Life History Methodologies An Investigation Into

Research in Post-Compulsory Education
ISSN: 1359-6748 (Print) 1747-5112 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rpce20
Life history methodologies: an investigation into

work‐based learning experiences of community
education workers
Sally Issler & David Nixon
To cite this article: Sally Issler & David Nixon (2007) Life history methodologies: an
investigation into work‐based learning experiences of community education workers,
Research in Post-Compulsory Education, 12:3, 391-407, DOI: 10.1080/13596740701559860
To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13596740701559860
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Research in Post-Compulsory Education
Vol. 12, No. 3, October 2007, pp. 391–407
Review Article
Life history methodologies:

an investigation into work-based
learning experiences of community
education workers
Downloaded by [Universiti Teknologi Malaysia] at 07:55 18 October 2015
Sally Isslera* and David Nixonb

aLearning Society, London, UK; bUniversity of Exeter, UK
Taylor
Research
10.1080/13596740701559860
RPCE_A_255844.sgm
1359-6748
Review
Further
302007
12
sallyissler@hotmail.com
SallyIssler
00000October
and
Education
Article
in(print)/1747-5112
Francis
Post-Compulsory
2007
Research Association
(online)
Education
This article focuses on an investigation into the learning journeys undertaken by managers of a
community education project in an area of urban deprivation. A constructivist interpretation of life
history narrative revealed the positive effects of community workers’ heavy dependence on
experiential work-based learning, which resulted in the development of a collaborative learning style
rooted in local culture. This strategy has been successful in the socialisation of isolated individuals
and in attracting marginalised learners, who traditionally reject further education provision, into
education. In addition, workers have been able to exploit opportunities provided by urban regener-
ation programmes to negotiate with policy makers to expand this type of educational support. The
limitations of life history methodologies are implied by the use of additional research methods to
reveal difficulties in raising the calibre of home-grown volunteers, which challenges Freire’s
traditionally accepted inclusive education strategies.
Introduction
The opportunity to use life history methods as part of a wider, collaborative research
project into the achievements and sustainability of a community-based education
centre gave rise also to the possibility of examining the effectiveness of such research
methodology. Having set these methods into the wider context of narrative enquiry
within a postmodern and poststructuralist research paradigm, we look at the
narrower context of community education, the concomitant requirement for a
collaborative endeavour and some of the ethical considerations of the wider research
project. ‘Collingwood Community Centre’ is introduced, together with more detail
about the research approach and analytical tools employed. Findings are explained
*Corresponding author: Learning Society, 20 Straffan Lodge, 1 Belsize Grove, London NW3 4XE,
UK. E-mail: sallyissler@hotmail.com
ISSN 1359-6748 (print)/ISSN 1747-5112 (online)/07/030391–17

© 2007 Further Education Research Association
DOI: 10.1080/13596740701559860
392 S. Issler and D. Nixon
on a chronological and thematic basis inasmuch as they demonstrate the effective-

ness (or otherwise) of this qualitative method. Collingwood is challenged in both its
organisational structure and in terms of gender equality. In the light of these find-
ings, we then review the social and intellectual value of using life history methods in
this enquiry.
Access to the authentic voice of individuals at a given time within a specific context
serves as a basis of comparison of human experience and the ways in which people
create meaning in their lives through retrospective accounts of their attempts to
realise their work-based aspirations. Their historical significance is derived from the
fact that they provide witness testimony of successes and failures of community stake-
holders at a specific stage in the realisation of government urban renewal policies. We
then conclude that, in combination with other methods, life histories provide useful
insights into work-based learning experiences. In this instance, the process of ‘giving’
voice’ to our interviewees reveals, uniquely perhaps, the difficulties they encounter in
giving true voice to users of the centre, thereby challenging the reciprocal and dialogic
approach recommended by Freire in instituting community education.
Life histories and community education: a conceptual framework

Stories have topped the research equivalent of the pop charts now for more than three
decades. The rootedness of narrative in our everyday lives, and therefore its use in
sociological enquiry is suggested by Hardy (1997, p. 13):
For we dream in narrative, daydream in narrative, remember, anticipate, hope, despair,
believe, doubt, plan, revise, criticise, construct, gossip, learn, hate and love by narrative.
In order really to live, we make up stories about ourselves and others, about the personal
as well as the social past and future.
Ricoeur (1984, p. 52), adding a chronological dimension, links time and narrative in
an inextricable mutual understanding: ‘[T]ime becomes human to the extent that it
is articulated through a narrative mode, and narrative attains its full meaning when it
becomes a condition of temporal existence.’ Frank (1995) suggests that in our
‘postmodern times’ (his preferred phrase) the proliferation of self-stories results from
the uncertainty in which we live. Telling stories is evidence of the ‘narrative wreckage’
of postmodernity, as well as the means by which we can reclaim ourselves. When we
tell stories of quest, we are attempting to find a voice in the recollection of our memo-
ries, which we can then set straight by setting out better examples for the future. More
bleakly, Cupitt (1991) proposes that we tell stories in imitation of Scheherazade of
1001 Nights, for we have nothing else by which to defer the Void. The phrase ‘giving
voice’ or its equivalent is characteristic of the use of stories in research, but is
problematised in the literature (e.g., Dewar, 1993). Ethical questions arise about the
power disequilibrium between researched and researcher, summarised here by
Riddell (1989, p. 96) as: ‘[T]he moral dilemma [concerning] the balance of respon-
sibilities to those who the research is on, against the need to present the findings in
an uncompromising way to a wider audience.’
Life history methodologies 393
Yet, in many ways, the process of ‘giving voice’ is one by which the reader’s
conscience and sensitivity are raised, provided that the voice is presented strongly and
with utmost respect (Lincoln, 1993; Richardson, 1990). Some of the power imbal-
ance is also ameliorated by researchers who are clear about their own positions and
ownerships, especially in the research of marginalised groups. Such a need for
honesty prompts us to declare that we are both white, middle-class, middle-aged,
able-bodied academics, respectful of the contrast between our highly specialised
education and the community-based education of those we are researching.
The nature of ethical considerations associated with life history research is also
derived from its collaborative nature of knowledge production (Cole & Knowles,
2001). The key factors here are the transactional nature of the relationship between
the stories told and that, in the process of narration, the story tellers turn themselves
into socially organised biographical objects (Goodson & Sikes, 2001). In this situa-
tion there is a particular need to understand, respect and articulate the viewpoints of
all parties concerned. Considerations regarding the requisite degree of objectivity lead
to a considerable debate in the literature concerning the nature of the space required
between the researcher and the interviewee. At one end there is the demand for
formally defined conditions of investigation (Hammersley, 1979) to a preference for
a more mutually shared inter-subjective dynamic (Goodson & Hargreaves, 2003). In
any event, there is agreement that this situation places a responsibility on the part of
the researcher to be a reflective listener, who is non-judgemental and respects the
level of trust shown and the confidential nature of the information obtained from the
interview, which has implications for security of the data. Cole and Knowles (2001)
make a specific reference to the need to preserve the anonymity of those interviewed
and, in accordance with this practice, the life history research participants quoted
here are referred to as ‘Sue’ and ‘Mike’, and the community education centre as
‘Collingwood Community Centre’.
Sparkes (2002) provides a very useful summary of ‘moments’ in the development
of stories as a research tool, also drawing attention to two crises pertinent for this
research. A crisis of representation questions the ‘assumption that qualitative
researchers can directly capture lived experience’, and a crisis of legitimation questions
the validity, generalisability and reliability of such research, and the methods by which
it is scrutinised. In relation to the research project described here, further consider-
ation of these crises is given below. Poststructuralism, with its concern for identity, is
taken up by Eakin (1999, p. 100), who, moving through an analysis of both Ricoeur
in terms of time and Bruner as ‘narrative psychologist’, arrives at his conclusion:
‘[N]arrative is not merely an appropriate form for the expression of identity; it is an
identity content.’ One of the significant aspects of this content for contemporary
research methodology is that of gender, which is included briefly below.
Focusing now more acutely on life history methodology in the context of commu-
nity education, we note that its democratic nature is one of its essential and most
respected characteristics (Thompson, 2000). Leaving aside quality issues, it is avail-
able to anyone with preferably a tape-recorder and one or more willing participants.
In consequence, within the context of employment it has provided access to the voices
of ordinary workers, middle managers as well as owners of companies. The open

access factor provided the basis for the selection of life history as an optimum means
of investigation when the opportunity arose to gain evidence of the immediate expe-
rience of the workplace and the lessons learnt by community workers involved in the
recruitment and retention of marginalised learners. Munro (1998), Hammersley
(2004) and Thompson (2004) stress the effectiveness of life history as a means of
gaining testimony from the silent groups in society; part of the reason for this was the
preference for oral rather than written evidence as a means of gaining testimony from
people with little formal education. It was anticipated that this method of inquiry
would build trust through dialogue and the attainment of insights into the contribu-
tion of two key personnel to the development of a particular organisational culture.
Our understanding of community education in inner city areas is grounded in the

work of Paulo Freire (1921–1997). This internationally renowned Christian Socialist
educator came from a Brazilian middle-class family, but it was his experiences of
poverty and hunger during the 1929 Great Depression that shaped his democratic
philosophy of education. His most famous work Pedagogy of the Oppressed (Freire,
1970) attacked what he called ‘the banking’ concept of education, whereby students
where subjected to the imposition of knowledge by the teacher, a system that served
to oppress the poor and perpetuate social injustice. Instead, he advocated a model of
mutual education, which merged the roles of teacher-student through the use of
dialogue as a means of political emancipation. Encouraging neighbours to teach each
other, he identified the ultimate objective as the attainment of a situation whereby the
oppressed could educate the oppressor.
‘Collingwood Community Centre’ project

Mike, chief executive of a community education project (‘Collingwood Community
Centre’) requested a research project into its method of operation. The organisation
was a well established one started by local residents in the 1970s using a burnt-out
portacabin with the idea of providing youngsters with enjoyable social activities that
would deter them from petty criminal behaviour. From these modest beginnings, the
project now employs 30 full-time workers and provides access to qualifications in
information technology, basic literacy, community work, sports leadership and
personal advice or help with financial problems. Success prompted the community
centre to lend its expertise to other similar schemes, with the result that it operates a
growing outreach facility. At the time of the research, it was part of a network
supported by a government-sponsored urban regeneration programme. The organic
nature of the development of the project and its growth raised issues concerning its
future sustainability, and for this reason research was commissioned to support future
planning. There was a specific request to investigate the following areas:
● The connection between the particular characteristics of the organisation and its
ability to attract and retain learners from its target group.
● The challenges faced by community education tutors and managers.
● The challenges that have to be overcome by learners in search of progression.

● Practical means for extending the expertise and influence of the centre.
This provided the means to consider the growth and nature of the organisation, its
users, employees, styles of leadership and senior management structure. It was
intended that the analysis of the evidence produced would form a case study report
to the principal sponsor of community education in the area. It was readily agreed
that the first part of the qualitative research would be an in-depth study of two key
individuals, undertaken by two researchers, that served to explain the circumstances
that defined organisational culture, and the findings would be tested by another
researcher from the College of St Mark and St John (Plymouth) who would use action
research to widen the field of investigation.
Selection of research strategy

Cole and Knowles (2001) argue that the selection of research methodology and the
characteristics of a project are determined by its purpose and the circumstances
surrounding its commissioning. They place particular emphasis on the need for
careful negotiation between researcher and participants to determine expectations
of the results of the investigation, the methods to be used and the evidence derived
from structured conversational techniques. In accordance with, but independent
of, this advice, all participants in the project favoured the collaborative approach.
As time and resources were in short supply, two planning meetings between
researchers and centre managers established an agreed split of the research project
into two parts: the first to establish factors influencing organisational growth and
culture, and the other concerned with the management of change. In association
with the first objective, it was agreed from the beginning that the two senior
managers of the centre would be interviewed concerning family origins, socio-
economic and political conditions, ethical/religious influences, gender issues and
educational background. These would illustrate attitudes to and the application of
learning in the workplace. With the agreement of those interviewed, selections
would be made from this evidence to inform and shape the second half of the
research programme
Once the outline schedule had been mutually agreed, one researcher, who was well
known and trusted by the project participants, undertook both two-hour interviews,
based on semi-structured questions given to participants in advance. Lack of time
meant that the specific questions required for semi-structured inquiry could not be
agreed jointly in advance and by default these were left to the appointed interviewer.
Due to a high degree of mutual understanding, it was felt that this would not prove
detrimental to the outcomes of the investigation. This confidence in the collaborative
model of investigation was reinforced by an agreement that all outcomes of the
research would be mutually agreed and the final report would be the result of joint
ownership. The use of a loose structure of questioning was a deliberate one as it left
the choice and responsibility of disclosure to the interviewee. Another consideration
was the desire not to ‘lead the witness’, and it was hoped that a minimal input from
the researcher would encourage voluntary witness statements concerning any rela-
tionships made between life experience and the creation and adaptation of learning
habits.
Analysis
If the person interviewed took the lead in the production of narrative, the onus was
passed to two researchers to provide a format, shape and framework for its use as
evidence as part of a case study. The determining factors here were the perspectives
and expertise of the individual concerned. Jointly they had access to insights and
techniques derived from disciplines such as education, history, sociology and theol-
ogy. As far as research values were concerned, there was a commitment to the use of
academically acceptable investigative techniques to improve the sustainability of the
inclusive agenda of the client group, but in relation to methodology there was a
particular interest in the use of social interactive models as a means of mapping
informal learning.
The identification of signposts or key points in the career trajectory supports an
initial analysis of the narratives produced as a result of interview. The connection
between life history and chronology and Becher’s classic study of academic life
(Becher, 1989) provides the basis for a simple template to plot the relationship
between time, key influences, work-based lessons learnt and personal development.
An adaptation of this approach to community education produced the indications for
further scrutiny that can be seen in Table 1.
This form of analysis provides the basis for the use of grounded theory (Strauss &
Corbin, 1990), which allows for selective coding that helps to distinguish a key theme
that can drive forward the account. In this case, the main focus is the career trajectory
of two given individuals and the social factors that affected their personal develop-
ment and their use of work-based opportunities, which provided the opportunity to
investigate the connections between culture and learning.
Prior to further interrogation of the evidence presented, consideration was given to
a number of theoretical perspectives that make the connection between the ability of
the individual, learning and experiences. One useful concept derived from social
psychology is that of ‘field theory’. Known for his cognitive field inter-actionist theo-
ries of learning, Kurt Lewin (1948) maintained that human behaviour was an
expression of reaction to an individual situation. Its nature was the result of how an
individual worked through the tensions between self perception and environmental
conditions. For him, the ‘field’ or ‘topological region’ was a mental construct that
represented the relationship between the space for free movement and individual
aspiration within a given cultural environment. An interactive model of personal
progression was also developed by Bourdieu (1983) in The Field of Cultural Production,
a social analysis of individual literary careers within the professional environment of
nineteenth-century France. In his study of personal positioning and cultural struggle,
Bourdieu emphasised the value of the maintenance of internal integrity in the face of
Table 1. Community Education (CE): Individual learning and development in the workplace
Key stages Formative influences Capacities acquired
Education Personality Maintenance of a strong sense of self in often

and Family circumstances and challenging circumstances
upbringing relationships
Early influences
Schooling
Religious influences
Early career Pattern of employment prior to Acquisition of knowledge and skills for use in
entry into CE later life
Opportunities presented Creation of personal learning theories and
Sources of support and opposition development of values

Access to in-service training, if any Development of work-based learning style
Demands of life/work balance Development of a flexible response to
operational challenges
Assessment of personal skills and possible
contribution to the working environment
Management of life/work balance
Middle career Entry into CE Development of an ability to recycle
Nature of post previously acquired skills and the acquisition
Opportunities offered of new ones
Key influences Creation of a leadership style
Sources of support and opposition Reinforcement and/or adjustment of theories,
Career progression learning style and operational methods
Consolidation of personal vision and values
Late career Nature of role in an expanding Adjustment of leadership style in a fluid
environment working environment
Internal and external management Acquisition of knowledge and skills required
challenges to cope with expansion
Future opportunities Ability to identify future opportunities and
organisational needs
economic pressure. Of additional interest was the cognitive learning theory of Jerome
Bruner (1990), particularly in relation to the connection between story telling, self
creative accounts and their presentation to others. Another important perspective
derived from Bruner was in relation to informal learning, which was the use of ‘a
skeleton of experience’ as a prop to the creation of self through knowledge produc-
tion. How these theories were used to enhance understanding will be explored in a
discussion of the research findings below.
Research findings
In each case, fluid accounts of life and work experience were produced by two indi-
viduals, who required little prompting. The intention here is not portraiture, but to
give examples of the kinds of information and insight made possible through the use
of life history in the context of work-based learning. In addition, the material is

specifically selected to show the relationship between the original remit for the
research and the influence it had on the interpretation of data. One unfortunate effect
of this approach is the loss of the passion, uncertainty and occasional humour and
drama of lives still to be lived. With reference to the contribution made by key indi-
viduals to the creation and definition of organisational culture, the factors of interest
here are the variations in the pattern of development of two influential managers, the
nature of their working relationship and the influence of their joint management on
the culture of the organisation
The account presented here makes, in this instance, a prima facie case for the symbi-
otic relationship between organisational culture, life experience and work-based learn-
ing. The data needs to be handled with some care as the working lives described here
are still continuing and naturally too complex to make a one-to-one relationship
between cause and effect. Our findings begin with the contrasting patterns of
development of two community leaders, starting with their childhood experiences,
showing the deep-seated origins of personal learning theories and how they relate to
their realisation in later life. Themes then reflect the nature of partnership in middle
years, leadership style, challenges to the organisation and gender replication.
The influence of early experiences

Becher (1989) in Academic Tribes and Territories showed the influence of early formal
training on future career progression. As a result of interviews with academic research-
ers he provided evidence of a cognitive decision-making process, emphasising the
importance of early career choices, such as the identification of a specialist interest,
which often determined the nature of future progression. This contrasted markedly
with the pattern of development often associated with adult education exemplified by
the subjects of this research. Both of them left school early and in the absence of exten-
sive formal training, learnt to adapt and respond to chance happenings and the
demands of life experience. Prior to entry into community education, the acquisition
of work-based learning skills was expanded due to frequent job changes. In this
environment, the origins of personal theories of learning could prove to be quite deep
seated. Kurt Lewin (1948) identified the lack of skills and exclusion as two major
barriers to aspiration.
Sue identified herself as strong-willed, determined and a frustrated learner as a
result of dyslexia. Unable to respond to the didactic pedagogic style of her teachers
and the need for the swift absorption of knowledge, she quickly experienced a sense
of marginalisation. The two following quotes from her testimony are particularly
indicative.
I know that my education was not that good but I had a struggle in some way or other of
finding ways to make life a little more valuable for me.
[I]f there’s anything that makes me angry, it’s somebody that says I have got to do it the
academic way. That is a red rag to a bull to me because I actually prove it the other way.
She then goes on to describe a pattern of learning in the centre, which bears a
close resemblance to the one proposed by Jerome Bruner (1966) that rejects the
passive absorption of facts in favour of knowledge acquisition through participation.
Interestingly enough, she places emphasis on the use of questioning and the impor-
tance of mutual dialogue in knowledge transmission (Friere, 1970). Her evidence
showed an approach to learning derived from two principle sources: early life experi-
ence, and her work with the Manpower Services Commission, a Chamber of
Commerce, the Royal Society of Arts as a Chief Regional Verifier and then as a College
Senior Counsellor. Her introduction to community education was a matter of chance.
By contrast, Mike, by his own confession, was a spoilt child, who was used to
having his own way. Grammar school educated, he left early because he was not
prepared to work hard.

I was used to education which I could complete easily and all of a sudden it wasn’t, so I was
not interested.
This was followed by army service and periods of self employment, occasionally
including legally dubious business practice. He was drawn into community education
in response to the needs of his own children and those of his immediate neighbours.
One motivating factor, prompted by memories of his youthful escapades, was a desire
to protect local children from criminal behaviour. The formal education now available
at the centre originated from play activities initially organised for local children and
young people, which encouraged the recruitment of parents as volunteers. In order to
respond to local demand and sustain continuity of programming, Mike grew with the
job and it was the combination of learning on-the-job and the drawing on the resources
of his family experiences that determined both the ethos and the organisation of the
centre.
You have been in the centre; it is a family feel to that centre I think. It is because we have
built it person by person … the process we have done is somebody comes in as a volunteer
and finds a niche and delivers something … which my community obviously want because
they turn up. Then I start to panic and think, O my God, I think I cannot be without that
now. It is an intrinsic part so now I have to find that money to keep a person in the job. …
To make sure their ethos is good they work with the people we want them to … and by the
time you have got to the funding stage you know they are part of the family and everything
is okay.
The middle years and the nature of a partnership

Sue maintains that the centre is designed to ‘spread belief that anyone can learn’. This
aim is largely achieved through a partnership whereby ‘He [Mike] gets the vision: he
does the strategic and I [Sue] know how to put it into operation.’ An example of her
contribution to the realisation of mutual aims is her suggestion that the centre should
offer access to qualification as a gateway to further funding. With a switch in empha-
sis, this view is corroborated by her colleague. One important component for him was
the connection between fun and effective learning:
I was the one that had the vision. I saw the potential and wanted to do something to help
the kids and that was my drive always. … But when we started to involve other parents it
was because they bloody enjoyed it.
Another was concern for the quality of provision, even in the early days of holiday
placement schemes.
About this time I was starting to get a bit concerned about the quality of what we were
doing. We had improved the quality, we started doing educational games, but it was still
fun and we started doing much more focused things with the kids. You know letter bingo
and all those sorts of things and several of these mums were saying to me we should be
qualified.
The nature of this collaborative style of working will be revisited in relation to gender
issues below.
Leadership style
Mike projects an image of a popularist buccaneering leader who can manage external
authority in the interest of the community. This was described by his colleague Sue
as follows:
Not everybody (in this) area agrees with his vision … he started off as a very bolshy, in-
your-face yob, right? And put a lot of people’s backs up and I don’t think he’d say that he
didn’t. But what I think has happened over the years, he’s still got that really, that passion,
that drive, but what he’s learnt … [h]e can do it in much more subtle ways, but still … it’s
the passion that grabs you. It really is the passion that grabs you.
This is underpinned by some strong core beliefs.

I do have faith which I hold on to and if other people can catch on to my coat tails and
develop a faith in line with that then I am okay but I’m not preaching. I am not asking them
to do anything in particular just treat people okay.
Strongly inter-mixed with his adherence to a spirituality loosely based on Christianity

is an element of fatalism:
I have become a fatalist and I am not quite sure how to explain my philosophy of life but
I do believe something or somebody whatever has a path for us. … Every time we need
something, something comes along and gives us what we want and it has come from all
sorts of areas and sometimes it is big things and sometimes it is tiny things.
This method of receiving was mirrored by a pattern of giving. In reference to the

generous action of a competitor, he said:
[T]hat sort of thing makes me want to do the same, … if somebody had done that for me
then I need to pass it on, which is why we do like doing things for other people.
Pride in personal achievement over a number of years included open acknowledgement

of assistance from his wife and other community workers, who had made a significant
contribution to the growth and expansion of organisational activities and services.
From the life history research perspective, attention is drawn to two particular
aspects of this joint testimony. The first is derived from a structuralist view of the
function of story telling in the creation of self image. In Acts of Meaning, Bruner (1990)
makes reference to ‘folk psychology’, which concerns the stories we tell about ourselves
as a self creative process. It is the rendering of experience in the shape of narrative
discourse that facilitates the discovery of meaning. One example of this is the frequent
repetitions of stories people tell about themselves, which serves to shape their view of
their role in the past and reinforce a self-engendered mythology. Coupled with this is
the concept of the inter-distributed personality, which is the result of response to inter-
view when recounting autobiographical experiences. The selection of what is said can
be in response to what either the interviewer wants to know, or accept. The intention
here is to stress the socially determined nature of truth claims. The second is the effect
of a strong sense of inner definition, as described by Bourdieu (1983) in connection
with cultural reproduction in his study of nineteenth-century literary life showing that
there was not a direct relationship between artistic worth and social and economic
factors. In relation to Mike’s leadership style, he provides evidence of ability in the
early years when costs were low to exert a certain amount of independence from
external funding pressures, but in recent years this has been severely compromised.
Challenges to organisational culture

Interviews with both Mike and Sue revealed that they were all too aware that the
organisation is at the interface between grassroots self development and government
initiatives that take a top-down view of urban regeneration (Atkinson, 1999). They
provided evidence of the successful use of a family learning approach to self-
development, promoted by charismatic leadership. In accordance with Purdue’s
research findings (Purdue, 2001), Mike was particularly sensitive to the importance
of trust to the achievement of community development objectives, which was often
derived from a belief in a competence to make them a reality. He made reference to
one major challenge in this situation, which was the need to achieve the balance
between the maintenance of trust in the community while simultaneously engaged in
the bargaining and negotiations involved in the attainment of resources through
participation in local government urban generation partnerships.
An additional perspective was provided by Sue, who observed that negotiation
with policy makers and other community stakeholders required her colleague to pay
some attention to self-presentation skills and a more conciliatory style of negotiation.
In response to specific questioning, she commented that within the cultural strength
of the organisation there were also some weaknesses. She felt that many learners and
workers in the organisation, herself included, responded positively to the extended
family structure of the centre, which promoted an informal and supportive learning
environment, but in common with everyone there, she was conscious of negative
criticism:
It does cause problems inasmuch as having all the family working there, inasmuch as it’s
seen as—outsiders’ perception is it’s seen as the Collingwood Empire and Mike’s Empire.
And to some extent, Collingwood is Mike’s domain. He … there’s a part of him that has
real ownership of that, right? It’s his baby.
[B]ecause it is a family, a family environment, it does create—it’s quite interesting

actually—because it does create a family ethos. And there’s a lot of sibling rivalry going on
in there.
Gender and social replication

The use of life history within a postmodern and poststructuralist research paradigm
opens the issue of gender as both a function of method and in respect of the find-
ings of particular investigations. First, then, the transactional nature of life history
research invites speculation concerning the gender dynamics of interview tech-
niques. Given the need on the part of researchers to access the authentic voice of
the person interviewed, the focus lies on the inter-relationship between the
interviewer, who happened to be male, and the two people interviewed: one male
and the other female. The researchers were well aware that the level of trust devel-
oped and degree of empathy shown in these situations can influence data quality.
While Armitage and Gluck (1998) recommend oral history as the best method for
understanding women’s consciousness, an ability to achieve collaborative under-
standing, regardless of gender, can lead to a faithful representation of the meanings
narrators give to their lives.
The feminist movement of the 1970s did much to raise awareness of the influence
of the researcher’s tacit knowledge and behaviour on the interview process and its
outcomes. Attention was drawn to the often unconscious interjection by the inter-
viewer of self schemata such as gender, ‘race’, class and religious attitudes into oral
investigation, thereby questioning the feasibility of objective research and exploring
the constructive uses of subjectivity and reflexivity, what Sparkes (2002) has termed
the ‘crisis of legitimation’. The various post- movements that followed undermined
fixed schemes of identity, replacing essentialist categories of masculine and feminine,
for example, with a more fluid constructed and constructing identity formulation
(Jagose, 1996). In this respect, while the ultimate aim in this research was to move
beyond self schemata to focusing on what is important to the personnel interviewed
(Yow, 1998), gender of either interviewee or interviewer cannot be seen in isolation
from other factors such as social class, ‘race’, religion or sexuality.
These methodological considerations lead to a greater sensitivity and awareness
among the researchers in considering gender as an important facet to our analysis. One
aspect of this concerns life-coping strategies. Mike admitted openly to a dependence
on patriarchy in relation to both his family and professional life, thereby replicating
to some extent his father’s model of behaviour.
My father was fairly domineering, I think. It was hard for me to remember because there
was distance. My understanding was he was the boss, and my mother would do everything
to keep my Dad happy. It was that sort of, I am not saying she was abused because she
wasn’t. Dad was definitely boss and Mum used to send me down to the shop.
By contrast, Sue has been the victim of domestic violence and, in the workplace, she
has battled against learning difficulties, confronted prejudice against her senior posi-
tion in the organisation, while at the same time embracing its homelike atmosphere
and the opportunity to nurture the potential of learners. She describes this almost
viscerally:
It’s just immense. It’s a really warm feeling. That’s the only way I can describe it. It really
is a warm feeling. … Yes! … Just sort of … You know, sometimes I do it out loud Yes! You
got it. Yes! You know. And they sort of look; and they say sort of ‘What?’ Don’t worry.
You’re there. You’re OK. You’re on your way.
In theoretical terms, Lois McNay (1992, p. 7) is clear in her affirmation that

women need to acknowledge the postmodernist perspective of difference, while at the
same time maintaining a hold on ‘the metanarratives of justice’. One interpretation of
the examples given here is that the male character Mike has failed to break out of the
gender bonds that up-bringing and culture have deeply embedded. The more vicious
experience of Sue has led her to break out of these same bonds, to be both a
determined work colleague and a beacon of encouragement to others who struggle.
Issues of triangulation and research quality

So far this qualitative research has focused on the career trajectories of two individuals
in order to trace their individual patterns of work-based learning. In this instance,
where an emphasis is placed on the depiction of individual experience, a common
method of triangulation would be to seek subsidiary evidence such as testimony from
colleagues or friends or press coverage or to review documentary materials such as
lesson plans or details of the offered curriculum. The purpose is not to validate exist-
ing information, but to gain a deeper understanding of the personalities involved;
however, the original remit of the investigation was not a demand for portraiture, but
the interrogation of data that would provide an in-depth appreciation of the cultural
framework that determined organisational policies, thereby providing the basis for
further inquiry into the effectiveness of existing practices and possible futures.
The requirement to concentrate on efficiency issues shifted the emphasis from
the individual to the context, which necessitated the choice of an alternative strat-
egy from one of total reliance on life history (Cole & Knowles, 2001). In accor-
dance with the ethos of the organisation, a form of action research was adopted
that focused on practical concerns by means of collaborative enquiry (Rapoport,
1970; Bray et al., 2000) with the aim of finding mutually acceptable solutions to
Collingwood’s existing problems. For this purpose, the management perspectives of
the organisation that derived from the life history work were then reviewed in the
light of the recorded experiences of paid/voluntary workers and policy makers and
evidence derived from internal operational and government policy documentation.
The use of narrative was found to be an effective way of revealing details of organi-
sational culture and uncovering attitudes to change (Reissner, 2004). A selection
has been made here from the initial findings of a forthcoming report (Roberts et al.,
2006), which serves to promote some key aspects of this discussion.
First, the operation of a network of favours and the ability to pass on both goods
and social capital to other organisations was identified as a key success factor. While
research has established this to be common community development practice

(Purdue, 2001), in this case it has tended to enhance the reputation of the organisa-
tion outside the immediate area. Second, in receipt of urban regeneration grants, the
organisation has proved to be customer-sensitive and successful in the realisation of
the aims of the government neighbourhood renewal strategy to build up the local
knowledge base, develop local skills and accredit learning (Neighbourhood Renewal
Unit, 2002). Third, tensions arose as a result of the contrast between the successful
implementation of collaborative neighbourhood learning strategies associated with
Freire (1970, 2001, 2005) and the organisation’s centralised small business manage-
ment style. The major challenge to the organisation was its failure to raise the calibre
of a sufficient number of employees to manage the demands of expansion and
current government funding conditions. This issue is particularly pertinent as there

is a danger that the already existing gap between further and community education
may be widened by the Foster Report’s drive for excellence (Foster, 2005; NIACE,
2005). Its importance is acknowledged by a considerable body of research produced
by the National Institute of Adult and Continuing Education (NIACE) and the
Learning and Skills Network (LSN), which recommend the implementation of a
collaborative management style as a contributor to raising standards in adult and
community education (Reisenberger & Dadzie, 2002; Ravenhall et al., 2002; Raven-
hall & Kenway, 2003; NIACE/DfES, 2004).
In the community education context of life history and work-based learning it is
important to note that the emancipatory promises of collaborative learning are diffi-
cult to realise, and it is important to understand the challenge and respect those who
attempt to achieve this end. One open question remains as to whether a heavy reliance
on experiential learning provides the two featured community leaders with sufficient
knowledge and skills to seek genuine alternatives to the current preferred strategy. As
far as methodology is concerned, this triangulation exercise widened the focus of the
oral narrative research and, with the addition of comparative case study research,
extended the opportunities for cross-case analysis. This served to capture the essence
of the featured organisational culture and provide the basis of comparison with
others.
As it is inappropriate to use a positivist research strategy to investigate facets of
human experience not subject to causation as defined by scientific research, an alter-
native common to qualitative research methods has to be applied. Life history
research concentrates on depth, not breadth. Its concern is the particular, which
raises problems of generalisability and precludes prediction. Here the tracing of the
development of work-based learning of two individuals forms part of a case study,
and as such it is a description of the particular. In contrast to this, the second part of
the research switches to cause-and-effect factors, thereby seeking explanation (Yin,
1994). The audit trail is an intrinsic part of quality assessment, and consideration of
the transactional nature of life history research provides a means of quality assurance.
Most studies of this nature take into account the interest of a prospective audience in
the attempt to present a convincing case by identifying the rationale and methodol-
ogy used and drawing attention to the relationship between the purpose of the work
and the different perspectives of all participants. The researchers involved in this
particular exercise found the collaborative nature of the work to be a stimulating
experience; especially enjoyable were the opportunities to review strategies and
compare approaches.
Conclusions: transformative effects of life history projects

The process of this investigation was influenced by the growing body of research that
makes the connection between life history and the learning experiences of teachers in
the workplace. The work of Goodson and Hargreaves (2003) is particularly valuable
in its furtherance of understanding of educational change, both at a political and
personal level. They make the point that life history provides access to the under-
standing of the complexities of existence, particularly with reference to selfhood and
identity, hence the postmodernist focus on the subjective. Their aim, as in this
research, was to locate working lives at a particular time and within a particular
context. One of the major benefits of this approach is that it records the voices of the
marginalised in society and those whose lives may not be recorded in any other way,
especially as in this case with reference to organisational history and development
(Thompson, 2000).
Life history research within the context of work-based learning helps to construct
meaning from everyday experiences, which can lead to transformation of personal
perspectives through self reflective dialogue, which raises awareness of the influence
of environmental conditions on the way we see ourselves and our relationships
(McDrury & Alterio, 2002). The Manchester-based Women’s Electronic Village Hall
(http://www.wevh.org.uk) was set up with precisely this purpose in mind. Designed
to provide a sheltered place for often traumatised African refugees, information tech-
nology training was promoted as a means of using life history to build self-confidence,
which helps women reconcile their past with their present.
In the case of the people we interviewed, research has prompted a major review of
organisational methods and structure in the light of both its history and its possible
future. It is significant to note that the data we obtained and the findings that resulted
might not, perhaps, have been obtained through an alternative methodological
approach. The ‘giving of voice’ that grounds narrative enquiry has shown here the
relative failure of this community organisation to give voice to others, albeit that we
respect the attempt to do so. The importance of this kind of research at the micro level
is that it supports personal development and the refinement of practice, and at the
macro-level it provides examples of the important contribution community education
projects can make to urban renewal programmes.
Acknowledgements
The authors would like to thank all those from Collingwood Community Centre for
their courage in speaking to us so openly, especially the two leaders Mike and Sue.
We wish them well in their future work.
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Research in Post-Compulsory Education

ISSN: 1359-6748 (Print) 1747-5112 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rpce20

Life history methodologies: an investigation into

Sally Issler & David Nixon

To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13596740701559860

Published online: 06 Aug 2010.

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Life history methodologies:

Sally Isslera* and David Nixonb

ISSN 1359-6748 (print)/ISSN 1747-5112 (online)/07/030391–17

on a chronological and thematic basis inasmuch as they demonstrate the effective-

Life histories and community education: a conceptual framework

of ordinary workers, middle managers as well as owners of companies. The open

Our understanding of community education in inner city areas is grounded in the

‘Collingwood Community Centre’ project

● The challenges that have to be overcome by learners in search of progression.

research to widen the field of investigation.

Selection of research strategy

Key stages Formative influences Capacities acquired

Education Personality Maintenance of a strong sense of self in often

Sources of support and opposition development of values

of life history in the context of work-based learning. In addition, the material is

The influence of early experiences

prepared to work hard.

The middle years and the nature of a partnership

This is underpinned by some strong core beliefs.

Strongly inter-mixed with his adherence to a spirituality loosely based on Christianity

This method of receiving was mirrored by a pattern of giving. In reference to the

Pride in personal achievement over a number of years included open acknowledgement

Challenges to organisational culture

[B]ecause it is a family, a family environment, it does create—it’s quite interesting

Gender and social replication

In theoretical terms, Lois McNay (1992, p. 7) is clear in her affirmation that

Issues of triangulation and research quality

research has established this to be common community development practice

current government funding conditions. This issue is particularly pertinent as there

Conclusions: transformative effects of life history projects

Bruner, J. (1990) Acts of meaning (Cambridge, MA, Harvard University Press).

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