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Essay Topic: “The great changes of the twentieth century left peasant life largely untouched.” Is
this true? Discuss with reference to one Asian country.
“The great changes of the twentieth century left peasant life largely untouched.” This
statement can be thoroughly negated, through a close examination of peasant life and society
within Korea during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Although there were vast and
tremendous changes during the twentieth century, these processes were undoubtedly catalysed by
the many elements of change during the nineteenth century. In pre-industrial Korean society, the
bulk of the population was comprised of peasants; they typically made up the majority of the
agricultural labour force. However, due to a variety of intervening factors, peasant life gradually
diminished. Through an examination of the origins of the Donghak Peasant Revolution in 1894,
we are able to understand the insecurities of the Korean peasant society. The ideas of the
Donghak Peasant Revolution were carried through for many years, and a scrupulous study of the
many protests conducted by peasant society during Japanese colonial period in Korea (1910-45)
reveal the peasant society as a key component of Korea’s modernisation process. Furthermore,
Industrialisation along with the Great Depression greatly impacted peasant life during the first
half of the twentieth century. While, another key component which still to this day affects
peasant life is the establishment of the WTO. Through a thorough inspection of these factors we
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are able to reach a new found understanding of how peasant life was affected by the great
The Donghak Peasant Revolution illuminates the way in which peasant life was affected
by the great changes of the nineteenth century. Peasants became disillusioned with the rule of the
upper yangban classes1 - administrators and bureaucrats who oversaw Korea's traditional
agrarian bureaucracy; they comprised the Confucian idea of a "scholarly official”. Meanwhile,
drought and floods alternately struck the rice fields and farms of Korea and caused great famines.
Additionally, the rulers of the Joseon Dynasty (1392–1897) increased taxes on farm crops and
imposed more unpaid labour on the starving peasants. Anti-government and anti-landlord
sentiment brought about violent uprisings against provincial officials and the wealthy
landowners2. These local rulers often exploited destitute farmers, and were extremely corrupt.
These smaller uprisings triggered revolts in many other areas in Korea, where groups of peasants
attacked government offices with arms, with many government officials being executed. In 1860,
Choe Je-U (1824-64) established the principles and ideology of Donghak (Eastern Learning)
with the intention of helping farmers suffering from poverty, unrest and of restoring political and
social stability. The Donghak ideology was a mixture of elements from Confucianism, Buddhism
and Songyo, modern humanistic, rhetoric of exclusionism from foreign influences, an early form
of nationalism and class struggle ideas that today may be considered Marxist3. Choe was also
1
Lone, Stewart, Korea Since 1850 (Palgrave Macmillan (September 1993)), p. 34
2
Lone, Korea Since 1850, p.40
3
Shin, Soonchui, A Short History of the Donghak Peasant Revolution (Donghak Peasant Revolution
alarmed by the intrusion of Christianity and the Anglo-French occupation of Beijing during the
Second Opium War(1856–60). He believed that the best way to counter foreign influence in
Korea was to introduce democratic and human rights reforms internally4. Nationalism and social
reform became popular among the peasant guerrillas, and Donghak ideology spread all across
Korea. Although these uprisings were brutally stopped by government troops, peasants continued
their stance against poor treatment until 1894. While the revolution failed, it made a significant
contribution to Korean modernization that resulted from the peasants' demands for democracy,
An exploration of the significant formative role social forces have played in shaping
Korea's historical trajectory and rapid modernization reveals the way in which peasant life was
affected. Historical and political agency is located in the society, particularly in populist
Minjung forces such as peasants and tenant farmers, blue collar industrial workers5. Gi-Wook
Shin's central argument is that "Korean peasant activism in the first half of the twentieth century
has greatly influenced society and politics in the second" (p. 174). In particular he shows how
such protests influenced the course of postwar rural class relations and social structures. He
argues this historical influence, citing peasant activism as the basis for social revolution and the
land reforms in Korea, and the various struggles around land that took place in the immediate
circumstances of a liberated South Korea. Peasant radicalism and dissent in Korea was various
4
Shin, A Short History of the Donghak Peasant Revolution, p.55
5
Shin, Gi-Wook, Peasant Protest & Social Change in Colonial Korea (University of Washington
and multifaceted during the colonial period6, evident in the various forms of resistance displayed
by peasants, however a focus on the ‘Red peasant union movement" (1930-39) reveals the true
nature of these revolts and how peasant life was affected by the great changes of the twentieth
concentrating on the varying effects of colonialism and commercialisation on different rural class
strata it can be established that colonialism and commercialisation did not polarise, but greatly
diversified the rural class structure, so that protests and struggles emerged around a variety of
claims and issues of certain groups7. The origins of the red peasant union movement can be
traced back to the land tenure system and differentiated rural class structure. The world market
dramatically altered Korea’s agrarian system during the early twentieth century, reducing
peasants’ subsistence margin and rendering them increasingly vulnerable, income fluctuations
and subsistence crises combined resulted in devastating conditions for peasants. Korean harvest
was large however plummeting agricultural prices dropped the actual income of most peasants
well below subsistence, rendering peasant population in a poverty stricken situation. Land was
amassed by big landlords while small owners and part owners became landless tenants. As a
result of this agricultural depression, falling agricultural prices crushed middle peasants who had
borrowed from rural credit societies or commercial banks at high interest rates. Shin argues that
“the point is not that landless tenants were better off than owners, but that the depression eroded
the position of owners more seriously”, this vulnerability was relative to economic changes
wrought by commercialism8. These conditions aroused discontent and the peasants organized the
6
Robinson, Michael E., Korea's Twentieth-century Odyssey (University of Hawaii Press (June 2007)), p.27
7
Shin, Peasant Protest & Social Change in Colonial Korea, p. 75-114
8
Shin, Peasant Protest & Social Change in Colonial Korea, p. 75-114.
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red peasant union fighting for both political and economic demands. Political issues ranged from
abolition of authoritarian laws, to freedom of speech, publication and meetings, to the overthrow
owner-cultivators and wage labourers. The unpleasant conditions peasants were forced to endure
became a catalyst for rebellions and the fight better peasant life.
The discontent of peasants in the twentieth century, stems from the rapid industrialization
of Korea, this tremendously affected the way in which peasants operated. Industrialisation within
Korea saw a rapid move away from the manufacturing of value added goods in the 1950s and
1960s to more advanced industries9. South Korea has become one of the major economic powers
of the world, with their high technology and service industries emerging through rapid
the economic development of Korea in the 1930s and the profound impact it brought unto
everyday life in Korea, and peasant life. As industry expanded, hundreds of thousands of
peasants found themselves in factory jobs. The factory work force in Korea doubled in the 30s
and exponentially increased from 384,951 in 1932 to 1,321,713 in 194310. The concentration of
labour forces into factories brought about the rise of large towns to serve and house the working
population. Workers were forced to leave their families and homes in order to work in towns and
cities where industries were found. These workers were relegated to secondary jobs in an
ethnically demarcated workplace, hence occupying the bottom of the labour hierarchy. A focus
9
Robinson, Korea's Twentieth-century Odyssey, pg.13.
10
Lewis, James B., Korea and Globalization: Politics, Economics and Culture (Routledge ( 28 March 2002)), p. 81
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of the agriculture of Korea, reveals the great struggles of peasant life during these times. During
the 1910s, favourable agricultural prices and strong encouragement by the colonial government
had accelerated agricultural commercialization, and by the early 1930s rice constituted over 70%
of all agricultural production, however more than 40% of this produce went to Japan11. With the
great depression however, the prices of rice in 1927 fell 22% below than in 1925, and by 1931,
were only 39% of the 1925 price, this pushed peasants into subsistence crises and poverty12. The
Far Eastern Daily reported that “the number of peasants who are struggling on the death line is
over 90% of the total population of the country”13. Additionally, a colonial government
publication reported that 46.5% of the rural population in 1930 suffered the notorious spring
poverty, 68% among tenants14. Shin argues this poverty was “detritus from the crumbling world
(Japanese) market”15. When the Japanese launched the rice increase plan in 1920, the colonial
government pursued three methods of land improvement – better irrigation, changing dry fields
to paddy fields and developing uncultivated lands, the first being of critical importance as
Korean agriculture was regularly devastated by droughts and floods. These associations were
funded by the colonial government and loans obtained from sources were funded by the colonial
government and loans obtained from banks, incurring a 25-year payback. Theoretically,
increased yields, hence profits, would exceed fees charged for association debts, however the
average fee was more than the increased profit, becoming a great burden for landowners and
11
Lewis, Korea and Globalization: Politics, Economics and Culture, p.112
12
Lewis, Korea and Globalization: Politics, Economics and Culture, p.113
13
Lewis, Korea and Globalization: Politics, Economics and Culture, p.113-114
14
Lewis, Korea and Globalization: Politics, Economics and Culture, p.116
15
Shin, Peasant Protest & Social Change in Colonial Korea, p. 104
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peasants during the depression years. Hence, the Irrigation Association became known as the
The Korean Peasants League (KPL) is another interesting aspect on how the changes of
the twentieth century have affected peasant life. The establishment of the World Trade
Organisation (WTO) in 1995 has brought about the formation of the KPL, intending to fight
against the indiscriminate opening of the agricultural market by WTO neo-liberalism, to prevent
the indiscriminate import of agro-livestock products and achieve self-sufficiency in food and
preserve the environment. Another aim of the KPL includes the battle against farmers’ debt and
policies that destroy agriculture, to secure peasants’ political, economic and social rights and
safeguard their welfare, building an independent economy17. Since an agreement was reached in
Uruguay Round in 1993, the Korean government who joined the WTO has opened up Korea’s
agricultural market. Hence, the existence of Korean agriculture and peasant life has been
threatened. The rate of food self-sufficiency has been decreasing continuously since the opening
of Korea’s agricultural market. The farming population, which was over 10 million in 1980, has
dramatically fallen to 3.5 million and it is continuously falling, with the rural population steadily
aging, as only 0.2% of the rural population are under 30 years of age, thus the farming
population can only continue to decrease in the future. Additionally, income disparities are
increasing between rural areas and urban areas decreasing 20% within 8 years. These statistics
16
Shin, Peasant Protest & Social Change in Colonial Korea, p.99
17
Korean Peasants League, Korean Peasants League, created January 1999/updated 11 October 2005, <
demonstrate the hardships of peasants in rural areas of Korea as a result of the WTO; they argue
that agriculture is not the real issue, but that “WTO is killing farmers”18.
It is clear that peasant life has been detrimentally affected by the great changes of the
twentieth century. Peasant life has diminished to the point where their existence is being
threatened. The Donghak Peasant Revolution, among other rebellions establishes the
discontented peasant population, and their demands for better living standards. Their demands
can be basically traced back to economic factors. Radical ideologies of the twentieth century,
which brought about Korea’s modernization process, deteriorated peasants’ life in Korea. This is
an ongoing issue, clear evidenced by the KPL and their fight against the WTO.
Bibliography
Korean Peasants League, Korean Peasants League, created January 1999/updated 11 October
Lewis, James B., Korea and Globalization: Politics, Economics and Culture (Routledge ( 28
March 2002)).
18
Korean Peasants League, Korean Peasants League, < http://www.ijunnong.net/en/article/index.php>.
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Robinson, Michael E., Korea's Twentieth-century Odyssey (University of Hawaii Press (June
2007)).
Shin, Gi-Wook, Peasant Protest & Social Change in Colonial Korea (University of Washington
Shin, Soonchui, A Short History of the Donghak Peasant Revolution (Donghak Peasant