portuguesefrrrt, again outsidethe de
Souzaquartcrs.t"
'I'he
dismantlingof de Souza'smon<lpol1' position involvednot only the entry of
rival Brazilian trrders, but also the breakupof his own commercialorganization.as
some of his African emplovccsand associateswere able to set themselvesup as
independent traders. The clcarcst instance is the breach between Azanmad<r
Hou6nou and de Souza,connectedwith the cstablishmentofJoaquim d'Almeida in
'fhe
thc Ouidah trade, as noted above. brcakawayof Adf ovi and his removal fiom
clc Souza'sIlrazil quarter to sct up in Tov6 on thc other side of the town presum-
lblv bclong to thc sirmc pcriocl.Firrbesin lU-50noted the existcncein Ouidah of
' ' I ' l ) , S h v e l l a r l c l l l - l ( ) 5 0 , ( . h s s l J , n o . 7 , I ) L r n c i r n .( ) L r i d a h , 2 2 S c p t . l l l - 1 9 .

libtrtos, I16 2l. ' 64',-7.'lll,6

f i r r r r h r r n r , s c c l ) r r i r l\ . l l o s s . " l h c t . t r c c r o l l ) o n r i n s o \ l r r t i n c z i n t h c l 3 i g h t o f l l c n i n , 1 8 3 3
t r l ) o s S a n t o s c o r r e s p o n t l c n c c ,n o . 5 2 (.hss lJ, cnc. l0 in rro. (.), ( f ( ) 6 5 ) . 7 t ) ( ) ( ) .\ r ' r q t r , l ' l u t t t t t l l u r , - l ( r 7 7 " l . l i r r r r c r . ' l . c s I l r i ' s i l i c n s ' ,l ( X ) 2 .
l l t ) I i c b . l l J . 1 7 l ;I ' l ' , S l r r c ' l r a t l c l l i - l ( ) 5 0 ,
'"
I'irrbcs. 5 Nor: lu4(.1. I ' l { ( ) . ( , ( l t l 6 / | ) , I l r r t t o n . ( . . r p (t r r . r s l ,I 7 \ l , r r t h I l i - 1 7 .
t r l ' i x i , / , r I ) t h o n t ' . 1 ' , 2 3 1R e r n i e r , ' ( ) u i d r h ' , 6 . i ; ( l r c n u n r , L L s l t t , : t r r ' s , 6 l l L ''
I l r i t l . r; t t l ) , s S , u t l r rm s t t r s p , r r r l rt , r ' .r , ' . l SI i \ l . r r t l r I l { h l
;' Rcvnieq'Ouidrh',6(r. '
l ) l ' .S l r r t l r . r r l rl S l r l r l l ( l . r s rl l . r ' r r , l t t t n t t o t / . l r o t l r t s i. \ , , r l S ' l ( )
;r f irrbcs, l)uhonry, i,117 . '
l ' l ' . S l . r r ,l r . r , l rl s r l . , ( l , r ' . . , 1r ,1, . ' l ( . r r r r 1 ' l ' t l l . l l . r , l . Iu \' rr tr .r l l i i l
; ' l ) r l r c r r r .l r u t t l t . i . l j l i . l ' l ' . l l i - l f i S e l t . r( . , r r r r r r r i t t t t .i l\ l l " Il(().(()')r'l.'llrr[,,rr I \l.r',1lrl,
r l .l o r l r c r , i \ , , r l S l r /
" l ) l ) . S l r r r c ' l l . r lt ll ief ( ) i l ) . ( . l . r s s l l , , n ,l ( l r r rn , , l ' l ' \ l . r r , l r . r , l ,l \ l ' , , l r { l r . , l t , r r , l l l r r rr r , " , l , , r l ' , . ' \ , ' \ lSlr/
''
l o t r t s . ' l . r t t l tl ' r , p o , r r r r\ lr t o r r r ' .l . " l l l r r rt , , r r 1 , , ' , ', , , 1

'llll
 The Era of Transition The Era of Transition

five 'native merchants' who were 'very rich': Hou6nou, Adjovi, Gnahoui and two The correspondenceof dos Santosalso gives some indicati<lnof the overall state
others whose names hc had forgotten. In fact, the missing names are identifiable of trade, as well as of his own individual operations. In 1845 he referred to the
'nothing from Brazil is worth anything, not even
elsewherein his own account, in lists of recipients of royal bounty at the Annual difficulty of disposing of goods -
'things here instead
Customs at Abomey. in which the same group of five persons occurs twice money'* and advisedagainst shipping any more tobacco,since
immediately after the Yovogan: the other two being Codiia and Hodonou.sT of improving get worse'. In 1846, he complained of a shortage of slaves,implicitly
'We are now going to be in a
Preciselythe samefive namesare recalledin local tradition as the leading merchants blaming the diversion of supplies to Porto-Novo:
of Ouidah, with the title of 'principal agents of trade', this last translating the worse situation becauseMr Domingo Martins has establishedhimself at Porto-
indigenous title ahisigan,literally 'chief of merchants'.EE Although the traditions are Novo.' In early 1847 slaveswere coming in more freely, but he neverthelessnoted
'there hasn't yet
not explicit on this, it seemslikely that the status of ahisiganwas constituted in this that trade had not recovered the scale of de Souza's heyday -
-
arrived the great quantity which was customary for our old man' and later in the
period as a superior rank within the generality of merchants (ahisinon), in
recognition of the presumably unprecedentedwealth and importance of these five year he again reported a scarcity: 'there are none to buy, those that appear are
individuals. It was more than a merely honorific rank, as it involved political old'.e3However, trading conditions that were bad for dos Santos,as a purchaser of
responsibilities: one traditional account describes the ahisigan as 'comparable to slaves,were presumably good for the local sellers.The recovery of demand relative
ministers of commerce', in that 'they periodically submitted a detailed report to the to the supply of slaves is attested by evidence on prices in this period, which
king on the general [economic] situation, suggestedlines to follow, contributed to recoveredfrom the low levels reported to the 1842 Committee. Dos Santos himself
decisionsof the royal council'.8e during 1847 reported a range of prices between $70 and $90; in 1848 the current
How effective the reorganization of the slave trade in the 1840s was in price was cited as $80 and in 1849as between $80 and 100.'y4
overcoming the problems posed by the L,quipment Act is unclear. Duncan in 1845
'much
thought that the slave trade at Ouidah and neighbouring ports had been
reduced'by a combination of British naval action and competition from British and The riseof thepalm oil trade
French palm-oil traders. When he arrived back in Ouidah in 1849 he again
reported 'the rapid decreaseof the Slave Trade on this part of the coast', in The difficulties of the slave trade in the 1840scoincided with the development of
comparison with 1845, and claimed that
'it is a well-known fact that the Slave an alternative 'legitimate' (i.e. non-slave) trade, principally in palm oil.e5The
Trade is very much reduced or nearly abolished'; but he seemsto have inferred a export of palm oil through Ouidah was not wholly new. F-uropean ships had
decline in the slave trade from the expansion of the trade in palm oil, on the purchased palm oil for use as cooking and lamp oil throughout the history of the
assumption that these two trades were incompatible, which was certainlv (as will be slave trade. The demand for industrial purposes in Britain had begun by the late
seen below) a misunderstanding on his part.e0 Another observer in l84ll, in eighteenth century and, although this trade was centred mainly at Old Calabar,
contrast, estimated slave exports from Dahomey over the previous 12 years at Ouidah also made some contribution. A British observer,writing a few years after
nearly 8,000 annually.erThis figure evidently relatesnot to Ouidah alone but to all the abolition of the British slavetrade in 1808, recorded the trade of Ouidah as
shipments originating from Dahomey, including those embarked through minor being now 'very confined, consisting chiefly of a few elephants' teeth, some palm-
ports to the eastand west. Even so, it is probably an exaggeration;total slaveexports oil, and cotton cloths'.e6The wording, however,evidently implies only a limited
from the entire Bight of Benin during the 1840sarc thought to have averagedonly scale of trade in oil. British traders continued to call at Ouidah after the legal
around 10,000 annually, and within this total Lagos accounted for over half of all abolition of thc slavetrade, and dealt there with de Souza among others. When the
recorded shipments.e2 cxploring expedition under Hugh Clapperton arrived on the coast in 1825, they
met a British mcrchant, James Houtson, at Ouidah, although it is not specified
87 ForbesDahome.1,, i, 113;ii,243,246.
*t Agb<r,Itistoire,50; for the titlc ahisiganapplied to thescllve persons,sec fieldwork,Hodonou compound,
what he was tradinp;in.e?During the 1830sscvcralBritish merchantstraded with
'l-he ur ('''' ) 'l
2l Sept. 2000. title is alsoclaimedin the traditionsofthe I Iou6nouand Codiia familicsand is applied of cokrnirl )rhrmrer' (i.c. modcrn l]6nin), rvhich included thc indepcndent kingdom ol'Porto Novo,
to the secondheadof the Gnahoui fhmily in his praise namc:Ro'nicr,'Ouidah',63; Qu6num, Les..lnitrts, as ucll rs I )rhrrttcr.
6 l, 7 l; fieldwork,Codjia compound,I 3 June l 997; Gnahoui'spraise-namein Agbo,Iliroire,235. "{l)osSrntostorrcslrrntltrrtr',rrosl.l,l5,2ll,5l,7l't126\larantll7Junclll45,3N'larchlu46,l9|eb.andl
t' (].y6num,LesAncitres,62-3. Fbr a dillcrcnt interprctationof thc uhisigun,as thosenrerchlnts who traded I )ce. I lJ'{7L
for the king specificallliseeGuezo,'(iommcrcecxttricur'. 44. ''
Sre'lrble i I
'x) 'l'rutels.i,137
f)uncan, l l ; P I ) ,S l a v e ' l ' r r d c1 8 4 9 5 0 , ( . h s s l J , n o s . l , 7 , l ) r r n c a n ,( ) u i d a h , l 7 A u g . a n d 2 2 " S ( t t s 1 r \ l . r r t r r r l . \ r r , ( . t t t , u i r t t t , t t , l L , , t t , , , r t t (' . L t t r , r u l l t ' t l l i t t r t ; l h t l ' t l u
Sept. I ll.l9. ( t t t l t I t l ( . r r r t l r l l ( l ( (I,r ) r l ),
" ' I t l ) .\ ' l i s s i o n sl o . , \ s l t r n t crtn t l I ) r l t o n r t . r(.. r r r i tL s h r n l l l t p o r t . I i . " l l o l r tt t s , , t r \ , , / , ' . . ' l ' I
'
") l.ltis, l,,,,u,,urL (irrtn,th, lil, lil, stt ,rlsrr \l.ttttttnl{, .\'/irir'r), (.,,l,,urtlt,u ,v\l I t,ut)ru, (,rtn'th, -\\) l { r , l r . l , i | . r r r , l , r/.i , , , , r . 1 , , '11, ' , ' , , t t ,I , l . t l ' l ' , ' t " r' L r ' t I r 7 , l t r r , , t tt r , l l t r , , i( l . , r r t r l , , t lrl .i t ( l ) , r , ' t l llrrttlsott
1 \ p p c r r r l r r l ) . r r l r o s r r l , l g c r t tsl r . r to r r l r l . l { l { l s l , r r r r r r r r c c r p o t t l r l . r n t r t r . t i l r t n t l r , l S l l t . l t r r t t rt l t r ' ( n l r t ( . r r ( , 1 .rlr,'lr.r,l.rl.r,l.r\.rlll.r,l.rgrrl,rrtlrr,lr,,lrrrtlrrl,'ll,'rrrrrl'rr.rr

.'il i
.l{).)
 'I'he
Era of Transition Thc Era of Transition
de Souza at Ouidah. Their activities u.ere criticized on the grounds that they werc 'unaccustomedto the work, and, although respectable
a man, was a bad interpreter'.1{H
indirectlv supporting the slave trade by supplying goods that were then employed The French firm of R6gis of Marseille had also begun trading for palm oil at
to purchase slaves, a question that was a central concern of the Parliamentary Ouidah from 1832. In 1842, with the permission of the F'rench government, R6gis
Committee of 1842.The issuehad come to a head in lfl4l, when a British captain, reoccupied the French fort there to serve as his factory;rOs
in the fbllowing year, his
Robert Groves, was arrested by the British authorities on the Gold Coast after agent Brue visited Gezo in Abomey and was formally invested with command of
delivering wooden planks to de Souza at Ouidah, which were suspectedof being the French fort.106'lraders from Hamburg had also entered the palm-<lil trade at
intended for the construction of intermediate 'slavedecks' on slaveships, although Ouidah by the mid-1840s. One of these, Lorenz Diedrichsen, pioneered the
Groves insisted that they were merelv for the construction of a house. Groves importation of cowry shells direct from East Africa, utilizing cheaper supplies of
admitted that he had maintained a factory at Ouidah for the previous l0-12 years shells from the coast opposite Zanzlbar; although these were subject to some
and had latterly employed a son of de Souza as his agent there, supplying guns, resistancelocally, being larger than the cowries from the traditional source in the
gunpowder and cloth to de Souza; but this trade was for cash ('hard dollars'), Maldive Islands, they soon becameaccepted.lOiThere was also some trade in palm
rather than for palm oil.e8 Of three other British traders who testified to the oil to Brazil, mainly for domestic consumption rather than industrial purposcs,
Committee that they had supplicd goods to de Souza during the 1830s,one had inauguratcdin 1832.r{)8'I'he Brazil trade, however,was small in scale.Dos Santos
'a few dollars' in cash) and the others in specie
been paid mainly in ivory (with was involved in this trade, alongsidc that in slaves,but only in trivial quantities,
('dollarsand doubloons').ee making a singleshipment of palm oil to Bahia,in 1846,of only 10'pipes', i.e. 1,200
The principal pioneer of the British palm-oil trade at Ouidah was the Gold gallons,lessthan 4 tons.roe
Coast-basedmerchant Thomas Hutton. Hutton began trading for oil east of the There is little quantitative evidence on the aggregate scale of oil cxports from
Gold Coast in thc 1830s, initially mainly at Little Popo and Agou6, r,r'estof Ouidah in this period. Two cstimatesof the volumc of the trade c. 1836 (both
Ouidah.rr)0 In 1837,however,his agcnt at Popo,John Marmon, calledat Ouidah to off'ered retrospectivcly, several years later) give alternativelv less than 100
explore the p<lssibilityof opening trade there, and succcededin obtaining 50-60 puncheons(37.5 tons), or not more than 100 tons; by 1845-6, Duncan esrimared
puncheons(about 20 tons) of palm oil.r{rrIn 1lJ3llHutton himself visited Ouidah, that it had reached 1,000 tons annuallv.though this figure seemsexaggerated.rr(l
and establisheda factory in the abandonedEnglish fort.r02On a secondvisit in late The rcal take-off of palm oil exports occurred from 1846 onwards. Hutton at thc
1839 or early 1840, he travelled to Abomey to visit Gezo and was appointed a end of that year observedthat, although Ouidah was a morc difficult place of trade
'caboceer', this probably representing his fbrmal investiture as governor of the
than his main baseat Ag<1u6, nevertheless'thelegitimatetrade is wr-rrkingwonders
fort. In 1841, in reaction to the bombardment of Ouidah by a British warship amon€ithe people there ... the supply of oil seemsannually increasing,as well as
'broken up' and his agent was obliged to
notcd earlier, Hutton's factory was the demand,and the number of legitimatetraders that havesprung up for it'.rlr In
withdraw back to the Gold Coast. L,arly in 1842, however,Hutton was back at 1848 exports of palm oil from Ouidah were estimatcd at 4,000 puncheons,
Ouidah, and succeededin re-establishinghis factory in the English fort.r(r1The equivalent to 1,500 tons, during the vear. Duncan, returned to Ouidah in 1849,
incumbent Dahomian 'p;overnor'ofthe fbrt, Lemon, was not evicted,but was still observed a 'very great increase of legitimate commerce' since his earlier visit;
residentin it, sharing it with Hutton's agent, when Duncan visited there in 1845. although not ablc to supply precise figures, he thought that the volume of exports
Hutton als<l inherited the services of other families connected with the fort: had'more than quadrupled' sincc 1846."2
official tsritish missionsthat passedthrough Ouidah to Abomey in 1847and l8'19 r"a Ridgwal',
'Mensarika' or 'Majelica', i.e. Journal', 3(X); Rrrbcs, I)ahotnt.1',i, 86; ii, 177.
employed a man in charge of their porters called rr)sSchnappel LaPolitiquet!lcnnnmtct.frunsais, 163.OnR6gis,secalsoE.A.soumonni,"IiadeandPolitics
Midjrokan, evidentlya descendantof the man of this name who servedas'linguist' in Dahomo lti4l 92, uith particular rcf'ercncc to thc house of R6gis'(PhD thcsis, Universitr of lf'e, l9ti3).
'fhis 'l'he
for thc f<rrt in the cighteenth centurl'. man also asscrted his hereditary right t l a t c o l ' t h c e s t a b l i s h m e n t o l ' t h e F r c n c h l i r c t o r v i s c o m m o n l v g i v c n a s 1 8 . 1 1 ,b u t t h i s ( S c p t . l 8 4 l ) w a s
to the position of'fbrt interpreter', serving Fbrbes in this capacitv in lll50, although thc datc of'thc lircnch govcrnmcnt authorization; thc actual establishment is rcported, firr example, in PP,

the latter remarked that, clwing to the hiatus in the British prcsencc, he was IU42 Sclect (irnrnrittce, \ 10.57+, citing letters ol Gcorgc N,laclean, Ciape Cirast, 3l March l[,]42; Jamcs
I l a n n c r m r n , A c c r r , l ( ) \ l a r e h 1 8 4 2 ; ( . a p t . ( i r o v c s , ( , i r p e ( i r a s t , - 1 0N { a r c h l l l . 1 2 .
" " ' S c e h i s r ) \ \ r )r c ( r , u n t : l l r r r t , ' \ i r r r g c ' .
"t PP, lli42 Select(irmmittec, Appcndix No. .j, Report of'Her Nlajestl's (irnrmissioner,.SlJuh lll'11,2.5 7. l " ; N c r r b t t r r . I l t t l t t t t . \ ' l , t ir ( . ' , , i r l , ' 1 { ) ; I l o t . l t n r L r r n r n r l
(llegg;2196 2201,(.apt. Ilcnn l)ring;2.j71 -fohnson, .\htll .l/Iont1',7'l; see l)os Srntos corres-
"" fbid., \linutcs of'l:vidence, \ 1617 20, l75l 7,John Artlcn
p o t t t l t t t t t , t t o sf l , - l ( lI I r , | ) c r I f i ' l i , 2 l l . f . r r rI.l i - I 7 l .
5, (.apt. .fohn (irurtllntl. l"' ( rlrrc.r
r o ". S t r i c k r o t i t .' A l i o I , . u r o n c r n t r r d c r c l a t i o n s ' . 2 . 5 . 1( r l . r l . tS t l r , t . I t . t , rt q , l . ' .

l" ltl',18+2Scletl(irnrrrrittec.\227{r7,(.rpt.lltttrrSor:trtl.l'15(),llerrrrllrortlltertl. " " | ) o s S . r t r t , , s t r r r r c s p o n r lr trr, rr ri tl ), | i | \ l . r r l f i l t r l

r"l'l'.\ltsst,rtr.t.\rlr.rrrtrr.rrr,ll),rlr'rrrrr,(rrrr,Lslr.rrrll{r'P,,rt.J-l,lfi.lii5r'letl(rrrrrrrritlre.\\.11
" r l ) R ( ) ,( . ( ) t ) 6 / l . l . I l r r t t o r r ,( . . r p t ( r r . r s t l, l | ) e e I l i { 7 . ',
l , l { ( ) . (( ) ' / t , l . ' l l r r r r , , r \r r , , , r r , . l, ) , , l\lr,
" ' l ' l ' . I t + l S t l t t l ( . o r r r n i t l t t . \ I l ) l i i 1 r l . I l l i l r ) . \ \ i l l i ; r r t r\ l r r k r n t , , ' l r I l t r t t o r r .I 0 l t r i l . ( t t u ) ! l c t t ( r ( , 1
l ' l ' , \ 1 r . . . , r , ' rt r' . . \ ' . l r . r r t r , r r , l l ) r l r , , r r rr , ( t r r r ,\ . l r . r r r ll ( r 1 , , r t , ' i , \ l , r r r l l , r r l r I l i . l ' ) i 0 . ( l , r s rl l . r r o . l .
Iopp.l.) \l.rr ISl.l
| ) r t t , , r t rI . ) l r , l r l r I \ r r ' ' | \ l ' t

. ' { lI
 The Era of Transrtron
The Era of tansition
'I'he
relationship between the continuing slavetrade and the developing trade in travelled to Abomey under de Souza's 'protection', and likewise in 1843 R6gis's
palm oil has sometimes been misunderstood. Contemporary British observers
agent Brue went there in company with de Souza.l20We should not read too much
commonly assumedthat the establishedPortugueseand Brazilian slave-tradersin into these cases,since de Souza was notoriously hospitableto all European visitors,
Ouidah must have been opposedto the new trade in oil. This is given some support even including according to some accounts officers of the British navy's anti-
by the traditions of the Qu6num family, which claim that the oil trade was slaving squadron, and it is more generally clear that social relations between slavers
pioneered by Azanmado Hou6nou, who persuadedGezo to permit the new trade, and 'legitimate' traders were normally cordial, Duncan himself noting that l{utton
against the opposition of Francisco Felix de Souza, who argued that this would was 'a great favourite' with the Portuguese and spanish merchants in ouidah.l2l
divert provisionsrequired by the Dahomian army.rrr(In a later elaboration,this is But on other occasionsde Souzaclearly did provide positivesupport: in 1837,for
improved into the claim that Hou6nou persuadedGezo to 'abolish the slave trade example, when Hutton's agent Marmon sought to open a factory for the palm-oil
in favour of developing the cultivation of the oil palm').rraBut this story is of trade at Badagry, de souza intervened to get him permission from Gezo.
dubious authenticity. As told, it is certainly unreliable in detail, since it associates Moreover, de Souza and other slave-traderswere at least on occasion willing to
the new trade with a French trader called B6raud, who arrived in Ouidah only in supply oil or facilitate its supply to'legitimate'traders; in 1837 he rcportedly
the 1860s,long after de Souza'sdeath, and, in fact, an earlier recorded version of offered himself to secure palm oil for Marmon 'because the slave trade was so
the story attaches it to Azanmado's son Kpadonou Hou6nou, and refers to the bad'.r22Again, in 1842,when Huton had difficulty in completing a cargo of palm
initiation of trade specificallyin palm kernels, which becamean item of export only oil, de Souza and 'other extensiveslave-traders'used their influence to obtain oil
in the 1860s,rather than with the earlier development of the oil trade. This earlier for him, in order to get in exchange his cargo of rum, which they themselves
version also describesthe opposition to the proposal as coming from the Yovogan, needed.l2sBut these were evidently one-off ventures; there is no suggestionthat de
rather than from de Souza.rrsThe official traditions of the Dahomian monarchy, on Souza was committed to personal participation in the oil trade in a more sustained
the contrary, credit de Souza with advising the Dahomians of the commercial value way. This, however,reflected simply a commercial judgement of the limited profits
of palm oil, and de Souza family traditions claim that he himself began cultivating to be made from the oil trade: in 1844, he told a visiting French officer that he
oil-palmsin the areaof Ouidah shortly beforehis death.rr6 'despised'
the palm-oil trade as being 'too insignificant to maintain the position
The contemporary evidence provides little support for the view that the which he had made for himself '.r2+Initially, the oil trade was evidently lcft in thc
Brazilians in general, or de Souza in particular, opposed the development of the hands of African traders: de Souza's eldest son Isidoro, when Hutton's agent
new trade. Brazllian opposition to 'legitimate' trade has been inferred from a report suggestedthat he might supply palm oil, retorred indignantly,'what! do you take
of Duncan in 1845 that Gezo had prohibited the manufacture of shea-butter, me for a black man, that you think I dealin palm oil?'r2s
except in small quantities for domestic consumption, allegedly at the urging of 'the A significant move of Brazilian slave-tradersinto palm oil occurred, however,as
Spanish and Portugueseslave-dealers'at Ouidah, who feared that the development part of the general expansion of the trade from 1846 onwards. Hurron observed
of an export trade in shea-butter would divert energies from the slave trade.rri It with surprise that de Souza himself had entered the legitimate trade, having loaded
seemslikely, however,that Duncan misunderstood the purpose of this ban, since a five ships with oil in the course of that year; and in 1847 he even complained of the
later account, in the 1850s,which records a parallel prohibition on the cultivation competition which'the Portuguese'were offering in the oil trade.l26Duncan in
of'groundnuts for export, says that this was intended rather to prevent the 1849observedmore generallythat'the whole of the merchantswho during my last
diversion of labour from the harvesting of palm oil.rr8 Certainly, there was no residencein this place in 1845 and 1846, were extensivelyengagedin the Slave
official policy of discouragementof the palm-oil trade itself at this period; on the Trade at that period, are now very extensivelvengagedin the palm-oil trade'.127
contrary, Gezo from 1843 onwards took measures to encourage the new trade, Another exampleof this processwasJos6dos santos,who, as Forbesnoted in 1850,
notably by prohibiting the felling of trees for the making of palm winc.rreOthcr 'although
a slave-dcaler,is also a palm-oil purchaser to a great extent'; Forbes
contemporary evidencesuggeststhat de Souza himself was supportive of attempts found thc yard of his premiscs'filled with traders'bringing in oil.r28This seemsto
to dcvelop the new trade. When Hutton negotiatedwith Gezo in 1839/40, he
I t r 'P l ) ,l l l 4 2 S c l c c t( i r n r n r i r r c c , 1 0 i 2 9 ,\ \ / . N l .
\ I I u r t o n ,2 2 J u l v l t i . l Z ;I l r u e , . \ t r v a g e ' 5, 6 .
I I I (fu6num, .y'ap a.t,sle s l'on, I 3'1;idem, I.es,4nci ftes, 63-4. r r r l ) r r n c a n .7 i a r r y ' ri,, I l . l l - 1 .
rrr (fu6num, L'Hitoire dc Cltrnt,32,40 l. r r r l ) 1 1l l J + 2S c l c c t( r r n r n r i t t c c . 2 1 7 ( r7 ,
\ . l 2 l l 1 ,I l c n r r S c u r r t l .
r r i R c l n i c r ,' O u i d a h ' ,6 1 . rl l'l', Slrrt 'llrrtlc lu55 7, (.lrss lt, tttt itt tto -1.1.
l { c p o r to n t h c ' l i : l l c o f t h c } } i g h to f B e n i n f i r r t h e v e a r
r o y 4 u , r rl' l,( r ,3 2 7 ;( i a v o r ' ',\ o t c h i s t o r i t l u e '(,r l ; S o u n r o n n i", l i a d c i r n dp o l i t i c s ' -, 5 2 . I l l 5 6 l . l r r r I l l i T l , 1 ,1 r 'tt' " , * l 1 . r r rt p r s r r r l'tl.i l t r . r . rrrt . l r s s i r r r . t . '
" " L c I I e r i s s 6l,, ' . ' l n c i e R ''
r l t l ) u n c a n .T r a l r A ,i . 2 l l 5 6 . | ) t \ l , r r r l c o r r . ' tl ( . r 1rrl l l ' . r l r r r r r ,' ,I
' r " \ ' r l l o n , ' l , t r o t l t t t n ct l c I ) r h o r n c r ' ,l / . 1 5 2 . r"Pl'((),li()i'il/lixtr,ltrsrr.l)rrltrrt.nt,,t.tttrl.t,li\r'\
Itii.)(r(l)rrrul.l.rrrirtitlt.rrt'sorrrt.rtlrssint.c').
r r "l , . \ . S t t u t r r o t u 'rli ), r l t o r n t . t t t o t t o t t t i rp o l i rt t t t t t l t r( i h c z o , l X l H l X r l \ i . r r t r o r r s i t l t r r t i o r r ' . " I R i l . ( ( ) ' , , ' / 1 . l' .l r r r , , r r , , l ) , ( l s l r , . l , \ l . r r , h l \ 1 ,
7 l l . \ ' , \ ,l 0 / 2
t t(\n \ r \ ' , l ( r i I
( l ( ) S ( l I) , I l . l l t r , l , ' \ \ , r r r r ,. ,r r r s r , r , t t, n l ' l ' ,\ l . r r r l r . r r l rI \ l ' r : { l ( L r r r l t r r , , I | ) r r r , . r r l , \ r r r l \ l , r
'1,'rl',..
/ t . r 4 , , r r ,r, l l l

. ) () l r 'll ,
 The Era of T'ransition Thc F.raot'Transition
imply more than the occasionalsmall-scaleshipments of oil which dos Santos had Firrbeshimsclf thought that the oil trade servedas a hedgeagainstthe uncertainty
made to Brazil in the mid-1840sand suggeststhat he was now alsosupplyingoil to of the slave trade: 'each slave-merchantcounteracts the chanccs of the lossesin
European merchants(as he certainly did later, in the 1860s).Domingos Martins somc degree,bv embarkingalso in the palm-oil tradc'.112 llut this was onlv part of
was also heavily involved in the palm oil trade, claiming to have made no less than the story. In f'act,the trvo trades rverecomplemcntar\,,rather than alternatives.One
$80,000from it during the year 1849-50.r2e of the central problems f<rrslave-rradcrsin thc illegal trade \r'as getting the goods
This shift into palm oil in thc latc llJ4Oswas clearly-due, in largc part, to its which thev needed firr the purchase of slar,es.while thev had readl' acccss ro
increasingprofitability-.Between 1844 and 1849thc price of palm oil at Ouidah rose Brazilian tobacco and rum, a wider supplv of manufactured grxrds, especialh.
from $4 to $5 per ltl-galbn mcasure,and further to $7 pcr mcasurc ($124, or {3 l, British, was required. T'hey could import British grxlds indirectly via Brazil, but
per ton) in 18,19150 and $li per measureby ltt5l (Table 6.1). This price rise was in this involved the cost of two frcights (Europe t<l llrazil, and llrazil to Africa) and
part due, however,as Forbes noted in 1850, to the introduction of the cheaper two sets of duties. Alternativch', and secminglv more commonll,, thcl' could
Zanzll'tar cowries, which enabled l,uropean traders to bid up the cowry price of purchasegoods from F,ur<lpcan traders on the African coast,cither in return filr
oil;rr0and this was soon offlet by' the consequentdepreciationof cowriesagainst Brazilian goods or (as noted carlier) frrr specie,in the form of dollars and dou-
'l'hesc
the dollar. bloons. diftculties werc compounded b1' thc clevelopmento1'thc palm<ril
trade at Ouidah in the ltl40s: l)uncan in ltl45 thought that the decline of thc slave
Tahle6.1 Price o/-palmoilat Ouidah, 1811-78 trade therc was due not onll to the activitiesof the British navv but also to thc fact
Pcr ton Pcr mcasurc that the French and British lcgitimate traders could supplv manufamurcd goods
( . 3 2 0g a l . ) ( I 8 gal.) more chcaplythan the Portugucseand Spanishslavc-traders,so that thc latter had
to pav for their slavesin cash.rrtThc move of thc slave-tradersinto the palm-oil
I tt44 [$zl1 $4 trade was clcarll''intended to solvc this problcm, b1,giving them bctter accessto
Itl49Oct. t${tv1 $s manufacturedgrxrds.As F{utton cxplicidy noted in ltt,17,'thel.pursue the palm oil
lli50Apr. l$1211 {31 $7 trade ttt induce ships to bring them out carpfoes', which thel' thcn solclfilr slaves;
185 I [$1I 6-112] $6.-50-u likewisc, Martins cxplained to Forbcs in 18-50that'the slavc and palm oil trade
Itt52Jan. t$1.t7_2111 $8-r2 hclped eachothcr'.rrl
IU53+ [$71-l07] $4-6 Some o[ the oil exportecl through ouidah rvas procluced localll. f)uncan,
I ti57 [$1071 $6
I u76 r)J returning to Ouidah in 1849,rcported that'the wholc of'the land in the immcdirrte
[$11-5] l${r.501
I UTtt neighbourhrxldof the settlcment,which three,vcrrsag()u.asoccupiedsolclt firr the
[$11s1 .576fr [$6.sol
production of f-arinha [cassavaflour] fbr slave subsistencc,is nou, occupied for
.larr'r'r: lll.l.t 5(l: PP.Sh\e'lrr(lc lll50 l. (-lass \, enc. I in no. lq8. Forhes.fr April 11350; other purposcs'.rr5 IJut much of it was brought from furthcr inland: in ltl,17it was
l'RO l Oll-+/1l116.
Ifrrscr. 17.Jrn. llt5J l$ pcr nrcasurc.
noted that some of'thc traders dcliveringoil to f{utton's ftrctorvin the l-nglish fort
I ' R { ) .( I ) t . + 7 , / 2 1 , c l m e f r r t m ' c o n s i d e r a b ldc i s t a n c e s ' . r " ' ' f h cF r c n c h i r g c n tB r u e , t r a r c l l i n gi n l l n t l i n
Itl43, found the countr)'bctrveenOuidah and'Iirri 'studdcd with clumps of palm
trccs', while at Tori itself hc sawan cstimated30 pipes (around 3,750gallons)of oil
rs i,rrrcrrcrl to stcrling in thc original s,rurccrt thc conrcntionrl rrtc rrl $l=5s.11,1=$11,
r . r l u eo r $ l - ' l s 2 t t . l d l = $ ' l . r l 0 li s r s u n r e c l .
lin rhr 1876
on salein thc market and at Allada noted the cultivation of 'much oil, which is the
subjectof'r quite extendedtrldc'; likewiscRrrbes in lU-50saw tradcrs from Ouidah
going to'lbri to purchascpalm oil, along with provisionsand locally made cloth.irT
'fhc
Somc British observcrs,such as f)uncan, assumcdthat the movc into palm oil cntrv <11'Ouidah into production of palm oil firr export qualified the 'middle-
impliccla movc out of slaving;thc cxpansi<lnof thc oil tradc was thcreforctaken to man' rolc u'hich it had occupieclin thc slavc tradc; but, to thc extent that it also
bc an indcx of thc dccline of thc slavctradc. Ilut thc realitv u'irsthat the palm-oil importecloil fiorn placcslirrther inlrrntl,it continucd to function as a middleman in
frirdc was a supplcment to rathcr than a substitutclirr thc slavetraclc,and Ouidah t h c n c u l r a t l t ' r t l s o . \ n r o r c o ' i t i c a l i n r p l i c a t i o no 1 ' t l r c t r l n s i t i o n l v a s t h a t i t t i e d
m c r c h i r n t sp u r s u c d b o t h s i m u l t : r n c < l u s l _ \A. rsi rI i r r l l c s p c r c c i \ c d i n l l l - [ 9 , ' a t t h i s
n r o l r c n t l t h e r c i s l n o l o n e s l a r c n r c r c h r r n ti n \ \ r h r t l i r h b u t $ o r k s b o t h t r i r d e s ' . " l ) l ' . S l . r \ ( ' l r , r r l , . l l i l , t : { ) . ( l . r s r l J . rl 0r rr rr r r r , , t ) . l o r l r t . s . i \ r rlrl ' i { ( )
" ' | ) r r l r , r r r /. r , r , / , . r . I i l
il
r r " l b i t l . .i i . f i 5 . f , f i () . ( ( ) , i r rl . ) | l r r r r , , rlr, \ l . r r ,l r l \ 1 , l , , r l , , l t t t t , , , , t , , r \ \
' l ' l ' . \ l . r r r l r . r , l ,l \ l ' / 'l) { r . . l l r , , I l r r r r r r, r r
l ' l ' , S l . r r t l r . r r l t l l i l ( ) i l ) . ( . l . r r r \ . r t r , i r t r r r o I ( ) ) i .I o r l r c s .l r \ p r i l l t i i l ) \rr, l\1,/
' '
S c r l . l r . t , S , , r r n r o r r r r l. l r r , , , r r r 1 ' . r t r l ' r,l'rl tt\l r ( . l . r r , , r r r ,llr , r l r r , ' rtlr , r r l , 'l r | ) . r l r , ' r r r 'l\\.l l i l l i i S ' ,i r rl . . r u . l { t , l l r r . r t l , , , rrrr . , l l i , r ,
I ' , , r r t\ / , t , l,.tl, t,, l,,ttn,tti, t ,r,t,rt,, .\
i/' lfrr, \, 'r1, ' l,,rl', l),,, , , ll l, I r,,, , , j , . r , , r r r , , l t , ,l .r r r r r ' r
 The Era of Transition The Era of Transition

Ouidah more closely to its immediate hinterland, south of the Lama, where the oil is probable, indeed, that an additional factor in the take-off of palm-oil exports
was produced, rather than to the Dahomian capital further north, which had from the mid-1840s was the introduction of cheaper supplies of cowries fromzan-
supplied it with slaves.This implied a weakening of the relationship of inter- zibar, mentioned above,which facilitated purchasesfrom small-scaleproducers.ra2
dependencebetweenthe Ouidah merchant community and the Dahomian monarchy It is clear,however,that much of the palm-oil production in the Ouidah areawas
that had characterizedthe operation of the slavetrade; and this increasingauton- done on large-scaleplantations. These evidently involved the actual planting of oil-
omy no doubt tended to exacerbatethe resentment they felt against the taxation palms, as opposed to the harvesting of fruit from wild trees.r+lThere was also a
and regulation of their trade imposed by the state. degree of technical innovation in the process of production. In the eighteenth
'legitimate'
The influential analysisof A.G. Hopkins suggestedthat the rise of century, in Dahomey as generally throughout West Africa, it is likely that the oil
commerce in West Africa in the nineteenth century involved a significant dis- was squeezedout ofthe fruits by hand. In the Igbo countrv.in the hinterland ofthe
continuity in economic structures, since, whereasthe slave-tradewas dominatcd by Bight of Biafra, it appearsthat, with the rise of the export trade in palm oil, larger-
a small number of large entrepreneurs, the production and marketing of agricul- scalemethods of production were adopted, in which the palm fruits were placed to
tural produce such as palm oil were open to small-scaleparticipation. Although he ferment in canoesor hollowed-out tree-trunks, and the oil trodden out in them.la+
concededthat the transition had less impact on the organization of trade in coastal A similar transition evidentlv occurred in the ouidah area: a visitor in 1847
entrep6ts such as Ouidah, since large wholesalerswere still needed to bulk up the described a 'palm-oil manufactory' three miles from Ouidah, situated in 'a palm-
produce for sale to European merchants, he held that the new trade presented tree plantation ... of some miles in extent', on which he observedgangsof men
opportunities for the entry of new traders, because a greater number of inter- treading oil in large mud-walled troughs built for the purpose.rlsThe labour on
mediaries were needcd to collect the palm oil from its original producers.rr8In thc such large-scale plantations was clearly performed mainly by slaves; here as
specific caseof Dahome.v,in contrast, Catherine Coquery-Vidrovitch argued that elsewherein coastalWest Africa, the rise of 'legitimate' trade created an increased
the same large-scalemerchants who had controlled the slave trade continued to local demand for slaves,which to some degree offset the decline of overseassales.l+6
dominate the trade in palm produce.rse On the face of it, thc latter's insistenceon It was alreadynoted in 1844that'the inhabitantsand black merchanrs'of Ouidah
continuity of commercial organization seems to be borne out in Ouidah, where were beginning to retain slavesat home to produce palm oil, rather than selling
both Brazilian slave-traderssuch as the de Souzas,Martins and dos Santos and them. In l84ll it was estimated that, in addition to 8,000 slavesexported annually,
indigenous merchants such as Hou6nou and Adjovi made the transition from at least another 1,000were being imported each year into'the towns and villages
dealing in slavesto selling palm oil. However, there is also evidencein support of upon the coast' for local use; although this report does not rcfcr cxplicitly to palm-
Hopkins's thesis of the opening up of trade to small-scale participation. The oil production, it seems reasonableto infer that this accounted fbr much of the
combination of large-scale and small-scale enterprise was explicitly noted by internal demand for slaves.r+7
Forbes in 1850, who reported seeingpalm-oil traders arriving at the factory of dos The rise of the export trade in palm oil had significant implications for gender
Santos,'some with only a gallon, others having slavesloaded with large calabashes relations in Ouidah and its hinterland, since whercas the slave trade had been
of oil'.|+{}The prominence of small-scale transactions in the oil trade is also dominated by men, a major role in the new trade was played by women.ta8In
indirectly attested by the importance of cowry shells among the goods exchanged Dahomey, although the climbing of the palm trees to cut down the fruits was
for palm oil. Although cowries had of course been given in exchange for slaves r1r 'fhc connection bctwccn palm
oil exports and the introduction of cou rics as currenc) was noted on the
earlier, in the slavetrade they were paid in bulk (by weight or measure),whereasin Gold (irast in the l[J30s: Brodic Cruickshrnk, Iiighttn Yeurs on tfu Golt! Cotsr oJ',1Jrin (l-ondon, l8-5.]), ii,
the oil trade they were commonly counted out, implying smaller-scaletransactions. a.t.
'counting out
Forbesnoted that dozensof dos Santos'sown slaveswere employed in rjr (iontemporarv
descriptions of oil 'plantations' are gJcneralll not explicit on whcthcr thcse involved
cowries to pay for the produce', and similar observationsoccur in other accounts: cultivation of'palms, or nterclv cxploitation ol existing trees. Howcvcr, a refcrencc in 1850 to'the native

for example,a visitor to Hutton's factory in 1847saw'a number of women who were plantcrs ... cxtcntling their plantations'sccms to impll'actual planting: PP, Slavc'l'rade ltt-50 51, Class A,
c n c . . l i n n t t . l ( l f l , l i r r b c s , 6 A p r i l l l i . 5 0 . ' l h c I r r c n c h m i s s i o n o f l l l . 5 ( rr e l e r s m o r c c x p l i c i t l y t o ' n c w l y p l a n t e d
occupied in counting out a caskofcowries', and the Frcnch factory in the 1850salso
rrrutrg prlnts'rntl (rt (.rrrr) lo'r()\1s ol palnr trccs in straight lines', u'hich must cvidcntly have bcen
employed numerous people,mainly women and children, to count out cowries.r{rIt d c l i b c r r t e l r p l r r r t c t l :\ . r l l , , n , ' l . t r o r r r r r n ct l c l ) r h o r r r c r ' ' 1
, /.1-5.1 . 1, 5 7 .
't'Sttsltt \lrrtirr,'Slrrrts, lqlro uottttn.ttttl
p r t l t t to i l i r r t h t r r i n c t c e n l hc c n t u r \ ' , i n l , t w , l t r o m . \ l a i t 7 ' r u t h t o
rr8 Ilopkins, I)tononit llisror.t,,l25 6, l.t5 7. '1.i]!ltril,tl, ( t ,. l\.t i
"tttttt'
rr"Cathcrinc (irqucrr'\'itlroritch.'l)e r ' l { i r l u s . n . ' l ' r r t t t , t l ' ,l l - ' I i
h trlitc dcs csclrrcs i I'crportrtion tlc I'huilc tlc palntc ct tlcs l , r r l r r r r r r I s r l l . r l s , ,r r . l l r r r . r tl o t l r t t r t . r r r l i r or gt r t o l o i l i r r ' r l a r g c r c c e s s ' :
'l
p r l m i s r c s ; r u I ) i r h o n r e r ' , i n ( . h u d c \ l r i l h s s o L r r ( e < I . ) ,7 7 r , 'l ) t r r l o p n u u r o f l n , t t . q t w t u s r u , l t t n l . l l u r l ' t t s i n J ) ' t l r , t rtt.r r . I l . lt,
'"
I l i ' s t . l . l i r r ( l , o n t l r t t , l 9 7 l ) , 10 7 L i . f.,,rt;,,t. lrtu,l,'rtttttr,rt\t,t\lt ,r I'r/ \i
I r " l ' i r r l r c sI,) t h , t n t y , r , I l ' l '
l t r \ l , , n l r . r r .l , ( . , 1 , , 1 l,' . , 1 , , , , . ' l ' l ' \ t r . . r " r , . t , , \ . l r . r r t r , . r r r r l l ) . r l r , , r rr rr cr r r. (l r l r . r r r k l ( r . p o r t . l i
l ' l { i t l g n . r r .' l o r r r r r . r l 'l .r l l r . I o l l r t r . l ) r h , , m r y ,r , l l l . 'l.e ' l ( , , l , r r r f . r \ \" 1 ( l ' r l r r r r t '
\.rll,,r. r r t . t t t t r t r l t l ) . t l t , r t t t t r ' l. / i i l , l{eprrr, t r r , l , r r ' , 1 ' , r ' , i , r r , l r t r , , r r . r ' r \ , , r r r l ' r l . r r r , l , t r r r l l ) . r l r , , r r r r lt t, ,r,l tl u. r. r\ r1., t , ,
'\,,r.rcr''. i
I

.'l{l
 'l'hc
T h e F . r ao f T r a n s i t i o n ltrrr ol' Transiti<.rn
normalll done by men, the processingand marketing <lf the oil was considered The hcad of thc Hodonou f'amilyat this time, Dovonou, is said to havefounded the
women's work. The small-scaleproduction of oil for export in the ninetcenth village of Pahou, l5 km easrof Ouidah; a ref'ercnceby Forbes in lB50 ro,a new
centurv was thercfbre presumabll' dominated by lvomen. Contemporarv sources town lately built to thc eastrvard'o1' ouidah may allude to Pahou.r5+In the
attest thc prominencc clf'women in the <lil trade irt Ouidah: a visitor to Hutton's firllowing gencration,after the flnal encl of the trans-Atlantic slave trade in the
factorv in thc L,nglishlbrt in 1847obscrvcd'a constantinflux ... of women'bring- Itl60s,thc sccondheadof the Hou6nou family; Kpadonou Hou6nou, is said to have
ing palm oil frrr sale;and a member of thc French mission in 1856 even asserted scttlcd the slaveswho were now no longer exportablc on oil-palm plantations,
that the oil tradc was entircly in the hands of'women, men seldom comingi to including estateseastof Pahou, such as cococodji, and at Godomey and Abonrev-
Ouidah lilr this purpose unlessthey \\'ereaccompanvingtheir rvivesto help trans- Calavion the westernshorc of Lake Nokou6.r55
'I'his
port thc cowries and merchandiscrcceived in cxchange.r{"Howcver, the slaves shift inttt commercial agriculture is encocledin thc traditions of the
cmployed on larple-scalc plantationsincluded men as well as rvomen,as erplicitly Hodonou f'amilythat its head planted crops on his fhrms, which f ieldcd a harvest
noted in the ltt47 accountcited earlier;likeu'ise,Antonio d'Almeida's farm in 1864 of money, in the form of cowrl shclls.ls6'I'his transition clearl_yaffected the
was cultivatedby' 18 male and 6 f-emaleslaves,although it is not specificdthat this fortunes of individual merchants,some ol'whom fbund increasedopportunitiesin
wirs producing palm oil.l5r)More criticalh; these lirrgc-scaleoil plantationsvrere the new tradc. Acljovi, Ior ex;rmplc,who had earlier been employedby de Souzaas
clearlyowned mainll' by mcn. The competition betweensmall-scaleand largc-scale wirrdcn of slavesawaiting cxport, is allegedby de Souza family tradition to havc
production in the oil trade thus t<lokon a genderdimension.Thc consequentten- made his fortune by stealingsomeof the slavesundcr his care and putting thcm to
'Ihe
sionsmav be relevantt<lthe introduction into Ouidah of masqueradecults such as work on oil-palm plantations.r5i transition may have favoured indigenous
Zangbeto and l-gungun, notcd in an earlicr chapter (although this mav have merchantsmore Eienerally; to thc cxtcnt that thcy may have had readicr accessto
occurrcd onh after the French colonial occupationin 1892),since thesecults rverc farnrland. But Brazilian merchants also obtained estates, as has been seen,
restrictedto men, and tunctionedin part to control and disciplinewomen,including presumably through grants from the king. Despite rhc cxtension of cultivation,
cspecially those who were active in the commercial sector of the economl; whose thcre evidentll remaincd sufficicnt land around Ouidah; as Burton still noted in
independentearningswerc explicitlv perccivedas a threat to male dominancc.lsl thc 1860s,'when a man wants fresh ground he mcrclv brings a little dash to the
The largeoil plantationsnow establishedin the Ouidah areawere mainly ou,ned caboceer[i.e. thc Yovoganl'.rs$
by existing merchants, including both locallv settled Brazilians and indigenous Thc transport of palm oil to Ouidah posedconsiderabll'grcater difficulties and
Dahomians.Fbrbes in ltt50 noted that the Brazilian dos Santoshad 'a plantation costs than the slave-trade,not only becauseslavesu'cre sclf-transportingwhilc <lil
on which hc manufacturesoil'; and he visited two other plantations,onc east of had to be carried,but also bccauseof the large quantiticsof oil that now had to be
Ouidah, ou'ned by the indigenousmerchant Adjovi, describedas 'a verv extensive moved: as a rough equivalence,in the 1840sonc slavecommandedaround the same
palm-oil plantation', on which wcre 'many establishments, slave villages,fbr thc price at thc coast ($tl0) as I ton (320 gallons) ot' oil. Although oil could be
manufacture',and onc three miles tcl the west (pcrhapsthe same<lnedescribedin transportcdlatcrall,l'along the coastbv canoeon the lag<lons, its deliverl' to Ouidah
1847),owned by an unnamed returned ex-slaveflrom Bahia,'a splendid palm-oil from the interior c<luldonly bc done by human portcrs, carrying it on their heads.
plantation . . . thickly set with palm trees'.r52
One implication of thc rise of the palm A standard headloadovcr lonp;distancesin Dahomey was only about 50-60 lb.,
oil tradc, therefore,was that the Ouidah merchantsbecamea classof commercial although largcr rueightsmight be carried on shorter hauls. Palm oil was carried in
f:rrmersand large-scaleslave-owners, rather than merely traders.Forbesdescribes c o n t a i n c r su i t h a c : r p a c i t l ' o l ' b e r w e e5n- 1 2 g a l l o n s( w e i g h i n gb c r w e e n3 5 - 8 5 l b . ) :
Adjovi, Houcnou, Gnahoui and the other leading 'native merchants' as owning in carthenlvarepots, with a standardcapacitynf'5 gallons,l5"or calabashes, which
'thousandsof slaves';Gnahoui alone having'upwards of 1000 c<rntained30--10litrcs, c. tl-12 gallons,each.rt'('Atouidah itsell; oil was commonly
slaves'- though not
all of these would have been employed in the production of oil for export, since hc sold in measurcsof'lfl glllons, but this quantity would have been too hcavy to
owned estatesnorth of the Lama (at Abomel', Cana, Zogbociom6and Agrim6), lrclcl-ltlrrd<lvct'krng clistances.It rvould thus takc bctrveen30 and 60 porters to
beyond the current oil-producingarea,as well as 'an cxtcnsivedomain' at Ouidah, '" l{crrricr.'()rritl.rlr'.
i . i . l i r r b e . , l ) r l t t t r t t t y ' .i . 1 0 5 .
a'large f'arm'at Tori and an estateat Hou6gb<1, north of Allada.rsrThe growth of ' " I { c r r t i t r , ' ( ) t r i t l . r l r '(, r l ' l
l t t l ; t t t r i r ( ( . u r ) t o ! ( l r r i r r u r r r ,L r ' s . l t t i t r t s . ( r . 5 a, t t r i b u t c st h c f b u n d a t i o n o l ' t h e s e
palm oil cultivation was pr<lbablyconnectcdwith thc cokrnizirtion<lf agricultural ( \ l J t ( \ r i l l l t ( t l o K p , t r l r r t t o t t 'ls. t l l r t r \ z . r n r u . r r l ol l o t r t r r o t r ,
l r r o b r r b l rt h e r u c r c c s t a b l i s h e db v K D a d o n l u
land to the east of Ouidah during this pcriod, which is rccallcd in local tradition. r ! t I i n I l r r sl , r l l ) ( r ' \l t l ( r [ | (
'"
l t t l r l r t o t[ . I l , , , l , , r r , ,,r,r, r r r p , , r r r r ,. l' ,I S , l ' t . t l l ( ] { l
rjuRidguirl.Journal',l9{r,\rirllrn,'l,crorrurnctlcl)irhonrcr', l,/.l5fi. ' |)r S,,rz.r. Ltnr/1,
Lt ,/,.\,,a,r i i I
ri(l Vergcr, Os lihutos, 123. \
l l u t t i , r I l r ' , r , , r r l (|
F r I f o r c l r l r o r r t i o n o tl l r i s i r l i u n r ( r l . s t t l . . r r r , " ' l . t g i t i r r ; r t t " t r . r r l lt 0" ,S I l ) 'll'rtl
r lli rr
r ' l i r r l r t s .l ) , t h , t n r y i.. l l { . l l i . l l i ' 'l
\ . r l l , , r r t r , ' \ . r r r r , 1 , l ) r l r , , r r , , r I i , \ I I t l r , , r r l r , r t l . \ l l . ) . r r , o r r r r r , ,t l r , t r . r r r . , 1 r o r r . ol rt )onl t l l
.,llrr,l.r.lli L L r r r ' , , r l r l , r . l r , ' , r r r r l l , l r , , r r l r r , r ! , r , r ! , rt \ \ i 1 r ,1 ,1 1 1 , , , , . 1, ,rr' ,\ , , r r r . l l , r a , , r , , l
il l;i

'l 'li
.t
 The Era of Transition
move a ton of palm oil. Although deliveredto Ouidah in small quantities,the oil
was bulked up on arrival there. This is most explicitly statedin the accountfiom
1847,which notcd that upon delivery in the English fort, the oil was 'poured into
casks and measured', prior to payment.r6rThe standard barrel in which <lil was
exported was the 'puncheon'; this had a variable capacity on different parts of the
African coast,but on the Slave Coast in the 1840sa puncheon of 120 gallons (;4of a
ton) was in use.rt'2After pouring into puncheonsat Ouidah, the oil had still to be
delivered to the beach over 3 km away.Puncheons were evidently too heavv to be
head-loaded and were rolled al<,rngthe ground. In the 1850s it was noted of the
road between Ouidah and the beach that 'casksand puncheons of palm oil, cowries
and other goods are daily rolled along it'; according to later testimony.,this took two
personsper puncheon.16r In crossingthe lagoon,palm oil being lighter than water,
the puncheonscould be lloatedon the watcr.r('l
In the early stages,the palm-oil trade remained in private hands, rather than
being undcrtakenby stateenterprise.A person who had visited Ouidah in 1843-5
noted that the king and his officials were uninvolved in the oil trade, except for
taxing it.165The principal tax applied to the oil trade in the 1840swas an export
tax levied on salesof palm oil, as first recordedby Duncan in 1845;accordingto
later accounts,this was levied at the rate of one gallon in the measureof eighteen,
which was physically ladled out in the European factoriesand sold on the king's
behalf.166Although the meth<ld of payment was different (taken as a share of the
commodity exportcd, rather than of goods imported), thc rate of the dutl' was
roughly comparable with that of the export tax on slaves($5 per slave,on a
standard price of $80 per slave). The complaint of Gezo to a British mission in
1848 that the oil trade 'brought only a very small amount of duties into his coffers'
presumably reflects the low level of palm oil exports at that date, and perhaps also
that the king as yet receivedno income directlv from salesof palm oil, as he did
fiom slaves.l6T
The reconstructionoJ-theBrazilian clmmunit.yin Ouidah
'l'he
rise of the palm-oil trade coincidcd with significantchangesin the composi-
ti<ln rnd structure of the Brazilian merchant communitv in Ouidah. Francisco
"" Ridgwar,,Journal', 196.
r"r lr.g. PRQ C,O96/2, 'Propertv dcstrovedrrt this f'rrctoribr llrc on Nftrndrr 2"'r instant',
J.H. Akhurst,
A g o u i ' ,7 O c t . l f i 4 3 .I i o r v e v e rt,h c r ew r s a l s oi r ' l a r g c ' p u n c h c r >onf ' 1 6 0g a l l r n s( h a l l ' at o n ) .
r " t l " r e e m l n ,' \ , \ ' e s tA f r i c a ' , 2 ( ) l ; B c r t i n , ' R c n s c i g n c m r n tssu r l c r o r r u n r c t l c l ' o r t o \ o r o c t l c l ) a h r l r r c r ' ,
R,l.{C''106(1890),.re.]
r " r l ) u n c a n ,T r u t e l s , i , l 1 9 2 0 .
r " 5P R ( l F ' O 8 4 / 1 4 6 5A 'lintt,23
, n o n t m o u sl c t t e r t o I : d i t o r o 1 ' l l r i r r n
'l'he
t t , t 1 .1 U r - l d e2,7 J u l v I f i 7 6 . u r i t c r i l s s r t n r ct(hl a t t h c s cc o n t l i t i o r rsst i l l r r p p l i c rilr r t l r r ' I S 7 0 sl,r r r tt l r i sr r r s
c e r t a i n l rn o l o n g c rt h c c r s c
J " " I ) L r n c rl n l t,; L L . i . l l l ; I ' i r r l r t ls) .t l t , t u t t . 1i.i / r . l l l . l i { ) - ' . / ; , ( o r r r r r r l rl ,{ r .Jr' l, , r t , ' , ,r ,' } l r . r ' r ' rl .i
\hr ll{5.2.
r ' l ' l ' ,\ l i s s i o r rt r r \ s l r , r r (t r, r r r l| ) . r l r , , r r (r r r r rl,. l r . r r l l ( , 1 ' , r' r. L
.'l I
The Era of Transition
Felix de Souzadied on 8 May' 1849.r6n Despite his partial lossof royal favour in his
final years,he was given an official funeral appropriate to a major Dahomian chief;
the ceremonies even included, despite the protests of his sons, the offering of
human sacrifices,two being killed at the beach and two at his grave.r6e Although de
Souza's dominant influence in Ouidah had been reduced by the time of his death,
the succession to his position of Chacha remained an important issue. In the
absenceofthc eldestson Isidoro,residentat Little Popo,the acting headshipofthe
family seemsto have devolved upon the next-born scln,Ignacio; at least, it was he
rvho took charge of the funeral ceremoniesfor the father.r?(rTheinitial assumption
in Ouidah was that Ignacio would also succeedto his father's position of Chacha.
Gezo, however, at first offered the post to the now leading merchant, Domingos
Martins, but the latter was unwilling to remove from Porto-Novo to Ouidah, and
by late 1849 the general belief was thar, in default of Ntartins the post would go to
Isidoro.rTr The latter'swillingnessto move back to Ouidah was doubtlessdue to the
destruction by fire of his pr<lperty at Popo, noted earlier. In March 1850 Gezo
summoned the de S<luzafamily, together with the Yovogan,to Abomey, ro appoint
a ncw Chacha. Forbcs obscrved that Isidoro was the wealthiest of the three
brothers, but Ignacio was backed by Martins, and Antonio was 'the king's
favourite', so that the issue was still in doubt; in the event, as F-orbesf<_rund on
returning to Ouidah in May; Isidoro was confirmed as Chacha, while Ignacio was
made a 'caboceer'and Antonio given the honorific title of 'amigo-del-Rey' ('fiiend
of the king', in Portuguese).It was understoodthat all three would pay a separare
'tribute' (i.e. 'head-mone],',
or income tax) to the king, thus formalizing the
dissolutionof the family into autonomoussegments.rT2 According to later tradition,
in fact, the de Souza propcrty in ouidah was also now partitinned between the
three brothers, Isidoro occupving the main house of Singbome, while Ignacio took
the nearby building of Kindji irnd Antonio occupied Zomai at the western end of
thc town.lTr
'I'he
position to which Isid<lro succeededwas of significantly less prestige and
powcr than his father had enioyed in his heyday.The financial liabilities bequeathed
bv the father were easedby a partial repudiation of his debts, Gezo decreeing that
his heirs should 'pay the "lcgal" debts of his fathcr, but not his debts to slave-
rlc:rlcrs';the mc:rningiof this formula is not transparent,but probably the intention
rvitsthat his clcbtsto the king were saf-eguarded while others were discounted.The
new (.hacha also c<lnrinucdto enjoy the privilegesthat accrued to his position as
irFcnl fi)r thc king's tradc, includinli roval rights of pre-emption, at least within
( )trirlahitself; irs lirrbcs notcd in lt't.50,the Chacharemained'the principal agent to
t h c k i n g i r t r r l l r r r r r t l c r so l ' t r r t r l c ; r t n t l t o h i m m u s t b c s u b i e c t c da l l c o m m e r c e .
''
l ' l ' , S l . r r c ' l r . r t l ltl l ( l \ ( 1 , ( . 1 . r \ \ l lr r o l r , | ) r r r r r . l rl .i 5 e p t . lll.lt).
''
_ l r r n tl l i 7 6 , t r r t . t o 1 . . l i i t z q c r a l t lt o l l r r r l ,( . l , r s lsl , t r r , I I r r rr r , r ' ) .| ) r r r r r . r rl rl i, S r ' 1 r rl i ' i . l t l
'll'rrl (
. L r ' . l l . r r r r ' .| ) r r r r r . r r r . . ' . 'g\ r l l S l ' l
. i n n o .( ) .
l l ' r r l , 1 , . ' " l l . r r ' , r , , l ) u r , . 1 r , . , . ' \ , 1 , r l \ 1 , ) ( r r l ( r r r r f it r r . t l r t . r t . r , , rsr,r, lr r 'r,r r l r r r r r t , t l, )r .r r .l 0
l , , r l ' r . , , ( ) r r r , l . r l r . t ,l (\ )l r' t/ . t L r . , \. , r r , l l l r r r r r , , ' / . l , , r l r r . : \ r r r I \ l t )
| , , ' 1 , ,. . / , . , , . , , , , | | 'r i
" 's,,r,
| ' , . t L l ) . ' h ,, ' , ,' ' r , { r.rrrrr l r r . r , ,r r, r r r , t , \ , ,
't'
 'l'he
F.raof,Transition The Era oITransition

rvhetherin slaves<lrpalm-oil, that he mav havethe refusal'.li+But Gezo no lonpler evidently remained at Ouidah thereafter,dying there in 1858,and ftrunded a family
dcalt through the Chacha alone. In 1850 he namcd four other personswho were that still exists,in Ganvd quarter.rs2
Another, Marcos BorgesFerras,initialll'staycd
rlso servinp;as his agents:his br<ltherslgnacio and Antonio de Souza,N{artins at in Lagos,but was expelledon suspicion<lfcontinuedslave-dealingin 1855and also
Porto-Novo and a Spanish tradcr called Joaquim Antonio, u'ho lvits based at rvithdrew to Ouidah; in 1856 he returned to Bahia, rvhcre he was imprisoned for
G r a n d - P o p ol o t h c u c s t . l ; i his earlier involvement in illcgal slaving,but by 1863 he was back in Ouidah.r8s
Notablv absent from this list o1' Gezo's agents is Joaquim d'Almeida. This Augusto Amadie, Hungarian by birth but an honorary 'Brazilian' by employment,
probably reflects the fact that he had lately removed his residence fiom Ouidah; having formerly served as secretary to Domingos Martins in Ouidah, rvho had
'now' rcmoved to l,agos in 18-52,was forcibly deported from thcre in 1853; he wcnt
when Fbrbes returned there in April ltt50 hc f<runclthat cl'Almeida rvas
residentat Agou6,r;"and hc rcmaincd at Agou6 thcrelfter'.until his death in 1857. initially to Agouti, but also ended up in Ouidah, w'herche is attestedby 1863.t8+
'Ihe Other Brazilians who moved from I-agos to Ouidah, although in these cascsthere
rerson for this displaccme nt is not recordecliperhirps it rvas linkcd to
d'Almeida's flnancial difficulties arising from capturcsbv the British navv; n<lted is no cxplicit evidence that thcir relocation was connected with illegal slaving
carlier, but possibly also it was connected with lsidrtro's removal into Ouidah. activitics,were Angelo Custodio das Chagas,attcstedin Lagos in 1853 but estab-
D'Almcida continued to maintain l householdin Ouidah, howcver; in 1863, sir lished at Ouidah by 1863,who founded a family in Maro quarter;r85 andJoaquim
'a large house' in the 'the headman
vears after his death, it u.asnoted that thc fhmil,vstill had de Cerqueira Lima, whose father had rcportedly been of Brazilian
town and that sever:rlof his childrcn wcrc attcnding the school establishedby the emigrants'at Lagos, but who by 1t364lvas resident in Ouidah and whose descen-
French Roman Catholic mission thcrc.r;;'['here is indeeclstill a d'Almcicla housc- dants live in Brazil quarter.ru6
hold in Ouidah, in Quenum quirrtcr,whosc inhabitantsseen.r to be descendcdfrom Convcrscly there seems to harc been a reversemovement <lf freed slavesof
slaveso{'Joaquinrcl'Almeida,rather than himself.rTE
lVhilc the rcmovalof d'Almeida Sicrra Leonian origin from Ouidah to Lagos.At any rate, thc communit\ of Sierra
to Agou6 tended to strengthen Isidoro de Souza's position within Ouidah, it was Leonians reported by visitors to Ouidah in 1843-51 seems no longer to have
converselyundermined when [)omingos Martins soon afterwardsshifieclthe main existed by the mid-1850s, since the records of the llritish Methodist mission
fbcus of his activities fiom Porto-Novo into Ouidah. In ltl5l the hostility of the cstablishcdin l8-54mrke no referenceto it. Burton in 1864 notcd explicitlv that
king of Porto-Novo obligedMartins t<labandonhis establishmentthere, tnd s(x)n British subjectsin Ouidah numbered onll' :r dozen, and thcsc were mostlv Fantc
:rfter,in August lll5l, hc rvasappointed'a caboceer,of his tllvn placc,rrt Whvdah'. from Capc Co:rst.lN7
Firr a while he contemplatedreturning to Bahia, and even put his propert_vin
Ouidah up for sale,but in the evcnt he did not lcavc, fearing that if he went to
tlrazil he might be prosccutedthcrc for his illegal slavingactivities.rTe l'his ousting B ritish interttention (5
of Martins from Porto-Novo was evidently only temporarl sincc he resumed
the end d-the Brazilian sluaetrade, 1819-52
trlcling therc latcr. Ncvcrthcless,the centre of gravitr of'his <lpcrationssccmsnow
to havc shiftcd decisivcl_r'towards Ouidah. Around thc sametimc, he also firrmed l 'l'he
llritish intcrvention at Lagos \4'aspart of a widcr attack on thc illegal slave
connectionrvith the cleSouzas,nrarrvingone of the late (,hitch:r'sdaughtcrs.rEr)
'lhe trlrlc in the Bight r>f'Ilcnin, u'hich in its initial stageshad in fact focused nn
composition of thc mcrchant communitv in Ouidah lvls also indirectlv
l)ahomo' more than upon l-agos.Thc diplomatic exchangeshad been initiated by
allccted b1'thc British intcrvcntion at Lirgos at the cnd of lfl5l, which cnded the (iczo, rvho cnlistcclthe missionarl'Freemanin 1843 and the explorer l)uncan in
slavctrade at that port and turned it into a quasi-protectorateof Britain.r8rThis
lll{-5 to transnritmcssilgcsto thc British authoritiesexpressinghis desirefrlr closer
filrced the relocation of ser.eralBrazilian slavc-traclcrsfbrmerlv resiclcnt therc,
lt'lrrtior.rs, rrnd in particular filr thc rcoccupationof the English fort in Ouidah.
sonrcof whom encleclup in Ouidah. Onc of the principll slavc-dealers rlt Lagos, ( l ) u r r c i r n ,i r r f i r c t ,r r n t l c r s t r x l cGl c z o t o b c o f f c r i n g t o ' c c c l c ' O u i d a h t o t h c B r i t i s h ,
(.'.rrlosJos6 dc Souz-aNobrc, anticipated the l]ritish attirck bl uithrlrawing to
''
he \crgrr, llut tt rLllut. iTli:.1.S.(i. (irrnrbcrL(. ,\thttsut t'tur .llhfus llrstl'ust (Amstcrdanr, l116l), 156;
Ouidah, reportcdlf in the hope of securingF-renchor US c<luntcr-intcrvcntion;
l l r r r t u r t , l l r " r , , r r .i , I I l . l l c r n i c r , ' ( ) L r i t l r h ' . 6 0 .
''
\r'rqcr. I lur tt ttllrrt..l.ii (r, ili{) lii, llrrrtorr. llrrvaz. i, 7-l n. One ol thc lcttcrs of'dos Santosin 1863
l7{ lrorbes, l)thome.1', i, 106, I I l.
( s r t l ( n l r r n r ( r , r l , ' r r r c r) r r . r , l t l t r ' ' s t t li o \ l . r r r o s I i r r ( t s l i t t t : t s r t ( ) t r i t l r h . a n r l t h c h t t c r l l s o n i t n e s s c dt h c
I t i P P , S l a v c ' I i a d c l l J 5 0 l , ( , h s s . \ , e n c . 2 i n n o . 2 2 0 , I ' i r r b c s , - l o u r r t r l ,{ . l t r l r l l l 5 0 .
r r r l l , r l \ r l r r r r r r r r \l l r r r r , l . r r t r l S { r 'rll , ' s S . t r r t o s r , ' r r c s p , r n t l e t t r ' t . r r o \(tl rJ6l l. l l t 6 . i l ; \ i ' r g c r , O t l i h L ' r t o s , l 2 1 .
r;" Ibid., (llass A, enc. .1 in no. l9ll, Irorbcs, {r \pril | 1i50. ' 511rrrlr.
l L , L t " , , , ( , ' ' t \ t t l , t t ,l .l ' , . l ' l ' , \ l . r r r l r , r r l r l l i i i l . ( . l r s s \ . t r r r i r r r l r . l 2 l l , - f o r r r n r ol 1 ( i . ( . .
l7t []rrrghero,./ar r n t l, | 2J J Itcb. I 1i6.1
I l. I ' l r r l l r l ' 'r .. \ p r r l l s . i l l r r r t , r r lr l. r , , r , ' rr I r r
r ; 5 ' l ' u r n c t . ' l , t s [ ] r [ ' s i l i c n s ' l. { } 5 ( r .
\,r,',r /lr't,r, llt,, ' \ llrrrr',rllr ,,', r I r r l i , r r t t , t ( ) r l , l . r l r l' i l ) . r . ( l t . t t . t s r r r o l c r r \t tt tl t o t t i r r
r r ' l ' R O . l r o l l + / l l l l ( r , l i r r s t r . . l o t t r t t r r l ,. i 0 . l t r l r , l , r r r t l l l \ r r q l s i l
' l \ l r r r r, , lr ' , s. r l l l , ' r I ' r " ,, , , I r t , I
l v r ' fh e r s o t t r r l s l r r l r t i z trrrl r l l i i i , l t S , , r r z . r , /I,nt t t l l , / , . \ , , r rr , ) : l . ' , i
l l r r tr , , r r l l r r , / r |I l i , . r , r r, t t ' L' l r l I '
'r Stc
t r r r i t l r /. / r , L t t , , ' ( , , u ' t t l , t t/ ,\ ' / I \ / ' / t I o r r r l o r rl .t r , S )
l t r r l r t rS

'l
.'ll,
 The Era of Transition The Era of tansition
processwhich, 4l years later, would lead to the establishmentof F'rench rule over
but it is clear from the context that he meant only the fort.)r88The British piovern-
Ouidah. Later in l85l the Portugueseauthoritieson the island of Sio Tom6 also
ment followed up these informal contacts with a seriesof official missions that
made contact with the Chacha Isidoro de Souza, who was formally appointed as
attempted to negotiate a treatv abolishing slaveerports from Dahomey. from 1847
governor of the Portuguesefort in Ouidah, with the status of licutenant-colonel in
onwards.l8eGezo, however,although he accepteda treaty of 'friendship and com-
the Portuguesearmy, and in April 1852 the governor of Sio Tom6 visited ouidah
merce', which guaranteed'free liberty of commerce' and 'complete protection and
in personto confirm the appointment.le2
security' for British traders (5 April 1847), initially evaded pressure for an anti-
Frustration at the refusal of Dahomey to give up the slave rrade provoked a
slavetrade treatr'.Missions to Abomey in 1848and 1850 (the latter jointly led by
British navalblockadeof ouidah at the end of 1851,under pressureof which Gezo
Forbes) were informed that the revenues derived from the slave trade were too
finally accepteda treaty abolishingthe slavetrade, on l3 January 1852.In fact, the
great to be immediately given up and that, although 'legitimate' trade in palm oil
bl<lckadeof l85l-2 and the consequenttreaty were largely irrelevanr,excepras a
and other agricultural produce was welcome it could not be expectedto provide an
symbol, since by this time the slavetrade to Brazil had alreadv come to an effective
adequatesubstitute, at leastin the short term.
end. The critical developmentshad occurred in Brazil itself, rather than in Africa,
Onc signihcant, although temporary, by-product of these exchangeswas the
with the British navy's adoption of a more aggressivepolicy of pursuing and
establishmentof official British diplomatic representation in Dahomey, located in
arresting slave ships within Brazllian territorial waters from June 1850, under
Ouidah. When the British government created a consulate for the Bights of Benin
pressureof which the Brazilian government finally enactedeff-ectivelegislation for
and Biafra, based in the island of Fcrnando Po, in 1849, it at the same time
the suppression of the slave-trade in September 1850. The effects were soon
appointed John Duncan as vice-consul to Dahomet'. f)uncan arrived in Ouidah in
evident in Africa itself. In February l8-5I a British nar,'alofficer calling at Ouiclah
August 1849, taking up residencein the English fort, but his tenure w'asbrief, as he
was told by Hutton's agent there that 'the Slave Trade was in a most depressed
died in October of the same year. The vice-consulatethen remained vacant until
stat€, no shipment having taken place for many months' and that 'the slave-
his successor,Louis Fraser, arrived in July 1851, and Fraser abandoned the post,
merchants finding all efforts to get off slavesfutile' were trading instead in palm
following a seriesof disputeswith the local authorities,in November 1852;he was
oil. Vice-ConsulFraser in August l85l was likewiseassuredthat during the year
then transferred to the newly opened consulate at Lagos, and the Ouidah vice-
the Portuguesc'had not bought one slave'.re3 This lack of demand evidentll,'
consulate lapsed. The Dahomian authorities clearlr-'regarded the vice-consuls as
produced somethinB of a glut of slavesin Dahomey, reflectcd in a fall in prices,
occupying the fort on the same terms as its former governors in the eighteenth
which by l85l had fallen to $40 per slave,half the levelof thc late 1840s(seeTable
century; lr'henDuncan visited the king on his arrival in 1849,he w'asinformed that
'it will be necessary,holding <lfficein his dominion, that I shall attend his annual 5.1). At Porto-Novo early in that year, slaveswere repr-rrtedlyoffered for sale at
only g7-8 each.re+
Custom', which also implicitly involved the payment of 'presents'. [n the fort,
Although Gezo's policy, in seeking to continue the slave trade in the face of
Duncan found his position contested by Hutton's local agent, who asserted the
British pressurebut ultimately acccdingto abolition under duressin 1852,is clear
firm's prior rights of occupation,retaining the key to the fort and assigningthe
enough,the attitude of the C)uidahmerchant community in this crisis is lesseasyto
vice-consulto inferior accommodation.le0 When F'raserarrived in 1851, he too
determine. John Yoder argued, mainly on the basis of debates at the Annual
initially sharedit with Hutton's agent,but at the beginningof 1852Hutton found
Customsof 1850reported by Forbes,that the abolition of'the slavetrade becamea
alternative premises, purchasing a house from Jacinto Rodrigues and leaving the
matter of cxplicit disagrecmentwithin the Dahomian ruling elite, which divided
vice-consulin sole possessionofthe fort.
into rival factions on the issue; within the ouidah merchant community, he
The British involvement in turn provoked counter-movesby the F'renchand the
suggestedthat residcnt Brazilians, such as Martins and the de Souzas,supported
Portuguese,seeking to defend their own interests in Ouidah. A French mission to
dcfiance of Britain and continuation of the slave trade, rvhereas indigenous
Dahomey inJuly l85l negotiateda treaty that promised'protection'and'freedom'
l)ahomians who had gone into the palm-oil trade were willing ro accedeto British
fbr French merchants in turn and, more concretell,, reaffirmed R6gis's right to
clcmandsfirr its lbolition.r"i It is doubtful, however,whether this reading of the
command the labour of the inhabitants of the French quarter in Ouidah;rel
clcbirtcslt thc lll-5(f(.ustoms crn bc sustained.Thc issue explicitly discussedon
although of limited significancein itself, this treatv can bc seen as the start of the
thrtt occasion\r'ilsrlot thc slrne tr:rlc but rvhethcrDahomcv should launch its next
ItE Duncan, Trauls,ii,269. -Ihe
citation ol'this supposed ofl-cr in support of'the lrgurlcnt thrt l)rhonrcv was
l ' r ( . r r r r i r r f r r S r l r . lr t. t 4 u , S l
reluctant to'absorb'the town is misconccived: Polanvi, 1)aion't,, 1.12. , l l ( l , S . r r r r r t r r t ol ). u t t t l r t lt t l ) t h o n t l . 6 2 .
uo Robin Laq r" l)l', ()rrrr[lr, ]7 lreh. lll5l: I;Olt4/l.tli(r-
i{n Africrn response to rbolilion: Anglo l)ahonrirn ncgotirtions orr cntlirrll ll)( slr\c tn(lc, l ' , r 1 r ' r sr r ' l . t l t r t 1 , , l . . t r l , , r , , r r , . ' r r r r r , , i r I r l r r t t r r . r r r lt) r c u . 1 t l

.tt5 4.16/3(1995),ZlJt
ilJ3{t-77" .1t0. I r . r s r r l,) . r r l rl , , r r r r r , r l , . \' r. )l t l \ . 1
r " ' l ) P S l a r c ' l r a d t l l i . l { , |5 { ) ,( . l l s s l } , t t r , .t r , l ) t t n r ' : r t t . 2 25 r ' ; > t l S { ' ) . r ' r r r r ) l ) t t o t l . l i r r r l r l s , " l ' l ' . 1 ' . r t ' , t r t r ' l . t l t r l t r ' l . r r ll \, "r .. r r r r l r r r r r , , i \ . ( . r l , r . r r \ r l . r r r rl rl ,\ l . r r , l r l i i . l
, ()rl
lorrrn,rl7
'f,'lrrr(
llr+9 \ , , r l r r I l r . r r r , l I l r 1 , l r . r r r r I ' r r r ,t .' , , l r r r , . r l 1 ' , , l . r l z . r r r , , r r r l | ) . rl lt rl ,i l, ;r 0l t, .I rt l l , l a \ l t t j l ) .
'"'
S t . t .\ r l t l i r r . ' 1 . , t r(.utt\r' rlcs r,.l,rtr,,ls'

' l'l
. ll s
 'Iransition
The Era of
military campaign against Abcokuta, to the east, or against somc less militarily
formidable opponent; it is only by speculative implicati<ln, since Abeokuta was
currently allied to Britain, that this can be interpretedas referring to the question
of whether to accommodateBritish wishes more gcnerally and hence over the slave
trade in particular.It is also questionablewhether the conflict of intcrest betwecn
Brazilian slavc-tradcrsand indigenousDahomian oil traders which Yodcr posits is
plausible,since,as has been seen,both Brazilian and [)ah<-rmilnmerchantsin the
1840sengagedin the slavcand oil tradessimultaneously;and individual Brazilian
and Dahomian merchants were linked in busincss partnerships (as between
Joaquim d'Almeida and Azanmado Hou6nou, for example) rather than the two
groups confr<lnting each other as discrete collective bltlcs. Conflicts between
individual Brazilian and indigenous merchants certainly <-tccurred(as between
Hou6nou and de Souza) but reflectcd commercial rivalries rather than conflicting
classinterestsor policy differences.
A number of statements<ln this issuc b1' leading individuals in Ouidah arc in
fact recorded.YovoganDagba,the represcntativeof the Dahomian statein Ouidah,
speakingto Forbes in 1850,unsurprisinglv reiterated the standarclofficial line, that
the revenuesfrom thc slavetradc were too great to give up, dramatically illustrating
'If
the point by comparing the volume of a tumblcr and a wine glass: thc King has
been accustomedto give thc full of this [tumbler], can he live to give the full of that
[wine glass]?The tumblcr is the slave,the wine-glassthe palm-oil trade.' More
intercstingly (and in contradiction to Yoder's interpretation), the indigenous
merchant Gnirh<-rui,rvho scrl'ed as intcrpreter lor the British in the subscquent
'he was
negotiations, but who was also a substantial slave-trader,remarkcd that
working againsthis own interestin explaining matters to us, savingthat the Slavc
Trade was sweetto him'.1e6 Howevcr,Ouidah's natural opptlsitionto discontinuing
what rcmained a profitable trade in slaveshad to be balanced against its equally
rational desire to avoid an alienation of Britain that might prejudice the operation
of trade in general. When Gezo formally rejected the British demand for the
'ministers'
ending of the slavetrade, Forbesnoted that, while the generalityof his
'could not disguisehis
showed their plcasureat the decision,the lbvogan alone
anxiety, lest thc refusal might lead his government into danplerfrom the stoppage
of tradet.leT
More evidenceis availableon attitudes within the Brazilian community, and this
converselv refutes thc suggcstion that thev offercd intransigent opposition to the
British proposals.The leading merchant Martins told Fbrbcs in l8-50,bcf<lrethe
final breakdownof the negotiations,that, if the British would pav him compcnsa-
'he woulcl stop the Slavc
tion to cover the cost of his tax payments to the king,
Trade in the Bights; he would so increasethe palm-oil tradc, as to rcnder it
neccssaryto the King'. Early in l[i-51,he wirsrcported to havedeclincclto purchasc
slavesat Porto-Nor.o, even though thcv were <lffcred vcrr chcaplr, rtnd decllrccl
t h a t ' h e h a d c o m e t o t h e d e t e r m i n a t i o no { ' h r r v i n gn o n l o r c t o d o r r i t h t h c n r .o l v i n g
r , , , , p l )S
. h v c ' l ' r a t l c l l i . l g 5 0 . ( . l e s s , \ . c n r . . I i n n 0 . l ( ) l ' i ,I r o r l r t . sl,o r r r r r . r l I, i
c n c . 2 i t r n o . 2 2 0 , I ' i r r l r t s .l o t t r t t : t l", l l r r l r l S i ( l
r " l ' i r r l r t s .l ) r h , u , y . t . l \ t l
'I'he
L,raof Transition
to the diflicultics of the passageacross to Brazil'.r"8In July 1851, whcn Vice-
Consul Fraserarrived in ouidah, Martins again told him that he was 'quite willing
to sign a treaty on his own account againstthe slavetrade, and also to assistthe
English governmentto put an encl to it', while Antonio de Souza said that, if the
British would allow him to ship a final 2,000 slaves,'he would willingly enrer inro
securitiesnever again to aid or abet the same traffic, and would render all the
assistance in his power to suppressit'.r"'/While this clearly representeda recogni-
tion of realitl rather than a moral conversion,it implied that the Ouidah merchant
communitv could seea viable futurc fbr itself beyond the ending of'the slavetrade
and was reconciled to this as inevitable even if unwelcome in the near future.
During the blockade of l85l-2, Fraser believed that the Portup;uese-Brazilian
traderswere in generalin favour of the king concedingto British demandsbut als<l
fearful of provoking retaliation fiom the Dahomian authorities. In a privirte
conversation with Antonio de Souza and Jacinto Roclrig;ues,he firund them
'frightcned
out <-rftheir rvits, they f'ear rhc narives u'ill murder rhem'; the fbrmcr
'fhe
even asked to be taken under British pr<ltection. Chacha Isidoro dc Souza
observcclhc was 'afraid to tell the King what he thinks of this blockade,as he savs,
if it turns out well, the King rvill call him his "dear fiiend", if rhe reverschc will
take his life'. Although Martins did promise to persuadethe King to sign the
treaty,in the event he did not take any acriveparr in the ncgotiations.All three de
Souza brothers, Isidoro, Antonio and Ignacio, however,did accompany the llritish
mission to the capital irnd witnessedthe treaty signedin January 1852;Rodrigues,
who spokeEnglish, alsowcnt with them to serveas intcrpreter.2{x)
From slaaesto pulm oil: transition embruced,lB52 7
In the yearsfirllowing thc crisisof l85l-2, the slavetrade out of Ouidah, norv going
solely to Cuba, rcmained at a low level, with only' a handful of successful
shipmcnts.During l8-53,although there were no reported shipmentsof slavesfrom
ouidah itself, a couple wcrc maclcfiom near Agou6 to thc west; the British consul
irt Lagos reportcd that Gczo had 'strictll' forbidden' the shipping of slavesf rom
Ouiclth, but that thc slave-tratlersthcre werc simplv sendingtheir slavesalong thc
lrtgoonfirr cmblrkrrtion furthcr wcst.2,lDuring 185-1,h<lwever,a numbcr of ship-
ttlcnts $'crc madc fl'om Ouidah itself: during NIav threc vcsselswere dispatched
rtith rtround 1,7(X)slavcsbctrvccnthem, and later in the year a French brig called
thc outsur urrs purchascdjointh bv slavc-dcalcrs at Ouidah and Agou6, in order to
s h i p r t c r t r u oo l ' s l i t v e sf l ' o n rO r r i t l : r hf i r r ( . u b r r ,t h < l u g ht h c B r i t i s h r c g a r d e dt h i s a s ' a
r r r o s tr t ' t ' k l c s s\ c l l l r l r c ' , s i n c c l h c s h i P w ' l r si r - rl r ' m o s t u n s c a w o r t h va n d d a n g e r o u s
s t r t l t ' .I l o u t ' r t t , . r l ll i r t r lo l l l t t s t r t ' s s t ' lrsr c l ' cs t r b s c t l r . r c nstcl i\ z e db v t h c a u t h r l r i t i e s
" l ' l ' . S l , r r , l r . r r l , l \ f r / r l l , ( l . r r s\ . r t t r i r r r n , r l r , l . l i r r l r t s ,l r \ p r r l l l i 5 { l ,l t r r p t . r s r e l r l i r r l o l . r q o s , c n c . - { i n
ilrrir. ( ,11'1.1 \ t1l .1r1r r r r , .\' ll , r r , l rl \ , 1
'
I ' l { ( ) ,I ( r \ l \ \ r , , I r . r . , , rl , , r r r r r . r l .l .r"r l r l s ' l
\l.rrrh lliil)i lli50 l. (.l:rss\. 'l'l{l).
lll\l \ \ r , l r . r ' , , r. ' i l l ( , l \ . 1 l t r l ' r r r , r r r ' , r . r r r' r, 'l .. 'r , 1 ) ( , l S r l . ' l . r r l \ l ( l . r t r l t l r r r r r r r . t l r r t l
\ r ' . r l l , ,\ l , , , l r r r l f , l '
l'l'\lr', l r . r , l ,l r , i I ( 1 , . .l t , , , , I r , r , r r , 1 , ,I i lr r , , , .i l ( t , r l \ , i
 The Era of Transition
The Era of tansition
in Cuba, three before disembarking their slaves.202 Further attempts to ship slaves the production and export of palm oil. The French mission in lg56 noted that
during 1855-6 were thwarted by the British navy: in August 1855a Spanishship, 'exports
of palm oil are increasing each year', and 'the number of recently plantecl
the FernandoPo, was believed to be intending to take slavesat Ouidah, but was palm trces ... around nearly all the villagesis incalculable';the British missionary
arrested before reaching there, and in Januarv 1856 another suspectedslaver was Freeman in the same year likewise had the impression of ,a great commercial
run ashoreand destroyedat Cotonou.2([ change passing over and through Dahomey, the manufacture of palm oil is
To what degree cstablishedBrazilian traders such as Martins were involved in increasingto an enormousextent'.211
these ventures is uncertain. Although the British understood that Martins was This perception of a substitution of the palm-oil trade for the slavetrade was an
among those who purchased and shipped slavesin the Caesarin 1854, there was oversimplification, in so far as a domestic market for slavesstill existed: as Gezo
otherwise little circumstantial substance to their allegations of his continued himself told the British in 1856, although he had prohibited rhe export of slaves,
involvement in slave-trading.The principal figure in the slavetrade out of Ouidah 'he cannot
interfere with the internal Slave Trade', a formula that enabled him to
in 185,t-6 was a Spaniard called Domingo Mustich, whose chief establishments turn a blind eye to rhe sending of slaves from ouidah alone the laEoon for
were at Agou6 and l-ittle Popo;204 in 1854, he travelled as supercargoon the Caesar shipment elscwhcreon the coast.2l2 Indeed, given the labour-intensivecha*racter of
to Cuba and went on to Barcelona to organize the dispatch of further vesselsfrom the production and transport of palm oil and the fact that much of this labour was
there (including the FernandoPo), before returning to Ouidah around the begin- provided by slaves,this expansionof the palm-oil trade itself implied an increasein
ning of 1856.20sIn any case,the lossesofships and cargoesincurred quickly under- the domestic demand for slaves,albeit (at least to judge from the depressedprices
mined enthusiasm for the attempt to continue the slavetrade. At the end of 1854 it noted earlier) not to a level sufficient to compensatefor the loss of the ovirseas
'taken alarm' at these reverses
was reported that the slave-dealersin Ouidah had market. An expansion of the scale of slavery,presumably linked to the growth of
and were 'now resuming the palm-oil trade', and in the following year that they palm oil production, seems to be reflected in a panic that grippeJ ouidah,
were 'in a great state of despondency' at the loss of the FernandoP4.206 Although
Godomey and other coastal rowns in Dahomey in i855, when an invasion was
there were rumours of subsequentshipments, thesc were not authenticated, and feared from the Yoruba state of Abeokuta, which was also alleged to have fomented
'[did] not think
the commander of the British squadron in May 1857stated that he 'an extensive
conspiracy among the Anagoos [yoruba] ancl other tribes of
any slaveshave been shipped to windward [west] of Lagos for the last two years'.2r)7 analogousorigin, slavesto the Portugueseat whydah, and to natives in other parts
In these circumstances,the price of slavesremained depressed:when the French <tf the country'; the leaders of the supposed plot were arrestecland carriea off to
'free emigrants')
negotiated with Gezo for the supply of slaves(under the guise of Abomey.2r3l,ocal tradition in ouidah also recalls a plot to ,betray the town' by
in 1857,the price agreedwasonly $50 per head.208 Yoruba slaves,who wcre liquidated ('l<lst') in punishment, which may relate to rhi;
In the face of this eclipse of the slave trade, Gezo acceptedthe need to commit incident, although the traditional accounr implicitly places it earlier, during the
Dahomey completely to the palm-oil trade as an alternative source of income. Hc lif'etime of the first de Souza.2raThe large-scaleincorporation of slaveswas also
suspendedthe regular Dahomian military campaignsthat had fed the slave trade, rcflccted in thc growth of the size of the town. Estimates of its population during
'Peace is a good thing, it permits
declaring to the French mission of 1856 that thc 1850srange between 18,000and 30,000, even the lowest or th.r. fieures -
'legiti-
involvement in cultivation and trade'.20eAlthough some of the established n'hich is pcrhaps the mosr credible, as supplied by the informant most likely ro be
mate' traders, including the British firm of Hutton and the Hamburg merchant rvell informed, the missionary Frccman - being substantially higher than pievious
Diedrichsen, abandoned Ouidah for Lagos from 1852,210 the trade at Ouidah also csllmates(seeTable 3.1). Such growth, reflecting the labour demandsof the new
expanded.Europeanvisitors to Dahomey in the 1850sreported a great increasein cconomv of 'legitimate' commerce, was common to other towns of coastalwestern
2rf2 -Iiade .'\liicrat thisperiod.2rs
PP, Slave ltii54-5, ClassB, nos 17,26, Campbell, Lagos, 12 Aug. and I Dcc. ltl.54;lu55-6, no. 5,
Campbell,[,agos,2 Junc 11:155.
At thc samc tintc, the l)ahomian state sought to offset the loss of its revenues
2{r3 PP,SlaveTradc 1t155-6,ClassB, nos 9,2{.l,(iampbell,l.agos,2tlAug. lll-5.5,6Jan.ltt56. li'ottr thc slavc traclc hy asscrtingincreascdcontrol over the expanding oil trade.
20{Mustiche had engagedin illcgal slaving at Popo alreadl in thc ll'1.10s, but is not previousll xttcstcd ilt lrt -frtnttirr-r' ll'1.52,rrlter tcccpting thc trcatv firr thc abolition of tn. slave trade,
Ouidah: Strickrodt.'Afro-Brazilians'. ( i t ' z o r i r i s c dr h c p l i c c o f ' p r r l n ro i l b r ' . 5 0p c r c c n t ( f r o m
2 0 5P P , S l a v e ' l i a d e , 1 8 5 , |5 , ( l l a s sB , n o . 1 7 , C . a m p b c l lL, a g o s ,l 2 A u g . 1 t 3 5 4l;l l - 5 5{ r , ( . h s s l l . n o s 9 , 2 8 , $8 to $12 pcr measurea ) nd
; t l s oi t t s t i t t t t e t il t t t c u t l t r l r o l ' $ - l l l c r p r r n c h c o n' f i r r r o l l i n g o f f t h c b e a c h ' .A t t h e
Campbell,Lagos,2ll Aug. l8-55,I |leb. 1856.
2 0P 6 P ,S l a v el i a d e l t l 5 4 - 5 ,( l l a s sl l , n o . 2 6 , ( . a m p h e l l ,I l ) c c . l l i 5 4 ; l l t 5 . 56 , ( . l a s sl ) , n o . 9 , ( . a n r p b c l l , 2 lr3\ u g .
\ . r l l , , n . ' 1 . r( r , \ . r l r 1 r ( . rl l)r..r l r o r r r l r '1. / i i i , \ \ \ l \ l s .
l i t . t . r r r . r lr lrr,r l o \ o r . o . Z , \ n r i l l l J 5 6
1U5.s. ''
r " 7l ' 1 1S h \ c ' l ' r a d c l l J . 5 7u . ( . h s s . ' \ .n o . 15 5 ,( r r r r r n r r n t l el rL r p e ,2 5 N l r r l f i 5 7 . \\ \l\1 , l i c t r r r . r r r , . \' r ' r r l I l i r t ,
r " *I b i t l . ,( . h s sI | , n o . 2 5 ,( . r n r g r llrlt, l - r g r r sl,0 r \ t r g .l l t 5 7 . I ' l ' ,\ l , r r r I r . r , l , l s r r 1 , ,r ' | , \ r r rr r , , l l l . \ 1 , ( , r s l rr . l ' ) \ u g l s i r
'(
r " "\ ' r l l o r r',l , c r o \ i u n r ( t l e | ) ; r l r o r r r' ,t l / i l - l r . t t l r ' \ l t r l r t r t o r r r r r r lr r' l r
I p ' I r r . r t t r l r. r l, r , , ' ,p , ' l ' r l . r t r , ,rrrrr l r , r l r . r r r , l , , r r l , tl t, r, l, , r r r. . r , t Xrl , , l . ' , l l X l )
' 'r l\ ( \ \ l ) u f
\. llt'tttu.\lr;, ( ,,.r'l i, l r r s r . ( ( r r r t 1 . . l l r r . . r r r , t t , r .r lr r
r r l r r r , r f r . r l ' l r r ,1 ' 1 , , . . r I, ,rrrr. r r r , l r\ l l l\'il ll ltl\ | . ' ( 1 , , ' r ' , l) \ l l0\

?.,

The Eru ol-Transition
sametime, it was announcedthat
'in future the King would monopolize the palm
oil tradc'; and in February it was reported that 'the King has taken possessionof
't<l collect the fruits'.2r6It is doubtful
all the palm oil tre€s', sending agients
whether this was intcndcd to establisha royal monopoly of the oil trade on a
permanent basis;more probably,this was a short-term emergcncYmeasure,2lT
mcet the immediate fiscal crisis poscd b1' thc cnding of' the slavc trade and
perhaps also bv the need to raise financc to redccm Dahomian captivestakcn in
t h e d e f ' e a t o fa n a t t a c ko n A b e o k u t ai n M a r c h l 8 5 l . N e v e r t h e l c s s t, h e 1 8 5 0 sw e r e
certainly marked bv a higher level of state intervention in the palm-oil trade,
including in particular the entry of the monarchv into the actual production of
oil for export.
The kings of l)ahomey had always maintained plantations, entploying slavc
labour, around the capital Abome1,,to pr<lvide food for the palacc establishmcnt,
and thesewere now adaptedand extendedto producepalm oil f<rrexport. Standard
accountsof roval palm-oil plantationsin Dahomey,however,presenta number of
problems.The classicethnograph-vof'Dahomey by Auguste I-c Heriss6refers to
the kings settling large numbers of war captiveson plantationsaround Ouidah to
produce palm oil fbr export; holvever, this account is ambiguous, in that it also
statcs that these royal oil plantations were managed by persons cilled ahisinon,
which is the normal Dahomian term for the private merchants involved in the
export trade.2r8Refercncesto royal palm-oil plantations in the contemporary
accountsof the French missitlnin 1856arc similarlv ambivalcnt:
A c e r t a i n n u n r b e r o f i n d i l i d u a l s h o n o u r e d l r i t h t h e t i t l e o f k i n g ' s n r e r c h : r n t sd c v e k r p t h e
immcnsc estatcs rlhich hc hirs rcserved to himsclf, sell thc crops, antl gilc him part of the
profits... [ h e h a s ] r ' i r s t p l a n t a t i o n s c u l t i v a t e c l b r h i s s l a v c s ,f w h o s c c r o p s ] h c s c l l s t h r o u g h
i n d i v i d u a l s w h o t a k c t h c t i t l c k i n g ' s m e r c h a n l s ,i r n d u s u a l l l r e a l i z c c n o r m o u s p r o f i t s i n t h i s
traclc.lle
The tcrm 'king's merchant' probabll'translatesuhisigun,and the wording here also
sugipieststhat the refcrenccis to private merchantsin the Ouidah irrea;although
technically such privatc merchants held their t:strtes and slavesas gifts from thc
'royal' plantirtionsin i strict sense.Horveveqoil plantations
king, thesc wcrc not
under direct ro)al control werc ccrtainl,valso established.An imp<lrtantfcaturc of'
the expansionof the oil trade in the ltl.50srvasthat thc arca dootcd to oil palm
cultivation was now extendedgeographicalllinto the Dahomian hcartland in thc
interirlr.Whercasearlierthe production of palm oil f<lrcxport appcarsto havebccn
rcstricted to thc arcl south of the I-ama, the Frcnch missions o1'1856 8 noted
ertcnsivc oil-palm cultivation around f-anai lnd lJurton in 1863 for-rndthc area
'scatteredwith rrrlurrhlcplantationsof'the <lil palnr',
betrvccnCana and Abomev
r r " l ) R O , l ( ) l J + / 1 t 9 . 1 ,l . ( ; . l , i r r l r t s t o l l . \ \ . l t r r r t c , l f i
. J : u r .l S 5 l ' l i r r h s , . l o t t r r r . t l , I i
l i r a s c r , ' ( ) t c t t r r t n e c s 'l,l ) - l . t r r r. r r r t l ( r l ' i b . I 8 i l
r r ; S c e l l c i r l . ' \ \ r r r i o r 1 ' 1 r , , , , r . 1 1 5l (' ). ( ) i 0 l
''
f , r ' l f c r i r s r 'I,' l u ' t t r tl l , , r , t r t r n , , S i , t l l l
'
\ , r l l , , r rl . ( r , ) \ . r r r ( , 1 ,| ) . r l r , r r r r. ,It i l i , l { , l r r r , \ , ' r . r 1 '., l i ) l l
,.t
I
'fransition
Thc Era of
which he undcrstood to belong ro 'the King and his ministers'.r2(, Some of the oil
produced in the Abomev arca $'as taken overland across the Lama for shipment
f rom Ouidah, but the high cost of transport bv hr.rmanporterage<lvcra distanceof
100 km must have severell compromised the pr.fitability of this oprion.r2l
to Altcrnativclv and more cheaplr, as rvill be seen bel<lvr; it could be transp<irtecl by
clnoe dorvn the River Wemc and acrossLake Nokouc, to bt: shipped fi-orrtCotonou
rather than Ouidah.
1'he entrl' of thc monarchv into palm-oil production exacerbatedthe conllict of
interest betweenit and thc ouidah merchant communitl since thcv wcrc non. in
direct compctition in the supph'of oil.222 At thc sametime, royal taxationot'prirate
enterprisein the oil tradc was racked up. T'he export duty of $.1 per punche,rn
imposcclin ltt,52\4,aspresumrlbl-r':r tar lcvicd on the firreign purchasersirf the oil,
distinct fr<lmand additional to thxt alreadl'lcviedon rhe Dlhomian scllers(u'hich
was takcn in the fitrm of'a sharc<lf the oil s<lld).r2r But taxation rvasrtlsgincreasccl
uPon Dahomian subjects.Thc French missions in llJ-56-tJnotccl that thc duties
levied on the oil trade 'have become heavier :rnd heavieq reaching both the
produccr in the interior, obliged to passthe roval customs-posts,ancl the purchaser
at the coast';thc British consul at I-agos likewiseobservedin lll-57that although
ouidah and other coastal to\4'nswere now 'becclming enriched bl. the palm-oil
trade', this was ollisetby'the tl.'rilnnyand exactions<lf'theKing ot-Dahome1,rvhich
are no\r; from thc grcat rcduction of his revcnuc, being; acuteh. felt'-rr{ 'I'he
principal innovltion in taxation in this period was the institution of a tax on the
production, as well as the sale,ol'palm oil. Dahomian tradition rccallsthlt Gczo
a d a p t e da n c x i s t i n g t a x o n l g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t i o n ,c a l l e d t h e , t s r a , r v h i c h h a d
earlier bccn lcvied <ln maizc, nrillct and other lixld crops, to appll to palm oil, the
transfirrmationuccurring'at thc timc of the rvarswith Abeokuta', i.e. r'. ltj5l. A
ncw office, that of'Kuzugrn, was crcatedto collect the new tax in ouidah.225In thc
contenrPoraryrec<lrd,this tax <ln the oil harvcst is first attested in thc earlv
ItJ60s.rr('
'l'hc
tax is said b1' tradition to have been bascdon a counr of pllm rrcci,
rrnd this is confirmecl by Burton, uho observcd that palm trces north of Ouiclah
wcre 'numllered, rvith a view t<l rcvenuc'.22i'Iraditioninclicatcsthat the ta.\ \4,as
lcr ied irt 1lrate ol-aroundone-third of estimatcdoutput (the sameas on commcrcial
inc<lnrcs), thc <lilc<lllectcdbeing sold on the king's accounr.22s
'l'hesc
incrcasesin rcgular tirxation wcrc accompaniedby irregular cxactions.
'\lrcrrrlv in 1u.50,liorbcs noted that mcrchants
such as Adiovi. Gnahoui and
l/.ii.i. Itl', Sllc
'll'rde
llJ6.l,(,lass ll, no. 9, llurtorr, Z.l Nlrrch llt6-{:
l l . r r r r l r : r o n l r 1 o t l r t l l r . r z i l i r r l r sl ), u l t h ( r r g u r ) t c n l r l ) p l i c s e q L r a l l rt o
',
l.rrr lsiJ, l'()t+/ltS(,, I i . , . 1 ' l ' . S l . r r r ' l r , r l lrf i i T S , ( L r r r l l . r r o - 1 . ( . r r r r P b e l\l P, {r i l l l i i 7 .
 The Era of Transition
Hou6nou tried to conceal their wealth, in order not to attract the expropriatory
attentionsof the king.22eThe French mission in 1856noted the wealth and impor-
tance of 'the king's merchants' who were engaged in the production of palm oil,
but also that taxation of them was a principal source of royal revenue, including
arbitrary exactions, sometimesdisguised as 'loans'.210
The Ouidah merchant com-
munity also continued to suffer rigorous enforcement of the royal inheritance tax.
When Adjovi died, sometimeduring the 1850s,family tradition recallsthat'all his
goods were plundered by the Dahomians', despite the family's attempts to conceal
his wealth.23rThe harmonious relationship between the monarchy and the
merchant community that had characterized the heyday of the illegal slave trade
under the first de Souzacame to an end in the new conditions of the palm-oil trade.
The British Methodist mission
The 1850swere alsomarked by the establishmentof a British Mcthodist missionin
Ouidah.2r2Gezo had requestedthe establishmentof such a mission when Freeman
first visited Dahomey in 1843, and had repeated the request on severaloccasions
'Ihe
subsequently. Methodists finally installed a resident missionary and opened a
schoolat Ouidah in 1854and then maintainedtheir presencethere until 1867.For
most of this period, the resident missionary was an African from the Gold Coast,
first Joseph Dawson (1854-6) and subsequentlyPeter Bernasko (1857-66). Also
prominent in support of the mission was John Beecham, in <lrigin a slave from
Mahi who had been given to the mission (probably on Freeman's original visit in
1843), educated on the Gold Coast and returned to Dahomcy, whom Gezo now
employed as his intermediary with the Methodists.2s3
The strictly religious impact of the mission was minimal; in 1863/4 Burton
found that its congregation numbered only twelve, who were mostly from the Gold
Coast, with a total of 46 children enrolled in the school, who included a number of
slaveswho had been given as gifts by the king.2raIn part, the limited achievement
of the mission was due to restrictions imposed by the Dahomian authorities, who
explicitly envisagedthe purpose of the Methodist presenceas supplying religious
and educational services to the existing 'English' community in Sogbadji ward,
rather than evangelizationof the population at large. In 1854 Gezo told Dawson,
'I give you the whole of the English Town
& people to do all the good you can there
for the present', and also held out the prospect of permitting the cnrolment of
children from the French and Portuguesequarters ifthese nations did not establish
schools of their own. However, it was later made clear that this permission
22eliorbes, Dahomey,i, ll3.
2r')Vallon, 'I-e rovaumc de l)ahomey', l/34.3; Rcpin, 'Voyage', l(X).
zrrRcyniel 'Ouidah',42, 47.
2r2Paufl)llingworth,"'Asothcrssccus":sidclightsonthecrrllhislorrol\lcthotlisrrrin()rrithh',
tfuSociety.lir.lliiutOhurthIIrslorl'.|
r r t M c t h r r t f i s n r i n O u i d a h ' , l l u l f u t r u r ' l t h L . \ ' r " r L t 1l,o r l l n t n i l ( . ' h i l t , h l l t , r , , r y . ) ( l t , t 6 . l ) . i i { l
r r r \ \ ' \ l N l S , l i r t c t r r r t t .( . r P t ( r r . t s t ,l 0
l t r l t l l i i r . l l t r r t r r r r ,l l r " r , , r . r . l l . )
r'{ llrrrtorr llrrvaz litl t)l
The Era of tansition
ertended only to the education of children of 'mulatto' f'amilies, rather than of
Africans.23sone leading Dahomian merchant, Gnahoui, dicl entrust three of his
sons to the Methodists, to learn English, but these were sent for education in their
mission at f,ittle Popo rather than in ouidah itself, presumably as a means of
evading this restriction.2r6Moreover, by the 1850s there was no longer a Sierra
Leonean community in ouidah, such as formecl the social basis of British
Protestant missions elsewherein the region, for example at Abeokuta and Lagos;
the repatriate community in Ouidah, as has been seen,was Brazilian and thereibre
Roman Catholic in its religious allegiance.
Although the timing of the establishmentof the Methodist mission was ro some
extent adventitious,it fitted in with Gezo's more generalpolicy in the mid-lg50s of
promoting 'legitimate' trade as a substitute for the now languishing slave trade.
The Dahomiansevidentlyregardcdthe mission as an agencyolthe British govern-
ment and expected it to promote tsritish trade at ouidah;237its semi-officiJ status
was underlined when in 1856,at Gezo's urging, it took over the former English
fort, which had bcen vacant since the closing of the British vice-consulate in
'I'hese
1q52 "t expectationsof a revival of British trade were not realized, however.
Although the mission itself did some trading in palm oil, this itself becamea source
of tension with the Dahomian authorities, who demandeclthat if the missionaries
were to trade they should pay customs like other merchants.2le
Thebeginnings
of thedeclineof ouidah and theriseof cotonou
In aggregatevalue, the expansion of exports of palm oil (supplemented, from the
mid-1860s, by palm kernels) on the face of it more than Compensare<_l for the
dccline of the slave trade. Figures compiled by patrick Manning suggest that thc
combined valuc of slave and palm-produce exports from the Drhom.y area in the
It'f60shad more than doubled since the 1840s(from
{106,000 to f,2z9,}}}annually
ilt current prices).2+()These fipquresrelate to the wider area of colonial ,Dahomev'
(n.rodernB6nin) rathcr than to the kingdom of Dahomey alone, and may mask
a
shilt of trade away fiom the latter towards Porto-Novo to the east;but whatever the
Prcciseshare of l)ahomey within rhe new palm-produce trade, it is difficult to
bclievethat thcrc was not an overallincrease.
No'crthcless,llr-rropcanvisitorsto Ouidah in the 1860sdescribeclit as a town in
'l'hc
visiblc clcclinc. Ilritish navirl officer wilmot, who had visited ouidah in
Itlsl/2 and rcrurnctl in ltt62l3, obscrvcd 'a plreatfalling off in this place;twelve
'\\\l\ls,.lostPhl).rrrsorr.()rritl.rh.
lili.rr lri55.\\illirrrr\\esr,(.apc(irasr,6.funcl359
'
f l t t r . t r e s . t i t l t , l r . n , l , , , r t t t l t r , . r t t t l ' r r r ' l , g , r ' ( ) l r i t r r . r r ro l l , . t k r r r r r tll) r r i t l ( i n a h o u i ,
in Lt lttit.lu
I t t t h t ) u r ) 't l r ) ( r l r ,l t t t t r l ' / i . ' l s , , , r l t l r r l r t , l l r c t r ,l . r l . r r . r r rl )l r r i r l : r r r r ll s r r t \ a h r r r r r( i r r r l r o u i
uere later
llullttrnol l ) . t l t r ) l t \ o l l l r l rr rr t . r l r l r r l r r r r r t ( ' l r \l 1r (, r l r , x l r s r r l r r r r r l r r r r ( ) r r r t l . r l r r r r t l r \cgl lr r) r( ,)/0/ sr r: l o l i , . 1 0 2 .
(196.1),ll l7;'\sthcrsrutlttntstlrcs rrrort.rlrorrttlrtlrtginrrirrgs I r r r l l l l r r r f s , , r t l r(. l r r r ' t r . r r r r t r . li )l ,r ,( ll r r r , . , r r l ) . r l r , , rl rl \ l. i l l i t , ; ' , 7 1 l / . i ( l ( ) ( , . 1 ) .
1 { l r )1 0 .
\ \ \ l \ l \ . l r r r r r . r r r . ( . r 1 ' ,( , , . r . r l l l , l ' . r r r r ll , \ l . r r l , \ , r r
\ . r l l , ' r rl t r , ! \ . r r r r , l , l t . r l r , , r r r , I\ \ , i l |
'
\ l . r n r r r r r\rr' r , , r | , , , " 1 , , , ' , t t t , l t , t , , , . )1 . . / / / , 1 i ' i11g,1,,r,lrrll)
.t.,lt
{*
 'l'he
l,ra of
ycarsago it was in a flourishingcondition, with many capitalhousesand mcrchants
residingthere; now, the housesare in ruins, and the trade small'. Burton in 1863/4
'Whydah is a ruineclplace,everythingshowingdecay', and
had a similar imprcssion:
during thc last threc vears it has changcd much for the worse ... The place is
'the last threc
tcmporarilv ruined, and as dull as can be'; thc ref'erenccto vears'
suggeststh:rt he clerivcclthis vieu, fi'om the l"rcnch Cath<llic mission, which hacl
arrived in Ouidah in l116l.2ar The town's populationwas also in clecline.Estimates
in thc early 1860s were gcnerallv lowcr than in the 1850s,bctu'cen 12,000and
l-5,000,and Burton reported explicitly that the Catholic mission bclievedthat'the
populationdiminishes'.242 Although this in part reflectcdemigration from the town
resulting from political disaffection(as explaincdin the folkrwing chaptcr),it also
supportsthe suggestionof economicdeclinc.
The explanationfbr this apparentcontradictionma)' be in part thc lorvcrprofit-
abilitl of the palm-producctrade.The merchant'ssommissit>n cln salesof p:rlm oil
was probablv comparablc to that <ln slaves,which in the lll-l0s was $16 out of it
standardsellingprice of $80, or 20 per ccnt.z'ttGiven the higher cost <tf'transportin
'lb
the oil trade, however,it secmslikely that net profits wcrc l<lwer. the extent that
Ouidah merchantshad beenableto move into the production as well as the market-
ing of palm oil, their income was presumablyincreased,but this was of fset by the
higher level of roval taxation during the same period. Morcover, the initially
promising profitabiliti. of the palm-oil trade \r'ascompromisedin the 1850sby a
levellingoff, if not an actual fall, in priccs. But, even beyond this, it appearsthat
much of thc increasedtrade in palm oil from Dahomef in thc ltlSt)sand lti60s was
in fact not passingthrough Ouidah. In estimatesof palm-oil e\ports made by the
tsritish consul at I-a€iosin 1856 7, Ouidah is credited with only 2,500 tons
annually;which, although two-thirds abovethe lcvel of 1848,was hardly sufficient
to compensate fbr thc loss of slave exports.r+rA considerable proportion of the
increasedpalm oil exports from Dahome)' was now going from other ports to the
east,on the shoresof Lake Nokou6. Alrcadv in 1846,Godomey was describedas'a
f'amousoil town', and Freeman in 1856, on ir journel'through the laploonsfrom
Ouidah eastto Porto-Novo,noted thc expansionof the oil trade through Godomey
and Cotonou, at both of which placcs f:rctoriesf<rrmerlyused in the slavctrade had
'severalhundred thousand
now been turncd over to palm oil. Hc reported that
glallons'of oil had been shippcd through thcse ports in the current season,whilc
'thousandsupon thousandsofgallons' could be seenstockpiledthere.la5
As seen in earlier chapters, both Godomey and Cotonou had originally becn
openedby the first de Souza,as bascsfor the illegal slavetrade in the 1830sand
1840s,and they initially remainedin the posscssion of the dc Souzirlamily'aftcr his
rrl PP,l)csprtches lrom (]onrmodorc Wilmot, no. 2, l0 lreh. lll6i; l]urton, ,l/nriart, i, 60, I 15.
r r r B u r t o n , l l r s . v ) r ,i , 6 l . . S e e c h r p t c r i , ' l a h l c l . l .
l'r l hrrrc firund no cvidcnce rehting specific:rllr to ()rriilrh. brrt rl Lrgos irr thc lll5l)s tltt ttterchlrtl s.ts
r e p o r l c t l l o r c c c i r c 2 0 " r ' , t h c p r o t l t r c c r 1 1 0 " , , o l t h c s c l l i n g l p r i c c o l p r l r t t o i l : l ' l ' , S l r r e ' l rl rl Jd 5t 5 ( r , ( . l a s s
I l , n o . ( r , ( . r n r p b c l l , l . r g o s . 2 J r r r r cI l i . i 5 .
't'l'l',
S l r r r ' ' l r r r l t l l i r ( r 7 . ( . l r s s l l , ( n ( t n n o - l ( r ,l { e p o r t o l t l r r ' ' l t , t r l t, r l t l r t l l i t 1 l t or l l l t r r i r rl ( , r t l l ( \ ( , t l
l f i i { r ,l S i l ' i r ) . ( . l . r r s l l . ( n l( t r r ) o l . l { t l r r r r t o tl l r t l r . r t l t o ll . . r r l o r , r rt rl r tl l l r l l r t r ' ll h t u r l o r t l r t r r ' , t lt S i i
' | R ( ) . ( ( ) ' ) t ' , / 1 . ' . l l r r t t ' , r r . ( ) r r r , l . r l r ,l .! ri ll tl lr ). r\ r\ \ l \ l \ . l t , , t t t t n . '
'Itansition 'liansition
Thc Era of
dcath. In lfl52 trade irt Godomev and Cotonou was reported to be 'monopolized'
by two of his sclns,respectivelvIsidrlro and Antonio.2a('Subscqucntll; horvever,thc
de Souzaslost control of theseeasternports: in 1856Freemanfound the f'actorics
at Godomey and Coton<luowned respectivelyby Nobre and Nlartins.2+7 Nobre, as
has been seen,haclbccn a lcading slave-trirclcr at Lagos,who rcnrovcdto Ouidah at
t h e t i m e o f ' t h e B r i t i s h i n t e r v e n t i < ) tnh e r e i n 1 8 5 1 .A t t e r h i s d e a t h i n l 8 - 5 l lo t h c r
flrazilian traders wcrc able to estrrblishthcmselvesin Godomey:Jacinto Rodrigucs
had a housc thcre bv 1859,where :r British Methodist missionarvlodged in transit
fiom Badagry to Ouidah, and Josc dos Santos was also trading there b1, l8-59.2+'
The indigcnous l)ahomian merchant Azanmado Hou6nou also had a base in
Godomel; the French Catholic missionary Borghero, passing through in lti62,
lbund that someof his sonshad a fhctorv rhere,wherc he lodgcd.r4"As fbr Martins,
his original establishmcntin 1u-16haclbeen ar Sdmd (Porto-Novo) to the east;bur
by 11354 it wus rcporteclthat he also hacl 'another establishnrent'ata place callcd
'Ape Vista', which (as
seenearlicr) was an alternativenitmc fbr (,gton<.ru.150 At the
time of N,{artins'sdeath in 1u64,it u'asnored that hc'had long'beenvirtually king
of Kutunun', although shortly befbre hc dicd his monopoly was compromised
when Glele gavepermissi<lnfor the -hrenchalso to cstablisha flactorythcrc.2sr
Precise figurcs for the relative importance of the cxport trade of Ouidah,
Godomey and Cotonou in the lU50s and 1860s are not available.The British
consular rep()rtsof l8-56-7 note that cxports of oil from Porto-Novo and 'othcr
ports bctrvccnBad:rgryand Whydah', including Cotonou ('Appi Vista'), exceeded
thosethrouglhouidah: an esrimared-1,000tons in 1u56,rising to "1,.500 in lfl57, but
no detailed brcakdown of the distribution <lf trade :rmong thcse ports is offcrcd.
Another accountof the 1850s,h<lu'cvcr, statesthat Martins was pay'ingthe king <lf
Dahomey nearly $10,000annually fbr the monopoly of the palm oil tradc at'Appi
Vista';252 if this rcf'crsto 'head-money',lcvicd at the rate of'one-thirclof income.it
would imply a volume of around 1,400tons of oil annually;ovcr half thc volume of
exportsat this time through Ouidah.253
There is also some uncertainty over the provenanceof the palm oil exported
through Godomo'and Cotonou. The British Consul in 18.59asscrtedthat the
kingdom ol'Port<t-Novo was supphing 'thc whole of the palm oil' shipped not
merell' from 'Porto-Novo on the sea[Semi]' and 'Appi Vista', but also from Badagrv
16 PRO, IrO2l7, Irraser, (iommercial
Report, cnc. to lirascq l5 N,Iav ltl52.
rlt Frccman, '\Ltst 'I'hc
Africa', 'tli9. lormcr is ref'erred to only as 'Scnr N.', but the details givcn (especialll
thc rcfcrcncc to his having lcft Lagos in ltl5l) show that it was Nobre.
}8 WN{l\,tS, \\'illirrrn
\\tst, (.ape (,oast, 6June lll59; Rcid,'\\hrrior aristocrars'. .121. l,'ive of thc lcttcrs in the
d o s S i t n f o s c t t r t u s p o n t l c n c c ,n o s { ) 2 5 r n d r ) 7 . s c r c l r i t t c n l i o m ( i o d o m e r , i n - fu l r ' , A u g . l t l 6 3 .
rr" llrrrghero,./,,rrnrl, lllS
1 2 9 \ l r r l l t 6 2 l , g i r i n g r h e n r r n r ca s ' ( . o u c n o u ' .
r i ( ' l ) l ' :S h r t ' l j r r l t
l i i 5 ' l 5 , ( . h s s l t , r r o .f r . ( . i r r r r p l r t l l. .i l ) N l r r l l t 5 - f .
lil llurlon. lLrval, i, 7i
" ' f l . f . l l u l r l r i r r r r t t . l n l ' r r t r t . r t t t t l l l t , t t t t t / / r r , , i ( l . r r r r r l o r r l. l J S l J ) ,j l 2 \ l r r t i r r s i s n o l n a n t c t l . h r r l t h c
( l c \ ( n l ) l l o t l r r l ' o r r c ' l t l r c r r l r l c r t, r r ( l r r , \ t , t . l < l r r . r r r .st ll . r r t t l t r l i r r g r t . s i t l t . r r tl h
'l
s e r r . ' r . l r ro n l t r p l t l r t o l r i r t r
' r \ t t . t l l t rI t l t . l t r , r s to l ( ) r r r r l . r (l t\ ,t { l ( . l t l \ I ' r r r u s c o P r i r r s
l t t r . t rt r r t t t tll, l . r . r. ' \ l ' l r r \ r r t . r n
'
\ s r t t t t t t t r t ' t ll 'rrrr , r , ' l, r l r , l r r \ l l ) , l , , r l " r . r r ( l t l r r l r r , ' l r r\ ( o n r n r \ \ r ( ) l t o l r r . ' ( 1 " , , , S i { l . l ) 0 ( l r l r r l l . r r s r r o u l
\1'rrl\rl' r l l r r r ' ,r(l t l l r i , ' , l l r t . . t ' , 1 , , 1 r l ' , ' r rI t l l l l lr , , r r .
, rrl
 The Era of tansition

to the east and Godomey to the west.zs+ Godomey, however, from its geographical
situation, must have derived its principal supply of palm oil from Dahomian
territory, and Cotonou clearly also handled produce from Dahomey, as well as from
7
Porto-Novo. The diversion of l)ahomian oil exports to Godomey was probably due
in part to the concentration of palm-oil plantations eastward of Ouidah, from
where it was a shorter distance to shift produce for shipment from God<lmeythan
NK
from Ouidah. But oil was also delivered to Godomey by canoe, presumably from
further north: Freeman described the landing there as
'crowded with canocs Dissension
6 Decline
unlading palm oil'.2ssEven more clearly;the rise of Cotonou was due to its advan-
tageoussituation in relationship to water-borne transport acrossLake Nokou6. In
Ouidah[JnderKing Glele
fact, produce could be delivered to Cotonou (and to Godomey) by canoe not only 1858-77
acrossl-ake Nokou6, but also from the interior down the River Weme into the lake;
Vice-Consul Fraser in l85l learned that there was a'deep waterway'connecting
'kept secret', i.e. from
Cotonou to Cana.2s6Fraser noted that this route was
Europeans,evidently for reasonsof military security; it was indeed by the river that
the F'rench were to mount their invasion of l)ahomey in 1892. But it was undcr-
stood in the 1850sthat slaveswere brought from l)ahomey to the coast by canoe Although in the early 1850sDahomey had appearedto be embracingthe rransition
down the River Weme,257 so it is likely that, when commercial palm-oil production from the slave trade to that in palm oil with some success,later in the decadethe
began in the Abomey area, some of it was likewise taken to the coast by this route. oil trade began to run into difficulties. Most immecliately,these were causedby a
At Cotonou itself, moreover,a creek of the lake reachedto within 100 metres of the fall in the world price of palm oil. The price in the UK reached a peak of
{4g per
seashore,thus minimizing the distance goods required to be transported overland ton in 1854,but then declined,averagingonly around {43 during the resi ofihe
to and from the beach.2s8This advantage would have become more critically 1850sand falling below {40 in the l860s.rHow far this was reflcctedin pricespaid
important with the shift of the export trade from slavesto palm oil and kernels, on the African coast is unclear. As was seen in the previous chapter, the expansion
whose greater bulk involved higher transport costsrclative to their saleprice at the of oil exports at Ouidah had been stimulatedby a rise in priceJto g8 per measure
coast. ($!42 per ton) by 1852,and Gezo then decreeda furrher rise to $12 per measure
It is clear, therefore, that the beginnings of the decline of Ouidah relative to ($213 per ton). By 1857,however,the price is quored as 3 gallons to the dollar, or
Cotonou predated the establishmentof French colonial rule and the construction $6 per measure(9107 per ton) (seeTable 6.1). on the facc of ir, therefore,prices
of a wharf at the latter in the 1890s,which is commonly stressedas the principal were substantially lower from the mid-1850s; and in apparent confirmation,
factor in the rise of Cotonou, and were closely tied to the transition from the slave Burton in 1863/4 reported local complaints of 'commercial depression'.2Inter-
to the palm-oil trade. Having risen with the slavctrade, the fortunes of Ouidah also pretation of these prices, however,is complicated by the depreciation of the local
declinedwith it. cowry currency, duc to the importation of large quantities of the cheaper
zanzibar cowries flrom the 1840sonwards. Already in 1850, Forbes noted that,
: ; r p p , S l a v c l i a d e 1 8 5 9 6 9 , C l a s s B , n o . 6 , C a m p b e l l , - 5A p r i l l l t 5 9 .
although the 'hcad' of 2,000 cowries still had a 'nominal' value of one dollar,
ri5 lireeman,'\!'est Africa', 489.
actual silver dollars passedat berween2,400 and 2,600 cowries and cowries fell
rn' PRO I.'Otl4/886, Irraser, Daily memoranda, l9 Nov lfl5l; scc also
Journal, 2 Aug. l1t.5l, rcporting thc further to 5 headsfor $3 (3,333cowries to the clollar)in 1851,2 heads(4,000)to
'a
existencc of crcck which lcads from Whydah to ligabomel lAbomcv-Oalavi?l', u'hich a|brded'thc
quickcst and best routs to Abomc\ and avoids the swamp li.c. the Lamal.'
thc dollar by the beginning of ltl52 and 2V heads(5,000)by 1863/4.i This devalu-
2stLetter ofSamucl (irowther, Lagos, l0 Sept. ltl5(r, in Ilutchinson, lnprtssions,2Tl (reftrring to thc Oparl, :rti<rnof cowrics was reflected in an inflation of local prices: Burton in lg63/4
actually an affluent of the Weme).
rs''liadition currcnt later in the ninctecnth ccnturv claimed thlt therc hatl in fhct firrnrerlr been r channcl I l,r trn, Oouutrrr rtl l . . , , , t t , t u r r( . ' h t t g r , ) ( ) , I l 2 ( ' l a b l c s l . ( ) . 5 2 )
'les t
connecting the lagoon and the sca at (irtonou: liruche, .9121az.r, ll, 29-5 (citing li'gcntlcs el lcs chxnts lfttrlrrn. llrsttor-i-J7
populnires'). Ilut c<lntcmporarr cvidcnce suggests that this crn onlr hrrc hecrt rtn occlsionll occttrrencc, ;rl ' '(rrrrrrrrtrtrrrl
f i t t r l r t s ,l ) t h , , u t 1 ' , i . i ( , , l l l { ( l , l ) l l ) / ; , l { t . n o r t ' , t n c . t o l i r l s c r . I r c r n : r n d oP o , l 5 N , l a v l l l 5 2 ;
times ofcrccptionally high wltcr lercls, rs hrppenctl, lirr crrnrplc, in lli0.{: Kirrg I lttlirtt ol Itorlo \ttro, l(t l " ( ) S { / N l i / rl .r r l l , l s . r l tr r l , t l t , t t s r i t , , r r rI . r r r r r t ,l r r . r r l r r nl 'r ( , t l r i g r r el 's l h o r r r r s l l t r t t o n , 2 l . f a n . l l l 5 2
lfirr
N r n : l l t 0 - l , i n V e r g c r ,l ) l t . r t t r r f l t . r ' , 2 7 0 ( n o l n r r r r i r r g ( i r t o r r o u , b r r t p r c s r rtr(r)rre( lt rl l ( l ( , i t ) l l t r l i r r r o n t h i s I , i l ) ( l l r r . r r l s , r rl r r s r r c s .r ' r \ , \ l l l , l l r r r r , , r r ,l l r " r , , r , r , I I i . r r ' l l r t .r l t . P r t .j 1. 1 1 1 , r, o , ,r r l i r r r r t . rt rl r r t i lt h t . l 8 u 0 s , l r r
\ r l l l ( l r l l t l l ( r r r l r t r r rl r ' r , lL r l l r r rt , ' . ' ( l { | l } l tl , ' t l r r , l r , l l . r rl o r l r r r t l r t rr l r r r r r r r t . l l . r t r o r r . r tnnt .l r l t s r s r, . c
l.lolrttt
\ 'lr.ttttttlu.ts trlnttt.tllt rttt lrr lll '(
I ) u r l ) r ) s c (st o P r c s c n t r r r ro l r s l . r c l tl ( ) | ) f , l r o l r . u r l r x ) l ) r l o \ ( n r ( r l s ) l . t n , o s t r | s . 1 ' , r l r.lr i l , l, l , ' l l . [ . , r , l r . r i l y ,r , r t , r r r . . r . r l , r l r.ti rl t r li l r ! r I r\ t t (
| r i l (r . t i l l l . r t r o r rr r r l ) . r l r o r r r r r. n
t tlrt.
lrrttttlt ttt llil'ii i l ! ' l t f r r i l l l r . r r ( l i l i l t , t i l l t l r , , r t r r r rr,r. l r r r ,t r r \ ' r t r , l t t l , , r ,y l l t t t , r , l l , , r r , l , , r lr r. ) ( r l )\ { ) t , i )

r i{) 'il
 Ouidah Under King Glele
reported that priccs in the Ouicllh market had doubled cluring the prcrious ten
vears.+It scems clcar, in f'act, that thc priccs given fbr palm oil down to lll52,
although quoted in dollars, actuallv ref-erto pavment in c<.rwries, reckonedat the
conventionalrate of 2,000 to the dollar, and reflcct, at least in large part, the
declining value o1'corvriesrather than a risc in thc real price of oil, while the price
of $6 pcr mcasurccited in lfl.57was bascd on thc contemporarvcxchangerate of
,1.000rather than thc nominal rate of 2,000 cowriesto the dollar, and was thus in
f'actidcntical with the price o1''$12'proclrimed in ltl52. Likcwise, rvhen in lU5u
'raised thc price o1'p:rlmoil', this ttlo ma1'have
Gczo was again rcported to havc
bccn an adiustment of thc conrl price to tirke'Jccount<lf further dcprcciirtior.r.'
Given that the price of oil in harcl currcnc)',as opposedto collries, rcmaincd at
around the samelcvcl down to the lll70s, it mav bc that the burden of thc dcclining
price of'palm oil in world markets lvas absorbcdbl t.uropean purchascrsrather
than the African scllcrs."
'I'his
is not to sar; howevcl that the devaluation o1' cowries did not posc
-l'he
problems firr Afiican coastalmcrchants. f'alling valuc of corrrics must havc
tcndcd to undcrmine the profits of the merchantswho imported them and might
now have to sell them on at a lorvcr rate, and would also have operatedto rcduce
the real valueol'dcbts outstandingto thcm lrom their local custonrers,il'theservere
denominatcdin cow'ries(while thel themseh'escould not settlc thciroun debts to
their European and American supplicrs in this devaluedcurrencY).Moreover, it
was not f-casibleto rcfuse t<l deal in cowries in the palm-oil tradc, becauseof' thc
involvement of l'.rrgcnumbcrs of small producers s'ho, as noted in thc last chaptcr,
were commonll' paid in cowries. Domingos Martins in 1853-4, prcsumablv in
responscto thc depreciationof'cuu'rics, ordercd large quantitiesof'silver dollars
'as the natives u'h<l
fr<lm Britain, to exchangeagainst palm oil, but f'rrundthat
'.
manufacturepalm oil do not require specie ... thc suppli' of palm oil fcll off It
mav be s)'mptomatico[ thcscdifficult trading conditionsthat by ltl59 Martins was
rumoured to be 'on the vergeof bankruptcv'.; It is also noteworthl that, unlikc de
S<luzaearlier,he did not succccdin passingon a substantialh<luseholdto his heirs;
although he did leavedescendantsin C)uiclah(in Ganvi cluartcr),thev wcrc not
espccialllprominent and in lirct havcbeenabsorbedinto thc dc Souzafan-ril1:'
The reuiaal o.f'theslat,etrade, 1857-63
'l'hc
attractivenessof the oil trirde rvasfurthcr undermincclby thc reappearancc<ll'
a viablc altcrnative,with a revival <lf thc slavctracle.Ar<luntlMarch l13-57
rcports
' llttrlon. llisri,rr, i, (r(r.
' 'll'rdc
l ' 1 1S l r r e l u 5 t i r / . ( . h s s r \ , n o . l { 1 , R e r r . ' \ r l n r r r rS
'
\ s r l s o s r r g g t s t c < l r l l , r g o s : \ t r t l r t t r r , l l t s l t r t . \ ' f u i L ( , ' o , t r l ,l i ( r 7 .
l'l'. Slrrt'llrtlc l l l 5 - 1 5 . ( . l . r s sl t . r r , , . . l f , ( . r n r p l r t l l , l . . t { o s .i l ) e e . l f i 5 i l l S i ( . 1( , 0 . ( . l r r r sl l , r r o 1 7 . ( . r r r r r l }
l r t l l . l . r r q o s7. | i l r llii(l
' S < . t . r l t . \ r ' ( r / I. rt . l t ' t t r / l t , / , . \ , ! r /, r . . ' i l t . t r r r l l r r L r r r r t l ,r r l , r s , r t tr r l \ l r t r t ' .
n , r r r r , l l ) t . t r , r) t l r , ' s' ,' , t t l l r , , r r r l \ S . ' t t , r , l t lt tt r. t r nlrt t , t r t t tl l r t t t r t t t ' r ' ,\1r , t t z . t
Ouidah Under King Glele
reachedthe British consul at Lagos that 'the slave-dealcrsat Whydah had begun to
purchase slaveslargely, and were giving an increasedprice for them'; slaveswere
allegedly even being sent from Lagos to Porto-Novo, for salc on to Ouidah. This
revived demand for slaveswas also thought to account for a renewal of Dahomian
military campaigns,with an attackon the Yorubatown of Ekpo, to thc east,early in
1858.When Gezo died in Noven-rber1858, his son and successorGlele'publicly
proclaimed his intention to follou' in the steps of his father, and to continue slave-
hunts and the slavetradc'.'r
One factor in this revival of the slavc trade was a French pr<tjcct for thc
rccruitment of supposedly'free cmigrants' in Af rica for the French \d'estIndies,by
the firm of R6gis,which was in eff ect thc revival of the slavctrade under a cloak of
legal prctence, the purchasc of slavesbcing reprcsented as their 'redemption' into
libertl', prior to entering into supposedlyvoluntarv contracts of indcnture. The
price stipulatedin R6gis'sagreementwith the Dahomian authorities,$50 per head,
reflectedthc currently depressedstateof the market for slaves.Although this plan
causedconsiderableconcern to the British, however,its practical ef{'ectsas regards
Ouidah specifically rvere negligible. When a steamship belonging to R6gis finallv
arrived at Ouiclah,in August 1857,intcnding t<lpurchasc1,200'free emigrants',it
found that thc project had been overtakenbv a revival of the slavetrade to Cuba,
which pushedthe price of slavesback up to a level with which R6gis'sagcntscould
not compete;in the cvent it purchasedonly 40-50 slavesat Ouidah ilnd went on
instead t<lthe Congo, wherc slavescould be obtaincd more cheaplr,-. In N'larch l85fl,
the British consul reportcd that 'thc attempt to purchascslavesat Whvdah as fiee
emigrantshas not yet bccn renewcdbv M. Regis,and, so long as thc current virlue
of slavesamonpithe nativesof this part of Africa continuesso high as lt present,it
is not likclv to bc'. In early 1859trvo steamshipsbclonging to R6gis again calledat
Ouidah hoping to purchascslaves,but neptotiations conductcdbl thc local Frcnch
naval commander to give the French pref'erencefailed, and they again went on
clsewhere.r"
Much more significantin its impact on Ouidah was the revivalof the slavetrade
t<l Cluba.This was associatedn<lt s,ith thc establishcdBrazilian tr:rders on the
coast, such as Martins, but with a new company formcd in Havana, called the
'l'.xpedicionpor Africa', whosc
ships rvcre fitted out from the United Statesand
saileclundcr uS colours, in an attempt to securc some degreeof protcction from
thc llritish nlvr', u'hich ls vct hacln<llcgal authority to arrcst US ships.rrDuring
llt.i7, this compan\ scnt l'ivc ships to the Bight of Benin for slavcs.The first to
rrrrire, the lluus Ort.1,i11,{pril lfl.57, horvcvcr,firilcd to obtain slavesat either
( . ( ) t o n o ro. lr ( ) L r i t l i r a h n t l l c l i l i r r t h c ( . o n g o i n s t c a c(lb u t w a sc a p t u r c db 1 -t h e B r i t i s h
'l'hc
r t : t r b c l i r r t ' t r r k i r r gi r r : t t t r s l r rcr s ) . r c r r c t i o r r< l f t h c c s t a b l i s h c ctlr a d c r s i n
l ) r t l t o n r i . utr) ( ) r l \ \ \ i r s t r i t l t r r t l r r r r r t ' n l h r r s i r r s l.i'c\ t. ( i r t o n o u . \ ' l a r t i n s d c c l i n c d t o
l i r l ' l ( i r u , S i c r r i rl , c o n e . I I l i t r . l t l 5 8 .
l . s r \ t r l . t r t l \ l . r t ! r r t \{ \ t r r
 Ouidah Under King Glele
deal with the Adams Gra.y,advisingit to try elsewheresince 'the Bight of Benin was
now too closely watched'. The failure of traders at Ouidah to supply slavesto the
sameship is explained, in different reports, as due to their hoping to be able to ship
them instead on their own account for greater profit, or more simply becausethey
were'not ready'.I2But a more critical factor may have been doubt about the
profitability of the slavetrade: two unnamed former slave-tradersvisiting Lagos at
this time opined that, given that the Adams Cra.y was offering only $60-70 per
slave,'suchtrade ... is beneaththeir notice:the palm-oil trade is infinitely better'.rl
Subsequent ships of the company, however, did succeedin obtaining slaves:in
'Praya Nova
June 1857 one took in slaves at [New Beach]', a newly opened
embarkation point five miles west of Ouidah, but succeededin embarking only 70
before it was arrested by the British navy; and at the end of August another
shipped 250-270 slavesfrom Ouidah beach but was then also captured.'a Other
embarkations from Ouidah were reported in September 1857, by two vessels
apparently unconnected with the company,which together shipped over 400 slaves,
these succeedingin evading capture.rsDuring 1858 another ship was reported to
have landed $25,000 in cash at Agou6 in prepayment for a cargo of slaves,but was
capturedin May before taking any on board.16 In January 1859one ship intended
to take slavesat Ouidah was taken by the British navy. but another succeededin
shipping 400 slaves,200 each from Agou6 and Ouidah; and in September three
separateshipments totalling 1,300-1,400slaveswere made from Agou6 and Porto-
Seguro (though one of these was captured by the British).t7 During 1860, four
recorded shipments of slaveswere made from Ouidah, for a total of around 2,500
slaves.One of these,in May, was apparently the Clotilde, the ship on which Cudjo
Lewis was transported, which delivered its slavesnot to Cuba but to Alabama in
the USA; another, in August, representeda significant technical innovation in the
illegal slavetrade (following the example of R6gis), in the employment of a steam-
powered ship, which embarkedno fewer than 1,300slavesin a single cargo.rsDuring
the first ten months of 1861,only a single shipment of slaveswas recorded west of
Keta, but there were further shipments in December l86l and tsebruary 1862, the
latter directly from Ouidah.'e Although many of these shipments were made from
ports west of Ouidah, most if not all of the slaveswere thought to have originated
r r P P ,S l a v e ' I ' r a d e1 8 5 7 8 , C l a s sI l , n o . 8 , C a m p b e l l ,L a g o s ,l l N I a 1 1 8 - 5 7C; l a s sA , e n c . 2 i n n o . 1 6 6 ,C o m
manderBurgess,Ouidah, l2 Aug. ltt57.
'r Ibid., ClassB, no. 9, Campbell,Lagos,I I May 1857.
r r I b i d . , C l a s sA , e n c . I i n n o . 1 5 9 ,L i e u t e n a n tP i k c , 2 J u l y 1 8 5 7 ;C ) l a sB
Itl57; ClassA, enc.2 in no. 166,Burgess,Ouidah, l2 Aug. lti57.
ri Ibid., Classll no. 44, Campbell,I-,agos,
3 Nov. 1857.
16 PP,Slavcfiade 1858-9,ClassA. no. 133,CommodoreWisc,6 Aug. ltl5lt.
Ouidah Under King Glele
from there: as the British consul at Lagos observed at the beginning of 1862,
'Whydah alone is now to be looked upon as the slave-exporting
station; shipments
may occasionallybe made at other places,but the slaveswill in most casesbe found
to have been collected there.'2()
The re-entry of Ouidah into the slave trade reflected not simply the renewed
arrival of ships seeking slaves,but also the fact that this revived demand had the
effect of bidding up prices to a point where the trade again became attractive: by
August 1857, slaveswere selling at Ouidah at $80 per head, a price that R6gis's
agents,who were then seeking to purchase 'free emigrants', could not match; and
pricescontinuedat this levelinto the early l860s.2rNevertheless, it doesnot appear
that this was sufficient to tempt the older-establishedtraders such as Martins, back
into slaving. Although Martins was from time to time accused by the British of
involvement in the rcvived slavetrade, and his death inJanuary 1864 was assumed
to be'a sore blow... to the slaveinterest at Whydah',22no clear evidenceto this
effect wasever cited; and Martins himself insistedin 1862that'he has given up rhe
Slave Trade'.2r The correspondence of Jos6 Francisco dos Santos in 1862_71
likewise shows him exporting palm oil, now to Europe as well as to Brazil, and kola
nuts to Brazil; but does not contain any hint of involvement in the slave trade to
Cuba. Among other leading former slave-tradersof the older generation,Joaquim
d'Almeida at Agou6 had in any casedied in 1857, and Nobre at Ouidah died in
I 858.
The leading figures in the revived slave trade from 1857 onwards were newly
arrived on the coast,or at least not previously pr<lmincnt in trade at Ouidah. Some
of them had personal and businesslinks to Cuba and/or the USA, rather than to
Brazil; and they mostly had their main basesnot in Ouidah itself but at Agou6 to
(general
the west. In 1857 the principal figure, described as the agcnt for the slave
trade at Whydah and the adjacent shipping ports', was Samuel da Costa Soares,
who, although describedas 'one of the ... old slave-traders',had not hitherto been
sufficiently prominent to attract documentary notice. He was from metropolitan
Portugal rather than Brazrl, had links with Portuguesemerchants resident in New
York and was himself a naturalized US citizen, and his main base was at Agou6,
rather than in Ouidah.2aIn 1859 slaveships sent to Ouidah were reported to be
consigned to J.M. Carvalho' and 'Mr Baeta'.25T'he first of these is presumably
identical with 'M.D. Joaquim Carvalho, called Breca', whose death on the coastwas
rcported around the beginning of 1864 and who had been basedat Grand-Popo
s , n o . 2 2 , C a m p b e l l ,L a g o s , . 5A u g .
c:rrlier in the l850s.r{'The second was Joio GonzalvesBaeta, alreadyattestedas
r " I b i d . , ( . l a s sl l , n o . 7 , , \ c t i n g ( r r n s u l N I c ( o s k 1 1 . l . i r g o s , 7 J r n .
lft62.
'' l)l).Sllc lir<lc llJ57 ll,(.lassli,no
2 5 . ( , a n r p b c l l ,L a g o s , l 0 A u g . 1 1 3 5 7 ; s e c ' l ' r b l c ( r . 1 .

1 7P P , S l a v e l - r a d e l 8 - 5 " I ' l ' , S l l c I r a d c I l i 6 - 1 ,( . l r s s l l . n o . l ( 1 .( - o n s t r ll l r r r t o n , I i r n n r I l i v e r , 2 . 1N { a r c h I f 1 6 . 1 .

69 0 , C l a s s A , e n c . i n n o . 4 , F l x t r a c t f r o m t h c L l e s t . l l i i t u n l t u u l d , l 0 llrlci 5h9. ; n o . 9 5 , ( ) 1 .( . o r r r r r r o r l o r t
" l ' l l S l r r c l l . r t l c l l l ( r . i ,( . l r r s s\ . r r o \ \ ' i l n t o t , o t l l . r g o s , ) r l o r :l l J ( r 2 .
W i s e ,S i e r r aI - e o n e ,l 5 M a r c h l l l 5 9 ; n o . l l 0 , W i s c ,( l a b i n d a ,l 6 N t a v l f l 5 9 ; n o . 1 5 0 ,\ \ ' i s c , . \ s c c n s i o n , 2 . l '
l ' l ' S l r r t ' l i r t l e l l ' t i 7 f i . ( . l . r s s l l . r r ol ( ) . ( . . r r n I l r t l l , l . : r g r r s . J T l rl rl l 5
r 7 ; ' l i r r r r c r , ' l , c s l l r [ ' s i l i e n s ' , 162.5
Nor: lll59.
1 8P P ,S l a v e ' I ' r a d e1 8 6 0 ,C l a s sA , n o . 5 7 , ( i r m m o t k r r cL d m o n s t o n e , 2( ) c t . l 1 1 6 0(;. h s s l | . r r o s2 . 1- 1 ,, \ c t i n g l ' 1 1 5 l . r r t ' l r . r ( l ( l | i i r / { r l l ,( l . r s sl l , r ' r r r r r r r r o l . L r t r , r r t l r o r r r l l r ' ' / l l r t ' t t l l t r t l , l , l 0 l r e b . l l l 5 ( ) ;( . l r s s r \ ,
r r o r ( ) i ,l l 7 . \ \ r s r . S t c t t . t l , , ' t r , , l . \ l . r , l r , l ( r ' l l ( o n { " , i ) l r r r rl tN 5 ( )
( i r n s u l I I a n d , L a g o s ,l 0 S e p t .& 9 O c t . I 1 1 6 0 . ' l ' l tO e I t t t l , l ti s n ( ) tn l r l r l i r l l l c (llr r r r r n r t , l r r r t r n l r t ' i t l c n t i l i u l '
l ' l ' . \ l . r r r l r , r , l , l s t , l . ( L r ' r l l . r r , ' l i / . l l r r r t , r r ,. ' i \ l . r r r l r l l i t r l . l r r r l r r st . r r l r t t . r r t i r r t r t ss, r , t . S t r i r l r r x l l .
w i f h ' a s c h r x r n curn d c rA n r c r i c acno l l r r s ' r e r r o r l cttol h r r t c r r r l r r r k t lt 0l l s l r r t so r r | | \ l r r r l l l ( r 0 '\lr,'
(li, (rrurru,rrrrlcr l l t . t z r l r . r r lr lrr' r t l l r r r r r r . r ' , . r r , , t l r(r. rr t r . r l l r , , , r t r \ rr r t l r r r I t r r r , , r l\ .l . r t , x l l , r . r , ; r r r rl cr r( . . r r r r t l l r o .
" ' l ' l t , S l r v e ' l r r t l t l l i 6 2 ,( , l r s s \ , c t t t I i r r r r o ) J 2 ,l . r l r r r r r t r s t o r r\tr.'7r l H t r l .t r r r r r rr r o \ r l r l \ f . t r l t \ r l t i \ \ \ i r rl r . r r r r l r , , l r r r ,rl t l r ' , r t "\ , , r , ' \ , s l ' r r r r l l , , t , t n \ 1 , t , ,( r , , t ' ll t l
l k t l i r r s l l t l t ll,. r s o s .l ? \ l . r r ,l r l l i a r . l

.tit
 Ouidah Under King Glele
engagingin illegal slavingat Agou6 earlier in the 1850s;he seemsto have withdrawn
from the business soon after, returning to Bahia (wherc he was one of thc
correspondentsof dos Santos from 1862 onwards).2'- Bv the end of ltl59, Agou6
was the baseof slave-trirderscalled'Maderes'and'Swarcv'.28 Of thesc,the f-rrstwas
FranciscoJos6 de Medciros, who lvas also Portugueseby nationalitl; in <lrigin from
Madeira, but resident for severalyears in Cuba; in the 1ll40shc had commanded an
illegal slave-shiptrading to Ouidah, but he is not attestedat Agou6 befbre 1859.2"
Thc secondis apparentlynot thc Samuelda Costa Soaresof 1857,but a different
man, Joio SuaresPercira,who was also Portugueserather than Brazilian.He had a
base at Ouidah, as well as at Agou6; he was describedin 186,1as'the principal
[slave]dealerat Whvdah'.r(lIn 1867,after thc slavetrade t<l Cuba had come to an
end, Suares Pcreira and Medeiros were described as 'the last of the rich slavc
dealers'.ll
Although primarilv a responscto changing markct opportunities, in the revival
of demandfiom Cuba, the renewalof the slavetrade in thc late 1850salsoreflected
internal political divisionswithin Dahomer'.32 Irven at the hcight of enthusiasmf<rr
the new trade in palm oil, in the mid-18-50s,there was apparentl]'internal
opposition to the ncw direction of Dahomian policy. The British Mcthodist
missionaryFreemanin 185,t-5had the impressionthat, whereasGezo himself was
favourable to the mission, others among the Dahomian chiefs were hostile, and,
givcn the mission's identification with llritish influence and the promotion of
'legitimate' trade, he believed that these differences reflected divisions ovcr com-
mercial policy.In particular,he identified the Mehu as 'evidently in his secretheart
'l.rade',
opposed to improvements,and a staunch supporter of'thc Slave and the
Yovop;anof Ouidah also as'entirely in the interestsof the Slave Dealers therc'. The
French diplomatic mission that visited Dahomcy in 1856 likewisenoted the exis-
tence of a faction opposed to Gezo's policies: 'the old party discontented with
Gczo's Europeantendencies','the partv of resistance... what would be calledelsc-
where,in Turkey for example,the old nationalparty', which was led by the Nlehu;
and they also linked the Yovogan with him as having 'vcry little liking for the
F-rench,preferring the former slaverswho heap them with presents'. Whereas thc
British Methodists had earlier rcgarded the heir appxrent Badahun (the future
King Glcle) as favourable to them, however, the French in 1856 understood
Bad:rhun to be now in the 'national' f-action.r3Ultimateh', thc opposition attained
such strength that it uas able effoctiveh'to take over the governmentof'l)ahomcv;
r; Strickrodt.'Afir>Brazilians'.
r8 PP, Slavc'Iiade lll59 60, (.lass A, no. l5ll, l:lphinstonc,2l
Lagos, 2l Nor: lll59.
r" Rrr Medeiros, see1-urnc1 'l-es llr6silicns', '|,267.llc commanded thc ship /iirllra lionr I lrranr, talcn in
t h e l l i g h t o f I l c n i n i n I l ' l - 1 2l:) P , S h v c ' l ' r a d e I 1 i 4 2 . ( l l a s s A , n o . 5 4 .
'"
f l L r r t o n , . l T i s s i o n , i . T - l - 5 n . l P P , S l l v c ' l ' r ; t rllle' 1 6 . 1 , ( . l r s s , \ , n ol.5 l , \ \ ' i l n r o t , , \ s c e n s i o n , l l ) e c l l l f r - I .
" P { S l a r c ' l i a d c l l i 6 7 . ( . l a s s . \ , n o . ( r . 5 , ( i r n t t n o < k r r c l k r r r tl b
'r Robin
L r u . " l ' h e r x r l i t i c so l e o r r r r r r c r c i rt lr r n s i t i o r r l i r e t i , r r r rtlr r r t l l i t l i r r l ) r l r o r r r c r r r r t l r c t o r r l t r l o l l l r l
c t t t l i n l -o1l t h c . \ t h r t t i t . l r r c t r r r l t ' , . / / / / , . i l t ( l ( t ' , 7 ) ,l l j i i
i' \\\l\lS,
l i r c t t t t r t t ,( . . r P e( o . r s t ,l l \ l . r r , l r l \ J { l l r r l r l l " i i i . \ . r l l r r r r .l . t t r r r . r t t t r cr l r l ) . t l t , , r r t r ' .l / i l l ,
l / i l . l . l l e r r r r r \, , , r . r l t , s i
I ilr
Ouidah Under King Glele
a secondFrench missionin 1858describedGezo as 'only the shadowof his son and
his Nlinisters', whose influence was blamed for growing hostility towards the
'I'he
French.r+ implication is that the revival of thc slavetrade and of Dahomian
militarism in 1857-8 representedthe capture of the governmentby thc conserva-
tive faction,rather than a changeof mind on Gezo's orvn part. when Gezo died in
1858thesedivisionsrverereflectedin a disputed successionto the throne, the claim
of his hcir apparent being contested bJ' a faction committed to the rcforming
policiesof his father; Glele'ssuccessionthus represented,as Burton rctrospectivell.
observed,the triumph of thc 'rcactionarvparty'.ls
The immediate issue in this internal opposition appearsnor to have been the
promotion of thc palm-oil trade rs such, but rather the issue of human sacrifice.
whosc abolition Gezo proclaimedin ltl53; but this renunciationof human sacrifice
servedto symbolizethe abandonmentof traditional Dahomian militarism and thus
by implication of'the slavetrade, Dahomian military campaignshaving historically
supplied the captives rvho bccame both victims ftrr sacrifice and commodities for
'Ihis
export. interpretationof factionaldivisions within thc Dah<lmianruling elite
has been (luestioncd bv Edna Bay, who argues that the conflict over Glele's
accessionreflected an internal power struggle, rather than differences over
commercial or foreign policy.r('But thcse interpretations need not be regarded as
contradictory, to the extent that policy differences would inevitably tend to
crystallizcaround points of structural tension within the ruling establishnrent;
and
Bay's argumcnt that the contemporarv understanding that these clisputes
concernedthe slavetrade and human sacrificerepresentedmerely a projection of
British policy concernsdocs not account fbr the fhct that the mosr explicit refer-
encesto the existence<l[such factionsoccur in French rathcr than British sources.
The end o/'theAtlantic slaaetrade
ln the event, the revival of the slavetrade to Cuba pr<lvedshort-lir,ed.Renewed
British diplomatic pressureon I)ahomey to end its export of slaves,with missions
to Glele at his capital by the commander of the local British naval squadron,
(,ommodore Wilmot, in 1862-3 and by Consul Burton in lU63-4, was unsucccss-
f-ul, the king merely insisting upon his need and intention to continue the slave
trade. The British n:rvd patrols had more impact, especiallvas their effectiveness
u'ls cnhrrnccclbi thc Anglo-US tre:rt1'of'l1162,which finally concededthe right of
se:rrcho1'An.rericanvcssels, :rnd thus cndcd the abuseof the US flae bv illceal slave
Jan. lli60, nith cnc., (omm:rndcr Boucn,
" l'roltl,2(l \lrrr litliltt,t;ttolttl lrSottttrorrti,"l\'rtlt'antl
lxrlitics'. l2-l 5. llrwcvcqsinccbvlu5lithcl,'rench
l l t t t t t s l l r r ' . s c t < r e c L t n q l o p 1 1 1 1 1 1 . 1s5l .r r' r t s ( r r n t l l r t l t ( l { 1 i s ( 1 1 ' l i ' c t e l t i ; f r a l l s ' ) , t h c i r c o m p [ i n t s mav havc
r t l r t l t r l t t t . t t t t l rl t r t l t t l ) , t l t r r n r r , r r r p r l l c r t r r l c l r rsr r ' l l r r r u s l . r r t s t o ( , u h ; r ( l i r r h i g h c r l l r i c c s ) .
' . r1, < p l t r r n t l l . r 1 , 7 . f u n c l l l / r 7 lt.ttt,.s,,, ll,,r1lrtr,,, il) \'l't lltrl. r r r ' \ l r * ' r , , r r ' r l p l ) . r l r 1 r r r r . r ' ,l t n , r l , , , l t . h lrntMtt!rt,n,/t lt l:ot.25
( l S l ' . ' ) . . ' . ' l l .l l l r r , r r r . l l r , , r , , r r r. r . ' ,
'
f f . r r .l l t , , , , ' l r l t , 1 , , , t ' , " 1 .
'l,i
,i llr\ r(t,Lt.rlr r i l , , , r t . , i l rl \ r t r l l . r s l , l r rl r r . l $ r t r r ( r t z r r . r I t l l l . r r l r l r r [ t .
 Ouidah Under King Glele
Ouidah Under King Glele
ships.3iOuidah was subject to particular attention, Wilmot issuing instructions in
single shipment during the year', which he claimed was 'entirely attributable to
1863that it was'never to be left unguarded'.rrBut, as in the caseof the ending of
the close blockade that has been established'; although the steamer Ciceron had
the Brazilian trade earlier, the ultimately decisive factor was the closing down of
reappeared on the coast wcst of Ouidah, off Porto-Seguro, in May, it had been
the Cuban market. This was partly a mattcr of pure economics,with a decline in
unable to embark any slaves. The consequencesfor the slaves who had been
the price of slavesin Cuba in the 1860s,which rendered importation from Africa
assembledon the coast for shipment were not entirely positive, since there had
no longer profitable; any prospect ofa subsequentrevival ofthe trade was killed by
been 'great mortality amongstthem, from privations and diseaseof every kind'; of
the belated enactment of more effective legislation to prevent illegal imports by the
2,000 reportedly collected for the Ciceronin May, no fewer than 800 had died by
Spanishauthoritiesin Cuba in 1867.3e
the end of the month. In 1865,Wilmot again reported that the slavetrade from
The last trans-Atlantic shipment of slavesdirectly from Ouidah beachwas on 20
the Bights 'in consequenceof the close blockade establishedand carried out, is
March 1862, when the Spanish steamship Noc d'Acqui got away with 1,600 slaves
virtually at an end. There has been no shipment of slavesfrom thence during the
for Cuba.a(rIn October the same ship was back on the coast and a cargo of around
past year.'41
1,000 slaveswas collected for it; but it found Ouidah so closely watched by the
The local slave-tradershad perhaps not yet given up hope, since in July 1864
British navy that it was impossible to take on slavesthere and instead they were
Joio SuaresPereira travelled from Ouidah to London, by the steamer service from
sent along the lagoon fbr shipment from Agou6.+' lbllowing Wilmot's mission at
Lagos, in order to purchase ships, and intended if unsuccessful in England to
the beginning of 1863, Glele was understood to have issued instructions that
'slaves,whether purchased from him or otherwise, are not to be shipped from the proceed from there to New York for the same purpose; and the British understood
(or assumed)that thcse ships wcre intended for use in the slavetrade.a5Presumably
sea-boardof his territory'; but as in the 18,50s,this clearly did not preclude the
as a result of this mission, in the next year a ship called the Dahome.y,owned by
sending of slavesalong thc lagoon from Ouidah for shipment elsewhere.r2 The last
Pereira and Medeiros, sailed from New York via Lisbon to West Africa, arriving at
exportation of slavesfor a trans-Atlantic market in which Ouidah was involved was
Ouidah in December 1865.After some months' trading between Ouidah and places
on 10 October 1863,when another Spanish steamer,the Ciceron,shipped 960 slaves
to the west, this vessel was arrested at Agou6 in March 1866; but although the
for Cuba from Godomey, though this cargo was confiscated by the Spanish
British claimed that over 600 slaveshad been assembledat Agou6 for shipment in
authorities after delivery to Cuba. The slaves for this shipment were marched
the Dahome.y,there was no conclusiveevidenceof its intention to ship slavesand it
overland from Ouidah to Godomey; their passageeast, under armed guard, was
was eventually released.+6 After this, local hopes of a revival of the tradc evidently
witnessed by the French Catholic missionary Borghero, who happened to be
evaporated.In 1867 Wilmot's successoras local British naval commander reported
returning in the opposite direction, from a visit to l,agos and Badagry. According
that 'The demand for slavesfrom Cuba has apparently ceased';since the dispersal
to Burton, who arrived in Ouidah a few weekslater, the successfulembarkation was
of the slavescollected for shipment in the Dahomeyin the previous year, 'none, so
celebrated by those who had shipped the slaves with a banquet that lastcd ten
far as we can hear, have been held in readinessfor embarkation on that part of the
hours and was attended by 'legitimate' as well as slave-traders,who joined in 'pro-
coast'. Suares Pereira and Medeiros began dismantling their establishments at
slaverytoasts' along with the slavers.al
Agou6 and shifting thcir businesseastwardsalong the coast;as Medeiros explained
In fact, this celebration proved to be the swansongof the slavetrade at Ouidah,
to a British naval captain, 'The slavetrade is finished for the present, so I am going
since this was apparently the last shipment of slavesfor Cuba from anywhere in
into legal trade; your cruizers have not stopped it, but there is no demand from
the Bight of Benin. Although Glele, in negotiationswith Burton at the beginning (luba'.47Medeiros settled at Ouidah, founding a family that still survives today, in
of 1864,still insistedthat he would continue to sell slaves,his determination was
Sogbadji quarter.48
irrelevant in the absenceof ships to sell to. During 1864, Commodore Wilmot
The ending of the export trade did not, of course, mean that the internal slave
reported that in the Bight of Benin 'as far as I can learn, there has not been a
trade cndcd. In lfl65 it was rcported that'the slavemerchantswho had collecteda
ri Thc significanceofthe 1862trcaty is questioncdby F)ltis,Etonomit Cron,th,2l0, who points out thrt no number for shipment are now selling them back to the natives,to work on their
shipswereactuallvcondcmnedunder its arrangcmcnts;howcvcr,it prcsumablvopcratedas il deterrent. plantations',onc of'their customerswas the British Methodist mission in Ouidah,
'" PP,Slavel-rade 1864,ClassA, no. I19, Wilrnot, Sierrl l,eone,.ll I)ec. lti6.3. which 'rcrlecnrctl'scvcnslavcsat the cnd of l116'1, at a cost of $60 each,a price that
re Firr the argument that the (luban tradc'dicd a markct dcath', so that thc 1867legislationuas significirnt 'llatle
" l'l', Slrrt l l J 6 " l ,( . h . s \ , r r o . l 5 l , \ \ ' i l r r r o t , ' \ s c c t t s i o t r ,I I ) e c . l l t 6 4 ; l 1 1 6 5 ,( l l a s s A , n o . l i 3 , W i l m o t ,
only as a'symbol', seeEltis, EtonomitGron,th,218-19.
{ ' P P , S l a v cT r a d e l l i 6 2 , C l a s sB , n o . 1 4 , ( i o n s u l F ' r e c m a nl,. a g o s , 9 M r 1 l 1 1 6 2W S i t r r r l . r ' o t t c .l r l | ) c t l f i t r i
; NlNlS, llcnrr \\'hrrton. ' l t l ' , S l r r e l i r r t l c l N l r { , ( l . t s s\ . t t o l i l , \ \ r l r r r o t , I l ) e r l l l f r . l
CapeCorst, l4 April lft62.
r l P P ,S l a v e ' l ' r a d c1 8 6 2 ,( l h s s l J , n o . 2 5 , l i r c c m r n , L r ; 1 o s , 2 (O " I ' 1 1S l , r r r " l i . r l t l S t ' t ' .( l . r r * \ , r r r r si , : . i ' ) . . 1 i . r , r s cr r l t l v ' l ) t h u u t l ' ; r l s o t t o . ( r { ) ,l l o r t t b r , \ c c r a , l l N ' l a r c h
) c t . l l t 6 2 ; l i r r g h c r o ,. ' f o u r r t l . l l ( ) l 7 l - U 0l l
l l t , { r .l s { r , . ( l . r s s\ . r r , , l ! i . l l , ' r n l ' r . \ r r r r . r l r ' , ' r rl .r t. l i l r l l \ i f r l
Oct. ltl62l. '
+ r l ' l ' , S l r v c ' l i ; r t l cl l J 6 4(,. h s s. \ , r r o .I l ( ) ,\ \ i l r r r o tS. i t r r r l . t , r r r t .. i l | ) e t l l i ( r l l ' l ' . \ l . r r , I r . r , l r l \ t ' , . ( L r r . \ . r r , , t r r . I l , , r r r l r . I l r l r l r . r nl tl . r r ., l r r n t l S t ' 7

" I l r i t f .l ;i r r t - l h o < \ 7 r , u r t r l , l i ( l J r , (I)S( tf r i l l. l r r r t r r rlrl .r " r , , r , r l. l i

 Ouidah Under King Glele Ouidah Under King Glele

reflectcd the depressedstatc of the market.aeIn consequence,although its profit- Ilven before the cnding of slavcexports, h<-rwever, thc producc trade had revived.
ability was reduced, the gathering of slavesthrough Dahomian military operations Wilmot in 1U63reported that the harassmentof-British tradcrs bv thc l)ahomian
continued,to supply the domesticmarket. authoritieshad ceased,and 'the tradc at Whydah has ag:rinbeen opened ro a verv
considerableextent, and the King has givcn directions that all the producc of his
countrv may be frcelv offered to merchants';5(' although Wilmot attributed this
The reaiaal of theProducetrade changeof attitude to the influenceof'his own reccnt mission,it uas more probabll,'
duc to Glele's awarcnessof the declining scale and dor.rbtfulfuturc of the slave
How the revival of the slavetrade from 1857 aff-ectedthe operationof the'legiti- trade and thc consequcntnced t<ldcvelop whatcveralternativcsourccsof revenue
mare' rrade in palm oil at Ouidah is unclear. British observersconsistentlyreported were availablc.Bevond this, the shift in l)ahomian policy may also have reflectcd a
that it disrupted the oil trade, but this mav have representedonly a projection <lf changing balanceof influence bctween thc rival political f-actionsin the capital.
thcir a priori assumption of an incompatibility' bctween the two trades, which has When inJune ltt63 a British mcrchant, William Craft, was receivcdat Abomev bv
been seen to bc ill-foundcd. When Gezo in l85U raised the price of palm oil, Glele, the latter assuredhim that 'therc arc no more hindranccsbetweenhim and
'directly interfering with the legitimate the English, becausche has now put aside all roguc men'.s7This mal' allude to
although the tsritish interpretcd this as
traffic', this cannot logically havc been its intended purpose.5{) The operations of eventsin Mav ltl63, when thc two leadersof the'reactionary'firction,thc Yovogan
the British naval squadron, however, inevitably created tensions with thc Dahom- and the Mehu, had clashcd with rol'al authoritl'. [i'irst, the Y<tvoganwas imprisoned
ian authorities: in C)ctober 1859, f<rr cxample, the Yovogan interdicted the supply and fined, fbr responding late to r summons to Abome1.,the fact that thc delal w.as
of provisionsto British warshipscalling at C)uidah,although this ban was raised duc to illnessnot being regardedas sufficient excusc.Although the Ytrvogan'sc:rsc
after a few weeks.slMoreover, Anglo-Dahomian relations were also strained in this was tried by the Mehu, as his overlord, the Ntehu in turn shortly afrerwarcls
period b1''British support of Abeokuta, which Glele was dctermined to attack (as suf'fereclan accusationfrom othcr chiefi and also htd to pav a heavy fine.5s
he finally did, unsuccessfull.v, in 1864). In 1860, the British consul at Lagos Thesc improvcd conditions encouragcda newlv formed British tirm, thc (,om-
threarenedto destroy Ouidah and other coastaltowns of l)ahomey if any attack was panv of Afiican Merchants, to seek to dcvelop a trade at Ouidah. T'hev cngaged
made on Abeokuta,in responseto which the Ytrvoganissueda warning at Ouidah Crafi to act as their agent in ouidah and he rerurned there at the bcginning of
that 'if thc [British] Government do so, he would also kill all the F,nglishresidents 1tt64; in Ouidah, Glelc granted him the h.use that had formerlv belonged to
at this place'.s2Glele was f'urthcr angcred by British attacks on Porto-Novo in Ignacio dc Souza,at Kindji in llrazil quarrcr.5')Thc company.still had an agcnt in
Itl6l, which hc regardedas an intrusion into his own sphereof influence. ouidah in lll70;"{)but its firctory'was presumrrblyabandoned soon aficr (the
At the beginning of ltl6l it rvas reported that at Ouidah'lcgal trade is com- companvitself going into liquidation in 1873).IJ-v'- ltl68, anorherF,nglishflrm, Fl &
pletelv stopped', but, in fact, it appears to have bcen only specificallyBritish A. Swanzvof'the Gold C,nast,alsohad an agent at Ouidah, who was ablc to takc up
traders u,'howere placed under restraint, and in particular forbidden to communi- residencein the L,nglishfirrt, which had been vacatedby the Nlethrilist missionin
cate with thc British naval squadron.5'rOne British trader, Captain JamesCroft, in 1867.6rl)uring thc same pcriod, French trade at Ouidah was opcned ro lireater
thc service of the firm of King Brothers of Rristol, was arrcsted and fined by the competitivencss,with the breakup of the R6gis monopolv and the fcrrmationof
local authoritics fbr lcnding his boats to land a crew fiom a captured slaver.s+ In rival firms by former agents ancl associares of his, I)aumas & Co. in 1866 and
'in thc Kingdom of Dahomey Cyprien Fabre two vcars later.6rBv the mid-lll60s, cxporrs of'palm oil had
Itl62, howeveqit was reported more generallythat
agricultureis at a stand-still,and legitin-urte tradc ncxt to nothing', the explanation rectlvercdto levelscomparablcto those of the mid-lll50s: Burton cstimated cxports
offered this time being that the mobilization of the population for military cam- fiom ouidah as betrveen2,000 and 3,000 tons annualll',while the tradcr croli
'the population of suggested3,(X)0tons; the li'rench merchant (and vice-consul)I36raudestimatedit
paignswas divcrting labour neededfor agricultural production:
the villages is most scant):,and liable to bc called out at any momcnt to go on some
'I-he tu
I'lt, Sla\c'lrrtlc l 1 1 6 - 1( ., h s s . \ , n o . I 1 9 , W i l n r o t , S i c r r u l - c o n c , l 3 l ) e c . l t l 6 . l .
slave-hunting expedition'.ss disruption of palm-oil production by Glelc's 'r
\\ \l\lS, llcrnrslo,5.func lfl{r3.
revivalof militarism wrs to remain a recurrcnt ctlmplaintthercafter. '"
Ilrrrghcrrr.'l{clrtion', in.'fourttl,25(r. llrrrtorr suqgests tlrrt the \irxrgrn rls punishctl lirr,incivilitv to
r' ..lfrican Timts.23 Scpt. lllfiS, lctter tlrted Grund Popo, 29
Julr llt65; \\'\IN'IS. \\'cst, (.rpc (iust, 9 ()ct. s l r t l t s ( r s ' r l l r r r r a a ,i , l l l . I l t r t , r l t l t o r t { l r t h e l i n c l i r l l o r r e ds r x r n r l i c r t h e \ i r v o g : r nh a d h i m s c l l - f i n c d t h e

I ti66 l { o t t r r t t (r . . t l l r o l t t t n t r s r r t t i r r ( ) r r r r l r r l(r. l l t ( r l l r ( s t r i k i n ! , o l t h t r r r i s s i o nh r l i g h r n i n g ) . l } o r g h c r o t l r r s n o l
i0 PI',Siavc'lillc ( ( ) t l t t (I( l l r ( l \ o r l ( r ( l (n l \
llJ.Sl9 t .(lhss'\,no. l'12,(ircrl ll lrcb.lll.5ll.
''
i1 PP,Sllc'l'ritrlc l l J . 5 9 6 0 , ( . l a s s . \ , t t o . l 5 l ' 1 ,l . l p h i n s t o r r e , 2 l - J r r t . l l i 6 0 . l ' 1 1\ l , r r r l r . r , l , l S t , l , ( l . r r sl l . r r r r u r r r , i \ . \ l r I r r z r l c r , r l tr lr l i o r t . r l l S n t r r t . l r r r \ l, ( r l ) c t . l f i ( r . i \; \ \ l \ l S ,
'r
\\'\l\lS. l l e r t r a s L o .O L r i t h h , i l | ) e c . i S 6 0 l i r r r . r . l , ,\ .l ' , ' r r (\ , i l l I . r r r\ i l r r r r ,l \ t r l l l r r t o r r .l l r , , r , , zr . r t . )
''
l ' l ' , S l r r e l l r r l < l l i { r l , ( . l . t s r\ . t t o ( r f . l . r l t t t o t t s l o t t\t..t , t t s i , t t t . { l . r r l l f i { , 1 l ' l ' . \ l . r r r I r . r , l , l s , t t ( 1 r . , .\ r r , , , l r ( , , r r r l r , ' , 1 , ,| r),l s r l l . r r \ l . r r rl r l t i i l l
'r
l ' l ' . I f i ( r iS c l t r | ( . o t l l r t t l r ' ( .\ i i t ) r i l l l l , l . r r r r t s (r , , l t l ' l ' . \ 1 . r r ,l r l , l , l \ r , , / ( l r . . \ r r , , l 0 l r , , \ \ ,I l ' l , f l \ r , , r\ l r r t , l t l t l ) t h , , t i l , t . l r t

l ' l ' \ l . r r , l r , r , l r ' l r i t ,(. 'L r r .l t r r , ,. ' l I t , , t t t . t r |r .. r r l , , rI . l r r l r I \ t , . )

'll
 Ouidah Under King Glele Ouidah Under King Glele
as between 2,300 and 2,700 tons.drFrom the mid-1860s, moreover, exports of palm there were variousalternativemethodsol-paymentof duties at Ouidah, in addition
oil rvere supplemented by those of palm kernels, also initially used mainly in the to paying according to the number of masts of each ship, localll' resident merchants
manufacture of soap, which werc first reportetl as a significant item of trade in could agreeon a sum to be paid per annumJirrespectiveof how manv vesselsthev
1865.6'r By lttTli, although palm-oil exports from Ouidah had fallen to only 500,000 received,while a further option was to pry a 2 per cent duty on goods landed.70
gallons (between 1,500and 1,600 tons) annually,this was now supplementedby From retrospectivetestimony, it appearsthat around this time the fixed payments
exports of 2,500 tons of kernels; by value, kernel exports were equivalent to about were completely replaced by an import tax levied according to the value of g<xrds
t w o - t h i r d so I t h o s e o f o i l . 6 ' imported, and at the same time payment in cowries rvasreplacedby the taking of
The organizationof the African side of this trade was also undergoing some written vouchersfor the value of'the tax due, which were stored in the Yovogan's
transformations in this period. Elsewhere on the coast, Martin Lynn has argued residence,to be redeemed against goods at the king's subsequent convenience.Tl
that the introduction of regular steamship services from Britain (beginning in The shift from cowries to payment in kind was probably due to the devaluation of
1852) facilitated the entr-vinto the palm-oil trade of smaller-scaletraders, on both cowries by the inflation that had occurrcd since the 1850s;but the changeto arl
the European and African sidesof the trade, who could now hire cargo spaceon the xaloremimport duties might reflect the cntry into the trade of steamshipscalling at
steamers rather than needing to provide their own shipping. The trend was Ouidah en route to and from l-agos, which were doing only a small part of their
reinfbrced by the spread of the 'commission houses', which supplied goods to businessthere.
traderson the coastin return for selling their produce in Europe at c commission, Howcver,the changesthat occurredin commercialorganizationin Ouidah secm
those who exploited these new opportunities to cnter the oil trade including not to have fbllowed a different pattern. James Cro{i, in his evidence to the tsritish
only Europeans but also many freed slaves Iiorn Sierra Leone.6('It is dclubtful, Parliamentary Select Committee on the West Coast of Afiica in 1865.observedthat
however,how f'ar this processoperated in Ouidah, which was not regularly visited the principal changein the operationof trade ar Ouidah (and also Badagry)during
by steamship scrvices until the establishmentof the French mail service in 1889; the period of his experience,between 1851 and 186.3,was that'instead of trading
onll' occasional shipments were made by steamship from Ouidah in the 1870s, with the natives, we have often to trade with Portuguesc settlers in oil, now the
mainly by the tsritish firm of Swanzy.67 On the other hand, one of the leading new slave trade is nearly done for'.72The implication is that fbrmer slave-tradcrswcre
commission houses was the Company of African Merchants, which establisheda able to insert themselves as intermcdiaries between African suppliers and
factory at Ouidah in 1864.Although thcre were no longer any significantnumbers Europeanpurchasersof oil. In the longer run, holl'ever,the Brazilian mcrchantsin
of Sierra Leoneansin Ouidah by the 1860s,a similar role could havebeen played Ouidah were not able to compete effectively with the European firms, with their
bv the Brazilian ex-slavesthere. greater capital resources,and survived onlv by becoming agents to the latter. An
That the steamshipdid havesome impact on the conduct of trade at Ouidah is early examplewas NlanoelJoaquim de Carvalho,who was serving as agent to the
suggestedb1, changesin the local system of taxation of trade. Lynn notes that French firm of Regis at Porto-Novo by 1862-3 (when he play,eda prominenr role
elsewherethe carlier practicc of charging ships for permission to trade according to in the negotiation of the first French protectorate over Porto-Novo).73In ouidah, a
their size becamedifficult to apply when a single steamerwas carrying produce for Brazilian called J.C. Muniz evidently formed a similar partnership with the local
:r large number of different traders, and the practice was therefore replaced by a R6gis agent, Jules I-artigue; when the latter returned to France, he left Muniz to
stindard export duty on each puncheon of oil.68At Ouidah, an export duti' of $4 wind up his affairs- though when Muniz died in February 1863,leavinghis own
per puncheon had alreadvbeen imposed in 1852and was additionalto rather than affairs in confusion, Jos6 dos Santos,who was one of his creditors, had to write to
'Ihe
in place of the payments demanded from each ship. svstem of charging Lartiguc in F'ranceto secure settlcment.iaIn the following €iencration,the sons of
'cust<lms'accordingto the size of the ship (measuredby its number of masts)was lcading llrazilian traders arc to be found no longer as independentmerchantsbut
still operatingthere in the early 1870swhen it was explicitlv complainedthat this irs subrlrdinatcagcntsof l,uropean firms. In the ltl70s, for example,the son of dos
practice 'prevents anything like a small trade being transacted liom a trading Santos,Jacinto dt (,osta Santos, was serving as agent to the British firm of
vcssel,as the percentagewould be too heavy'.{''H<lwever,in ltl75 it was noted that Srvanzr'.t5l.rrtcr,in thc lll90s, lftcr Swanzl''shad withdrawn from the Ouidah trade

"' l'P, l116S 5 c l c c t( , o n r n i t t e e \, 2 * 6 1 ,R . l ' l l l u r t o n l \ 5 5 4 l , . l a n r c(s. r o f t ; l l i ' r r r u d , ' N o t c ' .J l i 5 . " I ' l { ( ) ,l r ( ) ! i { / l - l / r i , n r )S i , ( i r r \ ( r r ) ( } r S t r . r l r r r r . ( . r(pr tr r s r . 2 2 N o r . l l J 7 5 .
'l'radc
" { P P ,S l l r e l l J 6 5 .( l l a s s : \ , n o . 8 . J ,W i l m o t , S i c r r u L c o n e , l 9 I ) e c . l 1 1 6 5R ; citl,'\\'rrrior Aristocrats', l . r t r . t i l s r l t s p t o r t s r c r l r , t t t rr l t t ( . r ' r r s c rrll ' \ r l r r r i r r i s t r . r t i ornl t l r ( r r l o n i c d u I ) r h o n t c r , l 7 & 2 5 : \ u g . l t t 9 7 ,i n
1 7Z . l f i l t r r t r l ' \ l r r r t r , l . r ' l i , p , ,lrl ,r t r , r r r t , t u t t t t r t l t t , l ul ) , r h , t n t )(' l ' a r i s ,l t ) ( ) 5 )i,i . 2 1 1 I ( r c c o r t l i n g t h c c h a n g e r s
" t S c r v i r l , ' R r p p o rs(u r u n c n r i s s i o rt tu l ) r h o n r c t ' ,/ ? . l t ( , , 5 9( l t l T l l ) ,l 9 l l ' i r r r r r n t p r r r t i r cp r i t c so l o i l r n d l r . r r\ r ! i t . r k l( I t l , rr, , r l , , , r rr t( )r r . r r r . r rl r rr I
k c r n e l s , s c c \ l r r t n i r t g , . \ l u r t r y . ( . ' r ' h ' nrtu, t,l!tl:.u' rt' n l n t ,O n ' n ' t h , . 1 . .l Ji ( \ 1 r P c r r t l il r) . l ' l ' , l \ t ' . \ r l . t ( l r r r r r r r r(r , \ \ r l l . / , t t
l.totlt)ttt, (.'hrn4,l li lfr, ll7 -ll. lii r) \ , r r l , r r r r .l l , r , r r r\ / r | ,t.t t'l
"" f . r r r r r .O u u n u r r t t t i l l l
'l),,..\.|rr,,.,,,rrr'.1',,n,1,r,r
" \ l . r r t i r r l , r r r r r , p t t s o t t . t l( r , n r l r r n r ( . t t r r r , r r n t l r r l r . t s t s r r (l t t s t , r t t t s l l r l l s o ll . r r t r r ( r r r l ' l l ( ) , ( . t Sl) f,1 \\lil lIr l r r , i l r 1 . , , [ , , , . , rl .0 i l , l r l r r l r l l i r r i .i \ l . r r l l i l r l . , r r l r l r | r s t r l r o
't
f . r t t t t . ( . , , r r t t r t l , ,, t r r , l , , , r r , , t r r r( , h , t t r t . | \ ( t | . r rl l ' L r ,

" S u . r r r z r .( ) n t l r t r . t ( i (r r r \ \ r r t , r r r \ l r r , . r ' l \ l l,'t I lttt, "

,;

.,1.,
 Ouidah Under King Glele
and sold its plen'riscsthere to thc Gcrman lirm of'Goedelt, a son of Franciscode
Medeiros, Julio de Medeiros, likewise servcd irs a€ientto thc latter firm, whilc
GeorgesAntonio de Souza (son of Antonio Kokou), worked fbr another German
fi rm,'[tangott-Sollmcr.T('
OuitluhaersusDahorne.y:conflictin the 1860s
The lcader of thc conservrltivcopposition to Gczo, the Mehu, was the ultimatc
head of traders in l)ahomey and overlord of Ouidah, and, as has been sccn,
F,uropeanaccountsof 1855-6 associatethe Y<rvoganof Ouidah with him in this
stance.It does not appear,however, that in this the Nlchu and the Yovogan rvorc
speakingfor the Ouidah mcrchant communitv as a wholc. Although thcre is no
evidenccthat the Ouidah merchantcommunity',or any faction within it, playedany
direct role in thc successiondisputc of 1tt5tl. thcre is explicit evidence firr
disaffectionin thc town in thc earh' vears ol'Glele's reign. In 1860, the British
consul at Lagos reported that the new king of Dahomev was
Whydah, his governmentbeing more intolerablethan that of his father', and et'en
suggestedthat 'al thc presentmomcnt it would require but little to causea revolt
againstthe authoritv of Guelele'.7tAlth<lughthere may have been an element of
wishful thinking in this assessment,it is supported by other testimonl'. The
Methodist mission in l86l also understoodthat Glele was'now rencleringhimself
'numbers of thcm are fleeing from his
hateful to manv of his pcople', so that
territory on the sca coast'.7s Likcwisc Burton in ltt64: 'The peopleof Whydah are
worn out with wars and customs,and many of thcm are flying with their wivcs and
families to thc adjoining pror,inces'; he ref'errcd specificalll' to forty families rvho
had rccently tled from Ouidah to Porto-Novo to the east,lately brought under a
Frcnch protectorate,'as a land of liberty'.7eThis emigration from Ouidah, as well
as the commercial decline noted earlier, evidently contributed to the f'all in thc
town's populationth:rt Burton alsoreported.
'Ihc
exodus from Ouidah noted by these observersinvolved in part runaway
'Ihe
domcstic slaves. Methodist mission in 1861 suggcstedthat their flight was
m<ltivatedby fear of being seizedfor sacrificein thc funeral ceremoniesfor the latc
Gezo. Nlorc generalll,,with the revival of the slavetrade to Cuba, thev feared that
they might now be sold for export. Alreadf in l8-58,before Gczo's death, it was
reportcd that, since the revival of the slave trade at Ouidah,
number' of slavesfrom there and othcr neighbouring t<ln'nshad dcscrtcd their
mastcrsand madc their rval'to Lagos to claim llritish protcclion:
the causeof their descrtion,the drcad of bcing solcl to thc .Spirnish
and carried away from their countrl'''. Again, in ltJ60, rr firgitirc
w a s ' o n e o f t h c W h 1 ' d a hd c : r l c r s 't,u r n c c lu p x t l , r r g o sc, r p l r r i n i r r g ' t h :irrtl t h o u g h ' h c
i'"litrncr, 'l.cs
l l r c l s i l i c r r s ' . 1 0 . 15 , . l . i i
; l ) l ' . S h r t ' l l r r t l e l l i ( r ( 1 . ( . l r t s s l l , t r , r l i , ( , r s tl tl tl . t t r t ll.. . t l , , s l, t \ 1 r r r l l \ t , t t
' It|.tlIlr(lrtl'.,r1!lr,rrrrr\rrt,,rrr,,h,,l,',,.1'rrrrrl,lr.rrrrl,,rt.rrlIrlr,l,lu,'rl,l.'l),,.'lllll)r:rrrrllrrrl
\ \ \ l \ l S . \ \ l t . t t t , r t (r .. t p t ( o . t s l ,I i \ r r r l l \ t , l
' 'i
l ' P .\ l . r \ r l r . r , h l s t ' 1 .( L r ' . l l . r r , ' l ' 1 .l l r r r t " r r . \ l . r r , l r l \ r ' l l l , r r l , ,' l t ,
Ouidah Uncler King Glele
had becn with his mastcr severalyears ... fiom rvhat hc sau'going on, he believed
that it was intcndcd to ship off all the old slavesas soon as possible,and firr that
rcason hc had made his escape'.rJ{l
But the disallbction in Ouidah clearll extcnded bevond slavcswho leared slle
into export or seizurefbr sacrifice,to include thc population more generallyand
indeed thc wealthy merchant classin particular. Glelc's acccssionwas n-rarkedby a
spcctacularclash with one of the leading merchant families of Ouidah, the cle
'l'he
Souzas. sccond Chaeha, Isidoro Fclix dc Souza, had died in NIav ltl-58.s1
According to what llurton heard a f'ewvearslater, Gezo initially appointedone of
Isidoro's vounger brothers, Antonio Kokou, to succeedhim, but thc latter so<ln
provoked royal displeasure.As }Jurton r,vastold, Antonio was 'a dcbauchedman,
rich, prodigal, and bigoted; he had thousandsof armcd and trained slaves;he built
a swish housewith rum instcadof warer,wishing to imitate the King, who for such
purposes uscs blood, and he threatcned to compel Gezo perforce to become a
Christian.'srFamily tradition likewiscrecallsAntonio as a man of great bad temper,
who maintained many'soldiers. It also records his clash with roral authority,
'much disliked at explaining that the dc Souza family was under attack from the king, who was
sending soldicrs t<-rbreak into their properties irnd seize family members for
execution,including nranv of'Antonio's brothers; and that Antonio organizedhis
military retainersto defcnd the family.ErTheallusionto the exccutiono1'Antonio's
brothers may conflate cvents that in fact occurrcd subsequently;but it is likely
enough that thc de Souzafamilv was the subjectof erpropriatory attacks.including
the seizureof'famih' mentbcrs,in the courseof the levying of the ro-yalinheritance
tax on Isidoro'sestate.Burton commentsthat '[Antonio's] careerwas short', which
presumablJ'meansthat he was dismissedby Gezo; at any rate, it does not appear
that he r.r'asliquidated, since fbmily tradition insists that he died naturallr.s+
However, he evidently died soon aflerwards.ss According to Burton, thc title r-rf
Chacha was then conferred on the third of the prominent de Souza sons, Ignacio,
but he too did not last long. Probablyin 1860(and certainlyafter Glcle's accession)
he was accusedof supplying inlbrmation to the British anti-slavingsquadronand
'mysteriously
disappeared',and his property at Kindji was 'broken', Burton in
8(' PP, Slave 'l'radc
l[i.51]-9, C.lass B, no. 10, Campbell, l-agos,27 l\{arch lti5ti; 1860, (llass R, no. [], Brand,
Lagos, ll'l April lli(r0.
" ' C i r r r C at l r S i l r a , l ' i t w u , 6 2 , 8 3 .
*r l3urton,.llnsiol,
i, l0-5 (1.
ri lricldtork, r\ntonitt
'a considerable Kokou Irdix de Souza Adekpcti compound, l2 Dcc. 200l; I)e Souza compound,
l'lus6biolrridi'riquc rlc Souzr, I 2 | )cc. 2(X)1.
I ) e S < r u z r ,l t I i l n i l l t , l t - \ ' , ' r t : t , { r { ) . | 1 0 , s a r s t h r t \ n t o n i o u r s r l i s r n i s s c t l ,h u t p c r h i l p s o n t h e a u t h o r i t v o f
'thcv irll stiltc ils "
llurlott rrtthtr lltrn ol l.rrnilr trrtlitirrrt
'lrrditiorr
rrrrong his drsccnrlrnts nouirdlvs docs not rccall that he
slrrrc-dealcrs c r c r h e l t l t l r t t i t l t o l ( . l r . r rl r r r
slirrc, uhose o\\ncr " I ) t S o r r z . ri,l r i r l . t r l l ,\ u ! 1 1 ( . \ r l\ l r . r l \ l r r , l r r r K o L o r r l r r t . t lr r n t i l , . l l i l i - 5 b
, r r t o n r r h a t l n s i s i s t r n c l c l r rI.l u r t o n
i t l l f i { t i l l l t . l t t l t r r , , \ t t t , , t t t , r s , r r r r r rtrl rr ir ' \ l l r \ r \ r r t . s r r r r s , r lt l r t l i r s t r l c S o r r z r ,b t t l r r t t c o l t h c s c i s
, l t : t t t t r i t t r r l r l,l, l t l t r s r r r l . r r r , l ' r t ' , . . l t r l t l j r \ r l r r r r l n r u s tl r r ' \ r r t o r r r r r ' \ g l r . r L o t rrrrtl 'r,ot t . t l r r r r r lstt t r r i t c t l
r r r r t r ll \ l , l l r t t t , ' t t . t l s , t, l 0 t r . ,l l r . t l t l r r , ' r r l r I r , r r r , l r , ' n , r l . r r r rr r n P o r t . r i l ( (\ \ , t \ k , r l o r r ' s s o n \ r r l o t t i , ,
I t . t l t , r . , , , , 1\ , ' r t z . t . t l r lr r, . r l , , , r r r r ; , 1 r , : t\l,r,rl r, r r r l r r r t rl 'l ,s, . r . , . r l r , . r r l r , l r .l rl r 'l , r , , a . rl .{ l t r . r r \ r t t r . t r t l r
lrr.,l'.rrlrr.l\.ltrl,r,l,,rr,r,,,rl',,,,rr,,rr,,r1,,1,.,r,,,,,r.,,,r,\ilr1,'tl\,,,
,ll
 Ouidah Under King Glele
11J63 saw it still in ruins (and it was later, as has been seen,granted to the Company
of African Merchants).EbPrecisely horv Antonio's dismissal and the liquidation of
Ignacio de Souza may have been connected with the disputes in the capital over the
revivalofthe slavetrade is unclear.T'he reportedchargesagainstAntonio sugplesta
direct challengeto royal authority',rather than differencesover policy. However,that
against lgnacio, identifying him with the British anti-slavervcampaign, whether or
not it was factually true, does by implication link his fall to the wider policy
struggle.
According to a later account, in the crisis following Isidoro's death, Glele initially
appointed another of the de Souza brothers, a second Antonio, this one surnamed
tgbakoun', to the title of Chacha, but the appointment was annulled after protests
from other tradersat Ouidah, who complainedthat'having neverbeento Brazil, he
had n<lidea of the interests of the greater part of them'.8i Presumablythis abortive
appointment followed the liquidation of lgnacio. Unlike the latter, however,
Antonio Agbakoun was not liquidated but lived on until the 1880s.The title of
'Chico'. Unlike Agba-
Chacha was eventually given to another brother, Francisco
koun, this man had been to Brazil, having served as supercargo on the ship
Galliuna, owned by their brother Antonio Kokou, in a voyage from Bahia to West
Afiica in 1848/9, as noted in an earlier chapter, but otherwise had not attracted
documentary notice. He had not pr€viously been prominent in Ouidah and was
living as a trader at Agou6 prior to his appointment. The de Souza family at this
point evidently went through considerableinternal turmoil. A youngermember of
the family,JeronimoFelix de Souza,rvho in l86l presentedhimself at Elmina, the
Dutch headquarters on the Gold Coast, for enlistment for service in the Dutch
colonialarmy in Java,explainedthat he did so to escape'maltreatment'on the part
of his family; following the death of his parents.8sPresumably, he was a son of
Isidoro, Antonio or Ignacio. Wilmot in 1863 observed that'the great families [-sic]
of De Souzaare either dead or dispersed;those that remain are of small importancc
to what their fathers were'. Although the office of Chacha survived, it was now of
little political or commercial significance,amounting to no more than the headship
of the de Souzafamily. In 1860it was reported that thc office was'little more than
il name',and Burton in 1863/4 thought that the Chachahad 'little power'.8e
T'he liquidation of the ChachaIgnaciodc Souzawas only the most dramaticof a
seriesof clashesbetweenGlele and membersof the Ouidah merchant community.
Other incidcnts involved indigenousrather than Ilrazilian mcrchants.The head of
the Codjia family was arrested and his property confiscated shortll' after Glele's
accession:according to different accounts,either in rcvcngc fur a pcrsonal insult t<l
Glele beforehis accession, becausehe had allegcdlyfailcclto pa,vhis taxesin lull or
8 n l l u r t o n , t r I i s s i u n , i , 9 l - 2 ( d a t i n g I g n a c i o ' s l a l l t o ' f i r u r t o f i v c \ e i r r s r g o ' , i . c . l l l 5 ( ) . / ( r ( ) ) l,l ) 6 . l r a n r r l r t r r t l i t i o r r
givcs thc date of his death as l1160:de Souza, I.u l:unilk,fu.lar^:a,
37 Firi, le Dahome1,, jl.
t ' L a r n Y a r a k , ' N c r v s o u r c c s f o r t h c s t r r d r o l \ l , r n s l r r r t r r , r r r tsl l . r r t t r . r t l t : l l r r t r l r r n t l r t , r t r r ( ( r u r t t n r( rnl ll ) ( '
G o l d ( i r a s t r n d . { s r n t c . l l l l l 7 2 ' . i n R o b i n l . , r u ( t r l ) . . \ ' , , t t t , l' l , t r , t r , rl l' , t \ t r t , l r r t r r l t , . \ ' l ' t : ,l t , t ' l , , t u ' lr h ,
'lfitirn l)irtporu (Stirling. l()()7), 5(.1,n 7l)
" " l t l t ,l ) c s p r t c h t sl i r r r n( . o r r r r r r x l o r\t\ i l r r r , , t r. r , , . ' . I l ) l i l r
L r q o s , l S \ t ) r r l I S ( t { )l .l r r r l o r t ,l l r " r , , r r l { l l r
.'ltr
Ouidah Under King Glele
simply becauseof the king's jealousy'of his wealth. Although he was eventually
releascd from prison, codjia was relegared to his farm outside ouidah and was
only able to re-enter the city after the French conquest in 1892; presumably,this
was not the Codjia who had been associatedwith the first Chacha but his successor
as head of the family.e,Toedji Hodonou (son of Dovonou) was also imprisoned, for
reasons unspecified but probabll. in connection with a fine.er Tradition in the
Dossou-Yovofamily also recallsthat the wealth accumulatedby its founder Antoni<l
Dossou-lbvo was seized by Glele.e2 other substantial merchants of ouidah
abandoned the town in this period, the most prominent being Jacinto Rodrigues,
who moved to Porto-Novo, according to fbmily tradition in 1862, and remained in
the latter town until his death in l882.erLikewise Pedro Felix d'Almeida, probably
also in thc 1860s,moved back to Little Popo (his town of origin), following a
dispute over payment of taxes."aBoth these persons (or their families), however,
continued to maintain householdsin ouidah, which remain occupied by their
descendants to the present.
Probably, as the casesof Codjia and Pedro d'Almeida suggest, the principal
reasonftlr disaffection in Ouidah was resentmentover taxation, which was evidently
being increased at this time. This was in part to meet the cost of the funeral
ceremonies for the deceasedKing Gezo, to which wealthy Ouidah residents were
required to contribute.At the end of 1858,the leadingmerchantsfrom Ouidah and
other Dahomian ports were summoned to the capital and required to bring both
gifitsof merchandiseand victims to be offered as human sacrifices;the wealthiestof
them, Domingos Martins, contributed 'large quantities of merchandise,rum,
gunpowder, tobacco,&c.', as well as silverware and Havana cigars to be buried with
thc deceasedmonarch.esFor the main ceremoniesin 1860,Martins, the de Souzas
irnd apparently Jos6 dos Santos were obliged to contribute furthcr victims for
sacrifice.'16lncrcased expenditure was also being incurred in Glele's military
cxpeditions and (after the Dahomian defeat at Abeokuta in 1864) to redeem
I)ahomian cirptives.In lll59, for example,on return from a campaign,Glele trans-
rnittcd through thc Yovogan a messageto 'the White men, and merchants of
Whvdah' that thev should 'go up and wash the King's hands,<lr,in othcr words, to
go :rnclcongratuhtc him, anclmake him large presentsto cover the expensesof the
crPcrlition', rnd again in ltl62'the people of Whydah and orher adjacenttowns'
wcrc ordcrcclbv thc Vlvogan 'to wash the king's hands', for which purpose about
''
I f , t z o t t t t t el,r I ' a , l t f u s r t g , I l 2 l3;li.rr, Ilitrsol tfuLtopunl,2J6.(.urrentlamilytraditionclaimsitrvas
t l t t s . t t r t t t t t r t t t ,b t t t i l l t e r r r s s t i l l a l i r c i n l l l 9 2 t h i s s c e n r s c h r o n o k r g i c a l l v i m p l a u s i b l c : f i e l d w o r k , ( i r d j i a
t r r n r p o u r r t Il l . l r r r r cl ( ) ( , 1 7
'(
" l l c r r r r r r . ) r r r r l r l r ' ,5 i . l l r i s c l : t s h i s s r r p p r c s s c r il n c r r r r c n t l f t r t l o n o u l i r m i l r t r a d i t i o n , s h i c h m a i n t a i n s t h a t
t l t r l . t t t t t l t ' st e l . t l t t ' r t sr r t l l t l ) r r l r r r n r r ; rrror r . r l l r r r < r t . r l r r r r s 1 r ' i c r r t l l rl:l c l d u r r r k , i l o d o n o u c o m p o u n d , 2 l
l5{). \r pt J(lll(l
'
I r , l r l r , ' r l . h r r l , , r rt , , r r r 1 r , r r r r ( l1, .l '| , l ( , ( , t '
l l r r r r r r . ' t ) r r r r l , r l rl r' .
'
I r r tr r rr . | , s l l r r r r l r r r ' ,. l { l ' ) l l t
l ' l ' . \ l . r r rl r . r r l ,l r , \ r / , ( 1 . r . . , l l . n , , I { . r r r r g , l r rl .l lr .f , , . , , , l r l r l t i r ( )
l s { , i . \ l . r \ r l r . r , l r l \ 1 , { l I L r r sl l , r r , r \ , l l r . r r r r l . \l\l\l\. \ \ l ' . r r r , , r(r,.r p r ( , , . r ' . r l i ( ) , r l \ f n r . r r r r r y . l l , r r r . r . .\!l ,, ,, .r n r r rl .i \ r r l l \ t r { 1 r. r l r . r t . , l r s r .' rl
( r , , , 1 ' , r rr r ,r ' .r ' r , ' l , . r l ' l ,r ' , . ,, 1 , , ,\ . r r r r , , .
',|,
 Ouidah Under King Glele
4,000-,5,0(X) herrds of cowries rvcrc contributed.eiBut in the longer run, the
increasccltaxation o1'this period also rcflected the financial difficulties cirusedfbr
thc monarch,vb.v thc ending of'slave exports: as was noted in l1166,'The king is
becomingdaily more ncedvsincethe cnding of the slavetrade."/8
In addition to regular taxesand ad hoc levies,rcscntmcntswcrc also gcnerated
by the operationof thc inheritancetax.'l'his w:rsperhapsan cspecialgricvanccfor
the Brazilians,w'ho subscribedto I',uropeannotions of heritablc propertv rights.')"
The propert_v- of l)omingos Martins, for example,was seizedfbr the king on his
dcath in Jirnuarv 1864,the kev to his house in Ouidah being appropriateclbv the
Yovogan; officials were also sent to sequester his propcrty' at (,otonou, despitc
protests fiom thc Frcnch authorities recently'installed in Porto-Novo, seckingto act
'fhe
as protectors of l.uropcans and thc security of their propert\'.r00
exactionof the roval inheritanccduty in this period is alsorecalledin krcaltradition,
in loadcd language.At the death of Francisct.r dc Mcdeiros in ltl75, firr example,
family' tradition rccalls th:rt his propertv was 'pluncleredbv thc Dahomians';the
explanationoffercd, that a 'caboceer'who was in debt to Mcdeiros and wished to
destrov the accounts in u'hich his debt was registeredhad falsell' claimcd that
Mcdeiros had willed his gtxlds to the king, suggiests either misunderstandingor a
retrospectiveattempt to deny'thc lcgitimircvof thc roval right of inheritance.r0r
the dcath of'the ChachaF'rancisco'Chico'dcSouzain 1f180,likewise,the de Souza
quarter in Ouidah was 'plundered', thc blamc in this instancebeing laid upon the
hcir apparent Kondo (the later King Bchanzin), rathcr than Glele himself.r02
Ouidah also became notorious in this period f<lr arbitrary scizures of propertl'. It
was :r traditional prer<lgativeof Dahomian kings to seizc goods lbr the use of the
r c z o .I n l t i 6 l ,
p a l a c eb, u t t h i s c u s t o mi s s a i dt o h a v eb e e n ' n e a r l va b o l i s h c d ' u n d e G
'collcct for
however,Glele revivcd thc practicc,sendinghis agentsinto Ouidah to
the king evervthingiwhich his envovsthought proper fbr his service',this official
pluncleringcontinuing for thc spaccof thrcc weeks;many of the inhabitantssought
'provisions,brandl', cloth,
to prc-cmpt confiscationbv depositing thcir goods -
potter\', etc.' - f<lr sirf'ckceping in the Portuguesefort, lt this timc occupicclby' thc
Frcnch Catholic mission,lvhich it was assumedthe ro1'alagentswould not violatc.
A similar official prcdatorv visitationoccurredin l1166.r0l
'lhe
effects of these fiscal exactionson thc operation of trade at Ouidah are
illustrated by the correspondenceofJos6 l"ranciscodos Santosduring thc lU60s.
At thc cnd of 1U64,Glele firrbadethe sale<lf palm oil firr l.uropcans,ir prohibiti<ln
maintained for at least 50 days, in order to bu1' all the oil hinrsclf'(it is to bc
assumed,at low prices)in order to financc thc rcdcmption <lfcaptivcstlkcn in thc
defeatof the Dahomian arm)' at Abe<lkuta.I)os Sant<lscomphincd morc generalh
';
\\'NlN,IS,\\'est, (.apc (irast,6June lll59, l2 Aug. lli62.
" " F l e u r i o t d e L a n g l c , T ( ) c t . l 1 1 6 6 . q u o t c d i n S c h n a p p c rl,t P o l r l r 4 t t t r l l ( L t ) n u t r r t t ( / r r r r l r r r , I t ) J . r r . l
'(rrmnrcrce
"" Guizo, e xti'ricur', l.5ll.
r " " I l u r t o n . - l l r s - r r a l .i . 7 3 ; ' l \ r r n c r , ' l . c s I l r [ ' s i l i c r r s ' .] 2 7 f i .
r " r R c v n i c r , ' ( ) u i d r h ' ,6 7 .
r " r f , e f l c r i s s i - l , ' l u , t r t t l l o t , t r u r r L .i ) f . r I
" ' l i r L r r h r ' . . \ ' , 7 , ,1r a , . I i i t '
'ls
Ouidah Under King Glele
of the failure of the king to settle his debts: 'the King of Dahomey also sets out to
be a thief! He buys and doesn't pay'; he owcd dos Santos for tobacco from three
separateshipmcntsand also for some thousandsof dollars'worth of cou,ries'which
I loaned him at Porto-Novo to redeem his prisoners and now hc refuses to pay
me'.r04I-ikewise in thc following dccade,a British trader at Ouidah complained
that 'The king's mcn occasionallyseizeall thc palm oil brought to market and pay
the owners a verv low price in return.'r,5Beyond these narrowly fiscal issues,as
noted earlier, it also appears that thc revival of the slave trade and of l)ahomian
militarism under Glele had the effect of disrupting the palm-oil trade, since the
mobilization of largc numbers of mcn for military campaignsand for thc cycle of
ceremoniesat Abomey withdrcw labour from the agricultural sector.The ending of
the trans-Atlantic slavetrade did nor mean the end of this problem, since Glcle's
oppressive
military expeditions continucd, bolstercd in part by the continuing existenceof a
domesticmarket for the captivestaken.The French vice-consulin 1866still noted
that the 'wars and continual ceremonies'of Glcle were unpopular with his people,
who u'ere 'obliged to spend a large part of thc year ar thr: capital, ruining trade b1,-
making the exploitation of the palms almosr impossible'.r0" Although rcported in
gencral terms, it is likely that these complaints reflcct mainly the views of the
On merchantcommunity in Ouidah.
Reorganizationof' the Ouidah administration
'l'hc
eclipse of the powcr of the office of Chacha f<rllowingthe liquidation of
Ignacio dc Souza in lti60 was onlv one aspectof a far-reaching;reorganizationof
thc administrationof'Ouidah in Glclc's early ycars.In ltl60 it u'asreportcd that thc
king had appointed onc of his close relativcsat Ouidah 'to watch over and dircct
thc procccdings<lf'thc Yer-vo-gar'.r07 Latcr accounts give this man's name as
(.hodaton.r08 According to tradition, he was a son of a brother of Gezo (and thus a
gritndsonof King Agonglo). I'le is said to have becn a trader in Ouidah bcfore his
clcvrrtion.His original name was Akod6; 'Chodaton' is a titlc or surname,mcaningl
'thc king owns
c\,erlthing', cvidentlvexpressiveof the purposc of his appointment,
rls illl asscrti(tnof'rotal control in C)uidah.l{)e
The appointment of mcmbers of the
rolrrl lirntilv ls dc1-luticst<l lcaclingofficials was not entirell' ncw but had been
irritirrtcdunrlcr (ilcle's predcccssorGczo;rr0but thc absenceof any refercnceto
' I )osSrrlo\
t r r r r e s P 0 r r r l t l t t tr.t,0 l 0 i I l ( ) - l a r r .l 1 1 6 . i l .
'
S r r . r n z r '. ( ) n t l t t t r : r r l ti l \ \ c s t t . r r r \ l i i r : r ' - { l l .
'
lk r.rrrrl.
'\rrrt.', i7i (r,
s c t . . r l s rSr c r r . r l . ' l t r r l r g r r r t 'l .l i l i .
'l
l ' l ' . \ l . r r , r . r , l r l t i t ' l ) .( l . r r sl l . r r r r t i . l l r . r r r r l L. . r q o s .l l . i \ l r r i l l l i 6 { )
I t r r . t t l c t t t l r o t . \t it,\u r ( ( \ , r r " l r l r r t t r l , r t , r ' , r r r l l , r r l l r fl r, , ur ,t u ' t l , \ lt l l l t ) c r . l t 6 l l , c t t . ; ' S c h o u n d r t o l t ' . i n
l.llllll(, /, l ) , t l t , , r r r , , ' l i (, l r r r r l . r t o r r rr' r, r l ' l ' , \ 1 . [ r I r . r t l c l l i l r i , ( . l r r s r \ , t r o . 1 ) 1 .\ \ i l n r o t . \ o r . l l J 6 2 :
{ l t r t t , l . t t , , t r r' rl i r r rt , , r r l l r , ' r , , r r . ' ( l r /
 Ouidah Under King Glele Ouidah Under King Glele
promotion to the rank of uhisigunfrom a subsequentcommission for the 'reorga-
such a royal deputy to the Yovogan in the abundant contemporarv documentation
nization'of trade in Dahomey,which placedall the ahisinon'under [his] authority',
for the 1840sand 1850ssuggeststhat its extensionto the Ouidah administration
but datcs both appointmentsto the reign of Gezo rather than of Glele;rr7more
was an innovation. The purpose of thc practice,as understoodbl' Burton, was to
'neutralize' the officials inherited by Glcle from his father without immediately probabll,,Hou6nou u'as madc an ahisigunb)'Gezo but raised to the higher rank by
Glele. A French missionarywho met Hou6nou in l86l describeshim as 'minister
dismissing them, 'by appointing as their aids younger men, of higher rank in the
of commerce', which may translate either the generic rank ahisiganor the higher
empire', in order to'keep the elder in check'.lllThe fact that this practice was
office to which he was now appointed.rrs
applied not only to officials who had opposed Glele's accessionbut also to his
The pre-eminence of Hou6nou was reinforced by the eclipse of the other four
partisans, such as the Yovogan, implies that his intention was to avoid becoming
indigenous merchant families whose heads had shared the status of ahisigan.The
the prisoner of the 'national' faction by reducing the influence of all officials in
banishment of Codjia and the imprisonment of Hodon<lu were noted above. The
order to enhanceeffective royal powcr.
founder of the Adjovi family had died earlier, during Gezo's final vears.To judge
Gezo had also introduced(or perhapselaborated)the appointmentof women of
from the lack of ref-erenceto them in later contemporary sources, none of these
the royal palace as counterparts (termed'mothers') to senior officials.ll2Here
familieswas ableto maintain its wealth and standinginto the following generation.
again,although Fbrbesand other sourcesof the 1850snoted the cxistenceof female
T'he Gnahoui active in 1843-51 was probably also dead or no longer held his post
counterparts to the Migan and Mehu and to senior military officcrs, there is no
'mother of the Yovogan' as official interpreter for the English, since he is not mentioned in this capacityin
explicit evidence in contemporarv sources f<rr a
'she- the records of the British Methodist mission from 1854, or of rhe British
(Yovogannon) under Gezo. Burton in 1863, however, records meeting a
woman is governmentmissionsto Dahomey in the 1860s.One of his daughterswas married
Yevogan',called Na Dude Agoa, who was one of Glele's wives, and this
(under palacetradition;rrr here too, therefore, the to Glele, but this connection may predate the latter's accession.lle A Gnahoui,
also recalled the name Miagbe) in
perhaps his son, is mentioned incidentally in the records of the F'rench Cath<llic
extension of the systcm to Ouidah was probably an innovation of Glele. These
missionin 1864,when one of his sonswas among Dahomianstaken prisonerin the
female counterparts remained resident within the palace, where they served as
tunsuccessfulattack on Abeokuta, and Father Borghero subsequently recognized
intermediaries between the king and his officials. The system operated as a means
thc young man in captivity and arrangedhis rcdemption.r20 A younger member of
of royal control over the latter, the \4'omenattending interviews between the king
thc family, Edouard David Gnahoui, who had been educated by the British
and the officials whom thev shad<lwedand serving as a sort of <lral archive of
Nlcthodist mission, served as interpreter to the British firm <-rfSwanzy in the
relevantinformation.I ra
lll70s.r2rOtherwise,here too, the silenceof the contemporarvrecord suggeststhat
Glele also around this time reorganized the Ouidah merchant community,
thc f'amily'sstatus was in eclipse.In contrast, when Azanmado Hou6nou died in
raising one of the leading indigenous Dahomian merchants, Azanmado Hou6nou,
Iu66, he was succeededin his rank of'great caboceerand ahi[si]gan'and evidently'
to primacy of status within it. According to Ouidah tradition, as recorded by the
'raised itlsoas headof all tradersat Ouidah by his son Kpadonou Ilou6nou.r22
French administrator Reynier in 1917, Glele on his accessionto the throne 'l'he
precise nature of the office to which Azanmado Hou6nou was appointed
Qq6num to the rank of great caboceer and ahigan fi.e. ahisigan] (chief of the
rrrrtlto which Kpadonou Hou6nou succeededin 1866 is not made very clear in
ahissinou),and in short gavehim a preponderantposition,and all the ahissinousof
lhcsc irccounts.According to family tradition, the elder Hou6nou became,at some
the kingdom rvereplacedunder his control'.rr5This wording is ambiguous,leaving
'great caboceer'and uhisiganare alternativc names for the same point, the sole irgentfilr royal trade: '[the King] entrustedonly to Hou6nou, to the
unclear whether
t'rt'lrrsionof'anl othcr intcrmcdiarl', the captiveswhich passedthrough Ouidah
office, or representtwo separateappointments,though, since (as seenin an earlier
helirretheir embirrkati<ln''r2land this is corroboratedby a contemporaryreport of
chapter) the rank of ahisiganwas not unique to Hou6nou but rvasshared with other
IttTI, u'hich dcscribesthe younpJer Hou6n<luas'the king's agent','the agent of the
leadingmerchants(namely,Adjovi, Codjia, Gnahoui, and Hodonou), logic would
lirrg in rrll nr:rttersu'ith whitc pc<lple'.121Effectively,therefore, he replaced the
suggest the latter, and this interpretation is supported bv thc contcmporary
'bcfirrc an akhi-gan, or
evidenceof Burton, who in 1864 described[Iou6nou as " ( f r r t r r u r n ,L t t lt,l!rts,6l .\.
''
"king's merchant", now promoted to the captaincy'of-all tradcrs at Whydah'.rr{' L . r f l i t t c ,I r l ) r h , , u t , l ( ) t 1 0 2
'
Qr6num family tradition also distinguishcs Azanmirdo I Lrutnou's original l f , r r ,l l t i t \ t , l t h t 1 r , , 1 ' t r , t , J l )
l f , , r y l r r r , . l , t y t n t l . I i r ) ( r ( lI l ( ) \ p r i l l l i l r l l
1 r r B u r t o n , , l 4 i s s i o n ,i , 5 3 .
( ) l f l f l r . r l \r r l I r l r r u , r r r| l ) . r r r r (l r r r . r l t o r rtrt , I r | ' , r r , l u I ) r h , , u t 1 ' ,t r o { r ( r , . f t r r rl rc) . 1 2 .
r f 2 B a r ' , l l i z . r s o l t h t I . r o p u r d , 2 3 9 - 4 1 . ' l ' r r d i r i o n t l r i n r s t h r t t h t s r s t c r r rr l r l t r h : t t L l o t h t r u i g t t o l l c g l r t s L r
l ( r r n r . r , ( ) r r r r l , r l r ' . r l' li r r , l . r t r r r r t r ' l \ r . r r r r r r . r , l , r ' s , l r . r r l r r , , l l f i ( r i r r ( l l i r r r r r r r , l . t , l t , , ; t r r s , T 0 , i s
(1710-7+),butitisnolclerrlrrlo.tnrcrrlt<lirrtrrrrltrrrJror.tr\\olrr((\lrtlrrrtllttnrr(l(r'rll)((rrlllr\
lil llurt<tn, .l{nrroz, i, 29i, 366 7; lhr. ll'rr tt,tl tht l.t,,ptr'1, 2lltl ril\lr rrt l('r '1,\1,r,
( r r f f t t t l r l 1t ., , l , t , t , , , l ' l . r , t t r , t l lr r, l , r r r r r yt ' r l l , , t r r r r , , r r ' s
r r { I l e r s k r r i t s .l ) t h r t u t t , , i . I l ( } I l l x r r r l r r rl rr rt l r r r tl r t r . t l r p o t t t l t t n l.ot t ot r t r l l l
rtrllr,rrrl\slr,trlr,rrr,r,lrlr,r,ltlr,r.r[\,,1.r/r,,,,,,,,1,(ttlI\rIil\tlrr.rrrttrlrrrt,rrr
"' l l e r r t i . ' r , ' () r r r r l r l r 'f.r l '
\ f r r t , l r l r I ) . t 1 , , ' u\ , | i
" " l l t u t , , r r . l l r ' , r , , r t r. t . L ' t ' . l

lr0
\|
 Ouidah Under King Glele
Chacha as the king's commcrcial agent. T'he officc also invtllved the collection and
transmission of income tax from other tradcrs: as the traditions recorded by'
'it
Reynier about thc elder Hou6nou recall, was tr-rhim that [the ahisinon)paid their
annual contributions, he himself added his own and passed the whole to the
King'.r2sBetween 1864and 1871,the functions of the officc were also extendedto
include the c<lllectionof taxeson the European trade, and in market transactionsin
Ouidah. which had earlier been the responsibility ol the Yovogan and his
subordinateofficials:in 1871 it was noted that the YoungerHou6nou'inspects all
ships'cargoes,and receivesthe customsduties'and was also serving as'caboceer'
of zob|., the principal market of ouidah, meaning presumably that he was
responsible for the collection of sales taxcs in it.r26The authority of the office
evidently cxtenclcdover resident Brazilian traders as well as indigenousDahomians:
when in l876Jos6 da CostaSantos,then operatingas agent to the English firm of
Swanzq was atcusedof misconduct,it was Hou6nou who cclnductedthe resulting
inquiry and imposed a fine upon Santos.r2T The officc thus representeda greater
.once.rt.ation 9f formal authority, if not of effective political influence, than had
hitherto existcd within the Ouidah merchant community.
The politics of the appointment t-rfAzanmado Hou6nou to this new position,
bey'ond that it was evidenth intended to supersedethe now eclipsed Chacha, are
unclear. Although rhe context of the factional divisions surrounding Glele's
accession might seem to indicate that the elder Hou6nou would have been a
partisan of the revival tlf the slave trade, as against the disgraced de Souzas,thc
examplc of thc appointment of the Chodaton raisesthe possibilitYthat it might
equaliy have been a means of circumscribing the power ol' the Yovogan. However
this may'be, it is clear that in the longer run the Houdnous had to accommodateto
the reality ofthe eclipseofthe slavctrade and thereforethe nccessityofdeveloping
,legitimaie' trlde to make up thc lost revenues.The youngcr Hou€nou is credited
bylradition rvith persuaclingGlelc to develop the trade in palm-kernels, in associa-
tiirn with the French merchant B6raud, and against the opposition of the lbvogan,
who argucd that the kernels were needed for the use of the army, in lighting fires;
he is al.sosai{ to have establishedextensivepalm plantations,using the labour of
the slaveswho were now no longer exportablc.l23 A British visitor in l87l records
visiting an oil plantationbelonging to Hou6nou.r2e
Burion's account of Dahomian court ceremonial in 1863 shorvsthat the Choda-
ton ranked second in the Ouidah hierarchJ',after the Ytlvtlgan, and Hou6nou only
third.rr()Whethcr formal precedencecorrespondedt<l the real distribution of
power) however,is uncertain. Elurton himself th<lughtthat the eclipsc of'thc Chacha
irad left 'the whole authority of the placc' concentrltcd in thc hands of the
Yovogan.lrrBut he may have underestimatedthe power tlf-Htlu6nrtu' lr'htlm he
I r i R c y n i c l ' O u i d r h ' ,6 3 .
rz" Skertchll; Dilomt.y, 32, 15.
1r; Frri,,L' DuhomL.l', 334.
r r 8 R c l n i e r , ' O u i d a h '6, 3 - { .
r r " S k c r t c h l l ,I h h o n t t l ' . 2 . 1l,l +
r r I l J r t r l o r t . . l l l I I / rir, ,l 0 ( ) l 0
| r i l r i r l. r . l { X r
Ouidah Under King Glele
seemsnot to have met personally.rirA trcaty with France negotiatedat Ouidah in
ltl68 was 'signed' bl' YovoganDagba and the Chodaton, but not by the younger
Hou€nou, but this may mean only that thc latter had no formal responsibilityin
political, as opposed t<l commercial, matters.r'irIn any casc, the cffective power of
Yovogqan Dagba was presumably undermined by his advancingage. Dagba was still
a l i v e , a l t h < l u g hn o w ' a v e r y o l d m a n ' , i n l 8 7 l ; r r + b u t h e e v i d e n t l y d i e d s o o n
afterlvards.rrs In l87l ['Iou6nouwas thought to be the principal power in Ouidah,
exercising'almostregal sw:ry'within thc town.l16Holvever this may bc, it appears
that the appointmcnt of Chodaton and Hou6nou to these new positions of
authority within Ouidah createdtcnsionswith the YovoganDagba. Local tradition
recordsthat Glele resolvedthcsetensionsby a division of rcsponsibilitvamong thc
Ouidah chiefs, placing Sogbadji quartcr and the English fnrt under Hou6nou,
Docomd and the Portuguese fort (and also Maro quarter) under the Yovogan and
Ahouandjigo with the F'rench lbrt under Chodaton.rrTConremporary sources
confirm that Chodaton was charged spccificallvwith rclations with the French:
Burton in 1863/4 describeshim as the 'landlord' of the French, and a French
accountof lU78 as having responsibilityfbr 'the ovcrsight<lf fbreign trade and, in
particular,the protection of the Frcnch'.rj8Thc Brazilian quarter is not mentioned
in this administrativepartition of Ouidah, pcrhaps bccauseit remaineclundcr the
authority of thc Chacha.
The lower lcvels o('the Ouidah ldministration wcre irlso rec:onstructedunder
Glele, although its detailed functioning is difficult ro grasp. Ilurton nanlcs a
numbcr of subordinate'caboceers'but without making clear their precisef unctions
or their relations cithcr uith each other or with the threc leading offlccs of the
Yovogan,Chodirton and Hou6nou. The 'fourth cabocecrof Whydah', ranking
immcdiatel_y aftcr these three, was now Hcchili; he was no longer, as in lti49-51,
'caboceer'of thc English
firrt, but no indication of his current duties is given.lr"
'l'hc
<lfliceof Bo1'a,who under Gezo had scrved as deput_y' to the Yov<lgan,is barelv
rncntionedand was evidentlv nou' in eclipse;presumabll becausc,on the death of-
( iczo's appointecIirya-Ciss6,his hcir, although inhcriting his ritle, did not succeed
r" llttrt(trr nrcntittns lkruiuou threc tinrcs. ln r tirrnrrl reeeption rt (hna, hc notcd that ilou['nou ('Wenu')
u rs rcprcsctrtcd bi h is 'phcc', he himse ll' be ing absent. Subscqucntll', he trvice saw I louenou ('Ukwcnun',
'Kscrrtttr')
i n p r o c c s s i o t t s ,b u t d r r c sn r r t r c c o r t l r n c c t i n g h i n r f ) c c t o l i r c c : i b i d . , i , 2 ( | 9 , . 1 1 3 n . ; i i , 1 2 6 n .
r'
I j e r t r o l f 9 \ l a t l l i ( r l J t, e r t i n . . \ u b l e t ,L u G u t r r t , S 1 0 .
Slcrtclrlr, l)thontt1,51. Skertchli docs nol ttrnre thc \'<rrogrn, hut ohscrles that hc'uas
" rlised to thc
I r l l i ( ( o l \ i ( ( r r ) \ i r r t h t b c r l i r r n i n K o 1 - t hr tc i q n o f ( i c z r r ' .
" f . r r r r i l r l r r r r f r l i o n < l . r t c sh i s t l t ' r r l r t o l l J l i 0 : I ) r q l r r , l t O o l l L t t i t ' r t t :l i n r l i t l t . 1 2 . But according to other
f r ' . r ( f r l l r r ) \l r t r r r r ss r r l r ' r ' t t l c t lr r s \ r r r o , - a . rlrrrr Z i r r l r r r n r r r ir n d l l r c I l t t c r i n t u r n b v S i k l o k a : A F b o , I l i s l o t r ( , 5 6 .
\ t l l o l . r s . r s . r l r r . r , l r r ro l l i t t l r r l . l \ l r u l f i l 7 . u l r t l I r t s i s r r e t rl t r < . r t ru i t h l l r i t a i n ( ' S r r c h l r c a t, h e . { r r r g l h
l ) . r l r , ' r r r ( \ ' t)r r t r r r l ' 1 1 l r r , t t r . l I r r , t t t l ' l r t 1(r.,o r r r r r x r r t , . u r lr ol r t h t S L r p p r e s s i oont l h c S l ; t v c l i a d c ,
"l
l ' ( l \ \ r ( r I l t r \ l . r ; r ' ' t I . u rlrl lt ( k r , l r i r , |l ) , r l r , r l r l( II S , l i )
S L ,r t , l r l r . l l , t i t , , t t t , |1\.
l { , r r r , r . t ) r r r , l . r lrrr' l , \ i ( r r r r ' l \ r , . r r l ' 1 , , 1 .{ ,l 1r r r u n r , L , l u , , : t r , ,l ,r , r i t l r r r J , l ) . r g l r rl rt , ( , r t l h , t t i . r t r
r , , , , , ,t' i . I I , t r , l rr r t l r , l , r , r " l t r , ' r r rr ' l r l l rI r r r , n , l r r r , ' r ,l I i l r . r l r\ r r r r o r r0 l l l r r \ . [ I ( t r ' \ r
l l r r t , , r r .l l r ' / , ' r ,I. ' { ) ' / r r I l i r t ' t ' , 'Ir | \ r ,
"r
l l t r , ' r r l l , , , r I i r , \ 1 1 , q , , , . ,I r 1, , , , , r , t 1 , , , . 1I ,' 1 , , ( \ n\ \ r ' . r \ 1 , \ \ \ .. rr r11 r l , r , .l r . r , '
 Ouidah Under King Glele Ouidah Under King Glele
to his substantive office.la0On Burton's arrival at Ouidah, in the absenceof the might be made available for the us€ of merchants and other British visitors.ra.5
'Nyan-kpe' and
most senior officials, he was formally greeted by officers called When later relations further soured over the issuesof Abeokuta and Porto-Novo,
'Ainadu', the former described as 'acting-viceroy for Gezn, the last king' and the
threats were made against the mission: in 1860, when the lbvogan threatened to
latter as'acting-viceroyfor Gelele,the presentking', which presumablymeansthat kill British residentsat ouidah in rhe event of a British attack on rhe town, he
they were deputizing respectivell-for the Yovogan and the Chodaton.r4rThe first specified that 'the Missionary should be the first person', and recurrently during
of these seemsto represent Gnahouikp6, the name of a family in Fonsaramdthat the following year Bernasko was warned that he would be ,lost' if the British
claims descent from a Dahomian official; although not mentioned in F-orbes's should intervene to assist Abeokuta.r+('Conversely, the improvement of Anglo-
account in 1849-50, he is documented in the records of the British vice-consulate Dahomian relations from 1862amelioratedconditions for Beinasko, whose ,..ii..,
in l85l-2, when he was understoodto be'next in authority'under the Boya, so as diplomatic intermediary were again required, as in the missions of Wilmot and
'Ainadu' occurs
perhaps he succeededto the latter's position.la2The second name Burton. However, when wilmot pressedthe king to allow freedom of accessto the
later, among the signatoriesof a treaty with France in 1890, when he is describedas mission school, Glele reiterated the established policy that only .any of the
'treasurer' to the Ouidah administration.ra3Other officials from Ouidah observed
mulattoes can send rheir children', and he repeated to Burton his <lbjeclion that
by Burton taking a prominent role in ceremonialprocessionsincluded Noudofinin, 'when
black men learn to read and writc . . . they could not be taken to war'.r47
'Brazil' quarter,and 'Nuage', describedas a
still listed as overseeingthe Chacha's The position of the Methodists was undermined, however, by the arrival of the
half-brother to Glele, and therefore presumably another of the royal counterparts French Catholic mission in 1861,which led to the withdrawal fiom their schoolof
appointed to shadow commoner officials.'# Oddly, Burton does not mention the children of Brazilian families in the town.ra8It was also weakenedby the loss of the
new office of Kuzugan, who collected the tax on palm-oil pr<lduction - unless interpreter John Beecham, who was dismissed for taking a wife ,aiter the country
perhapsthis was the position now held by Hechili. In the contemporary record, the fashion' and by 1865 was working in a secular school establishedby the merchant
Kuzugan is first mentioned in 1890, also among the signatoriesof the treaty with William Craft.rae Bernasko himself came under increasing criticism from the
France, when he was 'acting as Yovogan' during a vacancyin the latter office. mission itself, for alleged drunkennessand toleration of 'fetish' practiceswithin the
British fort (scandalsretailedby Burton) and also for supposedlyholding slaves(a
misrepresentati<lnof his having purchased slaves to 'redecm' them). He was
underGlele,1858-7I
TheChristianmissions eventuallv forced to resign in 1866, when he refused to obey an insrrucrion ro
transfer to Winnebah on the Gold Coast. He remained in ouidah thereafter,
The shifting commercial and political context also affccted the fortunes of running a hotel for European sailors and according to the hostile testimony of one
Christian missionary enterprise in Ouidah. As seen earlier, a British Methodist <lbserver,this included supplying the services of his daughrers as prostitutes.r50
'l'here
mission had been establishedin Ouidah since 1854.The mission had alwaysbeen was clearly an element of racial prejudice in the criiicism of Bernasko, the
treated by the Dahomian authoriti€s as a medium of communication with the mission stating explicitly its desire to appoint a white missionary to the post
British state, rather than an independent religious agency, and it consequently instead. Ironicalll,, the European who replaced him himself turned out to bi an
suffered when Anglo-Dahomian relations deteriorated under Glele after 1858. In alcoholic,who abscondedfrom ouidah when his wife fell ill in 1867.He was not
the first place, Glele's revival of Dahomian militarism and the slave trade affected rcplaced,and the Methodist mission lapsed,to be revived only aftcr the French
attitudes towards the mission, which was identified with the ref<rrmistpolicies of c o l o n i a lo c c u p a t i o n .
'l'hc
the late Gezo. In 1859Glele informed the head of the mission,PeterBernasko,that Rrman catholic church had alsobeen representedin ouidah since 1g44,by
'forbids killing
he was awarethat the Christian God [i.e. human sacrifice],selling thc chrplains of' the Porruguese fort, appointed from Sio Tom6. The priest
[i.e. slavesland the worship of Fetish', and that therefore'if my'peoplc be allowed ;rPPointcdin lll.59,Claudio Fernando de I-encastre,is allegedto have both alienated
to hear the word of God they will be changed and become corvardsand they will his congregationand fhllen out with the Dahomian authorities;threatenedwith
not serve the Fetish with me neither will thcy go to war'; and he said that the Prosecution,he flcd to Agoul bur was caught and brought back to Ouidah.rsrAt
mission would have to relinquish possessionof thc English firrt in Ouidah so that it l l r i s P o i r t t ,l r o r t c r c r ,i n A p r i l l 1 1 6 la p a r t , r , o f ' m i s s i o n a r ioefst h e F r e n c h S o c i 6 t 6d e s
'"
\\ \l\lS. \ \ e s r . l ( t l i . b l t ( r 0 . l l t . r r r r s l o .( ) u i r l : r h .| ( ) ( t . l g 6 0
l { 0 B u r t o n m e n t i o n s t h e B o y a ( ' B o n y o n ' ) o n l l - i r s ' c i r b o c c e r ' ( } f' P o r t u g u c s c ' l i r * n ' , s h i c h t t t r t b c c o p i c t l l i r x t t '"
\\\l\ls. l i r t t . t s l , r . ( ) r r r r l . r h , i l l ) ( ( l s l l ) . \ \ l r . r r r , r r , ( : r p e ( i r r s l ,l . l . \ p r i l l 1 1 6 l , c i r i n g l l e r n r s k o , A b g m c l ;
t h e c a r l i e r a c c o u n t o f l i o r b e s r a t h e r t h a n r c f l c c t i n g c r t r r c n t c t t n t l i t i o n s :i b i t l . , i , 6 5 . . ' \ \ l . r r r l r l l i ( r l , l I r r r . r s l r r . ( ) r r r r l . rI l \r o. r l l i t r l
'+r lbid.. i. 52 .1. 'l'l',1)r's|.rtrlrtrlr,,rrr(,'rrrrr,,,l,,rr\\rlnr"r,r,,1,."rl,rrrlst)i.ll1rrsll.llr,,r,,l.ii.llil.
r 1 2 R c v n i c r , ' O u i d a h ' . 5 . 1 11 ' R O ,l r o f t + / l t u 6 , l i r r s c r . . l o t t r t t r l . 2 . l p.rr'l
.ltrlr lfi5l l'\rr, " \ \ \ l \ l \ . \ \ r s r . ( . r 1 , r ( , , . r r r l. l \ l , r , t r I \ r , i
r r ' ' l i c r t v o f ' 3 O c t . l l l t . X ) ,t c r t i n . \ r r h l u t , l t O u r r r r , t - 1 \ ''
ll'r,l l.lrrrr,l\t,.
l r a l l u r t l r r , . l l r s s r r ai , 2 { ) l l ( ) . g i r i n g t l r t l r r r r r r t tr t t l t . t s ' \ t t l o l t c t r ' ,t l r , l r l , l r \ t u r 1 ' \ , " 1 , ' l r ( . t s ' t . t l r r x c t tr r l
\Lr rtrlrlr l)th,,,n,, lt, I't
' l l r : r z i l i . r r lr,' r r rr r '
l f , r p l r r r , ,/ , , r t , u t ,l ' l r l l \ t " ' l l \ r , l

. r; . 1
 Ouidah Under King Glele Ouidah Under King Glele

Missions Africainesof Lyon arrived in Ouidah.'52Although thesewerealso trcatcd expcllcd in thc fbllor.r'ingvear lbr allcgeclinvolvementin thcft, which must have
bv the Dahomian authorities as r€presentrtivcsof the secular powcr of F-ranceand, f urther souredrelations.ri')
likc the British Methodists, thcy had little impact in terms of conversions,the\' As Burton notcd, unlikc the Ilritish N4cthodists, the F'rcnchCatholicsin Ouidah
were ablc to play a much more significant role in Ouidah society through their adoptcd an rttitude of uncompromising hostility towards indigenous religious
relationship with the substantialpre-existing Roman Catholic communitv rcprc- practicesrnd consequentlyclashedrecurrcntlv with the klcal communitr,-.160 An
sentedby the Brazilian immigrants. By 1863thcy had administered208 baptisms initial conlrontation occurred in 1863, when the Portuguesefirrt u,as struck by
and hacl 100 pupils enrolled in their school, with an averagieattendanceof 70.r5'r lightning and Borghero attemprcd to prevent the pricsts of the thunder*god
Thc missionariesfcrund,in fact, that they had to use thc P<lrtuguesclanguageto Hevitlso from carrying <lut the necessarvrites of propitiation and purification, but
communicate with their c<lngregation;on their first arrival, the head of the was arrestedbv the Yov<lganand frlrcedto pav a fine of $100.1('l InJunc o1'thcsame
mission, F'ranccscoBorghero (actually himsclf Italian), knowing no Portuguese, year the mission rvasinvolvcd in a further disputc, arising from thcir cviction of a
prcached in Spanish in order to make himself understoocl;r5r and the mission python, sacredto the god I)angbe, which had enrcrcdits premises.rr'2'I'hc p<tsition
school subsequentlyused Portuguesc as its languagc o[ instruction. Rlr present of the mission nlil\' lls<l havc bccn wcakenedbr the death of- its principirl patron
purposes, indeed, the bricf history of the flatholic mission is principall-v of l)omingos N{artins in January'1864.N4oreclearll, it suffered flom a comebackin
interesr for the light it sheds on the internal workings of thc Ouidah Rrazilian influcncebv the de Souzaflmill', who rvereablc to reasserttheir claim to control of
communitl'. thc Portuguesefort. ln April lu65 the (.hacha F-rancisco'(,hico'dc Sr>uzamade
On arrival in Ouidah, the missionariesinitially krdgedin the R6gisfactorv in the contact with the Portuguescauthoritieson Sio Tom6, whose govcrnor made an
Frcnch fbrt, but within a short rvhile thel'were able to take ovcr the chapelin thc official visit to Ouidah, where the French missionarieswerc cvicted fiom the fbrt
Portuguesefort, in the processousting the priest from Sio Tom6 whom they found and the Chachawas fbrmally inr.estedwith the office of its p1<lvernor.r"r'fhe I.'rench
in possession.Their takeoverof the fbrt was done with thc consent of thc Ytlvoplan missitlnaries,however, rctaincd the allcgianceof a considerablesecrion of' the
and also w,ith support of at least a substantial element lr'ithin the Brazilian com* llrazilian communitv; a declarationin their support was siplnedbl scr,cralother
munitl'. Borghero'saccount in lact irnplies that he had the unanimousconscnt of leading Brazilians,including Jos6 dos Sant<ls,N,IarcosBorges Fcrras rrnclAngelo
the lJraziliancommunity,rvho werc allcgcdll''disgustedat thc immoral behaviourof' Clust<tdiodas Chagas.r{'1 Anothcr Brazilian tradeq F'ranciscoAnt<lnio Nlonteiro.
thc incumbcnt Sio'fomc priest.rs5It is notew()rth\r,holvcver,that therc is no grirntcdthc missionaltcrnativcprenriscsu,ithin Ouidah, inZontai quirtcr.rr,i
'f.hico' de Souza, plaving anv rolc in thcsc A fintl crisis occurred in ltl7l, rvhcn rr child in the mission'scare cliedlnd the
rel'erenceto th<; Chacha, lirancisco
transactions.f'he most activc initial supporter of the F-renchmissitlnarieswithin nrission head was arrested and fincd br.,thc Yovoqan.in thc f-aceol'which the
'l'he
thc Brazilian con-rmunitywas Joio Pinheiro dc Souza, surnamcd Thparica, whtl n r i s s i o nw i l sc \ e c u a t e d . r r i l ' h c a do f t h c m i s s i o nw i t h d r e w t o L r r g o sa n d , r , r h c ni r
loaned his slavesto repair the roof and windows of the chapel in the lilrt and sepirratcl)ah0mian mission was createclin lfl74, its headquarterswere at Agiou6,
'I'he
supplied one of his slavesto aet as interpreter;ls"Pinheiro de Souza $'as a Portu- lrtthcr than Ouidah. Ouidah mission was re-established onlv a f-cwlears befilre
'Ibm6 thc Frcnch colonialoccupation,in l8tl4, trnder F'atherAlexandrc Dorgerc.r,,7
gucsc official, who had been appointcd notarv of thc fbrt fiom Sio in 1852
but had lattcrlv been effectively irbandoncd b1'the Portugucse authorities.rsi'Ihe
mission was also backed by the leaclingtrader Domingos N{:rrtins,who paid f<rr
restoration of' the chapel drxrrs tncl supplicd palm <lil f<rr its hmps, and on a The riseof'Cotrmou,continued
subsequentoccasionpaid fbr thc repair of the ro<lf.ri8Although sclmechildren of 'l'ltc
the dc Souzl f'amilv \r'cre initialll' rccruitcd into thc mission sch<lol,thcy wcre l f i 6 0 s w e r c n r i t r k c dn o t o n l v b r t h c l i n r r l e n d i n g o f t h e t r l n s - A t l a n t i c s l r r v c
trrttlcbttt ;tlsobv thc bcginnings<lf-firrmirll'.uropeanimperialismin the lrca castof
Fr Firr the frrench (.atholic nrission in Ouidrh, sec esp. ( ) r r i t l r r hb, c g i n n i n gu i t h t l r c l l r i t i s h i r n n c r r r t i o no f L a g o si n l U 6 l . f o l k r w c db v t h a t
Jcln lJonlils, 1"r lltsst'trt ttlh,tlt,luc tn llr:1,uhliqrcdu
/lr;rrrr (Paris,1999), chs 3 5; also (.hristiane Roussl-(irossciru,.llts.rtaz,rtholr4ut tl thoL lc's uolt;h's
in!!urt'ls rn .l.friqut: l"littmplL' tlu l)th,,rnt1' (ll'161 l()2,1)
()-l;
nt/ Duhom,'.1,t I'orto-.Noi'tt: "ll ptrio,lo ltllu uuhiguirti" ( l,\.;0 l,\,\0) ('l\rrin, 2(l0l), 6l rnd originrl
( l o c u m c n t i r t i o l ti n I ) r u l , l l e n r r l ) u p u i s , / l n l o r r r , l t l ' t : g l t s L , l t I J L ; n r nt,. l : l t ' l i t t r p s , l r s t r t t t t c r r r(sI ] ( ) l l 9 0 l )
((irtonou, I I99lll).
r" Iltrrghcro,'Relation', in -'/turnrl,265. zlJl).
l" B t r r g l t c r o , . / r , r t r n t l ,1 6 1 2 1 , ' \ p r i l l S O l l .
r " I h i ( I . .+ + ( )
l l 0 , \ p r i l l 0 \ l r r l 1 1 6 Il
r ' " I h i r l . .1 7
l2 &l() \l.rr lft6ll
' ' ( . , r r r i r r l . rS r l r , r .I r , i r ' , r rl .i l . S i l
' ' \lrr lst,i
l l , , r r l r r r rI r, ., r ' , u r l . l ,l , \ l . n l s t , l i l i l i l
 Ouidah Under King Glele Ouidah Under King Glele
of Badagry in 1863. This provoked the F'rench into counter-measuresto defend nineteenth-centurysources,alternativelyAbomey-Kpevi,,I-ittle Abomey'),
north
their own position, with the appointment of a vice-consul for Ouidah and Porto- of Godomey. Abomey-calavi is already attested of trade in tlhe'1770s,
Novo (an office conferred on R6gis's local agent) and the negotiation of a treaty of when it was serving as a market for slavesbrought "r "-..rrir.
from oyo, presumably by the
protectorate with Porto-Novo in February 1863.'6nThe French interest in Porto- lagoons from Porto-Novo and Badagry. It reappearsin th. co.riemporary
record in
Novo also had the effect of focusing attention on the coastal port of Cotonou, 1862,when the missionary Borghero, o.t r uoyug. by canoeback from Lagos,
found
control of which was necessaryfor accessto the Porto-Novo market, and in July the channel from Lake Nokou6 to Godomey impassableand landed instead
at
1863 the vice-consul visited Abomey and obtained from Glele a verbal agreement calavi.t,2 In Borghero's time there were no Euiopean factories at calavi,
but
to what the French understood as the 'cession' of Cotonou to F'rance,but which another French missionary, Pierre Bouche, who ,pint t*n periods on the
coast
Glele probably intended merely as permission for them to establisha trading post, between 1866 and lll75, noted that the F'rench had recently opened factories
at
in return for payment of $4,000 annually. Domingos Martins, who had hitherto calavi and that, by the time he left the coast in 1g75,it had grown in importance
ar
enloyed a monopoly of commerce at Cotonou, was understandably furious, com- the expenseof Godomey; Qu6num family tradition credits tie establishment
of the
menting bitterly that 'he had learned these people too late', and some attributed his first French factory at calavi to the second head of the family, Kpadonou
.
death inJanuary 1864to a fit of apoplexybrought on by the news.r6e Although the Hou6nou, in 1871.'73whereas Godomey had its own roadsteadat ihe seashore,
Porto-Novo protectorate was abandoned,in the face of local opposition, at the end Abomey-_calavishipped its produce by canoe acrossLake Nokou6 to be
exported
of 1864, the claim to Cotonou was not given up. In May 1868 the F'rench vice- through Cotonou.lT+
consul negotiateda treaty with the Dahomian authorities at Ouidah confirming the Bouche noted that Calavi served as an outlet for palm produce from the interior
cessionof Cotonou, although the port was to remain under Dahomian administra- of Dah.omey: 'the offices at Agbom6-calavi intercept the goods coming
from the
tion until the French should establish effective occupation, which they made no north'.r7sTo what extent use was made of water transport to deliver this
immediate move to do. lroduce to
Calavi is unclear. In the 1860sthe Weme waterway was still 'prohibited to
whites',
In part, this focusing of French attention on Porto-Novo and hence also on although at least one F,ulqpsnn did subsequentli use this route, in 1g74, going
Cotonou, rather than on Dahomev and Ouidah, reflected the relative political and from cana overland to the weme and then by ."rro. downriver to porto-Novo
and
military weaknessof the former kingdom, which left it more readily susceptibleto cotonou.lT6one report statesthat the Dahomians also prevented ,the local people,
European influence. In particular, the French could play upon Porto-Novo's fears from navigating the river, but this perhaps means only that they prohibited
mer-
of the British, who had already carried out naval bombardments of the town in chants from._independentcoastalcommunities such as porto-Nouo f.o- proceed-
1861, as well as of Dahomey. But it also reflected the fact that, with the shift from ing upriver.rTTThe increased commercial prominence of Abomey-calavi
in the
the slave trade to trade in palm produce, Porto-Novo, which was more favourably 1870smay reflect the growing importanceln the supply of palm produce
of the
situated in relation to areas of palm oil production in the interioq was in fact royal plantations in the Abomey area,relative to the piivaiely owned farms
south of
becoming commercially more valuablethan Dahomey.rT0 the T,ary1a; by l87l a European visitor to Dahomey thought ihat ,the grearer part of
The rise of Cotonou was not, however, solely dependent on its role as an outlet the oil exported'originated from the king's plantatlonr.rir Alternatively, it
may have
for Porto-Novo. It acquired an additional importance as a side-effectof the British rcpresented increased exploitation of the facility for cheaper transport
by canoe
annexation of Lagos and the consequent imposition of increased import duties drwn the weme, in preferenceto the hcad-loadini of produce'verland to
ouidah.
there, which led to the landing of goods destined for Lagos at Cotonou, from
where they were taken eastto Lagos by canoethrough the lagoon in order to evade
theseduties.rTrAlthough goods landed at Cotonou had to pay customs duties to the Thesecond
Britishblockade
of Ouidah,I8Z6/ Z
Dahomian authorities there, these were lower than British duties at Lagos.
Cotonou also,as noted in the last chapter, handled produce originating from within .\s rvasnrted carlicr, the cnding of the slavetrade to cuba by the
mid_lg60s did
Dahomian territory to the north-west. The increasingimportanceof this trade is rrrt cntl thc tensions berwecnouidah and Dahomey The divisions
arising from
indicated by the opening of a new Dahomian port on the shore of Lake Nokou6 (ilclc's rtcccssionpersisted bc,r'onclthe lti60s.
It is likelv that thesc conrinuins
which played a key role in the palm-produce trade, at Abomcv-C.alavi (or, in '/t,utrttl.
llotqlrerr, lll\ lJ(t \lrrr llifrJl
'
f f r r r r r l r ,t \. ', t l , t , t , t l\(, ) S . ( l r r t r r r r r Ir ,r . , l r t , , : t t t , , J \\
rn8 Schnapper, La Politique eI le nmmcrce.fianlar.r, 194-ll;John l) '
llargrcatts. l)rr,lu,lr,to tfu l\tr!ttnn of llist l f r r r r r l r r. \' .r l r t , u t \ l.' ) i . S ( r \ . r 1 , ' 1 , ( . r p g r rl 'r)r.r)' .i
Aliica (London, 1963), I l$-ltt. l l , ' r r rl r r . . \ ' , 7 ',l r r , , . ) r / S
ro" Burton, Mission, i, 72-3.
\ t r 1 ' , , 1t l r , \ l . r r r ( r , . r ' , .t r l r , r l l , , r r . l r , r( ,l ,\ t , r ) r t l ) r , , ( 1 i l ( r tr lr
\ r . r r l r r r t rl .l r , t i l r r . \ ' l , t i , . ( . t t t t 1 , i 11t )1; t
I70 Michcl Videgla, 'l,c rrltrutttc tlc l)orlo Noro littc
i i l r p o l i t i t l t r t r h r l i t i o n r r i s t c t k s n r r t r o r r s( u r o l ) ( ( n n ( . \ o ( ' f l r r z ' r t r ' t , r \t l , r l r ' l l r , , , r r r , l r r r , , r ,| l), . r l r , , r r r , r l, \I , l l i , : t t , 1 , , , l r t t , 1 t t t t t l t i l t t , i l t , . , i l / - r l t(;l (l ,i { ) i )
l l i . l l l i l l J t t 2 ' ,i n L a u e \ S t r i c l r r x l t , I ' t t r r t r t l r h L . ! / , r r r ' 7 ) a , / , . I i i r l l l , r . r r r , l\ , ' t , i I
r ; 1 f f o r r c h e.,\ ' t f t t u \ , J ( ) 5 ,S t r r . r l . ' l l . r p p o r t ' , l ( t i ' . l , r r , l r l r/ ) , 1 , , , ' l

.lis
 Ouidah Under King Glele Ouiclah Under King Glele
'l'hc
tensions wcrc rcflected, as Patrick Manning has suggested,in con{lict over thc although the contemporar\ sourcesref'eronly tcl threats ol'bombardmcnt.rsr
succcssionto Glele himself, w'hich dcvcloped from the l|70s onwards.rTg Glele blockade was maintained fbr ten months and was ended onl,v when the F'rench
initially'appointedone o1'hissons,callcd Ahanhanzo,as his hcir apparent,but his merchants in Ouidah, r'r,hosctrade was bcing disrupted b-v-. the British action,
claim was contestedb1' another son, called Kondo, and whcn Ahanhanzo died offcred to pay the finc on Glele'sbchalf.Under an agrccmentreachedin N{ay ltl77
prematurely it u'as allegedthat he had been poisoned(or killed by occult means) the fine was reduced to .100puncheonsof oil, of which the firms of R6gis and
bv Konclo.Kondo in turn was installedas hcir apparcntin 1876,and it was hc wh<r F'abrepaid a first instalmentof 200 (but the remainder was never paid). A treaty
eventually succecdedGlele, undcr the namc Behanzin, in 1889. There is somc was also signed with the Yovogan at Ouidah, but this merelv rciterated and
suggcstionthat Ahanhanzo \\'as associatcdrvith a policy' of' relativc fricndliness conflated the terms of the earlicr Anglo-Dahomian treatiesof 1tl'$7(guaranteeing
towards L,uropean influencc, while Kondo st<lodfirr morc uncompromising resis- frccdom of commerce)and ltt52 (abolishingslaveexports)and was clearlv no more
tance. Consistently with this hypothesis, Kpadonou Hou6nou, the head of' thc than a deviccto savethe British govcrnment'sface.
Ouidah merchantcommunity,supportedthe claimsof AhanhanzoagainstKondo.l80 Although the cpisodewas most obr,iouslysignificantas a harbingcr of-the more
More generalll',Ouidah tradition systematicalll'dcmonizes Kondo/Behanzin, who aggressivcEuropcan imperialismof the later nincteenthcentury and in cxacerbat-
is depicted as consistentlvand virulcntly hostile not only tow,ardsthe Hou6nous ing Anglo-F'rench rivalrv, it also served to bring to a head tcnsions between the
'fhese
but towardsthe town in gcneral. Dahomian monarchy and the Ouidah merchant communitv. were cvident
Thc tcnsions that existed both w.ithin the Ouidah merchant community and even in thc earlv stagesof th<;disputc,lr'henthe local Ouidah authorities, led by the
bctweenit and the l)ahomian monarchy arc illustratedby the story of thc Anglo- Yovogan,were initiallv rvilling to pav thc {ine but wcre overruled by thc king, lvho
Dahomian dispute oI'1876-7, which provokcd a secondBritish naval blockadco1' insistedupon defianceo[ the In
British.r8+ the a(termath of the blockadc, Glclc took
Ouidah.rsrThe confrontationwith thc British aroseout of a minor intra-Dahomian punitive action againstseveralmcmbersof the Ouidah merchantcommunity whose
quarrel. Thc Brazilian traderJacinto da Costa Santos(son of Jos6 F-ranciscodos actions during it he judgcd to havc been dislol'al, including both Brazilians and
Santos, who had died five years earlier) gavc offcnce to the newly installcd hcir Dahclmians,severalof whom were summoned to Abomey and detained there.lss
apparcntKondo by refusingto sell a particularsort of cloth to him on thc plca that Among thc tsrazilianssubjcctedto varying;periods of detention in thc capital wcrc 'I'hc
stocks were exhausted,but a rival within thc Brazilian merchant communitl', Juliio Francisco Rodrigucs da Silva and thc Chacha'sbrother Juliio de Souza.rE('
Felix de Souza (brother of thc Chacha and seeminglya morc prominent trader), Chacha himself, FranciscoChico, although not callcd to Abomcl', u'as held under
seizedthc opportunity to discredit Santos by alleging that supplies of'the cloth housc arrcst in Ouidah frrr severalda1's.rsi The most distinguishcdvictim of the
were, in fact, availablc.rs2Glele charged Kpadonou Hou6nou, in his capacity as purgc, h<lrvevcr,was thc indigenous merchant Kpadontlu l{ou6nou. Julino dc
'chief of traders' in Ouidah, to investigate Abomcl', contrivcd to turn Glele's wrath against
the matter,and Hou6nou imposeda fine Souza, ll.hen summoned to
'I'he
on Santos and seized his property to settlc it. British were drawn in because Hou6nou, accusinghim of conspiring with the British to place himsclf on thc
Santos was employed as agent by the British firm of Swanzy, whose local hcad, throne of'Dahomel'.Hou6nou in turn was calledto Abomey to defend himself,but
Ilcnry Turnbull, protestcd that the property seized from Santos in fact belonged there found that the heir apparent K<lndo also supported thc accusation. He was
not to him but to thc compan)'.When he failed to obtain satisfaction,he threatened imprisonedat Abomey,his property'at Ouidah was confiscatedand he himsclf died
to invoke the support of the British naval squadron,and this in turn provokedhis still in prison in 1887.r88
o$ n arrest by thc Ouidah authorities; he was manhandlcd, partll' stripped and Although thc fall of Kpadonou Hou6nou was thus due in part to rivalries r,r,'ithin
'Iurnbull
tlctlined during a hot afternoonon a rubbish hcap without his trouscrs. the Ouidah merchant community and in particular representedthe delal'ed revenge
thcn callcd in the local British navalcommandcrto secureredress;the latter visited ofthe dc Souzasagainstthcir rivals thc Hou6nous,it alsorcflectedthc progressive
Ouidah in Ftbruary 1876 and, in an irrrcgular and unprecedcntedusurpation of alienation betwecn that community and the l)ahomian monarchy that had becn
authority; imposed a fine of 500 largc puncheons(250 tons) of palm oil on the cvident sincc the ltl60s.This alicnationin turn, as has been seen,w'asin largepart
l)ahomian authorities.Glcle, however,refusedto pay and, inJuly l1176,the British a consequenceof tcnsions arising from thc transition from the slave trade to
instituted a blockadeof thc Dahomian coast in an attcmpt to cntirrr:escttlemcnt.
According to krcal tradition, thc British also fircd on thc town on lhis <lccasi<ln, l', ,\gbo, llrstotrt,Tl 2; but cl. l{crnicr,'Ouithh', (r5, ruho savs thrt thc llritish fircd onll blanks.'l'hc

lrgnt[rrtlrrrerrl is tlrttrl tr,(.f ()tt. lfiT(r. perltrps lhc trrtlitiotts cortfitsc thc llJT(r7 blockadc with the
''' I)rtrieL \lanning,'l,e I)rtrhonti'l.tcr rur corrlrirtlittions
i c o r r o n r i t ; u e st l c l ' e r e i r r r p i r i r l i s t c .l l t 5 l i l l l l J 9 ' . s h t l l i r r g o l( ) r r i r l r t h l r r ; r l l r i t i s h r r a r s h i p i t t ( ) l( ll t. i { l . l i r r u h i t h s c e ( . h r p t c r 5 .
'' )
(irllrrt;Lrcirtlcrnrlionrlcsrrron'l.r\icttl'()trrrrtdrrl{o ( iil i l i ' , \ l r o n r t r , l ) t t l ( ) t ( ) l t e r , l . \ \ , r rr r , ' r , l r \ l , r (r . r l \ ' . l \ { l \
r ' " ( l r r c r r r r n r ,/ . , ' r l a r , ; / r r ' r .l i 5 . r ' S t r r . t l , ' l l . r p p o t r 'l .r ) l
'' ''
l i r r r s h i c l t . s t t ( . . t t l r t r t t t (t . r r t ; t t t r r . ' l . rl r l o r r r st l r ' \ \ l r r t l . r l r( l l \ i ; ( r l l i / - t ) r t l . r r r r , r l r t rr r . r r i o . r n q r . r \ (. r r l f , , . r ./ , l ) ' t l r t ' r t tr .' \ l t
'
f ) . r l r , ' r r r t(r 'l . l , l / . ' a ( l r ) l ' - ) )i ,. i l l r l . l l , r r ( r r , r r t ; . 1 ' t , l u , l , . . t, l l l l ) r \ , , r t z . It . t I t , , ' r l l l' ' \ ' , r r , t l ' ] t . , 1l , l l ( r r . ' , , / la,r,tll,'t'tttrrt,,\.'i,rt
' l { , r r l , r ' ( ) r r r r l . r ll rr ' { r l , r r r r / , , I ' r 1 , , ' , \ \ l l
1 , , . r /. , l ) , r h , ' n tt .' \ i

' l rI
 Ouidah Under King Glele
'legitimate' trade in palm produce.r8eThe principal interpretation of internal
political problems within West African coastalsocietiesarising fr<lm the commercial
transition of the nineteenth centur)', by Hopkins, emphasized competition and
8
conflict between existing rulers, who had dominated the slavetrade, and small-scale
farmers and petty traders, who were able to enter the new trade in palm produce.lqo
In Dahome-v,although small-scaleenterprise played a significant rolc in
'crisis
'legitimate'
of adaptation' took a diflerent form, with the main challenge to
hnil
FromDahomian
trade, the
royal authority coming from wealthy private merchants, who were now able to to FrenchRule
enter the production as well as the marketing of palm oil, in direct competition
with the monarchy'. It was also given a special character by the fact that in
r878-92
Dahomey the distinction between the state and the private sector broadly coincided
with a geographicaland political division, between the inland capital Abomey and
the coastal commercial centre of Ouidah. Resentment in Ouidah at the rule of
l)ahomey, alread-v- recurrently visible during the period of the Atlantic slavetradc,
reacheda critical level in the secondhalfofthe nineteenth centurv.

ls' For a sgmewhatdil-ferent(but complementaryrather than contraclictorv)interprctation,relating;intcrnal

The British blockade of ouidah in 1876-7 was ineffective, indeed counter*
divisions in Dahomey to diffcring rcsponscsto the growth of l-uropean influencc morc plcncralll',scc
productive, in terms of its declared objectives. The artempt to intimidate the
Gordano,Luropeie .lJiitani, 95-140.
r'(r Ilopkins, ELonomic
llitor.y'.113 7. Dahomian authorities had backfired; British prcstige and influence in Dahomey
were weakenedrather than strengthened.In fact, the most obvious and immediate
consequenceof the blockade was the collapse of British trade at Ouidah. In the
following year, it was noted that, although 'furnbull, the agent .f the firm of
Swanzy who had provoked the British intervention, was still resident at Ouidah,
he was doing little business,becauselocal people were afraid to be associatedwith
him.r A few vears later, swanzl'sold its establishmentin the English ftrrt ro a
German hrm, C. Goedelt of Hamburg; the transferwas announcedin a letter from
the German government to Glele in 1882.2 Thereafter, British interest in
I)ahomey and ouidah effectively ceased; subsequent attempts by Dahomel' to
elicit British intervention, as a counterweight to rhe growing threat of French
imperialism,cameto nothing.
Thc British intervention also had the effect of provoking French counter-
nlcasuresto assertand protect their interestsin the area.lIn April 1878a French
ofliccq Paul serval, visited ouidah and obtained a new treaty confirming the
ccssionof (,otonou to F-rancc.The statusof this treaty,which, like that of 1868,
rv:rsncgotiatedrvith thc local authoritiesin Ouidah only, was doubtful, and it was
lrrter rcpucliatcclbv Glcle. Ilut thc matter was not yet put to the test, since the
lfrcnch, bcr'ond slrrtioning l Residcnt at clotonou, took no immediate steps to
c s t r r b l i s hc l l l ' c t i v c ( ) c c u l ) r l r i ( )onl ' t l r e t o u ' n , w h i c h r e m a i n e d u n d e r D a h o m i a n
: t t l r t r i r r i s t r r t l i oltttt. r c l : t l i o t tt o i l s l ' . t r r o p c r rrni v r r l s h
, o n ' c v c r t, h c F r e n c h c l a i m h a d
'l'lrt'
l r t ' t ' l tr t ' i t s s t ' r t t ' r l . l t l i r i s l r r t ' s p o n r l c tllr v c x l c n t l i n g t h e t c r r i t r l r v o f t h c i r o w n
l . : t g o s t o l o r rfrr n ' t l r c r ' \ \ ( . \ l \ \ : l r ( l \ l o ( x . ( uKl )i '\l o r r o r r1. . 5 k n r r r o r t ch : t s t o f - ( i r t o n o u ,

\ r ' r r . r l . l ( . r 1 ' 1 ' , ' r. t l ' l l

lltrtrr.rt,Lto hrrrr (rlrlr lt, I.rr l\f, rrr \lrl.rrr X,rl,,rrr. \,rrrrr iottr\l)r,nLl(.nrr.lrt.tsclrrtlrr (rr.rrrr.rrr
I r r r t ' i l ,. r r r ,l l) . r 1 r , , i l ' ,i rl r I \ \ . ' l\',' { / I \ i'rl,rf,\) tri\ ,,
\rr \rrrl'rrrt ll,,t,',' \,rr , | ,,,/ li)l , llrryr, r,, . l,,,it.l, 'tt.
I'

. ' t ri
 From Dirhonlian to -FrenchRulc
thus threateningcommunicationbctu-cen(i)tonou and Port<l-Novo,in 1879.
'lhis
concentrationof Frcnch intereston (,otonou rellectcd in part thc relative
weakncssof Dah<lmiancontrol thcre, but alsoits incrcasingcommcrcialimportance
ancltlre relatiycdccline of'Ouidah. Estimatesof the volume of'tradc at Ouiclahand
othcr ports to thc castmade bv Serval in l87B illustrrte thc divcrsionof tr':rdeirwal'
frorn thc olclerport.{ lrxports of palm oil from Ouidah were put at -500,(X)0 gallons
annualll',i.e. between 1,500and 1,600tons, only around tlvo-thirds of thc level of
the lll60s; though this wrs now supplementedby an irclditionaltradc in palm
kcrnels of 2,500 tons annuallr,.Of Dahome\"s two ports on the wcstern shore of'
Lakc Nokou6, Godomev rrccountedfix exports ol'l(X),0(X)gallons of oil antl 600
tons o{'kcrnelsand Abomcr-Calavi firr l-10,(XX) gallonstnd 6(X)tons. Total exports
liom l)ahomcv thus rmountcd to 740,(X)0gallons(2,3(X)tons) of oil antl i,7(X)tons
rufkernels,around a third <lf which was bvpassingOuiclah.In comparisun,Scrval
cstimated French purchasesfiom Porto-Novo at 670,000 gallons (around 2,000
tons) o1'oil :rnd 2,(XX)tons of kernels annualh..If it is irssumcdthat thc uhole of
Irrcnch trnde at l)orto-Novo and Abomcr-(,alavi (but not that o1'Godomcl) was
passing through C.otonou, the latter wrs handling a total of ttlO,(XX)glllons
(bctrvecn2,500 and 2,600 tons) of palnr oil and 2,600 tons of kerncls;its oil trade
was therefbrcaround two-thirds grcater than that of Ouidah, though its trade in
'I'his
kerncls rvasonlv marginallv higher. picture of thc relative importanccof thc
two ports is confirmcd bv figures gircn bv I)ahomian officials for the rcvcnue
receivedbv thc king liom import duties irt the time of'thc F'rcnchconqucstin thc
1 8 9 0 s ,e s t i m a t e c al t { 1 , 6 ( X ) a n n u a l l r f i r r ( , o t o n o u b u t o n l l ' d l , ( X X ) I , 2 ( X ) f t r r
C)uidah.i
'f
hc commercialdcclineof Ouidah was compoundeclbv the continuing prcssure
of'thc Dirhomian monarchl, in its quest [<lr rercnue to support its militlry and
cercnronialactivitics.Serl'al paints a picturc of cxcessive:rnd arbitrarl imPosillsns
by roval <lflicials,countelcd by svstemilticevasionfrom the local communitr'.The
tax-collcct<lrs'now surround somc houscs,and scize the crttle, provisions and
poultrl; now thev stop the gooclson thc streetsrrnd paths'. The inhabitantsof
Ouiclah, lvhen fbtching grxrdsfi'om thc F.uropcanfactrlrics,1.r<lstcd kxrk<lutson thc
roads to make sure that thcre werc no royal oflicials lbout. Anl'attcmpt ilt resis-
tancc or cxprcssionol-dissatisfacti<ln uirs treatcd as rcbcllion, incurring arrest and
con(iscationof prope'rtr or condcnrnation to militlr.l' scrvicc, and anr, man o1'
lverrlthu'as thc objcct of'clcnunciation,rlccusationsbcing contrircd in orclcr to
justif'l hcirvyfincs. Scrval also repctts thc complaintshcard sincc thc ltl60s, that
Glelc's rcgular militarl expcditions uerc undcrmining thc tradc in pirlm oil bv
diverting labour rcquired ftrr its production."
1'heseproblcms wcre presumirbly'cxacerbatccl bv thc dcclining profitabilitv of'
the prrlmproducc tracle.The UK pricc ol'palnr oil continueclits long tcrnr rlcclir.re,
from an avcralleof {39 pcr ton in thc ll'l(r0sto:rn irll-tinrelorr of'/-,19 in llilt7 l'l;
Fr<lm Dahomian to French Rule
that of kcrnels also fbll, from around {15 to {ll per ton;7 although it is unclear
how completely European traders were ablc to pass on this price fall to their
African suppliers,it seemscertain that the incomes o1'thc latter must have been
severelvreduced.The declineof thc proclucetrade was,horvever,bricfl1'off.setbv a
fin:rl rerival of the slave tradc :rt ouidah, which now took the f<lrm of the
recruitment of supposedlv free contract workers for thc cocoa plantations on thc
'lom6
island of Sio and latcr also fbr the Gcrman colonv of Kamerun (Cameroun)
and the 'congo Free state' o[ the Belgian king Leopold. This revived overseas
demand alsrl raised prices once again to levels comparableto those during the
hevdavof thc Atlantic trarde:apparenrh'$100per (male) slavein lflllg and $80 in
Iu9()-91.8Although trans-Atlantic shipmcnts to the Americas hacl ended in the
Iti60s,therefbre,thc slavetrade out of Ouidah did not come to a completeend until
the Frcnch conqucstin 1tJ92.
Juliiio de Sour,sand the Portuguese
protectorateI8B.l-7
The British blockacle,or more precisell, the actions taken by- thc l)ahomian
authorities in responscto it, also affected the political situation rvithin Ouidah,
incrcasingdisafl'ection:lmong the loc:rl mcrchant communitl-.At lcast one of the
Brazilian merchantsarrestcdafter the blockadclcft thc town s(x)nafter: Frrnciscu
Rodriguescla Silva, u'ho had removed to Porto-Not'o bv l8tl0." T'hc most impor-
tant consequcnccof thc blockadc,houcvcr, \\'is rhc cilimination of'thc leirding
indigcnousmerchlnt-official Kpadonou Ilou6nou. With his rcmoval, rhe influencc
of the Qu6num famill" in ouidah was broken. The f'amit1'propertv rvasplundered
by royal <lflicials,and severalmembcrs fled from the tolvn; onc of Kpadonou's sons
'lbvalou
in particular, Qu6num, moved to Port<l-Novo,where hc sct up as a
merchant anclin time becamcclosclyassociatedrvith thc French cokrnialauthori-
ties therc. Kpatktnou cilrcsnot appearto har,ebecn rcplaccdin his position as 'chief'
of traders' at Ouidah, which oflice thcrcfore etl'ectivcll lapscd. C)n his dcath in
lfi87, onc of'his brothcrs, callcd'fch6ou, succcededhim as head of the familv but
n<rt in his oflicial rank of ultisigan.'Ith6ou's power lvas ncgligible; according to
fhmilv tradition, 'hc could not ordcr an1'thing,undertakeanvthing, or exercisehis
iluthoritv in anv n,a\'. IJe rcsigncdor was clismisscdbr Glele after onlv one year in
oflice. Glclc at first non.rinatcdone of his brothers, Kpossv-Gbelv Azanmado
I Lrucn<lu,to succecrlhirn, but the l:rttcr cvadcd thc unwelcomcburden by fleeing
lionr ouirllh to (irirnrl-l)opo. An<lthcl brothcr, Atinzal:rHou6nou, was appointcd
to thc hcirrlshipo l ' t h c l l t n r i l t ,s h o r t l vb e f i r r e( i l c l c ' s d e a t hi n l l l l J g . r ( '
L t l l . ( . , , t r t r t r , r , t r u , l l , , , r r , , t r t (t ., l t , t t t r , , l l l . l l l ( l . r l r l c s 5 l , 5 l ( l ) .
'
I r t c r t t t r ' \ l . r r L t r r . l ) L | . r r , , s . r r r | ) , r l r , , r r r t . r ' l.l t ' l l , r t , t . l t l t . \ o r t r ' t r , 1 , ( , , , , t , r r l , h t r , l t lltrstillt, l+/l (11t90),ll0
ll.'.1. 1,'.,l,l)tlt,",t,t ll<tlllt, rr(tl \rrlr|.t.l.t(,u,,r,.ill.rr l l . l i l i l l r . f o r r r r t n . 2 5 ( ll i r r u l r r r c r r l l. r i s
. t s r r r r r r i l rl lr . t tt l r i l | . . t , ' l t l r , , , l ' r r , r r . 1 , , . , , 1, ' r r r l r , r r , n \ r I t t . i l r , t rl , r l r r r o l t l . s l t e r r . r . t l r t . . t . t o r r t li s
/l
i \ l ' l r ( r t l \ l , . r , ,. lr , r r r t l r (t l r n , r r r , r l r'lLrrl,\,lr.rur rrrr ll /l \ \ . . r l . , r , t l r , t t . , r s t , r r l r r . r . l il l l
lf r\rlrr,r,ir\l't 11.,,'. l, ll
li,rrrr,r t)Lf,lrlr r,, rr,,,,, I t. .,| llil ll
't,
'
 From Dahomian to French Rule
With the eclipse of the Qr6nums, effective power in Ouidah passed back to
other seniorofficialsof the town. Serval in 1878identified'the first three authori-
ties in the town' as the Yovogan, the Chodaton and the Chacha; the treaties with
Britain in May 1877 and with France in April llJ78 were 'signed' by the Yovogan
and the Chodaton, the second being also witnessed by the Chacha, Francisco
'Chico' Felix de Souza.rr The Yovogan
at this time (named in the former treaty,
though not in the latter) was S6kloka. Whether the Chodaton was still the man
appointed in the 1860s, whose personal name was Akod6, is uncertain; at some
point in the 1870sor 1880sthe title passed,on Akod6's death, to one of his sons,
calledOuidi.12The ChachaFranciscoChico died in 1880;his brotherJuliio Fetix
de Souzawas chosento succeedhim, taking office formally in 1883.'3UnderJuliio,
a more energetic person and more substantial merchant than his predecessor,the
de Souzasenioyed a last brief flourishing of influence in Ouidah, which however
once again brought down upon the family the disapproval of the Dahomian
monarchy and occasionedits definitive downfall.
The context that enabledJuliio de Souza to recover a predominant role in the
politics of Ouidah was the growth of European imperialism in the earlv 1880s.t4
This was, of course, a global process, which extended beyond the West African
coast; nevertheless,local factors played a significant role in motivating European
expansionin this region, with the catastrophicfall in African produce prices in the
1880s exacerbating conflict between European purchasers and African suppliers
and stimulating demands from the former for intervention to remove perceived
obstacles to commercial development.ls In the specific case of Dahomey, the
militaristic and autocratic character of the monarchy was increasinp1lyseen as
strangling commercial enterprise;as European hopes for the reform of the Dahom-
ian state,briefly raised under Gezo in the 1850s,faded, they gave way to demands
for its destruction.16The processof European expansion,however,in the Bight of
Benin as elsewhere,was complicated by intra-L,uropean rivalries, which African
states regularly sought to exploit in defence of their sovereignty.To the east of
Dahomey, the French protectorate over Porto-Novo was re-establishedin April
1883; British interest was effectively excluded from the area, as was formally
recognizedin a boundary agreementin 1889, whereby the British abandonedtheir
westernmostoutpost at K6tonou. To the west a French protectoratewas proclaimed
over Grand-Popo, Agou6 and Little Popo in July. Further west, the Germans
establishedtheir protectorateof'Togo' in 1884;ensuing boundary negotiationsleft
Agou6 under French rule and Little Popo in German hands. Although this
incipient European scramble for African territory left Dahomey - with the debat-
able exception of Cotonou - still intact, the geographical pattern of European
acquisitions implicitly assigned that kingdom to the [,'rench spherc, rcstricting
rr Serval,'Rapport', 190; terts oftrcatics in
PI','l'reatr,bctwccn Ilcr Maicstv ind the King of'l)ahonrev;
Aublet, la Guerrt,l0 12.
rr Revnicr,'Ouidah', 4ti.
lr Lc I lcrissi'.l,'.'lncin Ro1'ruur..l37, n. l; l"oi, lr l)uhtntl', .\6.
'' SceNenbttrr, lli'stLrn.\hitOrttst,l(lt' l-l; llrrgrt'rrts,
l'rcluJt,)t)1 101,t2-l t
r ' I f r r l r k i r r s l,. , r t r t r t r r r t/ ,/ r r t l r ()
t . I i.1
'
l l c i r l . ' \ \ , r r n , rrrr r \ t r ' ( r , r t \ 'i l I l . )
tfrIr
F'rom Dahomian to French Rule
British and German territory to the eastand west respectively.There was, however,
a fourth European power with an establishedinterest in Dahomey: Portugal, which
had maintained its occupation of its {brt in Ouidah since 1865. Portugueseinteresr
in ouidah was, moreover, reinforced at this point, as has been seen, by the project
of recruiting contract labourers,in effect a revival of the slavetrade, for Sio Tom6.
Some in Dahomey therefore thought to consolidate links with Portugal as a means
of fending off the French.
The de Souzaswere the traditional intermediaries in dealings with Portugal, as
expressed in the appointment of two earlier holders of the title of Chacha as
governors of the Portuguese fort in Ouidah, Isidoro de Souza in l85l and Fran-
cisco chico in 1865. For the de Souzas, indeed, given their recently fraught
relationship with the Dahomian monarchy, it seemslikely that their cultivation of
the Portuguese connection was conceived not only as a counterweight to French
influence but also as a quest for external recognition and support as a means of
securing protection against indigenous authority. Julino de Souza now made con-
tact with the Portugueseauthorities on Sio Tom6, whose €lovernorvisited ouidah
in August 1885, formally appointed Juliio in turn as commander of the portuguese
fort in ouidah and was taken by Juliio for an audiencewith Glele in Abomey. Two
treatieswere signed,on 5 August and l3 september 1885,placing Dahomey under
a Portuguese protectorate.lTOn this basis, the export of slavesto Sio Tom6 was
pursued,a total of 691 being suppliedberweenAugust 1885and November 1887."r
However,Juliio lost royal favour in May 1887, when he was summoned to Abomey
and dctained there; he died in prison shortly afterwards and was assumedto have
been murdered on the king's orders. In the face of the loss of its local ally, Portugal
officially abandoned its claimed protectorate over Dahomey at the end of 1887.
The usual explanation for Glele's volte-face is that he had belatedly realized that
the Portuguese treaty had compromised Dahomey's independence, the Chacha
Juliio having allegedly misrepresentedits terms. This is supported by his declara-
tion in a letter to the king of Portugal, 'I give my lands to no nation', although he
also indicated that he was angry at the Chacha's failure to pay for slavesdelivered,
claiming an outstandingdebt of 930,100.'e
The internal political dimension of the episode of the Portuguese prorecrorare
emerges incidentally in the contemporary records. As in the case of Kpadonou
Hou6nou earlier, the heir apparent Kondo played a prominent role in the judge-
ment and punishment of the Chacha, although this may have reflected Glele's
advancing age and incapacity as much as Kondo's hostility to ouidah or to Euro-
pcan influence.Within Ouidah itself, Julino was initially supported in his policy
not onlv by othcr nrcmbcrs of thc de Souza family but also by others within the
'l'hc
llrazilian conrnrunil\. flrst of'thc two protcctoratetreatieswas also signed by
' Stc cslr..lostplr
\ t l r i t r t l ) i i r o , ' 1 . < r o i ( i l c l c t t l t s t . t r r o p i c n s :I ' i . c h c c ( l u p r o t c c t o r a t p o r t u g a i s s u r l c
f)rttltorrt (lliti l1'. (.ahto' ,lu (.'t,tt,t lt llt,hil,ht, 'l'urncr, ,l_cs
llirrtrntt, ll (199+), 2(l) ll*; rls0
l f t t s t l t t t l t ' . l l l t l ) l l l r , r , t r i l i l l ( i l r l r ) r . [ rl ' r , r l u q r I s r ' , t ( ( { ) u r ] t . s r . r S . t r r r rltr.tr)rrl !ol t. l t l n o ! ) u h r t t t t t ; .
'
l ) 1 r r r r . r' l r , r r( r l r l r ' . . r , \
'lrn(.r,,1 (rlrlr
r . R r r l , , t l , , , r r u ! , . lrr1r l r r l rl \ \ , , ; r r , , r rrrl lr r r. l. l l l . ) l \ l . l r c . r r g t r r r r c r r l r i l ll ll r, tt Lr ,t , l t h r
1,,'7ttl..'Slr,.tlr'rlllrrl't,.r,lrl,rl\rrrr(,l,l,.rrr,ltlrr(lr,r,lr.rrr.rr,orrrrrrlrrr,rl.r,ttlrcrtlr.rrro,,lr
,lr,
 From Dahomian to French Rule
(,andido Joaquim Rodrigues,a son <lfJacinto Rodrigues,and the secondbv Antonio
'Agbakoun'); and a letter in
Ftlix de Souza (presumablyJuliio's brother, surnamed
support of'the Portugueseprotect(,rrtc,written in responscto French protests,in
September1885rvasco-signedby, among othcrs RodriguesanclAntonio de Souza,
and also by Lino Felix de Souza (another brother of'the Chacha) and Germano
Juliio dc Souza Quliio's eldestson).2"Howeveq Candido Rodriguessubsequentlv
shiftcd his ground and playeda critical role in Juliio's downlall. According to the
testimony of a royal prince, one of' Glele's sons, recorded 24 years later, it was
Candido who denouncedJuliio for having allegcdly misled the king about thc
contents of the treaty, and Juliio's son Germano, in a letter writtcn scvcn ycars latcr,
concurs in blaming him for his f-ather'sdeath.2rJuliio's policl'uas also opposed
throughout by' the Yovogan(presumrbly this was still S6kloka), rvho warned Glele
that the Chrrcha was selling the country to the Portup;uese.r2 It mav be that thc
Yovogan,as a party to the trcatv of lttTtt ceding Cotonou to the French, was cham-
pir.rningthc Frcnch connection.
Thc consequencesof the Chacha'sfall for the de Souza family wcre catastrophic;
its property was seized and several other prominent members of the family
summoned to Abomel where somc of'them were also liquidated. His brother
Antonio Agbakoun was officially cleared and released,but died two days after his
return to Ouidah, provoking allegations that he had been p<lis<lnedby the king's
agents.2rThe office of Chachanow passedto another of the de Souzabrothers, Lino
Fclix dc Souza,but he held office for onlv one )'ear,dying in lti88.r1Familv tradi-
'black magic',
tion is divided over whether Lino died naturally or was killctl by
allegedlybv rivals within the de Souzafamily rather than by' the king. Thereafter,the
position of Chachalapsed,no successorbeing appointed until Norberto Franciscode
Souza, a son of Francisco Chicq electcd by the family under F'rench rule in l9l7;
this interregnum is also explained in tradition as due to dissensionswithin thc
family.2sIndividual membersof the de S<-ruza family remained prominent in Ouidah,
but the collectivcpower of the family was broken.The leadingrol€ among the advisers
to Glele's successorBehanzinnow passedto their cnemy Candido Rodrigues.
The Frent'ht'hallenge
The episodeol-the abortivePortugueseprotectorateovcr Dirhomev \r'assignificant
for the future of the country in trvo related wavs. First, thc Portup;uesethreat
provokedthe French into a more vigiorousassertionof the rights they claimed in
r " ' l ' u r n e r , ' L c s B r 6 s i l i e n s '2, 4 7 , 2 + 9 5 0 . I a s s u m ct h a t t h c ' f o a q u i n rR o c l r i g u c s ' * h os i g n e dt h c f l r s t t r e a t r
'lirrncr)
rvas,in fict, ()ntlido, rathcr than (ascltrs a difll'rent pcrson,brothcr t(, (.iln(li(lo.
i r I - e H c r i s s €L, ' T n t i e n R o y u u m t , . 3 3 ( > 7 ; A Nl ll.ll,+ / 6 , l c t t c r o l ' ( i c r m a n o J u l i r i o r S l eo u z l t o , \ ( h l r i n i s t n l o r
n d. [1394?].
r r ' l u r n c r ,' L e s l l r i s i l i c n s ' ,2 5 2 , 2 5 7 .
I l i r i i . l , r l ) t h o n r 1 , ,{ - l ; t l c S o u z a l,t l r u r l l L , / r . \ ' , r z : , r , 5 (Lr
r 1 f ) e S u u z r ,l t l i l u r l l L , I ^ \ r t u : . r , 1 0 .l 7 l .
r' S o t t u r c o n t p o u t t r l . l . r r s c l ' r , rl r r ' , l l t t , l t t r ' , l t
IfitlrlrrorL. l)c
c r r n t n o t t t t r l .r l ) ( ( ll){}l
)lrs
S , , t t z . t ,l l l)tt .flll)1.I rrr,rlrlrr
From Dahomian to French Rule
the arca; the Frcnch flag was finally oflicially raised at Cotonou <ln 14 September
IU85.'fhe collapseof thc Portugucseprotectoratein l8fJ7,on the other hand, lcft
the field clear fbr the imposition of F'rench influence. Within lcss th:rn three years,
Dahomel and F'rancc were at war over their disputed clain'rsto possessionof
Cotonou.l('
The issuewas ultimatelv irresolvableby diplomacl since thcre was no realistic
prospect of f)ahomev giving up sovercignty ovcr Cotonou. Not only was any'such
territorial concessionincompatiblewith the ideology of the Dahomian monarchy;
Glcle told thc F-rench,as he had carlier told the Portuguese,tbsolutell'no onc, not
even thc king of Dahomey,ever p;iveshis possessions to any other nation.'2iAt the
same time, the growing commercial importance of Cotonou and the dccline of
Ouidah, noted carlier, meant that in anv case the Dahomian monarchy simply
could not afford to relinquish the revenues it received from taxing the trade at
Cotonou.2sAt the beginning of 18U9,thc French proposedto establisha customs
post at (,otonou, as they assumedthev werc entitled to do by thc treatiesof 1868
and 1878;but Glele in responsesent a messageof protest, insisting that he would
not give up Cotonou and repudiating these treaties as signed without his authority.
In an attempt to resolve the dispute, in November 1889 a scnior Frcnch official,
Jcan Bayol, undertook a mission to Abomey; seekingto ncgotiateconfirmation of
the cessionof Cotonou, but the heir apparent Kondo, speaking<ln his father's
behalf, rejcctecl thc French dcmands. On his return to the coast, Bavol then pro-
voked war by arrestingthe Dahomian <lfficialsat Cotonou, on 22 Februarl' 1890.
Thc Dahomian responseto Flench pressure intersccted lvith a struggle lilr thc
successionto the throne. Although Kondo had been designatcdheir apparentsince
1876, his claim was disputed by one of his brothcrs, SasseKoka; whilc Kondo
identifled himself with resistanccto the French demands,his opponentssupported
compromisc with them.Z')As in the earlier rivalry between Kondo and Ahanhanzo,
Ouidah was identified with the opposition to Kondo. Towards thc end of 1888 a
Dahomian embassy was sent to the British authorities at Lagos in an abortive
attempt to securcBritish support againstthe threat fr<lmthe Frcnch. Thc mission
explained that Kondo was engagedin a successionstruggle with anothcr prince
(referring presumabll'to SasseKoka), whose porverbasewas in Ouidah and wh<l
was plar,'inglilr French support. Kondo proposed in responscto closc the roads to
Ouidah and open an alternativetrade route to Krltonou, thcn still under British
occupation.lr)
r" l'irr thc trrigins
rtrtl cttursc ot thc lircnch I)ahomcr wars of'IU90 94, scc csp. f,uc Grrrcia, Zr Ro1,aunr tlu
l)uhonrlfurttilt1t,:n,:trrtirtrr tolunitlt(1,\7.; l8()1)(l)aris, l9llll);lJonifrrccObichcrc, Ilt'st,.llricunsluttsuntl
litrntptrrr l.\ldil\t,'t (\or IIarcrr, it)71), chs 3 {' \clvburr, lli'sttrn .llti.t Ooust, lZi 32; John l). Har-
g r t r r t s , l l i r t l l t t , , r l \ r t t t r o n r l , i i ( l . o n t l o r r ,l ( ) l l 5 ) ,c l r . l 0 .
'
L e l l ( r o l ( r l t l c t , r I ' t t s t t l c n l o l l r . r r r t t . l l \ l . r r l l i l { ( ) ,( l r o r e ( l i n l , t r c ( i r r c i r . ' . . \ r c h i r e s c t r r r d i t i o n o r a l c : a
r l ' r r r r t( u ( l u ( r ( \ r r l . t l r o l r l r r l r r ,t l r r r , , r . r r r r r rrcl t l ) . r r r l r r r r r r 'i rl . r l i r r r l r r l ( l t . s i i c l e ' , O l . . l , ( r l 2 ( 1 9 1 - 6 \ ,
1r;r;tr,.r
'
\ r r r l ' r rrr. l l , ' 1 ,, r r \ / . r l , , , t , t | . ' t ,
'\rr 'r")l
f l . n . l t t . , , , ' l t h , 1 , , , 1 ' , t , t' , 1 l l . r r . r l , . u n . u t i l l (t \l r . r tt l t r l o r ( l l t l u l r ( \ t \ \ l t ( \ \ \ ( . r ( .
rlt \ottu,t
' , , , , , 1 r , r1. \ l, ll," ,', r r, r .1 ,r. . r'
l"s'
 From Dahomian to French Rule
From Dahomian to French Rule
When relations with the French deteriorated in the following year, this led to Nugbodohwe, recalled in local tradition as the last person to hold this position; this
attacks on the elements in Ouidah who were identified with a policy of friendship man had been diviner-adviser to Glele and is credited with having persuaded the
with them. In his messageof March 1889 rcpudiating the cession of Cotonou, latter to chnose Kondo as his heir.r8Whether the incumbent Yovogan Jagba was
Glele declared that he had executed the Yovogan and other officials who had removed (despite his own support for Behanzin's succession)or happened oppor-
signed the treaties of cession.rrThe Yovoganconcerned was evidently S6kloka; the tunely to die at this point is not clear. Glele also restored the title of Chodaton t<r
other officials executed on this occasion presumably included the Chodaton the family of its original holder, Akod6, appointing another of the latrer's sons,
(probably Ouidi), who had also signed the 1878 treaty. The office of Yovogan was
called Ztnzindohou6, to the position of 'caboceer'at Ouidah, seemingly succeeding
now conferred by Glele on Aguessi Dagba, who was a son of the earlier Yovogan to his father's post as deputy to the Yovogan.3e
Dagba. This man, however, seems to have held office only briefly, since he was
succeededby another incumbent, calledJagba,who is said t<l have been in office at
the time of Glele's death at the end of l889.rz In the caseof the title of Chodaton,
local tradition recalls that after Ouidi's death (execution is not explicitly men-
Thewar of 1890
tioned) Glele refused to appoint another son of the first holder Akod6 to the post,
The arrest of Dahomian officials in Cotonou by the French was regarded by
but conferred it instead on a stranger to the family.33The dismissal or resignation
Behanzin as ca.sus helli,and on 4 March 1890 a Dahomian force attacked Cotonou
of Tch6ou as head of the Qu6num family, which also occurred around this time,
but was beaten off. The French then went on to the offensive and pushed forces
may also have been connected.These troubles evidently provoked a further exodus
'most inland from Porto-Novo, which defeated thc Dahomians at the battle of
of disaffected elements from Ouidah: a contemporary report noted that
Atchoukpa, 20 April 1890. However, negotiations between France and [)ahomey
Dahomians, if they can escape from the kingdom with the certainty of never
were then reopened. Initially, the French dcmanded not only confirmation of the
returning, are rushing to disappear', citing 'the desolateaspect of Whydah, which
cession of Cotonou but also to be allowed to establishmilitary occupation of the
was once a large and well populated town, now in ruins and deserted', as evidence
French fort at Ouidah, but the latter was rejected by Behanzin. The agreement
of local hostility to the monarchy.ra
ultimately reachedon 3 October 1890acceptedonly French occupation of Cotonou
Glele died in December 1889,shortly after the departure of Bayol from Abomerv,
in return, as originally agreed in 1863, for an annual payment of 20,000 francs
and was succeeded by Kondo, who now took the name Elehanzin. Behanzin's
($4,000),which the F'rench regarded as compensationfor the surrender of territory
successionwas, however, challenged by the partisans of his brother SasseKoka.
but the Dahomians probably interpreted as tribute in acknowledgement of
Ouidah was evidently divided in its allegiancein this dispute. Tradition recalls that
continuing Dahomian sovereignty.
the Yovogan (i.e. Jagba) supported Behanzin.rs However, a significant faction
It is doubtful whether there was much enthusiasm in Ouidah for the war. The
within the Ouidah merchant community backed his rival. According to a report by
Yovogan Nugbodohwe is said to have advised Behanzin against fighting thc
the interpreter to the Bayol mission, the faction opposcd to his acccssionincluded
'a creole called Nicolas', French, on the grounds that 'it was the whites who made the guns'.+0Ouidah's role
two powerful figures within Ouidah, the Chodaton and
in the campaign of 1890 was limited. On 24 F'ebruary,in retaliation for the arrest of
both of whom, along with the other leading dissidents,were imprisoned and their
Dahomian officials in Cotonou, the F'rench residents in Ouidah, including the
property confiscated.36 The latter is to be identified with the head of the d'Oliveira
missionary Dorgdre as ll'ell as several tradcrs, wcrc summoned to the Yovogan's
family of Ganvd quarter, who at this time was Gregori Nicolas d'Oliveira; l<lcal
residence and arrested, the messageof summons being delivered by Candido
tradition in Ouidah confirms that he was imprisoned and his propertl' confiscated
Rodrigues; they were later taken to Abomey under the charge of the deputy
by Behanzin, but explains this as a responseto internal disputes within the family.r;
Yovogan Zinzindohoud.ar The Dahomian force that attacked Cotonou in March
The consolidation of Behanzin'spower was accordingly followed b1'a reassertionof'
1890 was commanded by the Caho, the head of the garrison of Ouidah;a2but
royal authority in Ouidah. On his accession,he appointeclpartisans of his own to
the administration there. He conferred the office of Yovogan on a man callcd '"
Ibid., ,51; Agbo, l/nlairr, 57, 209; scc l\'lclville J. ljcrskovits & Frances S. Herskovits, Dahomean Narratixe
( l ' . v a n s l o n , l 9 - 5 l t ) , . 1 7 5( r . l l i n , l J l r ' , ' r o l t h t L r o p u n l , 2 5 6 , h o n e v e r , s a v s t h a t N u g b o d u h w e o p p o s e d K o n d o ' s
r|I'ext in Cornevin,Histoire,3lT-18; cf. Ilay, llires o/'tht Leopurul,287.
r2 Agbo,Histoire,5T;Dagba, La Oollectixiti.[aniliale,49,6tl.'l'hclattcr omits-frgba,rnd claimsthat Aguessi r c c e s s i o r r ;b u t , i l s o , i t i s r l i l l i c r r l t t o r r n t l c r s l r n t l l h l h c s h o u k l h a v e b e c n g i v c n p r e f e r m c n t b y h i m .
r" (ilalr, LLI)trr,,tttt,
l J i , s r r s t h r l Z i t t u i t t t l o h o t t c r r r s r p p o i r r t c t l h Ir l c h a n z i n r s l i x o g a n ; s e e a l s o G a r c i a ,
Dagba wasstill aliveat the time of GIele's dcath.
I R e y n i e r , ' O u i d a h4' ,8 . lt ll,t1'tunt,,lu l)th,,nt, l'll lltrr rr tlr( t(\t ()l llrc lr(rt\ ol .l ()ct. lll()0, signctl bv Zinzindohou6, he is

r + B e r t i n , ' R e n s e i g n e m c n t3s9' ,1 . } . r l c s r r i l r e r tl r c t t l t . t s ' t , t l r o r t c t ' . l n ( l r l r \ t r r , r r l t, l r ' , r r t l r . r t t h t ' o l l l c t o l \ i r r o c l r n s t r s t h c n v a c a n t :t c r t i n

r5 Bay ll/i"^csrtJthe Leopurd,2tlt). \ r r l r l c t/ . , r( i r t , r r ' l l i l l

r r ' ( , . W N e r v b u r \ , ' An o t eo n t h c . \ b o n r r rI t r o l c c t o r l t c ' l. / r i , a ( l , o r r t l o r r ) (. )( l r ) i ( l ) ,I l f i . r r l . l l r r t ,/ l r r , ' , , / " f lcrsfrrrrts& l l r r : 1 , ' r r t r l.) t L , ' n , , l t \ . r r , , r t r . , i i t ,

'
\ r r l ' l c t .l , t ( , u , ' , , . i i ( , r r r l ,l l r l , ' l t ' 1 , , ' , ,r' , i l \ \ r r . r l r . t l r r , r r , , , r r nltr r . r r r o l l r t or l t l r t . l r o s t r r s t Ls .
tht Lumnl.288 t). ( l r . r r r , l , ' r r rl tr 'r,.t , , t t , , t l,, . t l , t t t t , t , , l t ' L , ' , , , i l ' r ' r . . l S , t l l
' i I l c r t r i t r , ' () t t i r l r r h5' ,( )
| ( r . r \ l ' \ ' \ r r t , l r r , . t , r r r r rtr,r . , , l , l l , r ' . . , / l , ' ' . , , A ' , , t1r t , r r ,t t t

-'lll t,l
 From Dahomian to French Rule
thcreafter the Ouidah forces seem to havc stayedon the defensiveand to have been
uninvolved in the subsequentfightinpl. In fact, the F'rench did not seck to attack
Ouidah bv land, but on 29-30 April 1890 Ouidah was bombarded by French
warships;{lthe episode was, memorably, witnessedby the British writer Joseph
Conrad, then on his wat'by ship to take up employmcnt in the Congo Free State,
who in his famous anti-imperialist novel Heart o/'Darfze.s.s
bombardmentbv the French ships ol'a supposcdenemv on land whom thcy could
not sec, 'firing into a continent'.aaThc bombirrdment was, however, more
effcctivch' targcted thln Conrad supposcd.According to local tradition, it killcd
120pcoplein thc town.+s
Ouidah played a more promincnt role in thc subsequcntneeiotiationsbctween
the l)ahomian and Frcnch authoritics. In an initial movc of conciliation, the
F'rench hostageswere returned to Ouidah and relcasedon 8 N{:l'. 1'he Yovogan
Nugbodohwe scems to have been madc a scapegoatfor the arrest of the hostages
and was relievedof his post. At any rate, it rvasthe Kuzugan of Ouidah whcl now
sent to initiate negotiationswith the French, thc post of Yovoganbeing prcsumabll'
vacant,ancl,in thc folkrwing year, the 'formcr Yovogan',referring prcsumabh'to
Nugbotlohu'e, \r,as rcp()rted to have been crecutccl for mistreating thc lrrench
hostages.tn The missionaryDorgdrc, <lneof'thc hostagesearlicr takenfiom Ouidah
and now libcrated,emerg;ed as a mutuallv acceptablcintermediary;and undertooka
mission to Abomcy to ncgotiatewith Behanzin in August 1890; he was accom-
panied b1-thc headsof the Dahomian administrationin Ouidah, the Kuzugan ancl
Zinzindohouc. The asreementof Octobcr 1,990was nradeat Ouidah irnd'signed'
lor Dahomey b1,the Kuzugan ('acting as Vrrrrglan'),thc 'caboceer'Zinzindohou6
and Ainadu as 'trcasurerof the agore', and uitnessedby Candido Rodriguesand
anothcrBrazilian.Alexandreda Silva.+7
fhcre werc continuedtensions,howevcr,bctwecnthe l)ahomirrnmonrrchv and
'I'he 'lirvalou (luCnum
thc to$'n of Ouidah. exilcd
provisionsfur the l"rcnch fbrcesantl was re;rortcdlr on the Frcnch side at thc battle
of'Atchoukpa; the Dahomian authoriticsrcspondedby declaringhim a traitrlr and
placing a pricc on his hcad.+'After the F.uropcanhostagies
1890,thc l)ahomians cirrricclout massarrcstsol'nrcmbcrsof Ouiclahfamiliesr.r,ho
had connectionswith the French, incluclingin pirrticularrclativesof tl.rcrcncgade
'lbvalou
Qu6num. T'hc story is told b1 krcirlhistorian(,asimir Agbo, lvho as a child
was among thosetakcn,togetherwith his nrolhcr and grlndmothcr, the latter being
a sister of Trlvalou Qrenum; accorclingto hinr, orcr l,(XX)personswere tirken as
hostagesfrom Ouidah, manl of rvhom clicrlirr crll)ti\il,\',fhc survivorsbcing liber-
a t c d o n l _ r ' b yt h c l i r e n c h c o n q u e s o
t f ' l ) l h o l r r c r i l r l l { ( , 1 2 .{+n"o t h c r o t ' t h < l s a
on this occasion,and who died in prisorr, u:rs ,'\tinzirlrr[{<lucn<lu,hcad <lf thc
{r Auhlct. In Cutrrc.51.
fi
J o s e p h ( n n r x l , I l L t r t t l l ) r r l w s s ( l ) c n * u i r r e r l rl tl ,, r r r r r , ' r r , l ' r , , r r ll rr t. s i ) . { 0 ' l l .
" {gbrr, llt.ttoirL, t-3.
" \rrblct.lt Orrtru.5(, )i. IIi ll
r ' ' l i r t r b i d . . 7 - 15 .
' ' l { t r t t i e r . ' ( ) r r r r l , rllrri'
" \,,lro//,,t,,,,,, l r
From l)ahomian to F'rench Rulc
Q6num famih; whr thus paid thc price f<rrhis ncphew's treason.5(, In the con-
tinuing l)ahomian negotiationswith thc lirench aftcr 1890 also. local oflicials in
Ouiclah continucd to sufli'r as scllpcgoatsfor the shifts in Behanzin's policics.
Around April lii9 l, filr example, Ilchirnzin rv:rsreportccl r<l h:rve.changed thc
(,ussugan',filr reasonsunspecificcl;sr and later in the samc vear,as has bein seen,
describeswith irony the thc formcr YrrvoganNugbodohrve \1.4scxecuted. 'llhe post of'y<lvogan seemingh;
rcmainedvacantduring lll92, negotiationsrvith the Frcnch in thar r.eurb"i.tg agiin
conductcdbv thc Kuzulfan, no\r,aman cirllcdGucdou.,:
'I'he
lossof (i)tonou, acknowlcdgeclin the treatv of C)ctobcrlll90, cnhanceclthe
importance f<lr lJehanzinof'continued possessiono1'Ouiclah,which was nglr. his
onlv outlet to rhe sca.FIe clcpcndedon it fbr suppliesof guns, nccded to cquip his
arml filr what rvasseenas thc inevitablesecondrounclof fighting u'ith thc French,
the guns werc obtained lrom German firnrs in erchangefirr slavles, s11ldunder the
guiseof voluntarvcontract labourers.In this last flourishingof'the slar.ctrade from
Ouidah betrvcenltilJg-llJ9l a total of five shipmcnts,tor;lling 1,36-5slaves,rverc
rccorded.'il
The Frenchoccupation,1892
Thc peaceof 1890u'as probabll never considercclby eithcr side irs anr,thingmt>re
than a trucc, anclfighting againbroke out in March 1892.A French c*-peditiirn11,rs
again mountcd from P<lrt<t-Nuro,c<lnrmandcdb-r Gcncral Alfrcd i)oclcls, rrncl
f<lughtits r,varinland to thc capitalAbomel, lvhich n,rrsoccupie{ 9n l7 N6vcnrbcr
1892''fhe powcr of IJahomevwas thus finalll'brokcn, although Beh:rnzinhimsclf
remained lt largc ftrr stlmc time, surrendering to thc French onlr 9n 2-5
Janulry
I 894.
rt Porto-Novo hacl suppliecl ouidah s'as:rgrrinn.r:rrginalto the clmpaign of lli92, although on 9 Augusr thc
town was once mol'c bomh:rrclcdbr. F-rcnchwarships.srIn fact, aftcr the dcfeat 6f'
Behanzin ouidah rvas pcuccfull-vncgoti,rtcdinto Frcnch rule. on llJ November
were liberatedin May (icncral l)odds at Abomev issueda proclamationto 'thc
chiefs ancl inhabitants9f
l)ahomcr", gurrrrrnteeingsccurit,vof their persons and propert-r'to those u.ho
itcccptcclFrcnch 'protcction', and pr<lmising that chiefb who maclc their sub-
nrission rvrlulclbc continucd in thcir positions but thosc who rcfused would be
llunishccl.i5,'\monglhosc u'ho acccptcd this offbr lverc the local authorities in
()trichh; rvhcn l)otltls rcttu'ncclto Porto-Novo on
30 Novcmbcr, he rcccivetl ir
l)lcssilscfiorrr ()uitlalr dccl:tlirrg'tlrctoln's acccl)t:tnccof'Iircnch so.r'crcigntt.
c rrcstcd an{
u i l l i n g r r e s sl o r t . t t ' i r t . r rl i r t ' r r r . hg : r r r i s o r r . tl t, , i s n o t c l c l r rr v h <sl e n t t h i s m " r r a r { c :i t
 From Dahomian to French Rule
was certainly not the legal Dahomian authorities, the Kuzugan Guedou and
Zinzindohou6, who were still with the king in the interior; the former, as has been
seen, negotiated with the French on Behanzin's behalf in November 1892, while
the latter was captured by the F'rench only in the following year.siPossiblyit was a
senior member of the de Souza family who took the initiative.s8On 2 December
1892, French troops arrived by sea to occupy C)uidah.seC)n the following day
Dodds at Porto-Novo issued a decree deposing Behanzin and placing Dahomey
under a French protectorate,and at the same time annexing Ouidah, together with
the other towns of the coastal area of Dahomey - Savi, Avl6k6t6, Godomey and
Abomey-Calavi - to France.6('The first French civilian administrator, Alexandre
d'Alb6ca, arrived in Ouidah on I January 1893, formally inaugurating the colonial
period in its history.6r
The attitudes of the people of Ouidah towards their passagefrom Dahomian to
French rule were doubtlessambivalent. Many of the male inhabitants fled into the
surrounding bush on the arrival of the French troops, who found the town
occupiedmainly by women and children, but within a couple of months, as fearsof
French reprisals receded, they had mostly returned.r'2For many of those who had
recently suffered in clasheswith the Dahomian monarchy, such as the Qu6num
family, thc overthrow of Dahomian rule was clearly welcome. The exiled (and
recently outlawed) fbvalou Qu6num was now able to return from Porto-Novo to
Ouidah and to assumethe headship of the family, to which he was formally elected
in 1894.6rAmong those still resident in Ouidah, there were also some active collab-
orators with the French, notably the das Chagas family, close allies of the French
Catholic mission, the younger generation of which now served as interpreters and
scouts to the F'rench army; Iancio das Chagas, in particular, the eldest son of
Angelo Custodio das Chagas,served as spokesmanfor the French in negotiations
with Behanzin in 1892-3.('4However, many other leading members of the Ouidah
merchant community had rallied to the Dahomian monarchy. A member of the
Dossou-Yovo familv. Henry Dossou-Yovo served during 1890 as adviser to
Behanzin and was his emissary on missions to the British at Lagos; he remained
loyal to him even in defeat, being charged with a final abortive peace mission to
France on the king's behalf in 1893.6sAmong the Brazilians, Candido Rodrigues
served throughout as Behanzin'ssecretary,interpreter and adviser;he too remained
5? Garcia, Le Ro.yuumedu Duhoni,23l.
tt Agbq Ilktoirt,145, 'the
records that the French troops who occupicd Ouidah wcre welcomcd b1' Chacha
Lino', who was received in the Irrench fort and exchangcd toasts with thcir commandcr. But the (lhacha
[,ino ltlix de Souza had died in l8l']tl and his cldest son, frelix I-ino, was at that timc still with the king in
thc interior.
5' Aublet, In Cuete,329; Agbo, I{istoire,144.
"fr Tcxt in Aublct, Za Cuerre,332.
"r Agbo, Ilitoire,l15 6.
"r {uhfct. I.t Outrrt,.l.ll..lll
''' (lu6num, /r'r ./lrr;trrs, l'15,90.
(irrtir. l,tl?o1,ttnt,lul)rhuuL,5"l,2.ltr,2'll;.'\rrblct,/.aOuLtrL,.\)ll
" r ' l L r r n c l ' l . r s I l r i s i l i c n s ' , . 1 2 12 ;
" ' f . t f l c r i s s i , l . ' l u , u r t l ? , , y , r t t u , ,i i r ) - l ( 1 , i . l t l l . t z o t t t t t t . 1 . , l \ , t , , / , ' , r r r 1 ,. i . i , l l . t r g r t . n t s , l l r ' , t l l r t , ' t
I ' r t r t r t r r t n , li .r . l t , r t r . L i . L .
t-
From Dahomian to French Rule
with Behanzin even after the fall of Abomey, when the king maintained his court at
Atcherigb6to the nor-thduring l893.66Juliode Medeiroslin his capacityas agenr
of the German firm of Goedelt) arrangqed the supply of munitions for the Dahomian
war-effort during 1890*91, although he does not seem to have taken any active role
in the war of 1892.67Five other Brazilians were included alons with Rodrieues
among personsin ouidah whom thc F'renchidentified ., ,uppnit"rs of Behaizin
and whose property was in consequencedeclared confiscaied in
January 1g93,
including Alexandre da silva and three members of the de souza famill; Geo.ges
(son of Antonio Kocou), Ftlix I-ino (son of the late chacha Lino) and cvrille
(another grandson of the first chacha).68Da silva, after serving as interpreter in
the Franco-Dahomian negotiations in 1890, had remained in Behanzin's sirvice as
his secretarl'.6eGeorges de Souza had also assisteclRodrigues in approaches to
German trading firms, ro supply munitions to Dahomey;7' i,hile cyritie and F6lix
Lino de Souzamanagedthe Dahomian artillery during t-hecampaign of lg92.il
There is room for debate, of course, as to whether (or ho* far) those who
continued to serve Behanzin were motivated by loyalty to Dahomey or simply by
fear of the reprisals that might otherwise be expected irom the Dahomian
*ou"..,-
ment' as illustrated by the fate of the ChachaJuliio de Souza earlier.T2The attitude
of some of them was clearly at best unenthusiastic.Tradition among descendantsof
candido Rodrigues, for example, maintains that, far from being committecl to
resistance,he had advised Behanzin against fighting the French] prcclicting the
probability of defeat.73Alexandre da silva and Cyrille and Felix Lino de slur",
when they surrenderedto the French in 1893,claimed that'they had followed the
king under duress'.7+ Behanzin, as has been seen, had harboured doubts of the
loyalty of the ouidah community, causing him to take hostagesfrom the town in
1890,and this suspicionevidently continued to the end. Duiine lg9l. there were
rumours that he had accuscdRodriguesand Georgesand Fclix Lino de Souza of
giving him 'bad advice' and they were said to be in fear for their lives.i5Accordine
to tradition, in the final crisis of defeat in 1893 he denounced the Braziliai
community more gene_rally,disdaining to employ as his emissaries any of ,the
mulattoesand indeed all the "men in jackets",descendantsof blackswho returned
from the land of the whites', becauseof their supposecllyclivided loyalties; for his
final mission to France he chose instead the purely African (although culturally
IJrazrlianized)Henry Dossou-Yovo.76He also continued to take repiisals againsi
"" (iarcia' la' Roynvryr' lu lhhonl,239, rcfers to a lcttcr writtcn fiom Ouidah to Rodrigues at Atchcrigb6, 2-3
\l.rreh I lir'.i.
'l.cs
"' I Lrrner, l l r c s i l i c r r s ' ,. i ( ) . 1i .
" " I b i t l . . . i l l J l ( , r . . 1 2 56
" " ( i r r l i r , l t l l t t l , , t r r r r r, /t u l ) r h r t t u t . ) 1 1
'l
" t t r t t tr , ' l , c s l l r t . r r l rr tr s ' ,i ( l l . i i i
( i . t r t r . r/.. , l t , , 1 , t r t t, rl tr ,l ) , t h , ' u , .I l l l s .
\ s s r u ' l l l s l r ,l l, r I r l r r ,r , | , ' l l r r . , r l rr rr , . i l ) r t r
l l ' r r l. i l l r ,
'
I r . r r rr . r . L 1 " . , 1 . , 1 , ' , , .t t t I t . : t t . , , , ,
,,
\ r r l r l r r/ t ( t " , ' ' lll{sl,,r, r,rr,r'rj,',r,.,,'{.'r.,r,r,'rrrr.rr,rr.rrrrrrr.rrtr,r,rrrrrrrl,r'l
l f r r , , r r r r ,L, l', t. t.
|
 From I)ahomian to French Rule From l)ahomian to French Rule

elcmcnrsin Ouiclah.At the encl of 1893, when he carricd out funeral cercmonies pr<lvokinga protracted legal battle fiom 1903onrvards.'I'he control of family heads
fbr his fhther Glcle, those of-fbred as human sacrifices wcre reportcd to have over lineagelands was also undermined. In a dispute betweenthc de Souzal'amilv
'numerousinhabitantsof Wh-rdah'.?7 One of those killed on this occasion and some of its ftlrmer slavesin 1902, the French authclritiesintervenecl, first tt
included
was apparentlv Gcorges de Souza, who is recalled b1' famill tradition to havc been encouragethe ex-slavesto demand wapqes in return for their work and then, when
by the king. F-amilymemory blames his erecution on Candido Rotlrigues, the family in responseattemptcd to evict them from land which they occupied, to
""...,i..1
rvho is said t<-rhirve falsell' denounced him to thc king fbr allegedli' plotting a €irantthem legal title to it. Disputesbetweenfamill' headslnd other ieadingfamilv
coup;t* this pcrhaps alludesto plots to dcposeTlchanzinin favtlur of his brother members also led ro rhe partition of the euenum famill, lands in l9l0 and rhe
Goutchili. r,olh,, *u, evcntually'enthroned (under thc namc Agoli-Agbo) by thc Adjovi lands in 1928.t12
li'rcnch in January lti94. More critical, however,was thc economic and political marginalizationof Ouidah
What doesnot secm in doubt is that there was little fceling in Ouidah of regret during the colonial period.srMost obvious was the town,i commercial decline
at the downlall of Dahomel'; from a local perspective,the French conqucst relative to Cotonou to the east,a processthat had alreadybcgun during the second
represcnted,not the loss of indcpendencc,but thc substituticlnof onc fbrcign half of the nineteenth century rnd which was incleed a principal reason for the
coionialrepiimefor anothcr.Te Given the reccnt history of'conflict betweenOuidah French establishmenrat Cotonou; although, conversely,the early establishment9f
and the l)ahomian mclnarchl; moreovcr, there was a disposition ttl believe or hope French colonial administration there also served to attract E,uropeantrade awav
that French rule might prove morc benevolent.Immcdiately after the conquest' thc fiom Ouidah and other rival ports, a tendency that was alreaclyevidint by the enclof
that 'Behanzin's the 1880s.84 The process was substantially acceleratedfrom the lg90s. The kev
Iirench issuedassurancesto his former subjccts in the ctlastalarcas
clespoticregimc is <lver,thcl can cultivate,harvestand sell their produce s'ithout dcvelopmcnt was the construction of deep-water port facilities at Cotonou, begin-
their profits being mostly taken away,as before';E()and current tradition in Ouidah ning with a wharl, which permitted cargoesto be landed without needing to be
g.n".ully a[irces that conditions were better under the French than under carried through the dangeroussurf and which becameoperationalin lU93.li This
il.hu*"y; espccially as regards the freedom to make (and more particularly; keep) was compounded by the construction of thc railwav from Cotonou to the interior
money. in..t rvasclearly a wiclespreadfeeling of relief in Ouidah at the ending of from 1900,which facilitatedthe deliveryof produce to rhe porr. Although a branch
Dahomian rule. I-ocal tradition later claimcd that Behanzin, on his accessionin railway'linc to Ouidah itself was built in 1903,this had the effect of furiher divert-
18t39,intcncled to send an arm) to destrov Ouidah and was divcrted onlv b1' the ing trade to Cotonou, since now even produce from the Ouidah area itself could
lirench invasion of Dahomey. While probably not literally true, the story is more convenientlybe sent for shipping from Cotonou, rather than overland fgr
metaphoricalll' appropriate; for the pcople of Ouidah, Frcnch rulc ollercd the embarkation from the beach to the south. ouidah continued to function as an
prorp..t of libcration from what had been increasinglyseenas the oppressivehand outlet for export trade for some time, as illustrated by the published reminiscences
clf l)ahomey.8r of the agent of an F,nglishfirm (prcsumablyJohn walkden) who residedat ouidah
in 1925-7.8('But rhe export trade through ouidah had ceaseclaltogether by rhe
1940s,and thc French customs post on the beach was closecldown. Members of
Epilogue: Ouidah underFrenchcoloniulrule Ouidah families thercforc had to seekprosperitl' under French colonialism throush
migration elsewhcre.
'lhc The town suffered a second cconomic marginalization in the 1970s, with the
expectations of the Ouidah merchant c<lmmunitv that thcy stood t<t beneflt
upgrading of the international coastalroad from Cotonou west to L9m6, which
f16n French rule were only partially realized.Hopes amon€tlcading families of
involvcd the construction of a bvpass to the north of the ttlwn. The historical
recoveringproperty confiscatedby thc Dahomian statewcre largely disappointed,
centre of Ouidah was thus cut ofl'from the flow of traffic; this has stimulatedthe
althoughthe h.rd of the Adjovi famill; Akanwanou Adiovi, sought to usc the
migrati<ln of cctlnumic activitv northwards towards the new road. includine the
col<lnialcourts to re-establishcontrol ovcr pllm Elrovesconfiscatcclbv King Gezrl,
c<lnstructionof' :r ncw periodic market, called after the town's founder Kpase,
11 Bt"v, Il'ius of tfu LtoParl,3034.
which hirsn,u' rcPlirccd7,obcas thc town's main centre<lfc<lmmercc.
7 ' I f i c l d w o r k , I ) c S o u z a c o m p o u n d , l t u s i ' h i o I , ' r 6 d c r r q u cr l c S o u z r , l 2 l ) c c . 2 0 0 1 . ' \ n t r t n i o K o k o u l ' e l i x t l c

S o u z - aA d c k p e t i c o n r p o u n d , l Z l ) c c Z ( X l l ; c f . I l l ' l l t i t r t ' f t h t I ' t o f a r l . l i l ' r r ' i i "'ItrtritL\l.rntlirrg.'1.'.rllrirt \tlj.ri: hlrrrrrLtoisie lilrciire.rLr l)rhonrcrtircc:il'rrtlnrinistr
7 ' , S c c t h c p e r c e p t i o n o 1 ' c o n t i n u i t r i n r n t i c o L r n i r l s l r u l j E l ( , ' l l : o r r ! . . - l u l l r : , r m t r t l ( J t t i l t t ' t t t t t t t rl r r t ! ' r \ (rx;ttetr \rtlrrrrrttlr (r.rl ). 1 , 1 , , , l u , , , l l , , , 1 t r tI u t r L l t t t t t t ( t ( u t r r l t i , n ( l r \ tn l/i,t4rtL
( i l ) ( ) 1 . L , t I , , t t ' t l ( l t t t r t t t t t \ i t t t t t r' l L O r r r , l t h -
d ' , 7 h o n r 1 , ,( o n t r L , l t i ) l o n i s u t ( , u t . f r J i t ( t . i , i n t h c p r c l i r t t r o l t itftttr,.\'/,ri,r1.(.r,l,,nttIr,ntu,1
l .,,,t,,ntr,(;t,)D,Ih,ltl).lql, tO,
'' (.rxl,, N
7 ll, urittcn hr Ilmilc Okrgoutlou. fi S \rrrlnrlrr.'()rrrrl.rlr r,'rr' l( rrlur( ( r , l o n r . t l ' ,r r r (ilX)1,
lt /,r.i l,tttt,lr lt r c n t t i \ s t , t t (l t
s') Autrf ct- It Ontrrt. jil . ( )ttr,l,th. lll \ l l
'r ri lrr l)rrll llt'lt.ttrzrrr
K r r l . , \ t r g t r s t , ' [ , r r rrrrIr r t P o l i t r r l L rrcl t r r . l r c r r l r t ' . ] ( 1 . t l ( S , ' r t z , r/,. , r l t u r l l , ' 1 , . \ , , a , r . " \rsl'rrrt.ll,,t,'rt \/.r., r,,r,r l'i I
( ) t t t rt ll t .l r r r l l r r \ $ . r \ , r r , l , t r t l lro t r l t l t t r s t r r ' '
r l i t lr l l r r r . t r r r i t t . r l l r c r r t . r r l \Pl l. .r rt t l . 1r ., r , i l . r r rt r. lt t r . t t r l t , r t t \rrl'..r,1|rr11t1lrl'!,'\rrr'ill,trlnllj.lt,,lrr,rlr,,,;,,rrrilr,,rltlrrrrr,,,lrrrr,lrrlr\r,rtrltrortrllr)lrr
'\'
f ) t r l ) r f \ ( \ , t t r r . t s r ' l l r l l r l, lr .l l, r , , ' r l r, tl r \ ' r r l (r . r r r t l r ' 't lt r t l t r " r r \ t t l r l r : I t ( ' t ' " " I r rnl I l)rrrrrrr | |
 From Dahomian to French Rule
Politically also, Ouidah suffered marginalization in the colonial period. It was
Porto-Novo rather than Ouidah that remained the seat of the French colonial
administration. Ouidah under the French, as under Dahomey, served only as a
centre of local administration, as capital of a cercle,which initially had nearly the
same boundaries as the Dahomian province over which the Yovogan had ruled
(though excluding Tori to the north). But, even at this local level, Ouidah's role
*", piogr.rrively eroded. Administrative arrangementsdecreed in 1896 separated
Cotonou (with Godomey and Abomey-Calavi) from Ouidah, which now retained
authority only over Savi and Avl6k6t6. In a subsequent reorganization in 1934,
Ouidah lost its autonomy and was included in the cercle of Cotonou, though
following local protests this decision was reversedin 1938 and the cercleof Ouidah
was rest;red.87When a further administrative reorganization in 1946 grouped the
cerclesinto departments, Ouidah was included in the Department of Atlantique,
now again subject to Cotonou as the departmental capital. The main importance
which Ouidah retained under French rule (and to the present) was as the site of
one of the principal garrisons of the national army, located on the west of the town'
Tahle 8. I PopulationJiguresfor southernBdnin tttwns
193'l 1947 l9-s3
Porto-Novo 27,0t6
Ouidah l2,tt18
Abomey l1,4ls
Cotonou 6,81I
at xilks,335 (Tablc 27).
Sorft.': Lxtracted from l\tondianntgni, Campugnes
In these circumstances,Ouidah experienced only modest population growth
during the colonial period; in l9l3 the town was estimated to have a population of
15,000;8s the censusestaken under colonial rule recordeda lower figure' ofunder
13,000,in 1937, and minimal growth thereafter(seeTable 8.1). In 1937 Ouidah
had been the second largest town in the French colon!', smaller only than the
capital Porto-Novo, but narrowlv exceedingthe former Dahomian capital Abomey;
which had still not recovered from its destruction in 1892 and its subsequent
marginalization; but b.v 1947 Ouidah had alreadv been overtaken by both Abomel
and the port city of Cotonou, whoserapid develoPmentwas on the way to making
it the largest town in the country. Ouidah remains todav only the fourth largest
town in southernBenin and the sixth in the country as il whole,being ntlw exeedcd
in populationalsoby Parakouand Djougou, the leadingtorvnsin northern ll6nin
One spherein which Ouidah remainedpre-emincntwas in Ilurtll.lclneclucation.
In 1895 the town once again became the officiirl heatlquartersof' thc Romirn
Catholic Church and. when a territoriirl lrchclioccse\r'ascrcxtc(l lirr the colon! ol
l ) a h o m e yi n 1 9 0 1 ,i t w r s l o c a t c dl t O u i r l a h ,r t h e r c i t c r r t h c t l r ' :\r\ lr l s( o t l s l r t l c t c t o
s t ( i r r t r c r i n . l l t s t o r r t , l l l l 1 2 . \ q l r t , 1 1 t ' 1 , ' , 1 11 \ \ i
'' ( ' \ , r l c l t t s t , 't rr t t t r "l ,r i
i.tr,rt-
r;s
From Dahomian to French Rule
the former site of the Yovogan'spalace(consecratedin 1909).Ouidah remained the
religious headquartersof the country until 1960, when the archbishopric was
transferred to Cotonou.8eOuidah also became the location of the Roman Catholic
seminary of Saint-Gall establishedin 1914, which played a key role in the growth
of the Dahomian educated elite. Persons from or resident in duidah conse{uently
played a prominent role in the francophone literary culture that developed in
colonial Dahomey from the 1920s;for example, the pioneer African novelist, F6lix
couchoro, b<lrn in ouidah in 1900, whose first work L'Esclaxe was published in
1929.'g0 consequently also, members of ouidah families were prominent in the
early stagesof the development of the anti-colonial nationalist movement during
the 1920s and 1930s.Notable examples were Jean Adjovi, son of Akanwanou
Adjovi (and his successoras head of the Adjovi family in 19l4), who edited the
early nationalist newspapersLe Guide du Dahome.yand La l/oix tlu Dahomey inthe
1920s;e'and, on an international stage, Marc Tovalou
eu6num (son of ih. -.n
who had assistedthe French war effort against Dahomey in 1890-92), founder antl
president of the Ligue Universelle pour la D6fense de la Race Noire, affiliated to
Marcus Garvey's universal Negro Improvement Association.e2 But ouidah, given
its small population, inevitably became more marginal in the more popular-6asecl
nationalismofthe 1940sand 1950s.
1972
ouidah families have remained prominent in the ruling elite of Dahomey,/B6nin
29,925 29,11+ 1 0 5 ,l58 sinceindependencein 1960.Most obvioushas been the continuine eminenie of the
1 2 , 8r8 1.1,289 16,I 07 de Souza family, which in particular has providecl one head ot state (General Paul-
16,772 1It,832 32,tt00 [',mile de Souza,head of the military government thar ruled rhe country in 1969_70)
I 9,802 20,0r9 197,901
lnd a distinguishedCardinal of the Roman Catholic Church (MonseigneurIsidore
dc Souza),who also playeda critical role, as Presidentof the National Asscmbll in
the democraticrevolution of 1990.Other Ouidah familieshavealso bcen politiiallv
;lrominent: most recently, Idelphonse Lemon was a minister in the transitional
tlcmocratic governmenr headedby Nic6phore Soglo in 1990(and a candidatein the
presidential elecrionsin l99l), and D6sir6 Vieyra (brother-in-law to Soglo) joined
his governmentsubsequently,while S6verin Adiovi was a member of tie govern-
nrent formed by Mathieu K6r6kou when he replacedSoglo as president h tqgo.
An'thcr son of ouidah, L6opold David-Gnahoui, was appointid B6nin's ambas-
sitdorto (lanadain 1996.
()f'coursc,successin business,politics or the literary rvorld
has tobe pursued in
thc wiclcr rvorld, so that although of Ouidah extraction, these scionsof-the town
lurrc gcncrlll-vlett it to livc clscwhere.However,rclationswith their ancestralhomes
ilt tltc ttln'n arc tuaintitinccl,cspcciallvin rcgard to ceremoniesof commemoration
'''
litr tfrc (,rtlrolit ( lrrrrrlt in ()ttitlith, sct lhirryrhilc \illrirr, /,a lltsrltqut ttt (hiluh (n.p.
[Ouidahl,2000);
I l r e r r r l t t l t( . o r l o , ' 1 , ( \ , ( t r \ t ( \ t t t t s s i o r r r r r r i rttlsr r r s h t l i l l i r s i o n t l r r ( . r t h o l i c i s m e r i O u i d a h
lti6l 1960'
( \ l c t t r o t t cr l c r r r , t r t r r rtt . \ l t . l ' ) t ) l )
'
l l r r r l t t r t r r r l l N . t \ l ' r r l ' l r . l r r rt rl r l r . u r r r . l r r t ( . t l t l r ( , u F l t ( . o u t l r o r r r l r r r r r s t . cl lnhtri tgl r r t t c d t o ' l i r g o i n
l939)
l r t s . , , , , t t r l . r r r r l t l r l r l r r , , r lr rl r , , r , . l , l , r t , h , r t , ( l ' ) . l l l u t l l t r t u t , l , t n t r t r t r ,l rt t L , h r t ( l t ) \ l l ) . u c r t . r t . l r r r l l r
l tt
(
1 ' r r l ' l r ' , l rrrr,rl ) r r r , l . r l r
'
\ f . t r t t r r r y \. 1 , r , ' t l , , l , , t t r t l l n. t t . / t . , r , , ' , u t , , , , rt h . t t ,i \ . ' 1 , ( .r , , i I
'
| \ r , , , f ,l , | . r r r v lt , l ' . r ' t l t " r \ i r ' , , r , r ' , rr q l l , , r l t , t t l , t r t 1 , 1 1 (, ( ) r t , r , l l ' , , i ) . ' , , { r i i l r l
: ;'l
 From Dahomian to French Rule
of deceaseclmembers of the family. In effect, it has been suggested,Ouidah has
tendeclto become'a vast necropolis',in which the householdsof prominent families
are maintained essentiallyas funeral shrines, with most of the active members of
the family living clsewhere.el
Thc circumstanccthat personsof Ouidah extractionremain disproportionatcly
representedamonpithc bureaucratic and entrepreneurialelite has alsrl facilitated in
recenttimes the developmentof an organizedconcernto devisemeansof regenera-
tion of the town, as articulated especiallyby a body called the Union G6n6rale pour
le D6veloppementcleOuidah, which held its inaugural cttnferencein the town in
198-5.e1This movementhasbeen informed bv an awareness of the town's illustrious
past (as it was commonly perceived), which is seen not onl.v as a source of inspira-
iio.t but also a potential means of regeneration, through the development of
Ouidah as a cultural and touristic centre, focusing on its historical role in the
Atlantic slavetrade and in the cultural interchang;es betweenAfrica and America
which that tradc engendered.This led to promotion of Ouidah as a potential centre
for acaclcmic research on the slave trade and thc African diaspora, with the
'Ouidah '92' in
organizationof two maior international conferenccsin the town:
Route'project
Januarv 1993,and the inauguralconferenceof the UNESCO'Slave
in September l994.es'fhis was conjoined to an attempt to prom(lte'cultural
tourism' focused on monuments commemorating the slavetrade, with the devclop-
'slavc routc' from Ouidah to the beach as a site of memory.
ment especiallyof the
In thc process, as has been seen,the town, or at lcasta substantialelementamong
its inhabitants,has bcgun to come to terms with its earlierparticipationin the slave
trade.
" ' S i n , r u& A g h o .( ) u i J d h ,l U l .
')a fu Ouitluh.
Seethe proceedings:IUGIX)1, Lts l:oi* fu la renuissunte
',5
l;or thc latter, see Soumonni ct ;r1.,.1,rBinit tt Iu Routt tlt' l'evluz't;:tnd procccdingis
nublishcdas Didnc. It Chrint'erIr litn.
')ill
Sources6 BibliographJ
G"Y'6
Oralsourcesin Ouidalt
.'\clanlecompound, sogbadii quarter: Adanle comlan, interviewed l I lan. 1996
:\gbamou compound, Ahouandjigo quarter: Tobias Agbo, I I Dcc. 20(il
.'\r'.ua familr,.,I)ocomd quarter: SebastienAmoua, museum guide, I I Dec. 2001
\tttonio Kokou F6lix de Souza Adekpeti compound, Braziiquarter: Balbina tle Souza, l2
| )cc. 2001
\zilin,n compound, 1bv6 quarter: Azilinon (pricst), H'ungan (deputy chief priest), Da
(hcadof firmily),and others, l4 Sept. 2000
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saturnin, l3 Tune1997
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2001;
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| )rssrrr \irr. c'mp.und,'Ibr'6 quarter:family members,r I
ol- the confcrcnee Jan. 1996,5 Dec. 2001
l . r l : r r r l r i , J u s t ilno,c a lh i s t o r i a n A , l a f i aq u a r t e r , 3D e c . 2 0 0 I
( r l r t ' s1i 1 v 1 1 1 1 v 1S; 1o rgnbdl d , j i q u r r t e r :G b c t i E u g d n e , g l a n .1 9 9 6
( rh h.t' | ):rlr. c,rlprrrntl, l'irnslrrmi,qurrrter:
f:rmir1mcmbers,j | )ee.2001
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l l'rlorrou corrrPouncl, l lodonouslranrdquarter: 'I'agnnin Agor, 'I'agnnin Canclji,Tagnnin
'lirgnnin
I l r r r h : r r rrrrir r t l N i n h o u c n o u ,2 l S e p t .2 0 0 0
l l , , r r r r ' r rt o r n p o u r r t ls, o g b l d j i q u r l r t e r l:) a a g b oH o u n n o n H o u n i rA g b e s s i l. u
lan. 1996
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I o r r o l rt o r r r p o t r n t S l , o g b : r t l j(il r . r ; t r . l (L.cr .r:r r o nS i k : r ,9 . f : r n .1 9 9 6
I r r r r .rr, , r r ; l . r r r r t ll,l r ' : r z i(l[ r ; l r . t ( . L
1 i. .: , p , l t l i . t . l , i r r r i rg, I ) c c . 2 ( X ) l
l r t r , r l t l t r t l t S o t t z , t t o t r t g r o ul lnr 'r.l r, z i l t ; r r r r (r )t t rl i: l c l ) : r r i r( li n l r h g u i , 5 l ) c c . 2 0 0 1
\ l r , l I . l . r r r , , r r r | ' , r r r r rSt l,,g l r , r t l (j rl a , rrr( r l . r r r r l rr r t . a r l l t r s , ( r) u - ft .l ( ) ( ) ( l
/ , ' " . , , t t t t 1 i l to, ,nr t l ) o r n l (S1o, q l r . r r (l l r1 . ttr( l l , t l r r l rt t t t . r r t l r t .arr\ -, 1 , , lt(. ) ( ) ( )
/ , , r r t r y ' l ' , ,r,r1l l1. r q t\ .l . r rt l r ( . r l . l r . r r , , |r r| .I ) rr l { l 0l
'\ |
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I s.l
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(
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24+60 l f t r r t : t r t l i t t\ q l r o ( t ' r l r ) , ( ) r t t , l , t h t t \ t , t l t d t n n t t n t , ' ( P l r r i s / ( . o l o l r o r , l l ( r ( r l ) ,l 6J 1 l
'l'he l i r r r l r t ' r g ,I l , r r r c r \ l l l r t , , t t t ' , t r t , Il u r r , l , r , t t trrr t l l t r t l f r r t r t ; l . . l r u u r t t t rt sn l l ) r r t r h n r L n
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C l a r e n c e - S m i t hW, i l l i a m ( i c r r ' : r s c": l ' h e t l r r r : r n r i t o s l t l t t ' \ t l r r n t i t s l : t r t ' t t r t t l c ' ,l l r t , , r
'l
(l.ondon), 6'+( 199+),27.5 ll6 I r r p l l t s t . r lr lr,n t r . r ( l u r \ t r n r r r r r r r r rrtl r r" l ' r , r l " ( l ( ( ) r r r r l . r(l (r . o t t . t l t . ls. r r ' l . r r t . r )i 'r ,r ( ) r s t t . i r r
( . l i f l i r r dI ,] : r r r r , u i t h l ) : rl r) rt lr r r ' l.. r p t , l t t t r t t t l l h y , l tl h t; . \ ' t t , r yt l t h t l l u t l , l ' ' l t r \ l l . \ t , t ; t r l t t n l ( t , t t r I. r l r l r I r l r , l , l l , , l r . r l r t . r n( ) r \ t ' n r \ r r r r r r r t r r l i .l r n r r l r r t i l c s t . r( tt lt l s ) . l l r ' ; r t f t t t t tlrrt

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R 1 d c r ,A . l i ( i . : " 1 ' h c r c e s l : r l l l i s h n r c o
n1t 'l ) o r ( u g u e s lci t t ' l o r i c so n t l t c ( . o s t : rt l : r \ l i r r : r t o t h t ' \\r.rrtll,'lr,lrr,rs'llr.l,lr.rrrrl'.r,rrlt.rrrr,,rrIthr.\lirr.rirr'lirg,',irrllcilcllelrrcrrr
',
rnirl ciqhtccttllt t't'ttlrrlr 7//.\' , I /.i ( l95ll), I i7 ,\.i
\ ( t t l s ) , . \ ' 1 ' 1 2 1I 1' r ^ t r r t r t , r r l l , ' , t , 1 a 1 1 r , t t , l f t t t r t tn l l t r , , t ( ( ) r h r r t l . l ( ) ( r t r ) .| | I ll

tt,
. ) r )| \
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R i g i s , l U . + l l l i 9 2 ' , I ' h l ) t h c s i s [, - r r r i r c r s i no l I l r ' , l ( ) l ] . 1
S t r i c k r o d t ,S i l k e :' . ' \ l i o l ' . t t r o p t ' : tlnr r t t l t 'r t ' l ; t l i o n ro t t t l t t r r t s l t t t r S l : r r t '( . o . r s t ,l ( r l l r t o l { ) l l t

)(l(r
'tl,
 Index
AhidassoI l4-15 Atchada69
Index ahisigan202,250-51,265 Atchoukpa,Battle of 27| -Z
ahisinonll5, 177, 178,202,251-2 Atcherigb6275
,a.$l'* Ahohunbakla38,67-9
Ahouandjigo, quarterofOuidah 10,37-8,
Atind6hou102-04,ll3
Atlantique,Departmentl, 278
41,54,67,69-7l, 75, 89-90,104-05,I 61, Atreaido(ship)170
| 64,253; of Badagry,52n6 Austen,Ralph5-6
Ahmidou,Imam of Ouidah182 Avl6k6t627+,278
Ahokpe164-5 Avloko86
Aidohouedo, aodun91,93,96 Awesu174
Alnadu 254,272 Ayohuan, King ofHueda(1703-8)31,37,90
Aisan:seeAyohuan Azili-aodun2.90
Aiz.an.aodun88.93
Ai2o 90 Baatonu75
Ajaho97,ll I, 134 Badagry5, 52,66,95-6,125-7,165,l7l,
Akamu,Huedaking in exile59 177, 182-3,194-5,203n97 , 207, 229,238,
Akan languages 4l 258-9
Akinjogbin,I.A. 3, 100 Badahun236seealsoGlele
Aklassato103 Baeta,Joio Golzalves235-6
Abeokuta109,I 82,220,223-5,227,240, 279;Jean Adjovi,279;S6verinAdjovi,
Akod6,Chodatonof Ouidah178,249,266, Bagba103
2+7.25t.255 279
271 Bahia34,37,73, 156,165,169-70,173, 179-
Aberdeen,Lord 190 AdomoTomo 105,148
Alabama16,23+ 82, 186,t90, 192,195-6,198,20t, 205,
A b o d o o ul il 5 , 1 7 8 Agaja,King of Dahomey(d. 1740)50,52-
d'Albeca,Alexandre274 212.2t7
Abomeyl, 3-+, 17,24,27,42,7 l, 77,83, 59,62,64,66-67,69,70,90,97,99,103-
Alapini188 Bahini102-03,l14-15
9l-2, 95,97,105-06,109-10,ll7, 120- 4,109,116,153
Alata,quartersin Accra39 Bambara40n143
22, 138-9,144-5,I 5l, 164,166,176, Agbamu,Huedakingin exile(d. 1775)38,
Alidii 103 Baquaqua, MahommahGardo 16,138-40,
196, 20l, 204-05, 207,212,215, 223-4, 65,67-70
2+1,259,261,267-9, 27| -3, 275, 278; Agbangla,King of Hueda(died1703)25,
Alladakingdom,l9-20,28-30,32,36,39, 142-4,
r5r
46-50,90, 105,109,127;capitalcity,42, Barbados 144,153
A n n u aC l u s t o m ^st , 5 7, 6 3 , 8 9 n1 0 9 9, 3 , 31n89.38.90
72n72;und,erDahomianrule,58,63,84, Barbot,Jean20,32,43,45,88, 132,l5 I
9 8 ,1 0 7 ,l l 8 , 1 3 9 ,1 75 , 1 7 8 ,1 9 5 2 , 02, Agbangla,Huedaking in exile59
98, 139,209,2t2 Barcelona222
218-19,249 Agbessikp6 75,86
d'Almeida,Antonio8, 77, 180-81,199,212 Bariba75
Abomey-Calavi 48, 109,126,l+0, 213,258- Agbofamily38,69;CasimirAgbo,9-10,l3-
d'Almeida,ManoelJoaquim 180,199 Barnes,Sandra9 I
9,264,274,278 1 4 ,2 4 ,3 1 n 8 93, 6 n l1 9 ,6 6 ,6 8 ,1 2 0
d'Almeida,Joaquim199-201,216,220,235 barracoons 137-8,190
Abson,Lionel 64,75, 107, ll7 Agbodrafo:seePorto-Seguro
d'Almeida,PedroFelix 185,247 Basilio,Joio 56,60
Accra6, 39,61,75,179 Agoli-Agbo(Goutchili),King of Dahomey
Amadie,Augusto217 Basso,YovoganofOuidah 99
Acqueras39 (1894-1900) 276
Amar seeAyohuan Bay,Edna3, 120,150,237
Adam623,34nll0 Agonglo,King of Dahomey(1789-97)102,
America,United Statesof see'USA" Bayol,Jean269-70
AdamsGray(ship)233-4 I 1 2 ,I 1 4 - 1 5t,2 t - 2 , t 6 4 ,2 4 9
Amiton, Huedaking in exile21n20,59 Beecham, John226,255
Adandozan, King of Dahomey(1797-1818) Agonli-Houegbo 90
Amoua60,67-9 Behanzin,King of Dahomey(1889-94)248,
8 7 , 1 2 21, 6 + - 6 , 1 7 2 , 1 7 7 Agou43, 127
A n g o l a2 , 5 , 1 2 6 ,1 5 7 ,l t l 5 260,270-6seealso'Kondo'
Adanle70.74.90 A g o u 61 7 0 - 7 1 , 1 7 9 , 1 8108,2 ,1 9 5 ,1 9 9 - 2 0 0 ,
Anlo -5 Bellaml',Sam2
Adele,King of Lagosl7l 204-5, 216,221-2, 234-6,238-9,2+6,
Annual(.ustomssecAbomcv llenin,Bight<tfl-2,29,40,47-8,123,125-6,
Adja 19,75;Adja-Tado, 74, 90 255.257.266 .'\ncho-5 | 79, I 9 l, 202,217-t8, 233_4,238-9
Adfidoin Badagry, 165,l7l; in Ouidah,183 A.gore72,272
, ' \ t t t o l t i o , _of : t t ; u i n r 2 | 6 l l c n i n ,k i n g d o ml n l , 1 2 . 5 - 6
Adjigo,"^odun9l Agotime177 . ' \ p L r g i t r r( r . 1 .( ) l l ( ) l l i ' n i n ,R c p u b l i lc, - 1 l,t , 1 2 ,l + , 3 2 , 7 . 5l J, l t ,
Adjossogb6, Yovoganof Ouodah99, 174 A g r i m 62 1 2
; t r t l t i l c c lt r r t '7 l i ( r . l , \ 7 S t . l n .2 2 7 .2 7 u9
Adiovifamily 17, 2\ , 59,251 , 276-7; Aktn- Agud:r37, ltt5
\s;rntt l'l.l l l t ' r : r r r t\ll,i ' t l ; r l t 2
l 0 6 ,2 - l , l 5 l
t o t o g l o n oAud j o r i( f i r u n d c r 1) ,0 5 ,| 1 . 5 , ,'\h:rnhrrnzo 260 ' \ r l t ; t t t g t t t rr,l,t t t l , , 1l . r t t l r 'l t , , g t ,f ,r l l f i l , l r i l l t ' r n ; r s Llo\ ',t c r l l { r . 2 i . l 5
1 4 6 ,l 7 - s - 62, 0 1 - 0 22, t o , 2 t 2 l . l , 2 2 . 56 , , ' \ h i ' r r rli.' r, r k cl ( ) .5 2 ,( ) { )
\ s r , r r r' l I , r | { r . r ) i . | . t ' l l l c r r . lr7 i
2 5 05 1 , 2 7 67 ; . \ k ; r r r s , r r r\ot ltjro r i ,J 7 { r , \hi lSl
rrrq
j(,s
It
 Index Index
Biafra,Bight of5,47, 126,211,218 7, 10,32--s, 39-+0,+2-+,52-9,6r,63-4, 8 5 , 9 4 ,1 4 4 ,l t i l , l u 6 , 2 1 6 , 2 2 8 , 2 . + 8 , 2 - 5 1Dassa
, 90
Bibe, Captain 42-3 6 7- 8 , 7 7 , 7 98, + - 5 , 9 19, 3 ,9 8 ,l 0 l , 1 0 3 , 255-7,278-9 I)asu,YovoganofOuidah 99
Bl6zin,quarter of Ouidah: see'Brazil' 1 0 5 ,1 0 7 - 0 8l ,l l , 1 2 8 ,1 3 2 - 3l,3 - 51, 4 0 , Ciceron(ship)23ll-9 Daumas& Co.2.11
Bocco Bambia, Yovoganof Ouidah 100, 159,16l-2, 177,204,209,212,214,217- Clapperton,Hugh 203 Dawson,Joscph226
l0lnl87, l2l 18,227,2+1,253,263;Englishquarterof Clotilde(ship)234 debtseecredit
B o c ol 1 4 . l 1 6 Ouidah,see'Sogbadji'; Englishlanguage, Cococodji 213 I)6gu6nonll+-15,122
boc.tn(charnt") 8u, 96 1 0 5 - 6l.t t 5 . 2 2 1 Codjiaf 7, I l4-15,175-6,202,216-7,250-51 D 6 h o u 62 3 , 2 7, 3 9
B o k p 6 1 0 5 ,l l 4 Bruc,Anrl16205,207,209 C o k el 0 l - 2 , 1 0 6 ,1 0 9 ,l l 3 , 1 2 0 - 2 11, 3 9 ,1 7 5 Delb6e3l nti5
Bonny5,47 Burton,Richard8, 12,14,20,29,35nl16, Comlagan, chiefof Little Popo170 Derrick,Jonathan5-6
Bonon/Bonnaud, Picrrc | 6l 8 0 ,8 2 - 8 t i8, 9 n 1 0 99,3 , 9 5 - 6 , 9 {lJ0,l , 1 0 7 , Companyof AfricanMerchants(British) Diedrichsen,Lrtrent 205, 222
[f orghero, Francesco29n71, 79, 143, 229, 1 0 U n 2 3I21, 0 ,I 1 - sl,l 9 , 1 6 2 ,1 7 8 ,1 8 7 - 8 , 2+1-2.246 Diogo181
2 3 8 . 2 5 12.5 6 - 7 . 2 5 9 213,2t7, 22+-6,228,23t, 237-8,Z+t, Companyof MerchantsTradingto Africa d i s e a s8e0 - t i l ,1 4 0 - 4 11,5 8 , 2 3 9
I l o r g u3 2 , 7 5 ,l 5 l , 1 8 2 2++-6,250,252-5.257 (British)33 D i e g b a d il i7 , 2 6 - 7
Borno83. 179.180-l']2 Congcr233;CongoFreeState,265,272 Diedji l9
B o s m a nW , i l l e m1 3 0 ,1 3 3 ,1 3 5 ,1 4 2 ,l 5 l Cabindal-57 Conneau, Theophilus166 l)jesin, lagoon26
Bouche,Pierre259 Cucsur(ship)221 Conrad,Joseph272 Djougou-12,138,l5l,278
i t l e , 6 3 l,0 l - 0 4 , 1 0 6 ,I 1 3 ,1 1 5 - 1 6l 2
I 3 o 1 t' a , l, Caho10,60n59,6l-6.1,71, 108-9,I 14,120, Coquery-Vidrovitch, Catherinc2 I 0 f)ocomi,quarterof Ouidah10,22,37-8,+l -
175,l7ti, 253-54;Bo1'afamill',74,102; 271;Cah<t quarteroIC)uidah Cotia,familv75 2, 54,67,69,7 1,75, 79,86,89-90,10,+,
Bova-Ciss6, 175,253; Boyaquarterof (Cahosaramd) 10,62,70, I 14n26 I C o t o n o ul , 4 n l 2 , 1 0 9 ,1 5 2 ,1 9 3 - + , 2 2 2 , 2 2 5 , 1 0 81 , 83,253
Ouidah(Bo1'asarami), 10,70,91, 102, Cakanacou 58,60-62,108 228-30,233,258-9,263-1,266,269,27I, Dodds, Alfred273-4
1 7 5 . 1 7 8 , 1 8118,4 (ialabar,Nerv5 273,277-8 D o g n o n6 2 , 1 1 +
llrazif tradeto 126,130,156-7,190,192, Calabar, Old 5, 96, l3+, 17-1, 203 C<ruchoro, F6lix279 Dokon 174
196-8,203,205,208-09,219,221,235: Cameroun/Kamerun 6. I 50.265 cowrycurrency44,82-4,86,146,l4ti, l5l- DomFruncisto(ship)170
political& sociallinksto,34,163,167-ti, Cana73,212,224,230,259 z, 205,208,2 I 0- I l, 231-232,243 'Door of no Return'l5
17l, 177, 1t3-5-6, 246;settlers from, in cundomhli 11,92 'crisisof adaptation'262 Drrrgire, Alexandrc 257,272
O u i d a h8, , 1 4 ,1 6 ,3 + , 7 7 , 7 9 , 8 95 1, ,I 1 7 , canocmcn, canoes 17,27-9, 10,4t[--5, 65,75, Craft. William 241 D o s u g alnl l , 1 1 3
t22, t29, 13+,t16-7,149,155,l6l, l6,t- u 4 , 8 6 , 9 11, 3 5 1 , 4 0 1, 4 4 , t 4 7 , 1 5 18 7, 7 , credit47, 133-135, 196-8,215,2+9 Dossou-Y<tvo family9l, I15, 185;Antonio
6, 173,179-8U, t92, 197,t99, 201,206-7, l 9 l , 1 9 42, t 3 , 2 3 0 , 2 5 9 Croft,James240-41,243 Dossou-Yovo (fbunder),I 15,177-lt,185,
210, 212-17,219-20,222,229,233, 2+2- Canot,Thcodorcsce'C-onneau, Cubatradeto, 156-7,170,173,185, 196-8, Henry Dossou-Yovo, 271-5
3, 248,252,255-7,261,265,267,272, Theophilus' 221-2, 233,235-9,244,259;settlersin Douala5-6,134
275;Africanreligionin, 14,92 Cap-Frangais 73 O u i d a hf r o m ,1 7 3 ,1 7 9 ,l 8 l , l t l 5 ,1 9 7 ; dress148,ltlT
Brazil,quarterof Ouidah10,70,81,91, CapeCoast40,75, | 59,217 Africanreligionin, l4 Duncan,John 8, 82,ll9,94, 107,I 10,137-8,
1 0 4 - 0 51, 6 9 ,1 75 - 7 ,l U 3 ,2 0 1 ,2 1 7 ,2 1 1 , ' C a p t a i n s ' t e e ' 5 31, 5 3
Cullie,Raymond162 140,t+2-+,148,152,1.58, 162,l7ll, 180,
253-54 (larolof,Ilenri 3 I 'customs'.+6-.+7, 53, 57,127-8, 200,242-3 Iti3, 185,189,l9l-2, 195,199-200, 202,
Ilr6sil,quarterof Ouidah:sec'Brazil' (.arvalho. Joaquim2.15 20+-9, 214,217-18
Britain,British(England, English)tradeof, Carvalho,NlanoelJoaquim de 235n26,243 |)agbafamily'9,90;Yovogan Dagba Dupetitval,Houdovcr54-6
7,19,29-30,32-5, +0,43-4,46,80,85, (iarter,Y<rvoglan of Flueda43 (firunder), 90, 106,168,174,178,220, Dutch 29-30,36,39-40,44, 156,246
1 0 7 ,l t 0 , 1 2 3 ,t 2 5 ,t 2 6 , t 2 8 ,1 3 5 ,1 4 9 , C h a c h 1a 6 7 1, 7 + , 1 7 7 , 1 8 3 , 118985, 2, 1 5 - 1 6 , 253,270; Aguessi Dagba,270 allegedfbrt in Ouidah,3,1-,5
1 5 6 ,1 5 9 ,1 6 1 - 21, 8 9 ,1 9 5 , 2 0 3 - 1 2 ,2 2 , 245-6,2+9, 252-+,257 , 266,268 l)tthomtt (ship)I l2-l 1, | | 6, 127,129,131,
227,232,2+0-1,?+3,260,263,277; cam- ( , h a g a sA,n g e kC r l u s t o d di oa s2 1 7 , 2 5 7 , 2 7 1 : 133 l r g u n g u n9 5 , 2 1 2
paignto supprcssslavctrade,7-ti, 155-t'1, Ianciodas(,hrgas,27-t l ) u h o n c . 1 , ( s h2i3p9) l.kpi 21, 125-7,193;EkpdVista,alternativc
162.165-7,169-70,172-3,180,189-93, (.hango,ivrrlrlrof thunclcr9l lhhonrcr',lrrcnchcolonvl, 227;Rcpublic, nrnrcfor (irtonou 193,229
I 96-8,200,202,217-22, 234,237-40; (,hatrvin, llrucc 2, 167 Irrl, .l-1, 27();intligenous kingrkrrn, prtssinr l'.kpo2.i3
Vice-Consulate in Ouidah,7,33,35, l0tt, (.hinronI l-l l ) e r t , i t t l u t r ( )l . 9 . 1 .( ) ( r l ' . l n r i r r5r r( r , . 1 5 - +
6 ,0 - + 1 , 7 31, 0 7 , 2 1 6
I12, l.+0,189,2lU,227;imperitlist intcr- (.h<rdat<rrr ltlJ,2+9,2521,266,2111 II | ) ; r r t g : r r r :l r ,r r r r i l r I f i I l )nt prrhtu,lt,lor' (ship) 170, 172 .l
vcntion/anncxatiun, 216-217, 257,260 ( . h r i s t i : r n iitnr ( ) t r i t l e h
9 t { .l l ' iI l t l , l t { 6 - l { 7 ; f ) : t t t ! l l r t .i , , , l n t t) . \ ) 1 , ; 1 , 7 ( ) ., \ ( , .( . lf i . ( ) 7 l i . 't
nr'l:trt ( ntr( l)i)t'{),.i()
61,26.1, 2tr(r,2tr9;nrissiorrrrrit's, stt' \ l c t h o t l i s l t t t i s s i o t t7,, . i . i ,l i 5 , I l ' t ( r2, I 7 , l\; n g l ; t t t t l l, . r r g l i s l sr c t l l r i t . r r n
'(.hristianin i n O u i r l : r h\ ,l c t h o t l i s t 2 2 ( ti , 2 . \ ( ) . l + 1 . 2 + 'l 15 .l , l 5 l 5 , l { o n t : t t t | ) , r t r:t, | ) ( n l n . uI I . r 1 ' .I r l r . , r l l c r irrl l o r t r r r I t r r , | ) . r rr r l l t r S
r l i s s i o r t ' il , r r g l i s l lt ; r tt o r r / l i r r l i r r ( ) t r i t l : r l r , ( , r r t l t o l inr t' i s s i o t t /l t t t r th , l , i ' [ , 7 i . 7 ( ) . ( ) r r r t l . r lir. nt l'l

i{}rl i { tI
 Index Index
'Euphrates',lagoon26 Ga 75
Grand-Poposee'Popo,Grand-' Hutton,Thomas33,35,85, 128,162,197,
Ezili2,90 Galliuna(ship)196,246 204-7,209,210,212,218,222
Greene,Sandra5
Gallinas, Riverl9l Hwanjile70,90, I 14-15
Grimaudl6l
Fa.ttod,un 88.90 G a n v dq, u a r t eor f O u i d a h1 0 , 3 1 , 7 0 , 8 5 , Hwesi,aodun'10, 81,89-90,93,97-8
Groves,Robert204
Fabre,Cyprien35,241,261 164,172,180,184-5,217,232
Gudamiro79-80
Fakambi,Justin, 188 Gates,HenryI-ouisJr3 Ibadan182
Gu6dou,Kuzuganof Ouidah273-4
Fante75,2l7 Gau60,63-5 Igbo2l I
Feinberg,Harvey5-6 Gavoy, Marcel8-10,24-5,31n89,66-7 Igbominal8l
Haholo,kingof Hueda21
FernandoPo 218 Gayibor,Nicou65 Haiti 126,I 56;Africanreligionin, 2, 14,9 I - I j e s h al 8 l
Fernando Po(ship)222 Gbe l9-20 Ishaga75, 140
2 seealso'Saint-Domingue'
Ferras,Nl[arcos Borgas217,257 Gb6d6le,Yovoganof Ouidah99 Hamburg33,205,222,263 Iseyinl8l
fires33,79-80,175,196 Gbeti 75
Hargreaves, Susan5 I s l a mi,n O u i d a h9 1 ,1 8 2 ,1 8 6
fish,fishing27,45-6,77,83,96,123 Gelede95
Havana173,198,247 ivory,tradein ll4,125,203-4
Florida(ship)170-71 Gen 5, 60 seealso'Popo,Little'
Hausa32n93;in Ouidah,75, 180-2
Foli 63-4, 67-8 George €5Jumes(ship) 170
Hayehouin:see'Ayohuan' Jagba,Yovoganof Ouidah,270-71
Fon,19,70,74;Fon quarterofOuidah Germany, Germans31,33, 110,244,263,
Hazoum6,Paul8 Jakin20-21,28,32,46-7, 50,72n?, I 05, I 25,
(Fonsaramd), I 0, 20, 57,70-72,89-91, 265,265-7,273 seealso'Hamburg' 140,158seealso'Godomey'
Hechili 104,253-4
104-05,176;Fon language, l,17,19-20, Gezo,King of Dahomey(1818-58) 95,98-9,
Hen see'Ah6m6' Jamaica?
?.+,15 t 0 l - 0 3 ,1 0 5 ,11 5 - 1 61, 2 2 ,t 2 9 , i 4 4 , 1 4 6 , Dom I 17,134,149,179
H6vi690 Jeronimo,
F o o e y1 0 2 ,l l 3 , l 2 l 149,150,chapters 5-6passim,23l-3, Hevioso. aodun90,92-3,257seealso'So' Luis Xavierde 180,188
Jesus,
Forbes,Frederick8, 77-8,82,85,87,94, 236-7,240,244-5,247,2+9-50,253-4,
HistoricalMuseumof Ouidah9. 14.34 Johatoo,102
9 5 n 1 4 41, 0 3 - 6l, 1 6 ,l 2 l , 1 3 0 - 3 11,4 3 , 276 Hodonoufamily10n42,7+,ll+-15,175, JouenCarolina(ship)172-3
1 4 6 ,1 4 8 ,1 5 0 ,1 7 6 - 81, 8 1 - 31, 8 5 ,1 8 7 - 8 , Ghana5-6.32n93.83 213, 246,250-25| ; DovonouHodonou, iustice,administrationof, 107-08
194,198-200,20+,207-10,212-13,215- Glehue,indigenous nameof Ouidahl9-21,
122,176, 202,213,216,250;Sossou
1 6 ,2 1 8 2, 2 0 , 2 2 5 , 2 5 0 24,26,31.42-3,57,192;GlehueDaho Hodonou,115,1ZZ,176, 202;Toedji, Kamerunsee'Cameroun'
F'orster, Mathew 170 compound,20 246,251 Kazoolasee'Lewis,Cudjo'
Fortuna(ship)170-71 Glele,King of Dahomey(1858-89) 13,157,
Honnou, Yovogan of Ouidah, 100, l2l K e t a5 , 2 3 4
Fbulaen,/Fulao20,29-30 188,198,chapter7 passim, 265,267-71 Hopkins,4.G.210,262 K6r6kou,Matthieu279
France,Frenchtrade,traders,6,20,29-30, Gnahouifamily I 7, 74, 90,251; Gagut. horses136 K6tonou21,263,266,269
35,43,47, ll2, 123,126-7,155-6,16l, Gnahoui(founder),105,114,176;Dah Hou6dakomi,quarterof Porto-Novo52 Ketu 109
205-6, 209,2Zl, 233,2+1,2+3,252-3, Ahissgan Gnahoui,105,I15, 116,l+9, Hou6noufamily:see'Qg6num' K i n d i i8 1 , 2 1 5 , 2 1 1 , 2 4 5
2.59,261,264;missionaries, see'Chris- I 75-6,I 85,202,2t2, 220,225,221,250, King Brothers240
Hou6gbo212
tianity,RomanCatholicmission';imperi- 2 5 1 ;E d o u a r d D a v i dG n a h o u i , 2 5 l ; Kocou75,91,177
Houtson,James,203
alistintervention/annexation, 7, 189, L6opoldDavid-Gnahoui,279
llueda kingdom(pre-1727),l, 6, 13,17-27, Kondo 248,260,261,267,269-7I seealso
2 I 8-I 9, 244,258,263,266,268-9,271-4; Gnahouikp6136-7,25+
30-39,4l-3, 46,48-51,66-7,86,88-91, 'Behanzin'
colonialrule of, l, 6, 8, 14,32-33,97, Godomey20-21,27-28,106, 109,143,l5fi, 9+, ll7, 123,127,129-37 Hueda com- Kongo 152
;
276-8;Frenchfort in Ouidah,7,10,12- 167,t7 1, 194,213,223,228-230,238, munitJ'in exile(post-l727),19,21n20, Kossou-Naeton I l4-l5
14,20,30-32,36-44,48,52-7,60,63,69, 259,26+,274,278
3ti,5l-56,58-65,108-9;Huedaelement Kormantin4l
7 5 - 6 , 7 9 - 8 0 , 8 3 , 9 3 , 9l 08l,- 0 5 ,1 0 8 ,I 1 + , Goedelt,C. 33,2+4,263,275 in Ouidah,2l-22, 58-9,69-70,73,89-90; Kpase2 l-6, 30,90,93-4, l7 6; rnarket,277
tz3, 125,127,160-61,163-4,185,205, gold,tradein 125 ge,20,24,-jl, 75;Hueda- Kpate14,22,24-6,29-30, 38,90,93-4
Huedalangua
253;Frenchquarterin Ouidah,see G<rldCoast5,28-29,33,36,39-40,'+7, 73,
I l e n i i1 9 . 5 2 Kpengla,King of Dahomey(1774-89)64,
'Ahouandjigo';Frenchlanguage, l, 17, 1 0 7 ,1 3 5 ,1 7 9 ,l 9 l , 2 0 4 2 , 2 6 ,2 4 1 2
, +6,
huttunu,f cstival,tl9.93 I 1 0 ,I t 2 , l L 4 - 1 7 1
, 4 5 - 61, 6 4 ,1 7 7
19,105,177,t86 255;settlcrsliom, in Ouidrh,l9 +0,74
llu, ut,lun22-4,l0,ltlt 90.9+ .5,()7,tl; Kposi,I Iula lirunder-hero 2l-.]
Fraser, Louis218-19,221,230 . 5l,t 5 ,9 l , t 7 i , 2 2 ( t I Irtttrtn. 22 2.5.l{ll,(X).(,f 2. ()7 Kposi,ll'nrrrlc tr:rdcrl0{.l,l17, l+6
Freeman, ThomasBirch 17.1, 182,189,217, ( i r r n g l n(, . : r p t l i nl . i 2
I I r r l r r rK, i r r g o l l r r c t l(; lrt { ) H I i ) l l , 2 5 . . 1 { ) , Krrzrrgan 225,25+,272 +
223.226.228-29.236 g o n rc, u l l9 l
. l { r ,5 2 ( r , ; l J , a ) ( rt ) , r , { l
lircctorvn t't2,1.56. 170.ltiZ ( i o r r r g| 0 2
I l t r l r rl { l l , l f ) , i r , , ; l . ' l l l l ; t g o o tltlsl , 2 f r2 ( ) , 5 0 , 6 1 , 7l1( 'X1r,1, . 1 6l ',{ 0 ,
l f u l a n i1 7 9 ( i o r r t th i l i s c t ' , \ g o l i . \ g l r o
()'l I t t t t t t . tri ,l t , t t l i r I X r l t r l l l ' t . ' l ' l. l l ' , , | { ' , . l i l ) l , l { 1 , l ; l t , l 7 l , l ( , J- 1 l. ( ) ( , , 2I l
Iittlito scc' Iiottlitett' 1 1 , , . 7 1t 1t '.r t t i l r l t u t r
I 1 7 . . ) . |1 r . ' , t r l . . r g r r lr. f r . l 7 l i . i \ , 1 ( r l , ( f l . l l { 1 . l l i tr.

r0l lili
 Index Index
, 6 0 ,1 7 1 ,1 7 3 .1 7 9 ,l u 3 , 1 8 6 1
1 2 t i1 , 88, da Matha,familyl8l Oguidan ltll Portugal,Portuguesc 5, 18,29-.10,37, 58,
199-201,202,2t 6-t 8, 221-2, 225, 227-8, Nlawu,t:odun90,93,97 d ' O l i v e i r af a m i l l ' 3 1 , l 6 + , 1 6 6 ,l l i . 5 ,l l t t l ; u4-5,l0l-2 lz3, lz5, 127,156-7,163-+,
233-5,238-9,244,257-9, 263,269,274 Medeiros,Jos6 Francisco de 188,236,239, Denis Nicolasd'Oliveira, 172, 179 16U-9,173, I 85-6,I tt9-90, 196,t99_200,
Lama 120,210,212,224,225,259 241,248 Nicofasd'Oliveira, 10,31, lJ-5,163-6,172, 206-7,209,2 I 8-l 9, 235-6,243,257,267-
Lartique,Jules243 Nlcdeiros, Julio de 211,275 177-9, 181;Gregori Nicolasd'Oliveira, 9; Portugucsc fort in Ouiclah, 7, 10,2-5,
Latham,John -5 M e h u6 4 ,9 8 - 1 0 0I,I l - 1 2 ,l 2 l , l 3 + , 1 4 6 , 270; Sophie,164,166 3 4 , 3 6 , 1 1 - 2 , 1 45,2 ,5 6 - 7 , 5 9 - 6 0 , 6, 76 9 ,
Lawsonfamilyof'Little Popo,189,200; 2i6, 2+0-41 ,24+,250 C)livierseed'Oliveira 7 9 - t i 0{,J 6 , 9 u1, 0 3 ,1 6 3 ,1 6 5 ,1 6 7 - 9l,t i l ,
GeorgcLarvsonSr, 170;GeorgeLawson, M e k ol 5 O l o u g b o nt r m i l v l 8 l ; B l b a O l o u g b o n ,I l l 2 I r,f.],I tirg,21\, 219,2+8,253,255_1,261;
Jr,195 Menezes, JoaquimTellcscle169-70, 172-3 C)porto,196 Portuguesc quarterin Ouidah,sec
Legba,"^olun,88 Methodistmissionsee'Christianity' 'Ouidah '92' 'Drrcomd';PortugJuese
conf'erencel -5,15.1,280 language, 76, 106.
LegitinoA./iitaaa(ship)170 middleman role6, 49, I I l, 209 Ouitli266.270 1 7 7 l,{ r 5 - 6l.u u . 2 5 6
Le Hcriss6,Auguste224 Midjrokan7+,204 'ouncc', as
unit ofaccount 129-30,160 Posu6.5
Lemon family 162-3;IdelphonseLemon, M i g a n9 8 - 1 0 0I,I l , 1 3 4 , 2 5 0 C)undasso7-5 PravaNova234
279;JohnNladikiLemon,162-3;Madiki Minas34,39 Oy<r-53-6,60, 63, u7, 126-7, 110, 160, I tlO Printt o.f'Guintu/Printiltede Guintt(ship)
(N{ark)Lemon,77,85,162-3,I 84,187, N{itogbodii52 166.169 I 8. 0
20+ Montagudre, JosephOllivier I 64 Pahou2l.l Princc'sIsland170.173
Lencastre,ClaudioF'ernandode 255 Montciro,Francisco Antonio257 palm oif, trirdein 84, l2-5,128, 132-+,137, propert]'rightsti-5,2l 3
LeopoldII, King of Belgium,265 Montevideo172 190,202-l+,22232,240-+3,
252,262, prostitutionti6,25-5
I-eu'is,Cudjo(Kazoola)16,138,140-41, Muniz,J.C.243 palmkernels,
264-5; 206,227,230,2+2,
l.t1 7?4 Muslims:see'Islam' 252,265 Qu6num(Hou6nou), famill'9, 7.1,90, I l -5,
Lima,Joaquimde Cirqueira| 6n61,217 Palmerston, Lorcl 190 206,259.261,273-4,279; Atinz.il
Lima,JoaquimJonoDirs l5-16 Na-Geze67 panvarring l.l+, l+9 Hou6nou,265, 272: Azanmado
Lima,Nlarie15-16 Nago75,9l , 188,223 Paragualltl6 Hou6ntru,I I 5, 146, 175-7, 178,200-02,
Little Poposee'Popo, Little' Nana-Buruku, t,odun 93 Parakou27ll 206,210,2 1.ln1.5.5, 220,225,229,250-3:
Livcrpool{7 Nantes47 parvns 40,77,tl4-5,l:i+ KpadonouHou6nou,206,213, 251-3,
Loko, "^odunol-healing,
ti9 Napoleon155 Percira, Joio Suares 236,239 259-61,26-5; Kpossl-GbelvAzanmado
L<tmt277 Nassara 20 Peukert, Werner I l3 Hou6nou,26-5; Marc TirvalouQu6num,
London 170.239 Nesuhrve 90,9.1 Pellc.ru, altcrnltivenamcfirrOuidah,20 279;'Ich6ouIIou6nou,265;Tovakru
Luanda2, 5, 170.223n215 Netherlands sce'Dutch' Pcrnambuco 173 (fu6num,265,272, 27.1;Qu6numquarrer
'Lukumi'28 neutralityofOuidahport 36-7,+8,123-125, Philadelphia 169 o f O u i d a h1 0 , 7 ( 1 , l 7 7 , l l J 3 -240,0
Lynn, Martin 2'[2 t57 piracvEuropcan, 36;Africrrn.29
Neves, Jos6JoaquimdasI tJl, 199-200 Pla20 seealsoHula Ramsav170
N l a d e i r1 a 8 5 .1 9 9 . 2 3 6 New Yr-rrk 235,239 Polanyi,Karl 6, 4ti,{i6, I I 9, 129,l+7 Ranke,Leopoldvon 13
Nlah7 i 5 , 9 1 ,1 4 4 ,1 6 0 , 1 7 7 , 1 9 9 Nicolau,Luis 92 Popo,l.ittle 5, 2lJ,5,1,60-61,63-+,99, 108- R6gi3 s 1 ,1 6 1 1 , 1 t 5 , 2 0 5 , 2 21 3U3, - + . 2 + 1 ,
N'lahounon 17ti N i g e r i a1 , 6 ,1 5 , 2 7 , 3 2t l,3 ,l U l 1 0 ,1 2 5 ,l : i t t ,r 6 3 ,1 6 5 - 61, 7 0 - 7 11, 8 . 1 , 213,261
Malembal-57 N i k k i3 2 ,1 8 2 ill-5,lti9, 193,19.5, 191J,200, 20+,215, Rego,Joio Antoniodo l8l
Nlanning,Pirtrick227,260 Nobrc,CarlosJos6de Souza216-17 ,229, 2 2 2 , 2 2, 72 + 7, 2 6 6 Rcid,John3
nrarkets 32,76-7,82-4, tt8,104,106,147-tt, 235 Popo,(irirntl-20,22,29,+t'1, 52,55 6, 60, R e l n i c ru - 1 0 , 6 6 - 7 , 2 5 0
184,277 Notd',4qui(ship)23tt 6 . 59, 0 ,1 2 5 ,l 9 ' + 2, 1 6 ,2 3 5 ,2 6 5 RiodeJaneiro34, lltO,l9tl
N l i r r oq, u a r t eor f O u i d a h1 0 ,1 4 , 2 3 , 7 0 , 9 1 , Nokou6,[,ake26-tl,4l],126,201,213,225, populrtion o 1 ' O u i d al h, + l - 2 , 7 . 1 , 7 6l l,t + . Rorlrigucs, (.lndidoJoaquim199,268,271-
9 3 ,1 8 0 ,1 8 2 - 31, 9 9 2, 1 7 , 2 5 3o;f N i k k i , 228,230,258-259, 26+ 22.1.228.2++.270.2i3 2 , 2 i +5
32,182 Noudofinin104,25+ I ) o r t - r t L rl ) r i n t t ' 7 . 1 l { o t l rgi t r c s ,; .rft ' i n t oo.af rr;r i n lrl 5 ,| 9 9 ,2 | l J ,
Nuage2,54 'port rtf
Marinho,JoaquimPereiraI 86 t r : t t l c ' { r .{ l l , I l ( ) 2 J l. ) 2 ( ) . 1 1 72.6 n
Marmon,John204,207 Nugbockrhu,c, Yor'oglnol'()uidrrh, 27l -Zi l l)ort('r's'l-{
(r,77. li-l, I li /r. I f7. ll i ll I { o t l r i q t r t st l ; rS i l r r t , l " r ' r r ritst t o l t i f r ,2 6 1 , l 6 i
.-,
N { a r s e i l3l c1 ,l 6 l , 2 0 5 N u p cl t t l l ) o r t o \ o r o l , S . i l . f r f r , { l l r. l r , l { l ' 1 .l r ; l { , ' r r r , n(t. ; r l l r o l r rr n i s s r o r r . / r ' l r rl rr r: rs l t
'( '
M a r t i n sD , o m i n g o s J o8 se- 5l,' 1 6 ,l U 6 , 2 0 1 , I i S , l 7 l , l 7 f i . l f i t , .I ' r i 1 . ; r t r ) , . ' ( l l , . l ( ) i . l l r r \ l r , u l l \t
2 0 1 ,2 0 8 - 1 02, 1 5 - 2 1 72,l e - 2 1 2 , 2 e ,2 3 2 Otlc ll'tl - l l i l t r , - ) l t ). ) ( 1 . . ' . ' i/ { ) . t i i , . ' l l l . . t l i l , I t o r s . I ) . r r . l i . l { ri , l r ) i
3 . 2 3 5 . 2 1 l7J . 2 5 6l J ( ) l : rl l ' l l l - r l ; , l . . , r S ( t , . ' ( r lt , . . , , l . . ' , i l . . ' , \ I t , , r . r l\ l r t r , t t r( , , t r r 1 ' , r {r lr rr r r , l r . l ri). ' i , I i .
()0. ()7 ( ) l l i ; r l { ) , l l i , i ( l , . i l n l ' i i .i l . i l . l { ' l l i . l ; l ti'l
\lrrst'. z'arlaa l'otlo \r'r'ttto.r, .til lr' I i I

i0t
 Index Index
sabonguris32 29-30,43-9,71, 100-03,I I l-18,ch.4 7 , 2 1 6 , 2 2 2 , 2 3sl lc: ci r l s o( , u b r r wages44,86,135-6,147
73, 126,155:seealso
Saint-Domingue passim,155-60,163,165,169-77,190- steamships 233-+,238-9,2+2 .1
'IIaiti' 203,217-22, 232-9,265,267,273; inter- substantivism 6 Walkden,John 33,277
Sakpata90,93 nal,85,144,2l l, 223,239-40 Spallop(ship)l 12-16,125,127,l2e, l.l.l, Wangara, quarterof Djougou,32
Sale69 So,aodun38,89.92 seealso'Hevioso' l6+ Wariboko, Waibinte5
saft, salt-making27, 45,17, 83, 123 Samuelda Costa235-236
Soares, S w a n z yE, & A . 3 3 , 2 4 1 - . 21 5, 1 ,2 6 0 , 2 6 3 Warri 125
Salvador(Bahia)34,73 Soci6t6
desMissionsAfricaines 34. l8l. Wegbaja, King of Dahomey,149
Sangronio family:seeZangronis 255-6 Takon l3tl Wemekingdom,74-5,90,176 River,90,
Sunteria14 Sogbadji, quarter of Ouidah, 10,22,27,32, Talon l6l 201,225,230,259
Santos,Jos6 Franciscodos8, 134,142,186- 37-9,+l-2,54,67,69,70-1,74-5,77,89- t a x a t i o4
n 5 ,8 2 ,1 0 3 - 41, 0 6 ,l l 7 - 1 9 ,l 2 l , Whidah-bird2
7, lg9, 192,195-9,200,203,205,207-9, 93,104-5, 108,162,180,185,188,226, 146,194,200,214,224_6,212_3,2+7_9, Whydah(ship)2
210,212,229,235,236,2+3,2+7-9, 257, 239,253 252.264:seealso'customs' Widah(Jamaica)2
260 Soglo, Nic6phore279 Tchamb3 a 9 , 9 1 ,1 3 8 widow-bird:seeWhidah-bird
Santos, Jacintoda Costa 186,?.+3,252 Solot6,family75 Tchiakp621,69 William'sFort 33:seealso'Brirain,English
S i o T o m 63 4 ,l 8 l , 1 8 5 , 2 1 9 , 2 5 5 - 7 , 2 6 5 , 2 6 7 Sorensen-Gilmour, Caroline-5 T c h i b o z ol l 5 , 1 7 8 fort in Ouidah'
Sasse Koka 269-70 Soumonni, Elis6eI l9 Tegan,57,60-61,99-100, 103,105,120-2I William III, King of England,32
Savalou74-5 de Souzafamily9, 34,150,201,213,215-16, Tegbesu,King of Dahomey( I 740-74)59, Wilmot, A.P.E.227,237-9, 241,246,255
SaviasHuedacapital,19,21-6,3I , 33-5,3tl- 219,228,2+5-7,256-7,268,27+, 277, 61, 64,66,69-70, 90,97-I 00, I 02_03, Winnebah25-5
9, +2-5,50,7 l, 7 3n2,94-5,132,I 34, 140, 2 7 9 c; o m p o u n d , 3 4 , 8103, 2 ,1 3 7 ,1 8 3 , I l0-l l, ll4-17, 120,123,149 witchcraft96;and slavetrade,I 50-2
142;underDahomianrule,52-3,56,58, 187;AntonioFelixde Souzasurnamed Testefole,Charles,55-6 women76-77,95, ll7, 2ll-12
6 7 , 7 1 , 8 4 , 8 71, 0 9 ,1 3 9 u ; n d e rF r e n c h 'Agbakoun',195, 2+6,268;AntonioF'elix theft47,86,109-10 Wyburne,Petley32-3,35
ru|e,274,278 de Souza'Kokou', 179,186-8,195-6, Thereza (ship),172
S6houmi59 198,2 I 5-I 6, 221,229,244-6,275; Cyrille T o g o2 7 , 3 9 , 7 4 , 9 1 , 2 6 6 Yalode9l
S e i g n i olnl l , l l 3 - 1 4 de Souza,275;FblixLino de Souza, Toho,lagoon,26, 28, 194 Yansu103-5
S6kloka,Yovoganof Ouidah,253n125,266, 274n58.275: Francisco Felixde Souza Tokpo,merchantfamily 103,I 15,178 Y6, King of Huedain exile,21n20,65
268,270 ( l s t C h a c h a2) ,, 9 - 1 0 ,1 5 ,3 4 ,7 9 ,8 5 ,l l 7 , Tokpo,Dahomianofficial,120 Yodcr,John219-220
S6kplon,YovoganofOuidah,99 1 2 2 ,1 2 9 ,1 3 7 ,1 4 9 - 5 01, 5 5 ,1 6 0 - 6 11,6 3 - Tokpodun23,91 Yovogan,officialin Huedakingdom,43,
Simi 201,229:seealsoPorto-Novo 80, I 83-l 88, 193-7,199-201,203-4,206- Tom, Captain41,43 61,127:in OuidahunderDahomian
Serval.Pa:ul263-4.266 7, 210,Zl 3-l 5, 220,223,228;F'rancisco Topoy 52-4 r u f e ,9 , 5 7 ,6 0 n 5 96, 1 , 6 3 , 6 6 , 8 28, 8 ,9 0 ,
Shango:seeChango Felixde Souza'Chico' (4th Chacha), Tori 84, 109,139,148,178,209,212,278 93,98-99,100-l3, | 18,120_21, 123,
Shelley., PercyBysshe2 195-6,2+6,248,256-7,261,266,268; Toubiazl8l 727, 129-32,134, 136, 137, 144, 150,
SierraLeone82, 150,156,170,182-4,188, GeorgesAntonio de Souza244,275-6; Tov6,quarterof Ouidah,10,20-21,32-3, 153,168,174-5,192,l94, 199,200,206,
190;settlers from,in Ouidah,85, 170, GermanoJuliio de Souza268;Ignacio 4l-2, 59,69,7 1, gg_90,105,176,197,201 213,215, 220,236,2+0_41, 244,2+7,
190.2t7.242 F'elixde Souza(3rdChacha), 177,195-6, tangott-Sollmer 244 249-50, 252-5,257,261,266,268,270_
(da)Silva,Alexandre 272,275 2 I 5-16, 221,241,245-6,249; Isidoro 'Treeof Forgetting'153
73, 278; residence of,70, 72,79,92-3,
(da)Silveira,AndrePinto169 I.'elixde Souza(2ndChacha),171,186, 'Treeof Return' 153
103,134,279;Yovogannon (female
singho/ singbome 36, 183,187,215 193,195,198,207,215-16,219,?21, Turnbull, Henry 260,263 Yovogan), 250
Single,alternativenamefor Ouidah,24 229,245-6; Isidorede Souza(Cardinal), Ynruba28, 32n93,53, I 25, 160,Z33;setlers
Slave C o a s 1t , 3 , 5 , 2 9 , 3 6 n119 , 4 05, 0 , 7 3 , 279;JacintoJos6 de Souza,163,165; U N E S C O1 . 5 , 2 1 t 0 from,in Ouidah,75, 79,90-91,95,125,
214:seealso'Benin,Bightof ' JeronimoF'elixde Souza,246;Julido u s A 2 , 1 6 ,1 4 9 1, 5 6 1, 6 9 _ 7 1
09, 1 l, 9 t J , 2 l 6 , 180-82,r88,223
'slaveroute'inOuidah2-3,280 Felixde Souza(4th Chacha),260-61, 233-5,237-8
slavery, slaves, in Ouidahl5-16, 75-ti,79-t10, 266-8,275; I-ino Felixde Souza(6th Z a n g b c t9o5 , 2 1 2
8 3 - 59, 0 - 9 11, 2 2 ,1 3 9 ,l 4 l , 1 8 3 ,1 8 8 2, 11 - Chacha),I Ult,261i,274n58,275;Nor- t u u l o ur e l i g i o n o l ' I I : r i r i , 2l,- l Zrrngronis (S:rngrrinio) lamilv 173,ltt.5;Juan
13,223-+,244-5,252,277;in European bertolranciscocleSouza(7th(,hacha), Victrr, firmilr,IttO;I )i.sirt'\'i5 r:r,27(), .fosi'Zrrngronis, 173,I (13,-t,
197;Irrrn-
factories,39-41,69,75-8,83-84,I 64; 9, 26lJ;Nhrtinc dc Souzl,9, l5; l)irul- S a b i n oV i c rr r r ,l l 3 0I ciscoZ:rngrorris, I 7.i
formerslaves, resettlcdin Africa,fl, l.l, llmilc de Souzr((icrrcr11),27t); Sinrorrc I i l l r r l ; rl , \I '/.;rntilttr,
r'orrrr sht.llsliorrr2()5.l0ll. 2l l.
1 6 ,7 7 ,9 1 ,1 7 9 - l r i 41, 8 7 - 8r,9 2 ,l e e - 2 ( X ) , tle Sotrz:t.(.) i rulrtnr<'lil,iorr| 5, ll l, ;ll, lili (r; st.t .rlrrr -ltI
2 1 2 .? 2 7. 2 + 2 r l c S o t r z r r , . f r xl )i ri r r h t ' i r o" I ' i r p : r r i tr ' J . i { r Z r t t ( l r of ( r . i 7
s l r t r cl r a t l c . t r i r r t s . ' \ t l : r r r t i t ,I + , l l l(). lll. S p : r i r rS, p : r n i s llr( ) , . i 5 , I 5 ( r 7 , 1 7 . i ,1 1 1 52.0 ( r \ o l t . r l. { r r t r ,l l ; , l a l / r t r z r r r . l , r l r , r r. r' ;, | . ) . - t ; I

ll)lr
 lndex
Zo 80-81,t)9,94,97;Zonon(priestof Zo), 7omai.quarterof Ouidah,10,70,79,80,
97 137,l,+3,l8l, 183_4, 200,2t5,257,in
Z o b a t i 6I,l 4 - 1 5 Zoungbodji,138
Zob6nrarket32,+2,80,82,8lJ,10.1,106, Zonglar103
t+7, 184,277 Zossoungbo 38-9,67, 69,162
Zogbodomt2l2 zongos 32;Zongo,quarterofOuidah,32
Zoheino62-3 Z o u n g b o d1j i7 , 2 6 ,5 3 , 5 1612, ,l 0 U ,l l + , 1 3 6 ,
Zoj'age 37 l 3 l i t l.+ 2 . 1 5 3
 SIIDITS

'Thh
h the opusby Britain's leadingpractitioner of pre-conquest,4frtcan htstor.l Thc :t':,,1
is meticulouslyresearched.,
fascinating t0 a.nllne
elegantlyroritten, cornprehensiaely
interestedin historicalprocessin general
structuredanJ ntnn:t;;i;i,.i
and LIest.7.fn;an i11;14r.',
particular. The story of Ouidah has recentlybeennoticedby many in a prtze-rtnnnt B BC
Timepatch documentary...lt is ako famlus as lne of the settingsof the long-almtrci n,,:tl
tn c
s )t
\?
by Bruce Chatwin 0n the Viceroy of Ouid,ah.' - David Birrningham. Prot-essorof e$.
Modern History, University of Kent at Canterbury
'The
great strengthsof the worh are the author'scommandof his sources.htsabtltt', :,-,in4t
them togetherfor the illumination of the issueshe raises,and his avarencsso.l-m.zn.',

both a social and a moral issue.'- Ralph Austen, Professor of -\fncan llrstort.
University of Chicago
':,:qi:
of slaaetrad.ehistoriography,from questionsof political eclnlmy t0 thlse 0.1 mtn.. , i-i $
S"
Between the seventeenth and the nineteenth centuries Ouidah \ras thc moi( C4 \
important embarkation point for slaves in the region of \l'est.\tiica \nosn to S- s C\
outsiders as the 'Slave Coast'. Exporting over a million slaves,it rvassecond onlr tt-, e (-)
Luanda in Angola. Ten per cent of all trans-Atlantic exports \\'ere sent from thcre In se)
Oq
1727 it was conquered by the inland state of Dahomey, to which it remained subrecr
until the French colonial occupation of 1892.This book deals n'ith Ouidah's rolc rn r* S
the operation of the slavetrade and the problems presented by-the transition liom thc S\/
\
slave trade to that of palm produce in the nineteenth century. a \
q
This study differs from earlier work on Dahomey in focusing on Ouidah a-sthe
coastal
'port' and centre of local provincial administration, rather than the inland \-I s
a\
capital of Abomey. It is based on meticulous analysis of a rvide rangc oi sourcc N)
\-t
material, including both contemporary European documents and local traditions. I ,S
Robin Law is Professor of African History at the University of Stirline @ S
Contents:Introduction - Origins:OuidahbeforetheDahomian conquest -The Dahomrrn ,-o:.-6:
of Ouidah - Dahomian Ouidah-The operation
of theAtlantic
slavetrade- De Souz:'sOurdrh :rc c:r N) s
(\\
of theillegalslave -The eraof transition:
trade,1815-39 fromslavesto palmoil, I8*0--i7- Dssc:s:,: l-1
& decline:OuidahunderKing Glele,1858-77 - FromDahomian to Frenchrule,1878-91 - Sour;cst
bibliography \
Coverillustration: slavesawaitingshipment^tZomai,Ouidah,1850,from F.E.ForbcsDahomc', :,j \,
theDahomans (London,1851) e)
S
James Currejt Ohio (Jnit ersll.1'Plc'-tr
jamescurrey.co.
www uk wwn:ohio-edu,/o uprcss

tsBN 0-85255-498-2 l s B N 0 - 8 2 1 4 -1 5 7 1 - 9
3

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