practical Assignment

on
Extensive review of the empirical research work
using qualitative method

Submitted to

Dr. Mrs. Juri Baruah.

Department of CDFR.
College of Home Science.
AAU. Jorhat.

Submitted by

Mrs. Sampreety Gogoi.

Ph.D. 1st year 2nd Sem.

Roll No. 10-H(D)-02.
Course No: HDFS 607.

Date: 11 May,2011.

A Qualitative Study of Early Childhood Educators’ Beliefs

about Key Preschool Classroom Experiences
 Abstract
The aim of the study was to uncover early childhood educators’ beliefs about how to best
work with children getting ready for kindergarten. The study involved 11 focus groups with
providers from three types of early education settings located in Los Angeles County: (1)
public center-based programs, (2) private center-based programs, and (3) family child care
programs. Results from the qualitative data analyses revealed three types of preschool
classroom experiences that participants believed to be important when working with children
who are getting ready for kindergarten: (1) types of teacher-child interaction, (2) children’s
learning environment, and (3) types of learning opportunities. Each of these dimensions was
made up of several factors. Although educators from all three types of early education
programs mentioned these dimensions, there was variation among the factors that make up
each dimension, with differences between and within center type.

Introduction
School readiness—a young child’s preparation for K–12 success—is commonly discussed in
the early childhood education literature. Research has shown that preschool, particularly
high-quality preschool, plays an important role in developing many of the cognitive and
social skills that researchers as well as educators consider to be essential for school readiness.

Review Of Literature
1. However, there is significant variation in how parents, teachers, and early childhood
caregivers define school readiness (Hains, Fowler, Schwartz, Kottwitz, &
Rosenkoetter, 1989; Harradine & Clifford, 1996, Vartuli, 1999; Wesley & Buysee,
2003). 
2. What early childhood caregivers believe that children should experience before
entering kindergarten (i.e., teacher belief systems) has important implications for the
school readiness of children in such early childhood settings as preschool. For
example, teacher belief systems have been shown to be a major determinant of teacher
classroom decision making (Fang, 1996; Kagan, 1992; Pajares, 1992; Vartuli, 1999)
and are responsible for classroom climate and socialization processes (Vartuli, 1999).
3. Although a number of studies examine parent and teacher beliefs about school
readiness, no studies examine differences in these beliefs across different types of
early childhood care providers (Hains et al., 1989; Harradine & Clifford, 1996,
Vartuli, 1999; Wesley & Buysee, 2003).
4. Specifically, the research shows that higher classroom quality in early childhood
learning environments is predictive of child cognitive and social outcomes, with
children who experience higher quality doing much better than children in lower-
quality early learning environments (Burchinal, Howes, & Kontos, 2002; Lamb,
1998).
5. The research indicates that among center-based and family-based programs teacher
education and training predicted quality of the classroom environment (Burchinal et
al., 2002; Clarke-Stewart, Vandell, Burchinal, O’Brien, & McCartney, 2002; Doherty,
Forer, Lero, Goelman, & LaGrange, 2006; Kontos, Howes, Shinn, & Galinsky, 1995).
Evidence also indicates that training in early childhood education or related fields is
significantly predictive of classroom quality compared to training in other disciplines
(Doherty et al., 2006). While teacher education has been found to predict the quality
of the environment across center- and family-based programs, the research also shows
 that there are differences across program type that have implications for children’s
outcomes.
6. Specifically, researchers have found that center-based programs tend to offer more
space, toys, educational materials, and a more-structured curriculum compared to
other programs, including family-based programs and relative care (Dowsett, Huston,
Imes, & Gennetian, 2008; Fuller, Kagan, Loeb, & Chang, 2004; Kontos, Hsu, &
Dunn, 1994).
7. Stipek and Byler (1997) found that early childhood teachers who held stronger beliefs
in basic-skill practices, such as highly structured, teacher-directed instruction, were
also less likely to endorse child-centered practices, whereas early childhood teachers
who had stronger beliefs in a child-centered curriculum also valued child
independence and self-esteem (Stipek & Byler, 1997).
8. McCarty and colleagues (2001) found that Head Start educators in lower-quality
classrooms are more likely to respond favorably to statements about developmentally
inappropriate classroom practices than teachers in higher-quality classrooms. Other
studies that have found discrepancies between beliefs and practices argue that
experience in the care setting becomes important because teachers, particularly those
with low efficacy, find it difficult to maintain discipline using the child-centered
practices they attest to believe in (McMullen, 1997).
9. Studies show that, in general, early childhood educators hold belief systems and
conduct practices more in line with developmentally appropriate practices (i.e.,
practices that meet the cognitive and age-specific needs of children) than do teachers
in kindergarten through third grade (Buchanan, Burts, Bidner, White, &
Charlesworth, 1998; Stipek & Byler, 1997; Vartuli, 1999). This may be because of the
great popularity of child-centered practices in the early childhood education
community and the significant influence that developmentally appropriate practice
has had on many early childhood training programs (Vartuli, 1999). Another
explanation is that educators may be drawn to particular care settings because of these
differing beliefs or may develop different belief systems based on unique experiences
within each type of setting. 

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Do attributes in the physical environment influence

children's physical activity?
 Background
Many youth today are physically inactive. Recent attention linking the physical or built
environment to physical activity in adults suggests an investigation into the relationship
between the built environment and physical activity in children could guide appropriate
intervention strategies.

A review of the literature

1. In 2000, Sallis et al. published a comprehensive review of predictors of physical

activity among youth. Studies published between 1970 and 1998 were included in the
review. While this review does not focus on the physical environment, a small
proportion of the 108 studies reviewed are specific to the physical environment.
2. In 2005, McMillan] reviewed studies in both planning and public health literatures on
urban form and children's trip to school. McMillan outlines policies and programs that
may promote walking and cycling to school (e.g., Safe Routes to School) and
highlights the lack of focus on children in the transportation literature. In the absence
of research on environmental factors that affect children's trips to school, most of the
studies reviewed by McMillan focus on adult populations.
3. Four out of six studies found no association between home equipment and children's
physical activity. Specifically, Sallis et al. found no association between an objective
assessment of equipment available in the home and observed levels of physical
activity among preschool children.
4. Dunton et aland Trost et al. found no association between adolescents' reports of
equipment in the home and their self-reported physical activity. A second study by
Trost et al. found no association between adolescents' reports of home equipment and
their objectively measured physical activity using accelerometers.
5. Stucky-Ropp and DiLorenzo found that the number pieces of exercise equipment in
the home was positively and significantly associated with higher self-reported
physical activity among adolescents girls and boys and young adolescent girls (but not
boys).
6. In an exclusively Hispanic sample, Gomez et al] found that objectively measured
distance to the nearest play area was inversely associated with adolescent boys', but
not girls', self-reported physical activity.
7. Furthermore, Timperio, et al. found that children who reported a lack of parks or
sports grounds near their home made fewer walking and cycling trips. In contrast to
these studies, Sallis et al.] and Adkins et al (using an exclusively Black sample) found
no association between proximity of playgrounds and parks and children's objectively
measured physical activity.
8. Timperio et al] found that parents' reports of few sporting arenas in the area were
linked with lower rates of walking and cycling among girls.

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Qualitative research on children´s play

 Background
This presentation is a review of the recent, English-language (mostly peer reviewed)
qualitative research on children’s play. It focuses on the place play has in children’s
experience and giving sense to the world. Thus, it will leave aside the large and important
body of research on the effect or outcomes (benefits and possible harmful consequences) of
play which however tells us little on why children like to play so much and in particular on
why they play so intensively, on why they are so much absorbed by play. A much more
elaborate version of the review will appear in the new edited ICCP book on children’s play.
Here, I will focus on just some of the recent contributions and trends in the field; I will not
consider methodologies, although the recent turn to visual methods (especially photography)
as complementing the very diverse observational methods, should certainly be mentioned in
this context.

A review of recent literature.

1. In reviewing research on children’s play in the field of folklore, Ackerley (2003, 11)
notes a “trend away from the consideration of what children play, to the investigation
of why and how these folklore traditions are kept alive”. The comprehensive
collections of children’s games “have given way to greater consideration of the
conditions under which such play occurs”. This is not only true for studies of ‘child
lore’, but for qualitative studies of children’s play in general. Recent research has
started to give us a more detailed and more nuanced view of ‘how’ children play – the
research on play and gender is a good illustration of this –, while research on
children’s own experiences and sense-giving complement the longer established
instrumental perspective on ‘why’ children (should) play. This is also related to a
somewhat more outspoken attention to the concept of play itself.
2. When play is explicitly conceptualised or theorized, it is often remarked that play is
extremely elusive: although “we all know what play is when where are in it”
(Lindquist, 2001, 13), “in its ambiguity and variability, play slips away from all
theoretical tenets” (ibid.).
3. Christopher Harker (2005) points out that “all attempts to give a definition [of play]
have so far failed because they always partake of exclusions which are empirically
contradicted” (Harker, 2005, 59). Play can be creative and liberating, critical and
active; but it can be repetitive, violent, reinforce the status quo or take the form of
thinking, wishing or daydreaming as well. Because of this complexity, Harker
suggests modesty in theorizing playing.
4. Sutton-Smith (1997) distinguishes play from playfulness and proposes to use the term
play only for clearly framed activities. Playfulness by contrast is not an activity but an
attitude towards (almost all kinds of) activities in which routines or expectations are
manipulated, disrupted, played with.
5. Remarkably little research focuses explicitly on what play actually means to children;
usually this is ‘hidden’, or integrated, in research on ‘gender’ in play, play as set in
school playgrounds etc. Doubtlessly this has to do with the fact that play is so strongly
interwoven with children’s everyday lives an sich. An important contribution to the
developing study of the meaning of play could be provided by folklore studies on
children’s play, which have recently been integrated somewhat more in the
mainstream childhood studies. Child lore studies have often been criticized for
focusing too much on children’s cultures as separate from adult culture and for
neglecting relationships with adults. Child lore itself can be considered as a relatively
closed peer-to-peer space: it is “owned and controlled by children themselves and is
 unrelated to adult directed and organised games that may occur in the playground”
(Ackerley, 2003, 3).
6. Janice Ackerley shows (2002, 5) even news items like the food and mouth scare in
Britain are reflected in new versions of old songs (“Mary had a little lamb / Its feet
were covered in blisters / Now its burning in the paddock / With all its brothers and
sisters”). Indeed, children constantly appropriate elements from adult life in their play,
and this entails not merely ‘internalising’ adult content but reshaping it to be
meaningful in children’s own life-worlds. Rhymes, stories, jokes and riddles are
often subversive, scatological or sexual in content and shared by children (‘we,
children’) as opposed to the ignorant adults (Ackerley, 2003).
7. More elaborated, and connected with children’s growing up and their status as future
adults, are fortune-telling games (Duran & Zierkiewicz, 2004; also see Corsaro, 2005,
209-211).
8. (Moore, 2002) and especially gender are used in inclusion and exclusion. For
instance, boys can claim a territory as a ‘boy’s zone’ or label contact with girls as
polluting. But even within same-sex play groups, detailed ethnographic research has
revealed many forms of hierarchy and status and tactics for inclusion and exclusion
(Aydt & Corsaro, 2003; Evaldsson & Corsaro, 1998; Goodwin, 2001, 2002a, 2002b).
9. Arluke (2002) considers animal abuse as a kind of ‘dirty play’ that is part of
adolescent socialisation. No less than ordinary play, dirty play (which adults might
find offensive) is connected to children’s social development. Dirty play helps
children to interpret “where they stand in the social scheme of things and mastering
what adults ordinarily deny to them through having more power” (Arluke, 2002, 407).
It is marked off from everyday play because it has a seriousness that makes it cool.
10. According to Stone & Lozon (2004), this offers more possibilities for prosocial
behaviour (helping, caring, sharing) and for leadership (older children, even those
with less leadership qualities, can act as leaders of younger children). Culture and
ethnicity Research on culture and ethnicity (or ‘race’ in American studies) covers two
complementary questions: how are children from different cultural or ethnic
backgrounds playing differently?; and how do children form different cultures or
ethnicities interrelate during play? Here too the research remains limited. Playing and
its organisation reflects social and cultural norms. For instance, among the Tunisian
and Moroccan children studied by Rossie (2005), gender is reflected in pretend games
and the objects that are used therein. Sexual differentiation is reproduced since older
girls are taking care of younger children. Once they are about six years old, boys
leave the girls’ group, thus reinforcing a clear segregation between boys’ and girls’
play groups.

References
Ackerley, J. 2002. Playground rhymes keep up with the times. Play and Folklore 42, 4-8.

Ackerley, J. 2003. Gender differences in the folklore play of children in primary school
playgrounds. Play and Folklore 44, 2-15.

Armitage, M. 2004. Hide and seek – where do children spend their time after school? Paper
presented at The Second European Conference Child in the City, London, 20-22 October
2004.

Arluke, A. 2002. Animal abuse as dirty play. Symbolic Interaction 25, 405-430.

Aydt, H. & Corsaro, W. A. 2003. Differences in children’s construction of gender across

culture. American Behavioral Scientist 46, 1306-1325.

Bai, L. 2005. Children at play: A childhood beyond the Confucian shadow. Childhood 12, 9-
32.

Baylina Ferré, M., Ortiz Guitart, A. & Prats Ferret, M. 2006. Children and playgrounds in
Mediterranean cities. Children’s Geographies 4, 173-183.

Blackford, H. 2004. Playground panopticism. Ring-around-the-children, a pocketful of

women. Childhood 11, 227-249.

Blatchford, P., Baines, E. & Pellegrini, A. 2003. The social context of school playground
games: Sex and ethnic differences, and changes over time after entry to junior school.

British Journal of Developmental Psychology 21, 481-505.

Blinkert, B. 2004. Quality of the city for children: Chaos and order. Children, Youth and
Environments 14 (2), 99-112.

Burke, C. 2005. “Play in focus”: Children researching their own spaces and places for play.
Children, Youth and Environments 15 (1): 27-53.

Corsaro, W. A. 2005. The sociology of childhood. Second edition. Thousand Oaks: Sage.

Daschütz, P. 2006. Spare time in the city: A comparison of activity space and leisure
mobility of children and adolescents in a park and an inner-city quarter in Vienna. Paper
presented at the Third European Conference Child in the City, Stuttgart, 16-18 October
2006.

Duran, M. & Zierkiewicz, E. 2004. Fortune-telling games played by Croatian and Polish
girls. Paper presented at the 23rd ICCP World Play Conference, ‘Play and Education’,
Cracow, 15-17 September 2004.

Evaldsson, A.-C. 2003. Throwing like a girl? Situating gender differences in physicality
across game contexts. Childhood 10, 475-497.

Evaldsson, A.-C. & Corsaro, W. A. 1998. Play and games in the peer cultures of preschool
and preadolescent children. An interpretative approach. Childhood 5, 377-402.
Factor, J. 2004. Tree stumps, manhole covers and rubbish-tins: The invisible play-lines of a
primary school playground. Childhood 11, 142-154.
Farver, J. A. M. & Lee-Shin, Y. 2000. Acculturation and Korean-American children’s social
and play behaviour. Social Development 9, 316-336.

Fjortoft, I. 2004. Landscape as playscape: The effects of natural environments on children’s

play and motor development. Children, Youth and Environments 14 (2), 21-44.

Goodwin, M. H. 2001. Organizing participation in cross-sex jump rope: Situating gender

differences within longitudinal studies of activities. Research on Language and Social
Interaction 34, 75-106.

13 Goodwin, M. H. 2002a. Building power asymmetries in girls’ interaction. Discourse &

Society 13, 715-730.

Goodwin, M.H. 2002b. Exclusion in girls’ peer groups: Ethnographic analysis of language
practices on the playground. Human Development 45, 392-415.

Harker, C. 2005. Playing and affective time-spaces. Children’s Geographies 3, 47-62.

Karsten, L. 2003. Children’s use of public space. The gendered world of the playground.
Childhood 10, 457-473.

Kernan, Margaret. 2005. Using digital photography to listen to young children’s perspectives
of their outdoor play experiences in early childhood education settings. Paper presented at
the Childhoods 2005 International Conference, Oslo, 29 June – 3 July 2005.

Lindquist, G. 2001. Elusive play and its relations to power. Focaal – European Journal of
Anthropology 37, 13-23.

Lindstrand, P. 2005. Playground and outdoor play – A literature review. Stockholm:

Stockholm International Toy Research Centre.

Moore, V. A. 2002. The collaborative emergence of race in children’s play: A case study of
two summer camps. Social Problems 49, 58-78.

Pellegrini, A. & Blatchford, P. 2002. The developmental and educational significance of

recess in schools. EarlyReport Newsletter 29 (1).

Pellegrini, A. D., Blatchford, P., Kato, K. & Baines, E. 2004. A short-term longitudinal study
of children’s playground games in primary school: Implications for adjustment to school
and social adjustment in the USA and the UK. Social Development 13, 107-123.

Rasmussen, Kim. 2004. Places for children – children’s places. Childhood 11, 155-173.
Riley, J. G. & Jones, R. B. 2005. Investigating gender differences in recess play. PlayRights
XXVI (1): 18-21.

Rossie, J.-P. 2005. Toys, play, culture and society. An anthropological approach with
reference to North Africa and the Sahara. Stockholm: Stockholm International Toy
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Stone, S. J. & Lozon, C. 2004. The cognitive and social values of play in the learning
contexts of mixed-aged children. Paper presented at the 23rd ICCP World Play Conference,
‘Play and Education’, Cracow, 15-17 September 2004.

Sutton-Smith, B. 1997. The ambiguity of play. Cambridge (Mass.): Harvard University

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Thomson, S. 2005. ‘Territorialising’ the primary school playground: Deconstructing the

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Valentine, G. 2004. Public space and the culture of childhood. London: Ashgate.
Faculty Attitudes and Students with Disabilities in Higher
Education.
Abstract
Attitudes toward disabilities as a topic is widely researched when it comes to published
studies concerned with disability issues. 'Attitudinal barriers' is recognized widely as an
impediment to success of persons with disabilities. However, this also happens to be the least
researched variable in studies done with faculty and students with disabilities in higher
education. This article presents review of literature on faculty attitudes towards persons with
disabilities in four different parts: attitudes as a construct, views on attitudes towards
disabilities, measurement of attitude towards disabilities, and studies done at colleges and
universities with faculty. The fourth section discusses various variables that influence
attitudes of faculty towards disabilities. Implications for future studies are discussed.

A Literature Review.

According to the U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics
[NCES], (1999), the passage of Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA) and other
laws such as the Section 504 of the Vocational Rehabilitation Act in 1973 and the Americans
With Disabilities Act (ADA) in 1990, which ensure equal access to education for individuals
with disabilities, has catalyzed an increase in postsecondary enrollment among students with
disabilities over the past two decades.
1. Chubon (1992) reported that in terms of the sheer numbers of published disability
related research studies, few topics appear to have captured the attention that attitudes
toward persons with disabilities has. The authors cited reference to 'attitudinal
barriers' as a common occurrence among those concerned with disability issues and
attitudes have been implicated as the cause of a broad spectrum of problems that has
beset persons with disabilities. The least researched variable, however, in terms of its
impact on faculty willingness to provide accommodations to students with disabilities
in higher education is faculty attitudes toward persons with disabilities.
2. Fonosch and Schwab (1981) contended that there was minimal research in the area of
faculty attitudes toward disabilities in higher education. Few other studies undertaken
since 1981 that studied this factor in relation to success of students with disabilities in
higher education (Badgett, 1993; Benham, 1995; Lewis, 1998; McCarthy &
Campbell, 1993; McGee, 1989; Rao, 2002; Schoen, Uysal, & McDonald, 1987;
Williamson, 2000) also expressed the contention. This article presents review of
related literature in four parts. The first part describes attitudes as a construct, the
second part presents views on attitudes towards disabilities, the third part focuses on
measurement of faculty attitude towards disabilities, and the fourth part describes the
variables that influenced faculty attitudes towards disabilities.
3. Antonak (1988, p.109) defined attitude as 'an idea charged with emotion which
predisposes a class of actions in particular class of social situations.' The class of
situations is referent and that may be an object, a person, an event or a construct.
There is a diversity of views with regard to the basic definition of attitude with more
than 30 reported definitions. Although attitude theorists may posit definitions that
deviate considerably, applied research most frequently is focused on behavioral
aspects. The majority of attitude researchers are concerned with understanding social
behaviors, viewing attitudes as emotion-laden mindsets that serve as a more or less
hidden motivator for behavior. According to Cook (1992), attitudes comprise three
elements: cognition- the individual's perception and conceptualization of the attitude.
 Young children as global citizens
Background
Trócaire’s engagement in the early years sector began in 2000, at a time when Ireland was
becoming increasingly multi-cultural and when statutory support was available for education
programmes incorporating diversity and inclusion perspectives. Trócaire’s initial education
work in the sector focused on developing a programme with a global focus in conjunction
with representatives of the various stakeholders within the early years sector. The programme
was delivered with the support of the nationwide network of Childcare
Committees. Subsequently, to provide ongoing support, Trócaire began producing thematic
materials for early years annually.
Recognising the challenges inherent in exploring complex development issues with young
children and the opportunities presented with the publication of Aistear (NCCA, 2009),
Trócaire approached St Patrick’s College, Drumcondra (SPD) to explore how young
children’s engagement with the justice perspective of development education could be
supported.  SPD as a college of education for primary teachers, with its Centre for Human
Rights and Citizenship Education, its engagement in the Development and Intercultural
Education (DICE) programme and its commitment to educational research, was well placed
to respond. The Trócaire/SPD partnership which subsequently emerged from this dialogue
began by undertaking research which focused on two main areas: how young children engage
with issues of global justice and strategies for exploring these issues in early years
settings. The research involved a literature review, small scale qualitative research, and the
application of the findings and the methodologies employed to the development of an early
years education programme.

Literature review
 
There is a dearth of literature on young children’s engagement with issues of global justice
and that which exists reveals conflicting attitudes regarding children’s perceived ‘readiness’
to deal with global justice issues (Robinson & Jones Diaz, 2009; Kelly & Brooks,
2009). These attitudes are strongly interconnected with different early childhood discourses
and theories of socialisation and developmentalism. Discourses of childhood innocence and
the perception that children are too young and too cognitively and emotionally immature to
deal with global justice issues take little account of the significant impact of globalisation on
children. The proliferation of sophisticated technologies, increased worldwide
interconnectedness and the targeting of young children with items of popular culture, suggest
that discourses of childhood innocence and naivety may be outdated (Steinberg & Kincheloe,
1997, cited in Robinson & Jones Díaz, 2009). Innovative ways of understanding childhood
and children’s learning have emerged from the new sociology of childhood,
postmodern/poststructuralist theories and critical psychology (Robinson & Jones Díaz, 2009;
Devine, 2003; Hong, 2003). 
 
            Proponents of these new perspectives challenge conventional definitions of
childhood. One conventional view is Piaget’s (1932) theory of cognitive-development, which
is based on the notion ‘that all children reach certain cognitive development stages’ (that are
biologically predetermined) that ‘correlate’ with specific chronological ages. The process is
linear, begins at birth and continues until adulthood (Robinson & Jones Díaz,
2009:6). Piagetian theory ignores children’s social world (Van Ausdale & Feagin,
1996). This traditional view perceives children as passive recipients of the dominant culture
and constructs children as being too young and too innocent to engage in ‘adult’ issues. This
perspective has a significant impact on early childhood educators’ perceptions of ‘children’s
experiences and understandings of diversity, difference and social difference and social
inequalities’ (Robinson & Jones Diaz, 2009:171).  In contrast, the new perspectives challenge
educators to identify appropriate strategies for engaging young children in global
issues. Theorists such as Vygotsky (1986) and Donaldson (1978) locate children ‘in a social
world in which interactions are the source of mental functioning and meanings for social
concepts’ (Peterson & McCabe, 1994:780).
 
            The literature review sought out research into children’s conceptions of key
development issues such as poverty and fairness. There is a paucity of literature pertaining to
children’s conceptions of poverty (Chafel, 1997). However, existing research indicates that
young children think about and try to make sense of social justice issues such as poverty and
its manifestations (Ramsey, 1991; 2008; 2008a; Leahy, 1983). Similarly, there is a dearth of
literature pertaining to young children’s constructions of fairness with existing literature
focusing largely on moral dilemmas regarding interpersonal relations or financial poverty
(Killeen, et al., 2001; Ramsey, 1991; Lerner, 1974). However, the research recovered
indicates that children develop a sense of fairness and can identify inequalities from a young
age. It also suggests that approaches aimed at promoting young children’s engagement with
issues of global justice should: allow space for children’s own concerns, personal
experiences and solutions (Hong, 2003; Chafel, et al., 2007); build on children’s own
experiences and background knowledge (Hong, 2003); address conceptions and
misconceptions about global justice issues including issues relating to poverty and human
rights, prejudice and discrimination (Fountain, 1990); encourage children to think critically
(Connolly & Hosken, 2006); explicitly deal with young children’s racial attitudes (Connolly
& Hosken, 2006); and ensure that stereotypes are not reinforced (Ramsey, 2008b).

References
 Chafel, JA (1997) ‘Children’s Views of Poverty: A Review of Research and Implications for
Teaching’ in The Educational Forum, Vol. 61, 4, pp. 360-371.
 Chamberlin, M & Chamberlin, R (2005) Mama Panya’s Pancakes, Barefoot Books,
Cambridge.
 Connolly, P & Hosken, K (2006) ‘The general and specific effects of educational
programmes aimed at promoting awareness of and respect for diversity among young
children’ in International Journal of Early Years Education, Vol. 14, 2, pp.107-126.
Connolly, P (1998) Racism, Gender Identities and Young Children, Routledge, London.

 Devine, D (2003) Children, Power and Schooling: How Childhood is structured in the
Primary School, Trentham Books, Staffordshire.
Fountain, S (1990) Learning Together Global Education 4-7, Stanley Thornes Publishers
Ltd., Cheltenham.
Hong, Y (2003) ‘An Ethnographic Study of Korean Kindergartners’ Reasoning during Group
Moral Discussions’ in Early Childhood Education Journal, Vol. 30, 3, pp. 151-156.
Moss, P (2007) ‘Bringing politics into the nursery: early childhood education as a democratic
practice’ in European Early Childhood Education Research Journal, Vol. 15, 1, pp. 5-20.
NCCA (2009) Aistear: the Early Childhood Curriculum Framework, National Council for
Curriculum Assessment, accessed 24 November 2009, available:
http://www.ncca.biz/Aistear.
Ramsey, P (1990) ‘Young Children’s Awareness and Understanding of Social Class
Differences’ in The Journal of Genetic Psychology, Vol. 152, 1, pp. 71-82.
Ramsey, P (1991) ‘The Salience of Race in Young Children Growing Up in an All-White
Community’ in Journal of Educational Psychology, Vol. 83, 1, pp. 28-34.
Ramsey, PG (2008a) ‘Children’s Responses to Differences’ in NHSA Dialog, Vol. 11, 4, pp.
225-237.
Ramsey, PG (2008b) ‘Multicultural Education and Head Start: Empowering Young Children’
in NHSA Dialog, Vol. 11, 4, pp. 191-205.
Robinson, KH & Jones Díaz, C (2009) Diversity and Difference in Early Childhood
Education, Issues for theory and practice, Open University Press, Berkshire.