Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Lucknow
DECLARATION
The results embodied in this thesis have not been submitted to any other University
or Institute for the award of any degree or diploma.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
I express my gratitude and deep regards to my teachers for the subject Law
and Morality, Dr Priya Anuragini for allowing me to work on such a challenging
topic and also for their exemplary guidance, monitoring and constant
encouragement throughout the course of this project.
I am obliged to the staff of the Madhu Limaye Library, for the timely and
valuable information provided by them in their respective fields. I am grateful for
their cooperation during the period of my assignment.
Parth Bhardwaj
Introduction
One of the earliest definitions of constitutional morality was given by Grote, which
he described as a form of supreme obedience to the various aspects of the
Constitution of the land. According to him, constitutional morality implied certain
obligations for both the citizens as well as the authority which have been enlisted
below:
Availability of right to free speech for the citizens to criticise and hold
accountable all those officials acting in pursuance of their constitutional duties.
The obligation of the mandated authority and public officials to act well
within the sanctioned charge given to them by the Constitution.
People contesting for political power and their opposition should have
reverence for the Constitution.
Therefore, for Grote, the principles of ‘self-restraint’ and ‘plurality’ formed the
fundamental elements of constitutional morality, where the former implied the
responsibilities of all the stakeholders in a constitutional regime (as enlisted above
in points) and the latter referred to the diverse nature of the society getting
governed.
This permitted the plenary power of the Parliament to play with Constitution
ensuing a tussle between the Judiciary pleading for the citizen’s inalienable
fundamental rights and the State pleading for social welfare producing forty second
Amendments in Indian Constitution soon after the country celebrated its
independence’s silver jubilee. But, by a stoke of judicial creativity, in the
Keshavandha Bharati Case, the court discovered the existence of a basic structure
and basic features too inviolably paramount to be truncated even by the
Constituent power of the Parliament and upheld the spirit of Indian Constitution
which is easily discernable not only from the Preamble but the whole scheme of
the Constitution. Thus the contemporary deduction is that an action in accordance
with the Constitutional Morality and judicial values may be in congruence with the
Constitutional provisions, but an action in accordance with the constitutional
provision may not uphold Constitutional morality always.
The word ‘law’ in Article 21 does not mean merely enacted law but
incorporates principles of natural justice so that a law to deprive a person of his life
of personal liberty cannot be valid unless it incorporates these principles in the
procedure laid down by it
was all rejected by the Supreme Court, but after three decades, through a highly
creative pronouncement in the landmark post-emergency case, Maneka Gandhi .v.
Union of India , the Supreme Court overruled the judgment delivered in Gopalan
Case. When the court followed the meaning incorporated in Article 21 without
considering the intention behind the Article in nexus with Constitutional
objectives, it resulted in a traumatic experience where personal liberty had reached
its nadir to the citizens during emergency (1975-1977). The impenetrable question
is whether the Judiciary is accountable to its earlier decision which was against
judicial values and constitutional morality.
Contemporary judgements
In recent times, this decade has been unusually politically charged. Governments
tend to act arbitrarily in the garb of draconian laws, legislature has enacted
controversial laws and introduced constitutional amendments often in grey-areas of
law and legal principles. Even the actions of judiciary, which is the constitutionally
envisioned watch-dog of all aforesaid bodies, have been questionable.
Several governments have slapped sedition and other draconian laws to curb
dissent at a mass level. While there are laws which empower governments to take
such actions, the larger question that looms is that whether power should be
exercise for the sake of it or for the highest fulfillment of human potential and
betterment of citizenry. In a recent report, it has been highlighted that the
Allahabad High Court quashed as much as 94 out of 120 cases between January
2018 and December 2020. The legislature has engaged in enacting questionable
laws: religious conversion laws in several states, introduction of constitutional
amendment for reservation to economically weaker sections (EWS), passage of
laws through controversial voice votes, much debated Citizenship Amendment Act
(CAA), NRC, manner of introduction and passage of abrogation of Article 370 in
absence of a democratically elected government in the erstwhile state of Jammu &
Kashmir. Much recently, the action of Governors in formation of state governments
gathered much storm and partisan conduct was much alleged. Even the judiciary
has been questioned. In a sexual harassment case, former Chief Justice of India in a
highly unusual manner assembled and presided over a bench for clearing
allegations against him. Further, somehow the judiciary has not managed time to
hear and decide challenge to these controversial laws which affect the citizens of
this country at large. Some matters have failed even in listed before the Court and
some have not been decided upon even if they have been rendered infructuous by
the mischief having already.
It is certain that more examples can be brought to light upon a more detailed
enquiry. That said, it is not the crux of the discussion. While political blaming,
different arguments can be advanced to justify these actions, the larger question
that we as a nation have to answer is that for legal system of a country like India
which has elaborate set of laws and enforcement machinery for perhaps every
human action, where have we failed as a nation. Is there a value outside these laws
and enforcement machinery?
The events that unfolded during the framing of the Constitution and the
requisite constitutional history associated with it.
The case laws and precedents, specifically in the modern-day era with so
many draconian laws read down by the Hon’ble Supreme Court and various High
Courts in upholding the spirit of constitutional spirit, morality and strengthening
democratic ideals.
The doctrine of constitutional morality is also helpful for the congenial cooperation
and coordination of all the stakeholders in promoting and reinforcing the
democratic ideals of the nation. It strives for a greater amiability amongst people to
pursue constitutional ambitions which are not possible to be won without unity and
team spirit. Thus, it points to the idea of propagating the trust of the people on
democratic institutions.
The principle of constitutional morality can be used for reading down laws or
statutes which are inconsistent with the incumbent time and can be used to bring
about a positive transformation in the perception of societal or public morality. For
instance, in passing a law prohibiting Sati, right to life and dignity was passed on
to the Indian widows who were earlier considered to be harbingers of misfortune
and ill-luck. However, after the passage of this law, there has been a clear change
in the public mindset with regards to Sati and the rights of widows in India. It also
led to the promulgation of more rights to them such as those of remarrying and
getting educated post their husband’s demise.
It is observed that a lot of officers resign or leave their government jobs in order to
show solidarity to some movements and for upholding constitutional morality.
However, the principle of constitutional morality is contrary to this; it promotes
people to be an active participant of the system and fight the inequalities and non-
constitutional elements.
Besides the pros and importance attached to constitutional morality, there are also
certain concerns which need to be addressed by legal experts, legislators, jurists
and the courts. These have been discussed below:
CONCLUSION
"However good a Constitution may be, if those who are implementing it are not
good, it will prove to be bad. However bad a Constitution may be, if those
implementing it are good, it will prove to be good"; "By Independence we've lost
excuse to blame British for anything going wrong"; "Will Indians place the country
above their creed or will they place creed above country? I do not know. But this
much is certain that if the parties place creed above country, our independence will
be put in jeopardy a second time and probably be lost forever".
These warning are indicative of shortcomings of Indians back then which also
remains relevant to the very day. We must make an attempt to establish rule of law
where law conforms to the spirit of the Constitution and ensure that law and legal
institutions are not abused and misused to whims and fancy of individual(s) in the
position of power. Developing such a culture requires that we conform to
constitutional morality. Undoubtedly, constitutional morality is foreign and alien to
Indians, however a conscious effort must be made to imbibe these values while
bearing in mind the warnings of Dr Ambedkar. Recent judgements of the Supreme
Court in Indian Young Lawyers Association v. State of Kerala (popularly
Sabrimala judgement), Navtej Singh Johar v. Union of India, Joseph Shine v.
Union of India where constitutional morality has been a guiding example in
judicial decision. One hopes that such examples transcends into other walks of life
and we hope to see examples more commonly available to public at large.