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The Wanderers of the Fourth World
The Ancestral Puebloans have left a legacy of stunning cliff dwelling in the canyons of the Four Corners. Today, the
mythology of the Hopi is able to shed refreshing insights into a people who believe that they alone hold our world in
balance.
Philip Coppens
Walpi
The story of the Ancestral Puebloans lives on in the mythology of the Hopi, considered by many to be the most mysterious and mystical of all Native
Americans. It begins with the claim that their ancestors emerged from the Third World through a crack, into this, the Fourth World, in a placed known
as Sipapu. Their Sipapu – other Native Americans have such places of emergence elsewhere – is located near Desert View, 25 miles of Grand
Canyon Village, near the confluence of the Colorado and the Little Colorado Rivers. Reaching it requires a seven hour trek, along the Salt Trail
Canyon. The Sipapu itself is a natural salt dome, six to eight meters high, topped by a permanent spring – a mineral hot spring, though some wonder
whether it is a geyser.
Though some try to make the location of Sipapu into a mystery, in truth, it is not. Even the Rough Guide suggests that the Sipapu’s location –
“somewhere near the Grand Canyon” – does not feature on any map, is only known to the Hopi, and that they are the only people allowed to visit. As a
matter of fact – and any internet search will reveal – the location of the
Sipapu is well-known and relatively frequently visited by those walking the
canyons – and does appear on (some) maps.
Some, like Frank Walters in “Book of the Hopi”, have noted that seeing the
Sipapu as a place of emergence is a myth, and that the Hopi use the
Colorado River merely as a symbol for the water to the west. Waters argues
that unlike the emergence from the First and Second World, the emergence
from the Third World into ours was “merely” a voyage by sea by those
deemed worthy to survive the last catastrophe. As such, the Sipapu cannot
be seen as a place of emergence, as the Fourth World did not have any.
Either way, at the beginning of the Fourth World, they were greeted by Maasaw, the caretaker of the land. He had also been appointed the head of the
Third World, but had become a little self-important, lost his self-humility and other deities had therefore made him the deity of death and the
underworld. But Maasaw was given a second chance in the Fourth World. He ordered the survivors to separate into clans, to begin a series of
migrations across the continent, whereby the stars would guide them. Eventually, they would meet again and settle. Maasaw gave each clan one or
more sacred tablets, which would guide them along their migrations.
To each clan, he also gave a small water jar, which was magical, and came with instructions, which included a description on how to make a new
water jar, in case the old one was broken or needed replacing. The Hopi argue that this water jar is the missing ingredient in how to make sense of the
locations chosen by the Ancestral Puebloans to live: the water jar meant that they could settle miles away from rivers, as the water jar allowed them to
create springs and rivers wherever they settled. Once they abandoned their dwellings and continued their migration, they took the jar with them,
rendering the site once again as dry as a bone. Hence, when archaeologists say the Ancestral Puebloans vacated their settlements because of
drought, they might miss out the key element of the story – say the Hopi and their mythology.
The notion that these clans were on a “divine migration” also explains why several settlements were so often abandoned after a century, or even less,
of occupation. The archaeological consensus that the cliff dwellings that typify the Ancestral Puebloans were abandoned because of drought, might
therefore be a complete fallacy.
Finally, the Hopi argue that each clan was supposed to complete four migrations, but that only some did, specifically those that kept the “door on top of
their heads” open and realised the purpose and meaning behind the four migrations, which was that these migrations were purification ceremonies.
Once completed, they would return to the sacred circle, to establish the Hopi Mesas, their permanent settlement – until the advent of the Fifth World.
The Hopi Mesas are three mesas, relatively near each other, roughly
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The Wanderers of the Fourth World
northeast of Flagstaff and southwest of Chinle – Arizona. They are
quite literally in the middle of nowhere, while the entire Hopi
Reservation itself is surrounded on all sides by the Navajo/Apache
Indians. One of the reasons why the Hopi are such outsiders even
within the Native American community, is that they never signed any
peace treaty, and as such, seem to have missed out on certain
benefits other Native Americans were able to receive. The Hopi will
argue that of all Native Americans, their “door on top of their heads”
nevertheless remains the most open.
The Hopi Mesas are the homeland of the Hopi, the “divine”
destination of the wandering tribes of the Ancestral Puebloans. The
“real” Centre of the World is Tuuwanasavi, a few miles from the
village of Oraibi. It was the Bear Clan that was the first to complete
their four migrations and, arriving from Mesa Verde, they settled on
Second Mesa. Still, Oraibi, the settlement on the Third Mesa, is
today seen as the oldest town in Northern America, as it has seen
continuous inhabitation since it was occupied.
When other clans arrived, they either settled on or near the other
mesas; the Snake Clan for example came from Hovenweep and settled on First Mesa. With each tribe arriving “home”, it was the task of the already
present tribes to welcome – or not – the new tribe. The Bear Clan was of paramount importance in such judgments. The arrival of new tribes obviously
had great social consequences, but for the Hopi, the key question was one of rightfulness: whether the new arrival had the right to be granted access.
A key question that would allow the arriving tribe access to the sacred centre of the world was whether or not they had lived in accordance with the
divine rules (as set out at the start of the wanderings by Maasaw) and had not abused their magical powers. For example, it is said that when the Bow
Clan was at first not admitted, they decided to plant a snake at Ghost Cove Valley, which was meant to create an earthquake that would destroy the
mesas. The resident clans believed that a sacrifice was necessary to cancel this negative power, and the Bear Clan would sacrifice a boy, with a
request to the other resident tribes to provide a female sacrifice, which was offered by the Parrot Clan. It shows the complexity that was and remains
present within Hopi customs.
Today, the Hopi have nevertheless acquired the same legal privileges other Indian tribes have received and have refrained from opening any casinos.
Many of their festivals are now off limits to outsiders and photography is no longer allowed either. A brochure for visits to the Mesas advises: “please
do not approach any kivas, or ceremonial buildings. Do not go near or pear into Katsina resting places.”
The kiva is the “Hopi church”, while each of the mesas centres around a plaza. They form the stage for the various Hopi festivals, which occur through
the year and focus on their deities [Katsinas]. In Hopi mythology, the deities are believed to live in the San Francisco Peaks, to the west of Flagstaff,
within sight of the Hopi reservation. The highest peak, at 12,643 feet, is Mount Humphreys, a volcanic cone that dominates this desert altiplano.
Though named in honour of Francis of Assisi, to the Hopi, they are known as Nyvatukya’ovi, and to the Navajo, Dook’o’oosliid. Their tops are almost
always surrounded by clouds, and it is easy to see why they were seen as the source of life-giving rains – as they were.
The Hopi still make annual pilgrimages (which are linked with their
festivals) on foot from their mesas, 65 miles east, to shrines hidden
in the mountains. Upon the winter solstice, the deities are then said
to depart from the mountains – as rain clouds – and come to live
with the Hopi on the mesas. After the harvest – in early July – they
return to their mountain resort.
Though a lot of attention has been drawn to the San Francisco
Peaks as the residence of the deities, in truth, they are but one of
four “Cloud Houses”, residences of the gods, which are the four
highest points around Oraibi, each one in a different direction.
Another sacred hill is Hard Rock Mountain or Navajo Mountain in
Southeastern Utah. Four migrations, four cardinal points… four
sacred mountains.
The history of Chaco Canyon and other cliff dwellings underlines the
nature of their wanderings. The “Chaco clan” had settled in three
main areas: Chaco Canyon itself, Mesa Verde, and Tsegi Canyon,
also known as Navajo National Monument (a misnomer). Tsegi
Canyon has the typical 13th century cliff dwellings, but it is known
that by 1300, irrigation had lowered the water table and had made
farming impossible, resulting in the canyon being abandoned – if one
follows the traditional archaeological explanations. The people
moved to Keet Skeel (according to Navajo legends) and Betatakin.
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The Wanderers of the Fourth World
Hopi legend states that as many as eight of their clans lived there for
fifty years, just before their migrations ended at the Hopi Mesas, fifty
miles south.
Mesa Verde is dated to 1200-1250 AD and thought to have had a
population of 2500 people at its peak. The site was completely
abandoned by the late 13th century, and drought is once again
blamed for its abandonment. Archaeologists believe that each
settlement had far less people than it had rooms, as some rooms
were used for storage. Its most striking dwelling is the Cliff Palace,
containing 150 rooms, which might have housed 120-200 people.
Why anyone wanted to settle at Chaco is a mystery, as it was even
dryer back then than it is now. Still, archaeology has been able to
show that the top of the land – above the canyon – was crisscrossed
with dams, terraces and irrigation channels, underlining that for some reason, water was once plenty – or at least sufficient to feed the population. The
magical water jar might explain some things.
It is known that the clans had to perform four migrations. Interestingly, settlement in Chaco Canyon predated the arrival of the Ancestral Puebloans; the
first nomadic tribe arrived here in 100 AD and began to plant crops. Could this mean that a tribe settled at Chaco during a previous migration, as early
as 100 AD? If so, the cliff dwellings should then be seen as the typical building style of the final/fourth migration, before the clans headed to the
Mesas.
Chaco Canyon provides other insights into what life was like for the Ancestral Puebloans. The Chaco culture only truly began in 1020 AD, reaching a
heyday in ca. 1050 and 1125; the last definitive tree ring dating is of 1132. By 1200, the site was completely abandoned. In 1907, Chaco Canyon was
thought to have sheltered 20,000 people. That figure was later revised to 5000 people, based on the number of rooms in the pueblo. Now, in light of
the few burials that have been found on the site, as well as the lack of signs that the upper floors were ever inhabited, as well as the canyon’s poor
soil, archaeologists estimate a population of “only” 2000 people.
Though all these cliff dwellings seem to be in isolated canyon locations, in truth, each site traded extensively with other centres. It is known that the
Chaco culture used masonry techniques that around 1000 AD came from Mesa Verde, which allowed for the construction of these remarkable
dwellings. Furthermore, their construction should be seen as being almost on par with the Great Pyramid or Stonehenge: in total, 200,000 tree trunks
were used, mostly ponderosa pines and corkbark fir. These were brought from hillsides fifty and more miles away, without the use of animals or the
wheel. If only 2000 people lived here, it underlines the scope of the undertaking, and hints that building these cliff dwellings must have been seen as a
sacred duty.
Chaco Canyon is also known to have had contact with the cultures of Mexico, as they kept macaw and parrots from Central America. The site itself is
known for its huge quantities of turquoise, 50,000 pieces of which have been found in Pueblo Bonito alone. It was the most valuable trading
commodity, and Chacoans acquired it from distant mines, mostly to the east, in the Cerrillos region. With basic tools, prehistoric miners scooped
100,000 tons of rock from Mount Chalchiuitl, two miles northeast of Cerrillos, leaving a cavern 300 feet wide and 200 feet deep.
Once mined, it was crafted into sacred and ornamental objects. These were then transported to Mexico; ninety percent of the turquoise found in the
Aztec capital of Tenochtitlan, originated from here. This Turquoise Trail – now roughly coinciding with Highway 14 – was one of the oldest
thoroughfares in North America, connecting mines along the eastern flanks of the Sandia Mountains with the settlements of the Rio Grande valley. It
not merely saw the transport of turquoise, but also of gold, copper and coal.
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The Wanderers of the Fourth World
Though the Hopi are the wanderers of the Fourth World, as they are now settled in the
Centre of the World, their focus is on the Fifth World. On Prophecy Rock near Oraibi,
there is a pictograph of the emergence of the present world. The Hopi elder
Grandfather Martin held a press conference in 1991, arguing that we were seeing the
end of the Fourth World and that eight of the nine prophecies related to this event,
had already occurred. The final prophecy and ninth sign of the Hopi states: “You will
hear of a dwelling-place in the heavens, above the earth, that shall fall with a great
crash. It will appear as a blue star. Very soon after this, the ceremonies of my people
will cease.” With such prophecies defining the end of this World, it should not come as
any surprise that the Hopi and the Ancestral Puebloans are expert stargazers and
why astronomers believe that in the 11th century, they might have observed an
explosion in the Crab Nebula. It were the skies that they had depicted on the
landscape of the Fourth World, and it will be the skies that will inform them when this
World comes to an end. As such, the Hopi are indeed an “apocalyptic movement” in
the strictest of terms. And they believe that only their ways is what keeps this Fourth
World in balance. Just like Maasaw had said all along…
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