The Miners' Radlo Stations in Bolivia: A Culture of Resistance

Oconnor

102. In 1933, for example, the Bolivian govemment established Radio Illimani in [a Paz to help uniS
the nation and diftrse govemment policies. Since the station was heard on shortwave tluoughout
the world, it also could be used to support Bolivia in her dispute with Paraguay over the Chaco
territory

104. lnzadz and Kuncar identifu three roles played by the Bolivian miners' radio stations. In
"normal" times of democracy the radios link the miners' union and its members, and the everyday
culture of the miners aod campeslnos. In times of emergency, when the country and the workers
face a miliary coup, the statiors form a nerwork of resistance aSainst the approaching armed
forces, broadcast decisions made at public and organizational meetings, and allow union leaders
and members, women, and srudents to ofer advice, encouragement, or criticism. Finally, in times
of military control, when the stations are closed, they are a focus of underground organizing, and
the people demand their return to the airwaves

Lozada and Kuncar explain the miners' successful use of radio by reference to their sense of
collective responsibility (many are only a generation away from their campesino origins), their
predominantly oral cultural origins (the Aymara and Quechua languages are still widely used), and
the extreme isolacion of the mining encampments. Most important, however, is the miners'
awareness of their imponance in the national economy and their high level of political
consciousness. Their unions are involved in everything from the problems of daily life to
iruemational politics, and the radio stations are a part of this everyday culture of resistance

The oldest and perhaps most famous station is Ia Voz del Minero, in the imponant mining center
of Llallagua/Siglo XX. It was staned shortly after the national revolution of l952by miners who not
only saw radio's obvious culrural and political usefulness but were becoming increasingly familiar
with mechanical and electrical equipment.

105. Pio XII's political sance led to a "radio war" with Ia Voz del Minero, forcing the miners to hire
professional broadcasters who were paid *ree times as much as mine workers. This move
restricted popular access to the radio microphooe, but it also improved the general standard of
news programs. Radio links were made to the cities of Onrro, laPaz, Potosi, and Cochabamba, and
the miners'stations responded to the content of Pio XII broadcasts with their own programs of
humor and political satire.

broadcasts with their own programs of humor and political satire. In 1964, however, Pio XII did a
complete about-tum, siding with the miners against the regime of General Ba$ientos, which
militarized the mining camps and imposed a 40 percent wage cut. ln 1967, shocked by the milita#s
massacre of workers, women, and children, the Catholic radio sation took the side of the workers
and was desuoyed by the military. Although it remains a Catholic starion, Pio XII has since been
considered one of the miners' own stations. In recent years it also has been acdve on the pan of
neighboring campxinos (14, 23,35').

Radio nacional…
106. All the miners' stations remain strongly local in character. They broadcast union messages
and nationai and folklore music; some also broadcast in indigenous languages (11). Programming
quality varies enormously, depending on station 6nances, equipment, and employee training (40).,
There have been no attempts at national coordination, and there has even been some friendly
rivalry about who has the best equipment and the most records. Miners fund the stations with
their monthly dues; there is little or no adverrising. In rhe early years programming was informal.
The stations recorded the events of everyday life: meerings, graduations, sponing events, even
social garherings and festivities. The regular schedule might be intemrpted to broadcast records
for a birthdayparry

106. Although miners have been only a small part of the economically active population in Bolivia
*uoughout much of this cenrury (3.4 percent in 1976), they have occupied an important position
in the economy because tin until recently accounted for 65 percent of receipts from exports
(73,14,26). The miners also occupied an imponant position politically, They have dwals been the
most radical section of the working class and exened a radicalizing pressure in the central trade
union

107. Ttrough thelr radto statlons, the mlnens'orgaoladonc have played aa importaat role lo
shapff,g the polldcal poeltlon of the Bolivlan unloo movement. During General Garcia Meza's
military coup in July 1980, when all urban communications were captured by the military, the
regime threatened with jail anyone caught listening to their broadcasts (73, 26).

During more seftled times the state has anempted to undercut the stations' effectiveness by
making other commercial media products more available. In 1974 the Banzer government
distributed 5,000 television sers with very easy payment terms through COMIBOL, the state
mining company (1,5,12,2).BY 1985 a, boom in Bolivian commercial television had been created,
with many commercial sutions reransmitting programs from Brazil, Mexico, and Venezuela (36). It
is cleariy much more difficult for workers to gain access to televi' sion sutions than radio stations
(though mining communities in Huanuni and Tupiza have made efforts).