LOCATING CULTURAL WEALTH WITHIN LATINX STUDENTS IN STEM 1

Locating Capital and Community Cultural Wealth within Latinx College Students in

STEM

Dulce Beas

Department of Educational Leadership, California State University, Fresno

LOCATING CULTURAL WEALTH WITHIN LATINX STUDENTS IN STEM 2

Locating Capital and Community Cultural Wealth within Latinx College

Students in STEM

Latinx students represent the largest and fastest-growing ethnic minority in the U.S., but

their participation remains underrepresented in fields like Science, Technology, Engineering, and

Mathematics (STEM). Researchers have proposed a variety of speculations to explain Latinx

students’ lack of engagement and retention in STEM, ranging from racial stereotyping to

unwelcoming institutional environments (Robinson et al., 2016). Other theories, such as Tinto’s

theory of integration, have based their hypothesis on deficit-based analyses, overlooking

institutional and social barriers and placing criticism within the individuals and community

instead. Nonetheless, developing and maintaining a STEM identity remains to be a difficult task

for Latinx students. Many become discouraged throughout the process and hold weak

perceptions of their racial identity and capabilities. For this reason, the goal of this paper is to

examine existing literature that highlights the various assets, or forms of capital, that Latinx

STEM students possess. This report will apply Yosso’s (2005) community cultural wealth

(CCW) model and explore how their racial and cultural identities shape their experience and

achievement in these rigorous fields. The narrative offered in this review will demonstrate a

more positive perspective on Latinx students’ racial/ethnic identity by featuring the skills,

strengths, and community resources they unknowingly use to navigate institutional settings.

Some of the questions this research paper aims to answer are: How do Latinx students’ racial and

ethnic identity impact their experiences in STEM? What types of community cultural wealth do

Latinx students rely on through their STEM programs? And how did the different types of

capital contribute to their persistence and success? In exploring this case, I will start by

introducing Yosso’s community cultural wealth model and the six forms of capital (navigational,
LOCATING CULTURAL WEALTH WITHIN LATINX STUDENTS IN STEM 3

aspirational, familial, resistance, linguistic, and social) to demonstrate their significance and

relevance to this inquiry. I will be particularly discussing the flawed views on deficit-based

theories and their effect on student performance and experience. Throughout the literature

review, I will be examining the marginalization of Latinx students in social and academic spaces

while characterizing STEM departmental culture and ideals. More notably, I will be examining

the different forms of capital that Latinx students have that have impacted their persistence and

academic achievement in STEM. I will conclude this paper illuminating the significant role that

institutions and faculty have in providing a more equitable campus and advocating students to

view themselves (and their minoritized identities) as valuable individuals with self-worth and

strong capabilities. It is hoped that the result of this research will shed some light on the resilient

identities and cultural capital Latinas hold. Their narratives are crucial because they demonstrate

the ways their ethnic/cultural capital plays in the college achievement of Latina students in

STEM.

Deficit Perspectives and its Effect on STEM Students

While beginning this investigation, most empirical studies have only amplified racially

minority students’ failure and inadequacy in STEM fields, overlooking those who have made

great strides and were afforded opportunities to achieve success. Former research has especially

not placed enough attention on Latinx students’ pre-college experiences and the role of parents,

friends, community, and cultural values in the formation of their ambition. As a result, we know

very little about this population and the ways they have managed to successfully navigate their

way in higher education and in STEM. This lack of observation and curiosity stems from a

deficit-based framework that primarily places the problems and solutions within the students,

their family, and/or their community (Harper, 2010). It assumes that the underrepresentation of
LOCATING CULTURAL WEALTH WITHIN LATINX STUDENTS IN STEM 4

minority students in these institutions and fields is a result of them lacking the adequate capital

and skills to succeed (Harper, 2010). According to Samuelson & Litzler (2016), deficit-based

thinking is often used by those in a place of power and privilege, limiting others from receiving

the same opportunities and access to quality education. Such approaches of analyses tend to

disregard the institutional and social barriers that exist, such as inequitable funding, lack of

faculty/student representation, and racial biases and ignores its strong effect on underserved

students’ performance and self-concept (Samuelson & Litzler, 2016). Some studies have even

emphasized how Blackness or Browness are devalued on college campuses and in STEM

contexts. Sevo’s (2009) research, for example, found that Latinx students experience continual

stereotyping and racial bias on campus which, in turn, has affected students’ interest and a loss of

talent in STEM fields. The constant stereotyping of students of color as being “less than” has a

lasting impact on their self-confidence and persistence in these exhaustive fields. Students are

especially unaware of their vast cultural knowledge and wealth they bring to their college

environment (i.e., stories, skills, familial/community support, networks). Because their values

and assets do not seem to correspond to white-centric ideals, minoritized students are left feeling

unmotivated and invalidated in their departments, questioning their future in STEM.

Community Cultural Wealth

Instead of exploring how minoritized students lack the proper exposure to high-level

STEM courses, equipment, and insider knowledge, an anti-deficit framework like Yosso’s

(2005) model showcases how achievers from underserved backgrounds manage to overcome

prejudice and systematic barriers. Yosso (2005) conceptualized community cultural wealth as

“an array of knowledge, skills, abilities, and contacts possessed and utilized” by students of color

to persevere and resist all forms of oppression (p. 77). Her work extends Bourdieu’s (1977)
LOCATING CULTURAL WEALTH WITHIN LATINX STUDENTS IN STEM 5

theoretical insight on capital, providing a more extensive outlook to the accumulated cultural

assets and resources that serve students in educational contexts. To contrast the two, Bourdieu’s

(1977) work mainly emphasizes the cultural capital valued by privileged groups and describes

why social and racial inequity exists. Yosso (2005), on the other hand, focuses more on the

cultural resources and support that students of color possess, thereby expanding the scope of

what makes up cultural capital (Samuelson & Litzler, 2016). Her work adopts critical race theory

by centering the focus on communities of color in a critical and historical lens (Yosso, 2005). It

removes the deficit-based perspective from students of color by emphasizing other dimensions of

students’ experience that are beneficial as they participate in higher education.

Yosso (2005) describes six forms of capital that make up the community cultural wealth

model: aspirational, linguistic, familial, social, navigational, and resistant (Patton et al., 2016).

These types of capitals are not mutually exclusive but rather overlap and complement one

another (Samuelson & Litzler, 2016). The first is aspirational capital, which refers to the ability

to remain hopeful and ambitious to pursue one’s dreams for the future, even despite encountering

barriers throughout one’s educational journey (Abrego, 2006; Yosso, 2005). For example,

minoritized students’ aspiration for higher education may exist because it serves as a space

where they can acquire financial/social mobility, even in spite of facing various institutional

barriers of prejudice and discrimination. Students of color may recognize that by achieving a

college degree, they will have greater career opportunities and provide their parents a better

future. As a result, their desire for success results in resiliency and optimism in times of

adversity. The second is linguistic capital, or the communication and social skills that students

acquire due to their ability to speak more than one language and/or style (Monarrez et al., 2021;

Yosso, 2005). According to Yosso’s (2005) theory, the ability to communicate in two or more
LOCATING CULTURAL WEALTH WITHIN LATINX STUDENTS IN STEM 6

languages can build stronger and broader networks with peers, staff, administrators, and staff

who speak the same language. Not only does it bring community, but it increases comprehension

and makes it easier to make connections to what students learn in class (Larrotta & Yamamura,

2011). Some examples include communicating through storytelling, proverbs, music, visual art,

and poetry which all provide new insights and unique perspectives of the world. Next, there is

familial capital, which pertains to the cultural knowledge that students of color obtain from their

family that gives a sense of community, history, and cultural intuition (Yosso, 2005). Yosso

(2005) explains that students’ familial/cultural traditions and experiences within a communal

environment may help students reaffirm their identity and minimize isolation during their college

journey. Next on the list is social capital and it is defined as “the networks of people and

community resources” that provide emotional and personal support (Yosso, 2005). Social capital

can promote student engagement, information sharing, networking with others, and partnership

in the community which in turn gives students the tools to navigate inequitable college settings

(Larrotta & Yamamura, 2011). Navigational capital can be described as the abilities or skills to

move through educational and social settings, especially those that are unwelcoming and non-

inclusive to minoritized identities (Larrotta & Yamamura, 2011; Yosso, 2005). Similar to

aspirational capital, it recognizes the resiliency and agency students of color hold despite

situations where they are placed in vulnerable and uncertain positions (Patton et al., 2016; Yosso,

2005). One example is learning to maneuver the system of higher education and academic

policies to identify and utilize support services. Lastly, there is resistant capital which consists of

knowledge and skills that students develop through thoughts or acts that challenge discrimination

and inequality (Monarrez et al., 2021; Yosso, 2005). It involves disrupting dominant perspectives

to transform their campus community, institutional policies, and ideologies that threaten their
LOCATING CULTURAL WEALTH WITHIN LATINX STUDENTS IN STEM 7

racial/ethnic identity (Patton et al., 2016). Resistant capital enables confidence, advocacy, and

accountability to fight for social justice. Together, the six forms of cultural capital reveal the

intersecting forms of racism, classism, and oppression that persist in today’s society (Patton et

al., 2016).

STEM College Values and Marginalized Experiences for Latinx Students

Institutions of higher education are framed as desired spaces that are inclusive and

welcoming of all students from diverse identities and backgrounds. However, as suggested by

scholars like McGee (2016), universities fail to interrogate their institution’s history with racial

stereotyping, discrimination, and oppressive treatment of students of color. This especially holds

true for STEM departments, as this college division began with the sole intention to educate

White, privileged men. Starting in the late 19th to early 20th century, scientific racism like

eugenics flourished to maintain White dominance and construct notions that Black and Brown

genetics were deficient and lacking (McGee, 2016). As a result, U.S. college institutions adopted

these presumptions by excluding underrepresented racial groups from partaking in scientific

discovery and knowledge (Swartz, 2009). Today, these ideas persist, and Black and Latinx

students remain at the bottom of a racialized STEM hierarchy.

Structural racism in STEM is covert and manifested as meritocracy and colorblindness,

negating the realities of discrimination for students of color in STEM. Research suggests, for

example, that prejudice exists at higher rates in STEM professions than in any other field despite

its promotion as being neutral, competitive, and culturally inclusive (McGee, 2021). More

importantly, STEM programs/fields often imply that students’ success is primarily attributed to

their intelligence and work ethic, ignoring the role racial biases and structural racism have in

students’ academic performance and motivation (McGee, 2021). This approach also perpetuates
LOCATING CULTURAL WEALTH WITHIN LATINX STUDENTS IN STEM 8

a deficit-based perspective as it blames disadvantaged students for their lack of representation in

these programs (Baber, 2015; McGee 2021).

A growing body of work has detailed the ways STEM contexts have stigmatized and

excluded Latinx students, affecting their academic performance and persistence in STEM

(Alexander & Hermann, 2016). For example, according to Turk-Bicakci and Berger (2014),

racially minority students who have acquired a STEM degree are more probable to leave their

STEM workforce compared to their White and Asian partners. Other scholars have also revealed

the effects of being raced and marginalized due to their “colored” identities. McGee and Stovall

(2015), for instance, suggested that minoritized students attempt to alter their self-defined

identities in an effort to imitate and fit in with exemplary STEM students. In general, students

often feel disheartened and question their abilities despite already having great success in this

field. These perceptions align with Bourdieu’s (1977) and Yosso’s (2005) framework each who

discuss the marginalization of students of color and the educational systems that maintain

inherent and hierarchical notions of capital.

Positioning Community Cultural Wealth

Positioning Yosso’s (2005) community cultural wealth model will allow underserved

students to value and celebrate their inherent knowledge, skills, language(s), and abilities they

have. Furthermore, Yosso’s (2005) framework would challenge sociocultural and sociopolitical

injustices that exist in our everyday environment. Shifting from a deficit way of thinking to a

more asset-focused approach is crucial in creating a more positive experience for students. It will

allow for more equitable representation and elevate new ways of knowing/being in social and

academic spaces.
LOCATING CULTURAL WEALTH WITHIN LATINX STUDENTS IN STEM 9

The following sections will examine the various cultural capitals Latinx students in

STEM carry to their educational experience. Dimensions of the CCW framework will not only

demonstrate their contribution to Latinx students’ academic success and overall persistence but

highlight ways they withstand forms of discrimination and oppression. Readers should note the

intersectionality among the six dimensions and the combined effect they have to overcome

challenges in spite of resistance.

Aspirational Capital

Aspirational capital are common features described by Latinx STEM students in their

decision to pursue post-secondary education. According to Espino (2014), Latinx students report

having a higher ambition to attend college than what their teachers or advisors assume from

them, indicating that these aspirations may have been established from outside academic settings.

Aspirational capital is especially evident when Latinx STEM students remain fixed in their goals

even in the presence of racial bias, stereotyping, or discouraging comments from faculty, staff,

and peers (Peralta et al., 2013). Research suggests that these motivations may come from family

attitudes and values who stressed the importance of acquiring a quality education (Espino, 2014).

Other aspirations included having security, supporting their family, improving their quality of

living, and contributing to society (Samuelson & Litzler, 2016). Although students were not

always aware of their aspirational capital, it has motivated students to persevere and continue

their STEM programs.

Linguistic capital

Latinx college students have also credited their ability to speak more than one language

for providing them with additional opportunities in their fields. For example, Latinx students

share that they are more likely to obtain an internship because they are bilingual and can
LOCATING CULTURAL WEALTH WITHIN LATINX STUDENTS IN STEM 10

communicate with diverse individuals (Peralta et al., 2013). Latinx students’ linguistic capital

can also help them stay in touch with their cultural identity and create peer networks on campus,

which in part can impact their persistence and sense of belonging (Peralta et al., 2013). Lastly,

Latinx students have also described being able to access more information through online

resources when documentation was missing or lacking (Espino, 2014). This may put Latinx

students at an advantage compared to their White counterparts when studying or working in the

STEM field.

Familial capital

According to Samuelson and Litzler (2016), familial capital takes on two forms in

students’ educational journey: family, which produces motivation; and community support,

which is focused on advocating for their community. Similar to aspirational capital, Latinx

students share that their families equate education as a door to access and unlock opportunities

that their parents were not afforded (Espino, 2014). Their familial capital was showcased through

parental support, encouragement, and modeling of coping (Samuelson & Litzler, 2016). Latinx

students perceive this support as important to their academic success and well-being (Peralta et

al., 2013). In regard to mentorship and community support, Latinx students demonstrated a

commitment to provide for their community by mentoring younger students who have similar

identities and backgrounds (Samuelson & Litzler, 2016). These mentoring experiences motivated

Latinx students to persist in their studies and reminded them of their communal roots (Samuelson

& Litzler, 2016). Together, these forms of familial capital have benefited students to maintain

confidence and a positive attitude in STEM.

Social capital
LOCATING CULTURAL WEALTH WITHIN LATINX STUDENTS IN STEM 11

Latinx students have found peer networks and community resources to be especially

helpful during their transition to higher education and STEM programs. Research shows that

social capital has provided Latinx college students with instrumental and emotional support to

navigate inequitable learning environments (Rendon et al., 2014). Social capital was

demonstrated by Latinx STEM students when they accessed campus resources (e.g.,

fraternity/sorority and Latinx organizations), reached out to professors and mentors, and/or

sought family support. Latinx students reveal that expanding their networks either on campus or

in the community has been helpful in acquiring information and insight about their major

(Rendon et al., 2014).

Navigational capital

Latinx students in STEM demonstrate navigational capital through their experience with

navigating unfamiliar campus structures and seeking out STEM-related information. Some

examples include locating student organizations, Latinx mentors, and STEM-specific support

groups to increase their sense of belonging and achievement (Garriott, 2020). According to

Samuelson’s and Litzler’s (2016) study, navigational capital was the most common type of

capital used by Latinx STEM students, reflecting earlier experiences in high school locating

resources to support themselves. One thing to note is that Latinx students often have to advocate

and mend for themselves; many lack the proper support and acceptance needed to blossom in

their STEM courses (Garriott, 2020). As a result, most students join Latinx-based organizations

to develop lasting friendships and reaffirm their cultural/ethnic identities (Samuelson & Litzler,

2016).

Resistant capital
LOCATING CULTURAL WEALTH WITHIN LATINX STUDENTS IN STEM 12

Latinx college students in STEM encountered resistance at various points in their

educational journey. As discussed before, Latinx students in STEM often encounter

discrimination, isolation, inadequate program support, and perceived racism from peers, faculty,

and staff (Samuelson & Litzler, 2016). Resources are also not always readily available for

underserved students when facing times of uncertainty and despair (Samuelson & Litzler, 2016;

Rendon et al., 2014). Despite endless structural and classroom barriers, studies reveal that Latinx

students persevere and find motivation through their networks and familial support (Espino,

2014; Rendon et al., 2014). For example, according Samuelson and Litzler (2016) study, Latinx

students challenge racial stereotypes and STEM structures by acquiring good grades and gaining

recognition from their work. Examples of resistant capital suggest connections to student

persistence, achievement, and degree attainment.

Application and Recommendations for Student Affairs Practice

In general, the framework of community cultural wealth helps to provide more equitable

representation of underserved students, all the while omitting deficit and hegemonic notions that

value only privileged groups. The findings of this study demonstrate the importance of applying

Yosso’s (2005) framework into student affairs practice and STEM contexts. Higher education

educators and staff should apply the CCW model to devise intervention programs that

illuminates students and faculty of the various forms of capital students of color hold. As stated

by Samuelson and Litzler (2016), campus organizations today have adopted a deficit-based

approach to fix the students rather than the system. Campus efforts have also not improved

enrollment rates among minority students in STEM; therefore, we call STEM departments to

diversify its student body by involving both students and faculty of Latinx identity. Exposure to

peers and role model who belong to the same group can also greatly impact students’ self-
LOCATING CULTURAL WEALTH WITHIN LATINX STUDENTS IN STEM 13

concept, sense of belonging, self-efficacy, and their academic trajectory (Hernandez et al., 2017).

As suggested by Hernandez et al. (2017), exposure to role models benefit at-risk students who

lack confidence due to underrepresentation in STEM, especially as their identities mismatch the

values held in their departments. Inviting Latinx experts and faculty in the classroom can also

erase self-doubt and open students to new career opportunities that they would not have

otherwise considered (Hernandez et al., 2017). More importantly, it could foster positive images

of their racial group and provide students a space to finally feel validated and supported in these

environments. Cultural congruity can also positively influence persistence and academic

achievement for Latinx STEM students (Cerezo & Chang, 2013). For example. Cerezo and

Chang (2013) found that having an increased cultural fit between the institutional values and of

its underserved students can lead to students perceiving fewer obstacles to their educational

journey. Their study particularly found that cultural congruity positively influences college

achievement and their perceptions to succeed academically (Cerezo and Chang, 2013). Lastly,

we recommend institutions to apply the community cultural wealth model in classrooms and

when meeting with students to promote equity and erase barriers to student success. Adopting a

CCW framework in student affairs practice engages critical perspectives into higher education

regarding their policies, practices, and ideologies that discourage racially minority students

(Samuelson & Litzler, 2016). Educating STEM faculty about Yosso’s (2005) model can help

guide their programs to focus on the cultural capital Latinx students already possess and

transform their culture into an asset-based model.

Conclusion

This research report addressed several questions relating to the community cultural

wealth that Latinx student utilize while navigating higher education and STEM contexts. The
LOCATING CULTURAL WEALTH WITHIN LATINX STUDENTS IN STEM 14

findings of the study reveal the role Yosso’s (2005) community cultural wealth model has in

reducing barriers and deficit-based perspectives on students of color. More importantly, this

review of literature demonstrate the ways Latinx students rely on their cultural assets when

confronting oppressive behaviors and racial stereotyping. Educating faculty and staff about the

types of capital that Latinx students possess can help guide STEM programs to focus on

students’ cultural wealth and transform its unfriendly culture. Greater attention and resources

need to be put on the social injustices that invade our education systems and discredit Latinx

students for their cultural values and ways of being. Campus leaders can translate our

recommendations to practice by incorporating cultural congruence and mentorship programs in

the STEM department to enhance Latinx college students’ self-concept.

LOCATING CULTURAL WEALTH WITHIN LATINX STUDENTS IN STEM 15

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