Forensic Science and Humanitarian Action 2020

Forensic Science and
Humanitarian Action
ffirs_v1.indd 1 12/2/2019 4:50:37 PM

Published and forthcoming titles in the Forensic Science in Focus series
Published
The Global Practice of Forensic Science
Douglas H. Ubelaker (Editor)
Forensic Chemistry: Fundamentals and Applications
Jay A. Siegel (Editor)
Forensic Microbiology
David O. Carter, Jeffrey K. Tomberlin, M. Eric Benbow and Jessica L. Metcalf
(Editors)
Forensic Anthropology: Theoretical Framework and Scientific Basis
Clifford Boyd and Donna Boyd (Editors)
The Future of Forensic Science
Daniel A. Martell (Editor)
Forensic Science and Humanitarian Action: Interacting with the Dead and the Living
Roberto C. Parra, Sara C. Zapico and Douglas H. Ubelaker (Editors)
Forthcoming
Forensic Anthropology and the U.S. Judicial System

Laura C. Fulginiti, Alison Galloway and Kristen Hartnett‐McCann (Editors)
Humanitarian Forensics and Human Identification
Paul Emanovsky and Shuala M. Drawdy (Editors)
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Humanitarian Action:
Interacting with the Dead and
the Living
Volume 1
EDITED BY
Roberto C. Parra
Human Rights Office of the High Commissioner (OHCHR), United Nations; and
Bioarchaeology and Stable Isotope Research Laboratory, Vanderbilt University, Nashville, Tennessee, USA
Sara C. Zapico
Florida International University, International Forensic Research Institute, Miami, USA
Douglas H. Ubelaker
Smithsonian Institution, National Museum of Natural History, Washington, DC, USA
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This edition first published 2020
© 2020 John Wiley & Sons Ltd
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any
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The right of Roberto C. Parra*, Sara C. Zapico and Douglas H. Ubelaker to be identified as the authors of the editorial
material in this work has been asserted in accordance with law.
*The views expressed herein are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of the United Nations.
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Library of Congress Cataloging‐in‐Publication Data
Names: Parra, Roberto C., 1979– editor. | Zapico, Sara C., editor. |
Ubelaker, Douglas H., editor.
Title: Forensic science and humanitarian action : interacting with the dead
and the living / edited by Roberto C. Parra, Sara C. Zapico, Douglas H. Ubelaker.
Description: First edition. | Hoboken, NJ : John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 2020. |
Series: Forensic science in focus | Includes bibliographical references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2019030283 (print) | LCCN 2019030284 (ebook) | ISBN
9781119481966 (cloth ; 2 vol. set) | ISBN 9781119481942 (adobe pdf) |
ISBN 9781119482024 (epub)
Subjects: LCSH: Forensic sciences. | Forensic anthropology. |
Dead–Identification. | Humanitarian assistance.
Classification: LCC HV8073 .F58355 2020 (print) | LCC HV8073 (ebook) |
DDC 363.25–dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2019030283
LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2019030284
Cover Design: Wiley
Cover Image: © Sandipkumar Patel/Getty Images; © Christos Georghiou/Shutterstock
Set in 10.5/13.5pt Meridien by SPi Global, Pondicherry, India
10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
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In memory of:
María Isabel Chorobik de Mariani (Chicha), Mendoza, Argentina, 19 November
1923 – 20 August 2018.
Angelica Mendoza de Azcarsa (Mama Angelica), Ayacucho, Peru, 1 October
1929 – 28 August 2017.
We also dedicate this book to Enriqueta Estela Barnes de Carlotto, President of the
association Abuelas de Plaza de Mayo (Argentina), and Adelina Garcia Mendoza,
President of the Asociación Nacional de Familiares de Secuestrados, Detenidos y
Desaparecidos del Perú (ANFASEP), and to all the members of those
organisations:
… emblematic women to whom we pay tribute and dedicate this book. They used
all their efforts to find them, saw and suffered the tragedy, the humanitarian
need, and the need for truth. They were visionary and promoted the use of science
in looking for them.
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Contents
About the editors, xxv

About the contributors, xxvii
Foreword – Peter Maurer, lvii
Foreword – Susan M. Ballou, lix
Foreword – Oran Finegan, lxiii
Series preface, lxvii
Preface, lxix
Acknowledgements, lxxv
Section I History, theory, practice and legal foundation, 1

1 Using forensic science to care for the dead and search for the missing:
In conversation with Morris Tidball‐Binz, 3
Morris Tidball‐Binz
Afterword, 20
Acknowledgement, 22
References, 23
2 The protection of the missing and the dead under international law, 25
Ximena Londoño Romanowsky and Marisela Silva Chau
2.1 Introduction, 25
2.2 The protection of the missing and the dead under international law, 26
2.2.1 The protection of the missing under international law, 26
2.2.2 The protection of the dead under international law, 28
2.3 The families at the center of the humanitarian action, 32
2.3.1 The needs of the families, 32
2.3.2 ICRC action in favor of the families, 33
2.4 Conclusion, 34
References, 34
3 Extraordinary deathwork: New developments in, and the social
significance of, forensic humanitarian action, 37
Claire Moon
3.2 Field constitution: new developments, 37
3.3 (Extra-ordinary) deathwork, 42
3.4 Conclusions, 46
References, 47
vii
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viii Contents
4 Between darts and bullets: A bioarchaeological view on the study

of human rights and IHL violations, 49
María del Carmen Vega Dulanto
4.2 What is violence?, 49
4.3 How do bioarchaeologists study violence?, 50
4.3.1 The skeletal data, 51
4.3.2 Interpreting violence, 52
4.3.3 Social theory, 54
4.4 A + B = violence?, 55
4.5 Bioarchaeological vs. clinical and forensic perspectives, 56
References, 58
5 Posthumous dignity and the importance in returning remains
of the deceased, 67
Sian Cook
5.1.1 Conceptualizing posthumous dignity, 67
5.1.2 Assumptions for the existence of dignity after death, 70
5.2 Posthumous dignity, 71
5.2.1 Deconstructing posthumous dignity, 71
5.2.2 Duties of the living regarding the deceased, 72
5.3 The concept of moral injury, 72
5.4 The concept of human remains as a boundary object, 74
5.5 Theoretical framework regarding safeguarding dignity of the deceased, 74
5.6 The importance of returning remains of the deceased, 75
5.7 Conclusion, 76
References, 76
6 Unidentified deceased persons: Social life, social death and
humanitarian action, 79
Roberto C. Parra, Élisabeth Anstett, Pierre Perich and Jane E. Buikstra
6.2 The social life of dead bodies, 81
6.2.1 Matter inside of place, 84
6.3 The social death of the dead, 86
6.4 Unidentified dead bodies and deposit sites, 89
6.5 Dignifying the life of the dead, 93
6.5.1 Rescue and burial as a humanitarian mechanism, 93
6.6 Conclusion, 95
Acknowledgement, 96
References, 96
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Contents ix
7 A forensic perspective on the new disappeared: Migration revisited, 101

Jose Pablo Baraybar, Inés Caridi and Jill Stockwell
7.2 Framing the tragedy: Data challenges, 103
7.3 Framing the tragedy: The missing and the dead, 104
7.4 Tracing and identification, 105
7.5 Complex networks and migration, 107
7.5.1 Example 1: People related to a particular event/series
of events, 107
7.5.2 Example 2: Inferring unknown information of individuals
through the network, 108
7.5.3 Example 3: Tracing missing migrants, 109
7.6 A non‐body centred forensic response?, 111
7.7 Conclusion, 112
Acknowledgement, 114
References, 114
8 Iran: The impact of the beliefscape on the risk culture, resilience
and disaster risk governance, 117
Michaela Ibrion
8.2 Risk culture, 118
8.3 Resilience, 118
8.4 Disaster risk governance, 119
8.5 Beliefscape in Iran, 119
8.5.1 Evil eyes, illness and death, 120
8.5.2 Death and funerary rituals, 121
8.5.3 Graves, cemeteries, dead and living people, 124
8.5.4 Washing the dead: technology and controversies, 124
8.5.5 Food offerings, the death passage rites and rituals and death
commemorations, 125
8.5.6 Earthquake disasters and dead people, 125
8.5.7 Moharam (muharram) and the commemoration of pain and dramatic
death of Imam Hussain, 127
8.5.8 Death, funeral ceremonies, controversies and three national figures
of Iran: Reza Shah Pahlavi, Mohammad Mossadeq and Gholam
Reza Takhti, 129
8.6 Discussions and concluding remarks, 132
References, 133
9 The search for the missing from a humanitarian approach as a Peruvian
national policy, 135
Mónica Liliana Barriga Pérez
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x Contents
9.2 Peruvian scenario regarding the search for missing persons, 136

9.3 Progress made by the DGBPD, 139
9.4 Conclusion, 142
10 Humanitarian forensic action in the Marawi crisis, 143
Sarah Ellingham and Derek C. Benedix
10.2 The Philippine forensic response capacity, 144
10.2.1 The Management of the Dead and Missing (MDM) Cluster, 144
10.2.2 Forensic human identification in the Philippines, 145
10.3 The conflict in Mindanao and the Marawi crisis, 147
10.4 Forensic humanitarian response to the Marawi crisis, 148
10.4.1 Body recovery, 149
10.4.2 Logistical challenges for post‐mortem documentation
and disposition of the dead, 149
10.4.3 Religious considerations, 150
10.4.4 Ante‐mortem data (AMD) collection, 151
10.5 Discussion, 152
Acknowledgements, 154
References, 154
Section II Forensic basic information to trace missing persons, 157
11 Integration of information on missing persons and unidentified human

remains: Best practices, 159
Diana Emilce Ramírez Páez
11.2 The integration of information, 160
11.2.1 Conceptualization, 160
11.2.2 The information integration process, 161
11.3 Premises to take into account, 163
11.3.1 Ante‐mortem and post‐mortem information can
be completed, 163
11.3.2 Collecting ante‐mortem and post‐mortem information
is a specialized process, 164
11.3.3 All data must be cross‐checked, 164
11.3.4 The technical cross‐checking process is cyclical until all missing
persons are located and found, 164
11.4 Best practices, 164
11.4.1 Normative, 165
11.4.2 Awareness of data quality, 165
11.4.3 Systematizing information, 165
11.4.4 Category agreement, 165
11.4.5 Homologation of variables, 166
11.4.6 Assignment of roles and/or responsibilities, 166
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Contents xi
11.4.7 Selection of qualified staff, 166

11.4.8 Information system training, 167
11.4.9 Monitoring information and computer systems, 167
11.4.10 Information cross‐checking expert report, 167
Appendix: Colombian normative references, 168
12 Forensic archaeology and humanitarian context: Localization,
recovery and documentation of human remains, 171
Flavio Estrada Moreno and Patricia Maita
12.2 Localization and recovery strategies, 172
12.3 Sites with human remains and their associated elements, 173
12.4 Recovery of human remains, 175
12.5 Recording human remains, 176
12.5.1 Body deposition, 176
12.5.2 Body position, 176
12.5.3 Orientation of the body, 177
12.6 Recording associated elements, 177
12.7 Disposal container, 178
12.8 Recording forensic deposits, 178
12.9 Evaluating relative chronology, 180
12.10 Conclusions and recommendations, 181
References, 181
13 Applications of physiological bases of aging to forensic science:
New advances, 183
Sara C. Zapico, Douglas H. Ubelaker and Joe Adserias‐Garriga
13.2 Chemical methodologies, 184
13.2.1 Aspartic acid racemization, 184
13.2.2 Lead accumulation, 185
13.2.3 Collagen cross‐links, 186
13.2.4 Chemical composition of teeth, 186
13.2.5 Advanced glycation endproducts (AGEs), 187
13.3 Molecular biology methodologies, 188
13.3.1 Telomere shortening, 188
13.3.2 Mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) mutations, 188
13.3.3 sjTREC rearrangements, 189
13.3.4 Epigenetic modifications, 190
13.4 Conclusion, 191
References, 191
14 Adult skeletal sex estimation and global standardization, 199
Heather M. Garvin and Alexandra R. Klales
14.2 Sexual size dimorphism, 200
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xii Contents
14.3 Morphological traits, 201
14.4 Global standardization, 204
References, 206
15 Sexual dimorphism in juvenile skeletons and its real problem, 211
Flavio Estrada Moreno
15.2 Is it possible to estimate the sex of subadults based on morphological
characteristics of the jaw and the ilium?, 212
15.3 From what age range is it possible to estimate sex in subadult skeletal
remains? Skeletal growth, bone maturation and sex steroids, 213
15.4 What is the degree of precision and reliability of the visual criteria used
to estimate sex in subadult skeletal remains? What criteria are
applicable to forensic contexts?, 215
15.5 Comments and discussion, 216
15.6 Conclusions, 216
References, 217
16 Dental aging methods and population variation, 219
Joe Adserias‐Garriga and Joel Tejada
16.2 Dental age estimation: its application in forensic science, 221
16.3 Tooth developmental changes, 221
16.4 Dental age estimation methods using tooth development
and eruption, 223
16.5 Post‐formation changes in dental tissues, 226
16.6 Methods of dental age estimation using tooth post‐formation changes, 227
16.7 Dental age estimation methods and their application in forensic
casework, 229
References, 230
17 Age assessment in unaccompanied minors: A review, 235
José Luis Prieto
17.2 Age assessment methods in unaccompanied minors, 236
17.3 Age definition: What does age mean?, 240
17.4 Choosing a suitable method, 241
17.5 Forensic age assessment medical methods, 242
17.5.1 Interview and medical history, 243
17.5.2 Physical examination, 243
17.5.3 Dental development, 244
17.5.4 Skeletal maturation, 247
17.6 Final estimation and report, 250
References, 251
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Contents xiii
18 Forensic complex scenarios and technological innovation:

Brief case report from Colombia, 257
Ginna P. Camacho Cortés, Luz Adriana Pérez and Diana Arango Gómez
18.2 Case 1: Predictive spatial and statistical modeling (MESP) as a tool
to support the search for missing persons in the department
of Casanare, 258
18.3 Case 2: Modeling the estimated universe of persons reported missing:
The cases of Casanare and Norte de Santander, 262
18.4 Case 3: Proposal for the retrospective and integrated analysis
of environmental and contextual elements for a differential forensic
genetic approach, 264
18.5 Case 4: Tools for the forensic analysis of cases of alleged extrajudicial
executions, 267
References, 270
Section III Stable isotope forensics and the search for missing persons, 273
19 The role of stable isotope analysis in forensic anthropology, 275

Douglas H. Ubelaker and Caroline Francescutti
19.2 Trace element analysis, 276
19.3 Diet and isotopic analysis, 277
19.4 Variation within individuals, 278
19.4.1 Quality control, 278
19.4.2 Residence, 279
19.5 Summary, 280
References, 280
20 Basic principles of stable isotope analysis in humanitarian forensic
science, 285
Lesley A. Chesson, Wolfram Meier‐Augenstein, Gregory E. Berg,
Clement P. Bataille, Eric J. Bartelink and Michael P. Richards
20.2 Background on isotopes, 286
20.3 Isotopes in human tissue, 288
20.4 Longer‐term “memory” tissues: Bone and teeth, 292
20.4.1 Oxygen isotopic composition of bioapatite, 292
20.4.2 Carbon isotopic composition of bioapatite and collagen, 294
20.4.3 Caveats for the oxygen isotope analysis of bone and teeth, 296
20.5 Shorter‐term “memory” tissues: Hair and nail, 297
20.5.1 Hydrogen isotopic composition of hair and nail, 298
20.5.2 Caveats for the hydrogen isotope analysis of hair and nail, 299
20.5.3 Carbon and nitrogen isotopic compositions of hair and nail, 300
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xiv Contents
20.5.4 Caveats for the carbon and nitrogen isotope analysis of hair

and nail, 301
20.5.5 Strontium and lead isotopic compositions of human tissue, 302
References, 303
21 Andean isoscapes: Creating and testing oxygen isoscape models to aid in
the identification of missing persons in Peru, 311
James Zimmer‐Dauphinee, Beth K. Scaffidi and Tiffiny A. Tung
21.1.1 Stable oxygen isotope values in dentition, 312
21.1.2 Stable oxygen isotopes and the landscape, 313
21.2 Materials and methods, 314
21.2.1 Description of the datasets, 314
21.2.2 Methods, 317
21.3 Results, 318
21.3.1 Overview description of the stable oxygen isotope
data from surface water, 318
21.3.2 Ordinary kriging model, 320
21.3.3 Multiple linear regression model, 322
21.3.4 Regression kriging model, 322
21.3.5 Testing the model with archaeological samples, 324
21.4.1 Predicting source of water samples vs. archaeological human
samples, 325
References, 327
22 The period of violence in Peru (1980–2000): Applying isotope
analysis and isoscapes in forensic cases of the unidentified deceased, 331
Martha R. Palma, Tiffiny A. Tung, Lucio A. Condori and Roberto C. Parra
22.2 The Peruvian Conflict and the government response, 332
22.3 The search for missing persons: “Families remain walking”, 334
22.4 Applying new isotopic techniques to aid in identifying victims’
bodies in Peru, 335
22.4.1 Stable oxygen isotopes and strontium isotopes, 336
22.4.2 Stable carbon and nitrogen isotopes, 338
22.5 Integrating traditional and non‐traditional methods to identify missing
persons in Peru, 339
References, 341
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Contents xv
23 Utility of stable isotope ratios of tap water and human hair in determining

region of origin in Central and Southern Mexico: Modeling relationships
between δ2H and δ18O isotope inputs in modern Mexican hair, 345
Chelsey Juarez, Robin Ramey, David T. Flaherty and Belinda S. Akpa
23.2 Water stress in Mexico, 346
23.3 Tuning parameters in mathematical models used for provenance
analysis, 348
23.4 Extension to analysis of hair isotopes in the absence of paired water
samples, 348
23.5.1 Isotope mapping procedure, 352
23.5.2 Analysis and discussion, 356
23.6 Estimation of credible parameter values by approximate Bayesian
computation, 359
23.7 Results obtained using the established US supermarket diet, 360
23.8 Results achieved by estimating international diet, drinking water,
and regional diet isotopes, 361
References, 364
24 Multi‐isotope approaches for region‐of‐origin predictions of undocumented
border crossers from the US–Mexico border: Biocultural perspectives on
diet and travel history, 369
Eric J. Bartelink, Lesley A. Chesson, Brett J. Tipple, Sarah Hall and Robyn T. Kramer
24.2 SIA as an investigative tool for undocumented border crossers, 371
24.2.1 Assumptions of SIA for provenancing studies, 371
24.2.2 Bio‐elements and geo‐elements used for geolocation, 372
24.3 Samples and analytical methods, 373
24.4 Results, 375
24.5 Case studies, 377
24.6 Summary and future research directions, 381
References, 382
25 Spatial distribution of stable isotope values of human hair: Tools for region‐
of‐origin and travel history assignment, 385
Luciano O. Valenzuela, Lesley A. Chesson, Gabriel Bowen, Thure E. Cerling and
James R. Ehleringer
25.2 Why hair?, 386
25.3 Methods, 388
25.4 How is isotopic information incorporated into hair?, 388
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xvi Contents
25.4.1 Carbon, 389
25.4.2 Nitrogen, 389
25.4.3 Sulfur, 390
25.4.4 Body water, 390
25.4.5 Oxygen, 391
25.4.6 Hydrogen, 392
25.4.7 Integrated signal, 392
25.5 Geographical and population patterns of δ13C, δ15N and δ34S
values, 393
25.5.1 From continents to cities, 395
25.5.2 From cities to individuals, 396
25.6 Geographical patterns of δ18O and δ2H values, 397
25.7 Individual deviations from expected patterns, 400
25.8 Travel history, 401
25.9 Solved forensic investigations, 403
25.10 Final considerations, 403
25.10.1 How fixed are the geographical patterns of δ13C, δ15N
and δ34S values?, 403
25.10.2 Seasonal stability of drinking water δ18O and δ2H values, 404
25.10.3 Bundling and analysing very long hair, 405
25.10.4 Fingernails vs. hair, 405
References, 406
26 Applicability of stable isotope analysis to the Colombian human
identification crisis, 411
Daniel Castellanos Gutiérrez, Elizabeth A. DiGangi and Jonathan D. Bethard
26.2 Stable isotopes in human provenance, 412
26.3 Human tissues appropriate for isotope studies, 415
26.4 Colombian geography, 416
26.5 The Colombian conflict and the missing, 418
26.6 Stable isotopes and identification in Colombia: Initial research
efforts, 418
26.7 Final remarks, 420
References, 422
27 Application of stable isotopes and geostatistics to infer region of geographical
origin for deceased undocumented Latin American migrants, 425
Robyn T. Kramer, Eric J. Bartelink, Nicholas P. Herrmann, Clement P. Bataille and
Kate Spradley
27.2 Stable isotopes, provenancing studies, and isoscapes, 426
27.2.1 Strontium and geological mapping, 427
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Contents xvii
27.2.2 Oxygen isotopes and precipitation, 429

27.2.3 Dual‐isotope maximum likelihood estimation
assignment model, 430
27.3.1 Sample, 431
27.3.2 Isotope sample preparation, 432
27.3.3 87Sr/86Sr isoscape, 433
27.3.4 δ18O isoscape, 433
27.4 Results, 433
27.4.1 OpID‐0383, 433
27.4.2 OpID‐0608, 435
27.5 Discussion and conclusions, 435
References, 437
28 Tracking geographical patterns of contemporary human diet in Brazil using
stable isotopes of nail keratin, 441
Gabriela Bielefeld Nardoto, João Paulo Sena‐Souza, Lesley A. Chesson and Luiz
Antonio Martinelli
28.2 Isotope procedures, 443
28.3 Scientific basis for isotope data interpretation, 444
28.4 Geographic peculiarities in stable isotope ratios of fingernails, 446
28.4.1 Brazilian Amazon, 446
28.4.2 Northeastern Brazil, 447
28.4.3 Central Brazil, 447
28.5 Brazilian isoscapes, 448
28.5.1 Primary source isoscapes, 448
28.5.2 Source‐consumer isoscapes, 451
References, 453
Section IV DNA analysis and the forensic identification process, 457
29 Phenotypic markers for forensic purposes, 459

Ana Freire‐Aradas, Christopher Phillips, Victoria Lareu Huidobro and Ángel Carracedo
29.2 Biogeographical origin, 459
29.3 Externally visible characteristics, 463
29.3.1 Eye colour prediction, 463
29.3.2 Hair colour prediction, 464
29.3.3 Skin colour prediction, 465
29.3.4 Additional externally visible characteristics, 465
29.4 Individual age, 466
References, 469
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xviii Contents
30 Genetic structure and kinship analysis from the Peruvian Andean area:

Limitations and recommendation for DNA identification of missing
persons, 473
Gian Carlo Iannacone and Roberto C. Parra
30.2 Previous factors for matching success in the context of genetic
structure, 475
30.3 Substructure and matching between genetic profile databases
(Factor 3), 477
30.4 Origin of Peruvian population and the genetic structure
(Factor 3), 479
30.5 Admixture of Peruvian population and the genetic structure
(Factor 3), 483
30.6 Matching of genetic profiles in the context of genetic similarity
(Factor 3), 485
References, 487
31 Short tandem repeat markers applied to the identification of human
remains, 491
William Goodwin, Hassain M.H. Alsafiah and Ali A.H. Al‐Janabi
31.2 Selection of genetic markers, 491
31.3 STR loci and kinship testing, 495
31.4 The strength of DNA evidence, 495
31.5 Limitations of STR loci for the identification of human remains, 498
31.6 Massive parallel sequencing (MPS), 501
31.7 Incorporating DNA analysis into the identification process, 504
References, 506
32 Genetics without non‐genetic data: Forensic difficulties in correct
identification – the Colombian experience, 509
Manuel Paredes López
32.1 Genetics in the identification of bodies associated with the violation
of human rights and international humanitarian law: A humanitarian
challenge, 509
32.2 The integration of genetics into traditional forensic disciplines
specialized in the identification of human remains, 510
32.3 Forensic genetics in the Colombian armed conflict, 512
32.4 Interdisciplinary forensic work is a priority, 513
32.5 Tasks of the forensic geneticist within the interdisciplinary
identification team, 514
32.6 Effects of the overvaluation of the genetic result, 516
32.6.1 False negatives: non‐existent exclusion, 516
32.6.2 False positives and spurious matches in databases, 518
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Contents xix
References, 520
33 Is DNA always the answer?, 521
Caroline Bennett
33.2 The magic of DNA, 522
33.3 DNA as truth, identity and relatedness, 523
33.4 Justice and healing, 525
33.5 Dealing with bodies, 527
33.6 The politics of identification, 529
References, 532
Section V Identifying deceased and finding missing persons, 535
34 Migrant deaths along the Texas/Mexico border: A collaborative approach

to forensic identification of human remains, 537
Kate Spradley and Timothy P. Gocha
34.2 Background, 538
34.2.1 Lack of humanitarian forensic action, 538
34.2.2 Operation Identification (OpID) and the Forensic
Border Coalition (FBC), 540
34.3.1 Case 0387, 541
34.3.2 Case 0383, 543
34.3.3 Hugo Escobar Rodriguez, 544
References, 547
35 The Argentine experience in forensic identification of human remains, 549
Mercedes Salado Puerto, Laura Catelli, Carola Romanini, Magdalena Romero and
Carlos María Vullo
35.2 Methods and challenges in applying forensic genetics, 551
35.3 Databases, data comparisons and reconciliation, 554
References, 558
36 The approach to unidentified dead migrants in Italy, 559
Cristina Cattaneo, Debora Mazzarelli, Lara Olivieri, Danilo De Angelis, Annalisa
Cappella, Albarita Vitale, Giulia Caccia, Vittorio Piscitelli and Agata Iadicicco
36.1.1 The paradox of the largest mass disaster of the past century, 559
36.1.2 The Italian perspective, 561
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xx Contents
36.2 The experimental Italian strategy, 565

36.2.1 Pilot Study 1: AM data collection, 565
36.2.2 Pilot Study 2: PM data collection, 566
36.2.3 Working towards a national approach for the issue of dead
migrants, 567
References, 569
37 Identification of human skeletal remains at the Federal Bureau
of Investigation (FBI) Laboratory, 571
Angi M. Christensen, Ann D. Fasano, Richard B. Marx, John E.B. Stewart,
Lisa G. Bailey and Richard M. Thomas
37.2 Search and recovery – FBI Evidence Response Teams, 572
37.3 Forensic anthropology, 576
37.4 DNA analysis, 581
37.5 Facial approximation, 584
37.6 Additional efforts, 590
References, 591
38 Forensic human identification: An Australian perspective, 593
Soren Blau
38.2 Identification contexts, 593
38.2.1 Long‐term missing persons, 593
38.2.2 Individuals missing following war, 594
38.2.3 Disaster victim identification, 595
38.2.4 Historical figures, 596
38.3 Ante‐ and post‐mortem data, 596
38.3.1 Fingerprint records, 597
38.3.2 Dental records, 597
38.3.3 DNA information, 597
38.4 Forensic anthropology in Australia, 599
38.5 The process of identification in coronial casework, 600
38.6 Research, 601
References, 602
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Contents xxi
39 Forensic identification of human remains in Cyprus: The humanitarian work

of the Committee on Missing Persons in Cyprus (CMP), 609
Gülbanu K. Zorba, Theodora Eleftheriou, İstenç Engin, Sophia Hartsioti and
Christiana Zenonos
39.1 Origins and mandate of the CMP, 609
39.2 The project on the exhumation, identification and return of remains
of missing persons, 610
39.3 Investigations on missing persons cases, 611
39.4 Sources of information and challenges, 611
39.5 Locating human remains, 612
39.6 Search for and recovery of remains, 613
39.7 Analysis at the CMP Anthropological Laboratory (CAL), 614
39.8 Challenging cases, 615
39.9 Sampling strategy, 617
39.10 The role of DNA analysis, 617
39.11 Collection of family reference samples, 618
39.12 DNA analysis and the identification process, 618
39.13 Reconciliation of information and identification: Challenges
and approach, 619
39.14 Notification of identification and return of remains, 621
References, 623
40 Forensic human identification during a humanitarian crisis in Guatemala:
the deadly eruption of Volcán de Fuego, 625
Daniel Jiménez
40.2 The context of violence in Guatemala, 626
40.3 The forensic anthropological analysis in
medico‐legal investigation, 627
40.4 The Volcán de Fuego case: Paradigmatic event in Guatemala, 629
References, 633
41 Peruvian forensic experience in the search for missing persons and
the identification of human remains: History, limitations and future
challenges, 635
Roberto C. Parra, Martha R. Palma, Oswaldo Calcina, Joel Tejada, Lucio A. Condori
and Jose Pablo Baraybar
41.2 The development of anthropological–forensic investigations
and the search for missing persons in Peru, 636
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xxii Contents
41.3 Complexity and forensic limitations of the Peruvian case

and the expectations of the relatives, 639
41.4 Future challenges, 648
References, 651
42 Forensic identification of human remains in Uruguay, 653
Alicia Lusiardo, Ximena Salvo Eulacio, Aníbal Gustavo Casanova, Natalia Azziz,
Rodrigo Bongiovanni, Matías López and Sofía Rodríguez
42.2 Forensic identification of human remains in Uruguay, 654
42.3 Roberto Gomensoro Josman case, 655
42.4 Olivar Sena case, 656
42.5 María Claudia García case, 657
42.6 Jonathan Viera case, 658
42.7 Recommendations, 659
References, 660
43 Forensic analysis of the unidentified dead in Costa Rica from 2000 to
the present, 663
Georgina Pacheco‐Revilla and Derek Congram
43.2 Violence in Central and South America, 663
43.3 A complicating factor: Regional migration, 665
43.3.1 Case Study 1, 666
43.3.2 Case Study 2, 671
References, 677
44 Identifying the unknown and the undocumented: The Johannesburg
(South Africa) experience, 681
Desiré M. Brits, Maryna Steyn and Candice Hansmeyer
44.2 Forensic pathology services, 683
44.4 Discussion and conclusion, 689
References, 691
45 The Colombian experience in forensic human identification, 693
Jairo Vivas Díaz and Claudia Vega Urueña
45.2 Evolution of the forensic human identification process
in Colombia, 694
45.3 Other activities developed for human identification in the country, 698
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Contents xxiii
45.3.1 Cross‐checking or comparison of information for identification

purposes, 698
45.3.2 Forensic intervention of cemeteries, 699
45.4 Cold case: New forensic approach to the Palace of Justice case, 700
45.5 Recent challenges, 701
References, 702
46 The Chilean experience in forensic identification of human remains, 703
Marisol Intriago Leiva, Viviana Uribe Tamblay and Claudia Garrido Varas
46.1 Origins of the legal medical service, 703
46.2 September 1973 and the role of the Servicio Médico Legal (SML), 705
46.3 Family members: Search, justice, memory…, 706
46.4 The 1990–2006 transition to democracy: Family members and
the continuous search for the detained, disappeared and executed, 710
46.5 Identifications via genetics, 712
46.6 Comments, 714
Section VI Conclusions, 715
47 Humanitarian action: New approaches from forensic science, 717

Douglas H. Ubelaker, Sara C. Zapico and Roberto C. Parra
47.2 History, 718
47.3 Theoretical foundation, 719
47.4 The legal and cultural arena, 719
47.5 Regional applications, 720
47.6 Capacity‐building, 720
47.7 Trauma assessment, 721
47.8 Technology, 721
47.9 Expanding areas of application, 722
47.10 Summary, 722
References, 723
Index, 727
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About the editors
Roberto C. Parra, MA, DLAF, is an anthropologist formed in the School of

Anthropology of the Universidad Nacional del Altiplano in Puno, Peru. He did an
internship during his undergraduate studies at the Centro Mallqui, the bioanthro-
pology foundation of Peru, under the direction of Dr Sonia Guillen and Dr Marvin
Allison. As part of his academic development, he reached the level of physiologist
in the Master’s program in Physiology at the graduate school of the Faculty of
Medicine of the Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, Lima, Peru. Roberto
is a career forensic anthropologist, and received his Master’s degree in Forensic
Anthropology at the graduate school of Pontificia Universidad Catolica del Peru.
Furthermore, he was certificated by the Latino American Board of Forensic
Anthropology of the Latino American Association of Forensic Anthropology
(ALAF), of which he is an active member and was President for two years.
Roberto has 18 years of experience in the field of forensic sciences, humani-
tarian action and human rights investigations, mainly in management of the dead
in armed conflict, catastrophes and crisis migration. In this capacity he has served
as an expert witness, reporting on more than 1500 cases including air crash and
shipwreck victims, human rights violations and domestic criminal cases. He has
testified in several legal proceedings.
In 2002 he began his forensic career in the Peruvian context as part of the
forensic staff of the Institute of Legal Medicine and Forensic Sciences of Peru. In
this institution, Roberto has been an assistant in the forensic anthropology
department of the central morgue of Lima, later was national coordinator of the
specialized forensic team, and was also the national coordinator of the Peruvian
forensic response system for disasters, which includes the Peruvian DVI team. For
several years he was analyst at the Laboratory of Molecular Biology and Forensic
Genetics. Finally, Roberto reached the position of advisor to the head of the
Institute of Legal Medicine and Forensic Sciences of Peru for the forensic
management of quality and forensic documentation of lethal lesions of external
causes. As part of his scientific advice, he was one of the founders of the Ibero‐
American network of Institutions of Legal Medicine and Forensic Sciences.
Since 2012, Roberto has developed several international missions in Latin
America, Africa and the Middle East as part of the Staff of the Forensic Unit of the
International Committee of the Red Cross and as part of the staff of forensic sci-
entists of the Human Rights Office of the High Commissioner (OHCHR) of the
United Nations. Furthermore, Roberto is a Research Collaborator and Affiliate,
Bioarchaeology and Stable Isotope Research Lab (BSIRL), at Vanderbilt University,
Nashville, Tennessee.
xxv
fbetw.indd 25 11/26/2019 8:30:08 PM

xxvi About the editors
Sara C. Zapico, PhD, D‐ABC, is an Instructor in the Department of Chemistry

and Biochemistry and Graduate Program Director of the Professional Science
Master’s in Forensic Science at Florida International University. She is also a
Research Collaborator at the Anthropology Department of the National Museum
of Natural History, Smithsonian Institution. She is part of the Interpol Disaster
Victim Identification group, on the Forensic Genetics and Forensic Pathology and
Anthropology sections. She served as an Associate at the International Committee
of the Red Cross in Geneva, Switzerland. She has authored 22 peer‐reviewed
scientific publications and edited one book in the fields of forensic biochemistry,
forensic anthropology and biomedical sciences. Her research interests focus on the
application of biochemical techniques to forensic anthropology issues like age‐at‐
death estimation and the determination of post‐mortem interval. She collaborates
as a biostatistician in forensic anthropology and fingerprints projects.
Douglas H. Ubelaker, PhD, is a curator and senior scientist at the Smithsonian
Institution’s National Museum of Natural History in Washington, DC, where he
has been employed for nearly four decades. Since 1978, he has served as a consul-
tant in forensic anthropology. In this capacity he has served as an expert witness,
reporting on more than 900 cases, and has testified in numerous legal proceedings.
He is a Professorial Lecturer with the Departments of Anatomy and Anthropology
at the George Washington University, Washington, DC, and is an Adjunct Professor
with the Department of Anthropology, Michigan State University, East Lansing,
Michigan. Dr Ubelaker has published extensively in the general field of human
skeletal biology with an emphasis on forensic applications. He has served on the
editorial boards of numerous leading scientific publications, including the Journal
of Forensic Sciences, the Open Forensic Science Journal, International Journal of Legal
Medicine, Human Evolution, Homo, Journal of Comparative Human Biology, Anthropologie,
International Journal of the Science of Man, Forensic Science Communications, Human
Evolution, and the International Journal of Anthropology and Global Bioethics. Dr
Ubelaker received a Bachelor of Arts degree and a Doctor of Philosophy from the
University of Kansas. He has been a Member of the American Academy of Forensic
Sciences since 1974 and achieved the status of Fellow in 1987 in the Physical
Anthropology Section. He served as the 2011–2012 President of the AAFS. He is a
Fellow of the Washington Academy of Sciences and is a Diplomate of the American
Board of Forensic Anthropology. He is a member of the American Association of
Physical Anthropology and the Paleopathology Association.
Dr Ubelaker has received numerous honours including the Memorial Medal of
Dr. Aleš Hrdlička, Humpolec, Czech Republic; the Anthropology Award of the
Washington Academy of Sciences; the T. Dale Stewart Award by the Physical
Anthropology Section of the American Academy of Forensic Sciences; the FBI
Director’s Award for Exceptional Public Service; the Federal Highway
Administration Pennsylvania Division Historic Preservation Excellence Award; a
special recognition award from the FBI; and was elected Miembro Honorario of
the Sociedad de Odontoestomatologos Forenses IberoAmericanos and of the
Asociación Latinoamericana de Antropología Forense (ALAF).
fbetw.indd 26 11/26/2019 8:30:08 PM

About the contributors
Joe Adserias‐Garriga, DDS, PhD, D‐ABFO, is a forensic anthropologist and

forensic odontologist from Spain, where she has directed and lectured in different
postgraduate programs in forensic science. She is an external advisor to Mossos
d’Esquadra (Catalonian Police), who honored her contribution in forensic case-
work. Dr Adserias‐Garriga is currently working as a forensic anthropologist at the
Forensic Anthropology Center, Texas State University, United States. She has con-
ducted research collaborations with different entities in the United States and
Europe. She is an ABFO Diplomate, and cofounder of the International Group of
Forensic Odontology for Human Rights. She is a member of the INTERPOL DVI
Odontology SubWorking Group and the INTERPOL DVI Pathology‐Anthropology
SubWorking Group.
Belinda S. Akpa is an Assistant Professor of Integrated Synthetic and Systems
Biology at North Carolina State University. She holds a BA, MEng, and doctorate
in Chemical Engineering from the University of Cambridge (UK). A highly inter-
disciplinary researcher, her current interest is in developing mathematical frame-
works that integrate heterogeneous data and help connect molecular phenomena
to physiological outcomes. Dr Akpa is broadly interested in mathematical biology,
but more specifically in how statistical and mechanistic approaches can be
combined to frame targeted experimental strategies. By necessity, these efforts
explore the limits of what one can learn from empirical observations and
mathematical models, both independently and in integrative studies.
Ali A.H. Al‐Janabi graduated with a Bachelor of Dentistry in Iraq and then
acquired an MSc in genetics from the University of Baghdad, then going on to
work with the Medicolegal Directorate in Baghdad. Here he specialized in forensic
genetics, working in the Mass Graves Department and also the Crime Scene
Department. He has just returned to the Medicolegal Directorate after completing
his PhD in forensic genetics, optimizing the extraction of DNA from bone material
from mass graves and crime scenes in Iraq.
Hassain M.H. Alsafiah graduated from King Saud University with a BSc in
Biochemistry, and then worked as a forensic geneticist for the Ministry of Interior
in Saudi Arabia. He went on to complete a MSc in Medical Genetics at Glasgow
University and is now studying for a PhD in Forensic Genetics at the University of
Central Lancashire. His research involves studying the population genetics of
Saudi Arabia and the application of next‐generation sequencing. He will return to
be the Head of the Forensic Genetics Laboratory in the Eastern Province, Dammam,
once he has completed his PhD.
xxvii
fbetw.indd 27 11/26/2019 8:30:08 PM

xxviii About the contributors
Élisabeth Anstett, PhD, is a social anthropologist, tenured senior researcher at

the Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (CNRS) in Paris, and Director of
the Corpses of Mass Violence and Genocide programme funded by the European
Research Council. Her recent works deal with the social impact of mass exhuma-
tions, and more broadly with the legacy of genocide and mass violence in Europe.
She co‐edits the Human Remains and Violence book series published by
Manchester University Press, and is also one of the three general editors of Human
Remains & Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal.
Diana Arango Gómez is a political scientist from the National University of

Colombia with a Master’s degree in Comparative American Studies, University of
London. With experience in research and coordination of networks of civil society
organizations and advocacy in international and national decision spaces.
Executive Director of EQUITAS, Colombia.
Natalia Azziz obtained her degree at the Universidad de la República (Udelar),

Uruguay, in 2013. In 2007, she joined the Forensic Anthropological team in
Uruguay in the search for detained‐disappeared persons during the last military
dictatorship (1973–1985). Natalia has been a full member of the Latin American
Association of Forensic Anthropology (ALAF) since 2014. She has participated in
several meetings and workshops of ALAF. She was also part of the Bioethics
Committee of the Administración de los Servicios de Salud del Estado (ASSE) in
2015–2016. She is currently completing a Master’s degree in Anthropology at the
Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación (Udelar).
Lisa G. Bailey, BA, is a forensic artist with the Federal Bureau of Investigation
Laboratory in Quantico, Virginia. She has worked on numerous cases involving
the facial approximation of unidentified remains, composite sketches of unknown
suspects, as well as age‐progressed images of fugitives and missing children. Ms
Bailey was an instructor on the FBI Forensic Facial Imaging Course and an Adjunct
Faculty Member at the FBI Academy. A veteran of the US Navy, she earned her
BA in Visual Art from the University of Maryland and worked as a graphic artist
at the Johns Hopkins University Applied Physics Laboratory before joining the
Bureau in 2001.
Jose Pablo Baraybar, PhD, is a Peruvian forensic anthropologist and

Transregional Forensic Coordinator with the ICRC. He worked for the International
Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda and the ex‐Yugoslavia, and was head of the Office
on Missing Persons and Forensics (OMPF) for the United Nations in Kosovo.
Baraybar is a founding member and former Executive Director of the Peruvian
Forensic Anthropology Team (EPAF).
Eric J. Bartelink, PhD, D‐ABFA, has taught for 13 years at California State
University, Chico, where he is currently a full professor and co‐director of the
Human Identification Laboratory. He is the President of the American Board of
fbetw.indd 28 11/26/2019 8:30:08 PM

About the contributors xxix
Forensic Anthropology and serves on the AAFS Board of Directors. His research
interests focus on the bioarchaeology of Native California, dietary reconstruction
using stable isotope analysis, and applications within forensic anthropology. He is
a coauthor of Essentials of Physical Anthropology, Introduction to Physical Anthropology,
and Forensic Anthropology: Current Methods and Practice, and has authored and co‐
authored numerous articles in scientific journals.
Clement P. Bataille, PhD, received his MSc in environmental engineering in
2008 from the Institut National Polytechniques de Toulouse (France). He received
his PhD in Geology in 2014 from the University of Utah. He spent two years in
Houston, Texas, working as a geoscientist before returning to academia and taking
up a post‐doctoral fellowship at the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill. He
joined the University of Ottawa as an assistant professor in Earth and Environmental
Sciences in the fall of 2017. His lab group, the SAIVE group (Spatio‐temporal
Analytics of Isotope Variations in the Environment), uses spatiotemporal isotope
variations to (1) develop geolocation tools in ecology and forensic sciences, (2)
investigate weathering processes in rivers, and (3) reconstruct paleoenvironments
in greenhouse periods.
Derek C. Benedix, PhD, ABFA, received his Bachelor of Arts degree in
anthropology from the University of California, Santa Cruz, and his Master of Arts
and Doctorate in physical/forensic anthropology from the University of Tennessee,
Knoxville. Derek is a board‐certified forensic anthropologist by the American
Board of Forensic Anthropology. From 2001 to 2015, Derek worked as a forensic
anthropologist in the Joint POW/MIA Accounting Command Central Identification
Laboratory in both Hawaii and Nebraska. Derek joined the International
Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) in September 2015, and has performed
numerous short mission assignments as Forensic Specialist (Manila, Philippines
and Athens, Greece), Regional Forensic Advisor (Kathmandu, Nepal), and
Regional Forensic Manager for Asia and the Pacific (Jakarta, Indonesia).
Caroline Bennett, PhD, is a lecturer in cultural anthropology at Victoria
University of Wellington, New Zealand. Her research considers genocide, violence
and post‐conflict environments, with particular attention paid to mass graves and
the mass dead. Her current research considers mass graves from the Cambodian
genocide of 1975–1979. Prior to undertaking a PhD in social anthropology,
Caroline spent some time working as a forensic anthropologist. She has published
work on disaster victim identification and DNA analysis, justice after genocide,
and dealing with the dead following the Khmer Rouge in Cambodia.
Gregory E. Berg, PhD, earned his BA in anthropology from the University of
Arizona in 1993, his MA from the bioarchaeology program of Arizona State
University in 1999, and his PhD from the University of Tennessee in 2008. He is
currently a laboratory manager and forensic anthropologist at the DPAA Laboratory
in Hawaii where he works on the recovery and identification of missing US
fbetw.indd 29 11/26/2019 8:30:08 PM

xxx About the contributors
service personnel. His research has concentrated on ancestry and sex determina-
tion, trauma analysis, aging techniques, human identification and eyewear, intra‐
and inter‐observer error studies, and isotope analysis – all of which are focused on
human identification. He is a diplomate of the American Board of Forensic
Anthropology.
Jonathan D. Bethard, PhD, D‐ABFA, is currently an Assistant Professor in the
Department of Anthropology at the University of South Florida. He received his
PhD in Anthropology from the University of Tennessee‐Knoxville in 2013. Dr
Bethard specializes in forensic anthropology and bioarchaeology and has worked
as a consultant in forensic anthropology for the International Criminal Investigative
Training Assistance Program (ICITAP) in Colombia and Algeria, as well the
International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) in Tbilisi, Georgia. He is a Fellow
of the Anthropology Section of the American Academy of Forensic Sciences, a
Diplomate of the American Board of Forensic Anthropology, and a Lifetime
Member of the American Association of Physical Anthropologists.
Soren Blau, PhD, is the Senior Forensic Anthropologist at the Victorian Institute
of Forensic Medicine. She is an Adjunct Associate Professor in the Department of
Forensic Medicine at Monash University, Founding Fellow Faculty of Science, The
Royal College of Pathologists of Australasia, and recipient of a Churchill Fellowship
(2013). Soren is also currently the Chair of the Forensic Anthropology Specialists
Working Group and a member of the INTERPOL Disaster Victim Identification
Pathology and Anthropology Sub‐Working Group. In addition to publishing peer‐
reviewed journal articles and numerous book chapters, Soren co‐edited the
Handbook of Forensic Anthropology and Archaeology and co‐authored An Atlas of
Skeletal Trauma in Medico‐Legal Contexts. Soren undertakes domestic forensic
anthropology casework and has undertaken consultancies for the International
Criminal Court (ICC) and the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC).
Soren has participated in the recovery and analysis of human remains from
archaeological and forensic contexts in numerous countries, and has delivered
training to forensic practitioners and related stakeholders in Australia and
overseas.
Rodrigo Bongiovanni is an undergraduate student at the Universidad de la
República, Montevideo, Uruguay. He has been working with the Uruguayan team
of Forensic Anthropology since 2009, and had worked on different historical
archaeology projects between 2008 and 2013.
Gabriel Bowen, PhD, is a Professor of Geology and Geophysics and member of
the Global Change and Sustainability Center at the University of Utah, where
he leads the Spatio‐temporal Isotope Analytics Lab (SPATIAL) and serves as
co‐director of the SIRFER stable isotope facility. His research focuses on the use of
spatially and temporally resolved geochemical data to study Earth systems
fbetw.indd 30 11/26/2019 8:30:08 PM

About the contributors xxxi
processes, ranging from coupled carbon and water cycle change in geological his-
tory to the movements of modern and near‐modern humans. In addition to
fundamental research, he has been active in developing cyberinformatics tools
and training programs supporting the use of large‐scale environmental geochem-
istry data across scientific disciplines, including the waterisotopes.org and IsoMAP.
org websites and the SPATIAL summer course (http://itce.utah.edu).
Desiré M. Brits, PhD, received her BSc Hons and MSc from the University of
Pretoria and her PhD from the University of the Witwatersrand, South Africa. She
is employed by the University of the Witwatersrand and teaches a number of
courses including morphological anatomy and forensic anthropology to under-
graduate and postgraduate students. Her current research interests include decom-
position and taphonomy in the interior of South Africa, and establishing
identification methods specific for South Africans, using medical image modal-
ities. She recently received a Thuthuka grant from the National Research
Foundation (NRF) South Africa and a grant from the American Academy of
Forensic Sciences (AAFS) Humanitarian and Human Rights Resource Center
(HHRRC) in support of her research. Dr Brits is the coordinator of the Human
Identification Unit (HIU) of the Human Variation and Identification Research Unit
(HVIRU) at the University of the Witwatersrand, and regularly consults on forensic
anthropology cases for the South African Police Service (SAPS) and Forensic
Pathology Services (FPS). Dr Brits is an associate member of the American
Academy of Forensic Sciences, a member of the International Academy of Legal
Medicine/Forensic Anthropology Society of Europe (FASE), and a lifetime
member of the Anatomical Society of Southern Africa, where she has served on
Council since 2012.
Jane E. Buikstra, PhD, D‐ABFA, is a regents’ Professor, and member of the
National Academy of Sciences. She is credited with forming the discipline of bio-
archaeology, which applies biological anthropological methods to the study of
archaeology. She was also the founding director of the Center for Bioarchaeological
Research at Arizona State University. The academic prestige of Dr Buikstra is rec-
ognized worldwide due to her important contribution to science. Dr Buikstra’s
international research encompasses bioarchaeology, palaeopathology, forensic
anthropology and palaeodemography. Among her current work is an investiga-
tion of the evolutionary history of ancient tuberculosis in the Americas based on
archaeologically recovered pathogen DNA. Dr Buikstra has recently published
Ortner’s Identification of Pathological Conditions in Human Skeletal Remains. She has
mentored more 55 PhD students, is the president of the Center for American
Archeology and has served as past president of the American Association of
Physical Anthropologists, the American Anthropological Association and the
Paleopathology Association. She is the inaugural editor‐in‐chief of the International
Journal of Paleopathology. She is a certified member by the American Board of
fbetw.indd 31 11/26/2019 8:30:08 PM

xxxii About the contributors
Forensic Anthropology (ABFA #11). Recent awards include the American

Academy of Forensic Sciences’ T. Dale Stewart Award; the Charles R. Darwin
Lifetime Achievement Award from the American Association of Physical
Anthropologists; the University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and
Anthropology Lucy Wharton Drexel Medal; and the Gorjanovic‐Kramberger
Medal in Anthropology, Croatian Society of Anthropology.
Giulia Caccia is a graduate in natural sciences and a PhD student in Environmental
Sciences; she deals in particular with the study of the interaction between body
and environment for forensic purposes through the study of traces. In 2018 she
won a scholarship from the Isacchi Samaja Foundation for the identification of
migrant victims, particularly those of the disaster of 18 April 2015; currently she
is carrying out her research activities in the same laboratory.
Oswaldo Calcina is a Peruvian forensic anthropologist in the Specialized Forensic
Team (EFE) of the Institute of Legal Medicine and Forensic Sciences (IMLCF) of
the Public Prosecutor’s Office in Peru. From the beginning of his career, Mr Calcina
specialized as an osteologist for the collection that is currently in the EFE. He has
8 years of experience in Ayacucho and Huancavelica in forensic investigation,
recovery and analysis of human remains in post‐conflict contexts. He is also
working with bone trauma analysis in cases of fresh dead bodies. He holds a degree
in anthropology from the Universidad Nacional del Altiplano, and is currently a
candidate for a Master’s degree at the National University of San Cristóbal de
Huamanga‐Ayacucho.
Ginna P. Camacho Cortés is a Biology graduate, Specialist in Criminal
Investigation from Police National School “General Santander”, Specialist in
Forensic Anthropology from National University of Colombia, and Magister in
Bioethics from Pontificia Universidad Javeriana. Professor and scientific researcher,
mainly in the study of the estimation of the time of death by entomological
methods, and context analyst in cases of violations of human rights and interna-
tional humanitarian law. Technical Coordinator of EQUITAS, Colombia.
Annalisa Cappella is a biologist, forensic anthropologist, and has a PhD in
Morphological Sciences. She works at LABANOF on identification, injury analysis
and histology. She is a Fullbright Scholar with research on identification of dead
migrants. She participated as anthropologist in the medical forensic activities in
Melilli, Sicily, on the victims of the 18 April 2015 shipwreck.
Inés Caridi, PhD, is a physicist and researcher in the field of complex systems at
the Calculus Institute, University of Buenos Aires, and researcher at CONICET,
Argentina. She specializes in the application of techniques and tools from mathe-
matics and statistical physics to understand social systems in a multidisciplinary
framework.
fbetw.indd 32 11/26/2019 8:30:09 PM

About the contributors xxxiii
Ángel Carracedo, PhD, is Professor of Legal Medicine at the University of

Santiago de Compostela, Spain. Director of the Galician Foundation of Genomic
Medicine from 1998 and Director of the Spanish National Genotyping Center, as
well as former director of the Institute of Forensic Science of the University of
Santiago de Compostela. He has published more than 600 papers, including in
Nature, Nature Genetics and Science. He is a highly cited researcher (Thomson &
Reuters 2012) in Molecular Biology and Clinical Medicine and leading scientific
production in Legal Medicine worldwide (Thomson & Reuters, 2001–2010).
Board member and external adviser to various national and international institu-
tions, foundations and societies (President of the IALM, Past President of the
ISFG), and Editor of FSI: Genetics. Prizes and distinctions include: the Jaime I
Award, Adelaide Medal, Galien Medal, National Award on Genetics, Medal
Castelao, Medal of Galicia, Medal to the Police Merit, Galician Prize of Research,
Prismas Award, and various prizes from foundations and scientific societies. Doctor
Honoris Causa for several universities in Europe and the Americas.
Aníbal Gustavo Casanova has a degree in Ciencias Antropológicas from Facultad
de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación, Universidad de la República – Uruguay.
Within the degree program, he chose the research option and specializes in
archaeology, mainly developing two lines of research: historic archaeology and
forensic archaeology. In 2006 he joined the Grupo de Investigación en Antropología
Forense (GIAF), which, as of 2017, has been hired directly by the Office of the
President of the Republic of Uruguay. The duties that he has been developing for
12 years in the area of forensic archaeology are mainly linked to the search for
bone remains from the detained‐disappeared from the civil–military dictatorship
in 1973–1985, specializing in archaeological fieldwork and preliminary research.
Daniel Castellanos Gutiérrez, MA, holds a Bachelor’s degree in anthropology
from the Los Andes University (Colombia) and a Master’s degree in Forensic
Anthropology and Bioarchaeology from the Pontifical Catholic University of Peru.
He has worked as a forensic anthropologist with the National Police of Colombia
(Dijin and Interpol) and the National Institute of Legal Medicine and Forensic
Sciences of Colombia. He is currently a Fulbright‐Colciencias Fellow and PhD can-
didate in Biological Anthropology at the State University of New York at
Binghamton. His research interests include the development of biological profile
standards for Colombia and Latin America, and geolocation through stable iso-
topes to search for missing persons and human identification.
Laura Catelli graduated from the National University of Córdoba, Argentina.
She is a biochemist and has been working in the Argentine Forensic Anthropology
Team (EAAF) Forensic DNA Laboratory since 2005, when the laboratory was
founded. At present she is in charge of the mitochondrial DNA analysis area. She
has published scientific articles of forensic genetics interest, in collaboration with
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xxxiv About the contributors
her and other scientific workgroups. She has been involved in training sessions in
forensic genetics for analysts from El Salvador, Bolivia, Peru, Vietnam, South
Africa and Chile.
Cristina Cattaneo, PhD, is a forensic pathologist and anthropologist, currently
Full Professor of Legal Medicine at the Faculty of Medicine of the Università degli
Studi di Milano (Italy) and Director of LABANOF, Laboratorio di Antropologia e
Odontologia Forense. She has been actively involved with the Italian Ministry of
Internal Affairs in the creation of a national database for unidentified human
remains and since 2014 has been the medico‐legal coordinator for the
Governmental Office of the Commissioner for Missing Persons for the identification
of dead migrants. She also coordinates the medico‐legal activities on victims of
maltreatment, torture and on unaccompanied minors in Milan, Italy. She is a
forensic expert for various courts in Italy and occasionally in Europe, President of
FASE (Forensic Anthropology Society of Europe), member of the Swiss DVI
(Disaster Victim Identification) team and Co‐Editor in Chief for the journal Forensic
Science International.
Thure E. Cerling, PhD, is a biogeochemist at the University of Utah. His work
primarily concerns the use of isotopes to study biological and geological processes
occurring near the Earth’s surface. He has done extensive fieldwork in North
America, Kenya and Pakistan, and other geological and biological studies in
Argentina, Australia, Western Europe and Antarctica. These studies include
cosmic‐ray‐produced isotopes to study geomorphology, chemistry of lakes and
lake sediments, stable isotope studies of diet and of soils, isotope forensics, and
studies of early hominin environments in Africa. He served for 9 years on the US
Nuclear Waste Technical Review Board. He is a member of the US National
Academy of Sciences.
Lesley A. Chesson is an Isotope Analyst employed with PAE and working at the
Defense POW/MIA Accounting Agency (DPAA) in Hawaii. She received her BS in
Biology at Elon University and her MS in Biology at the University of Utah. She is
a member of the Forensic Isotope Ratio Mass Spectrometry (FIRMS) Network and
an invited member of its Steering Group. She currently serves on the Editorial
Board of the journal Forensic Chemistry. Lesley has used isotope forensic techniques
for more than 15 years to examine documents, drugs, explosives, feathers, foods,
microbes and water. She has published more than 60 journal articles and book
chapters. Her current focus is assisting in investigations of unidentified human
remains.
Angi M. Christensen, PhD, D‐ABFA, is a forensic anthropologist with the
Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) Laboratory and an Adjunct Professor in
the Forensic Science Program at George Mason University. She received her BA
in anthropology from the University of Washington, and her MA and PhD in
anthropology from the University of Tennessee, and is board‐certified by the
American Board of Forensic Anthropology (ABFA). She is a co‐author of the
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About the contributors xxxv
award‐winning textbook Forensic Anthropology: Current Methods and Practice, as well

as a co‐founder and editor of the journal Forensic Anthropology. Her primary
professional interests within forensic anthropology include methods of personal
identification, trauma analysis, and skeletal imaging techniques.
Lucio A. Condori, MA, is a Peruvian anthropologist of the Specialized Forensic

Team of the Public Ministry in Peru. He was a consultant for the United Nations
(JUSPER) and the Swedish Agency for International Development (ASDI) on
issues of transitional justice, search, exhumation and identification of the disap-
peared and judicialization of cases. He has 14 years of experience in the applica-
tion of forensic anthropology in emergency situations, common crimes and in
contexts of internal armed conflict. Licensed by the Universidad Nacional del
Altiplano and with a Master’s degree from the National University of San Cristóbal
de Huamanga, he has a special interest in the analysis of bone trauma and research
topics in human biological variability and adaptation. He is a Member of the Latin
American Association of Forensic Anthropology (ALAF).
Derek Congram, PhD, is a bioarchaeologist with 20 years of professional expe-

rience in over 25 countries, working for organizations such as the United Nations,
International Criminal Court, and the Argentine Forensic Anthropology Team.
His primary professional and research interests are GIS‐based analysis and model-
ling of clandestine grave locations, professional ethics, and victim‐centred transi-
tional justice. He is currently a Regional Forensic Coordinator for the International
Committee of the Red Cross, based in Bogota, Colombia.
Sian Cook has a background in forensic anthropology and humanitarian action,

with experience in monitoring and evaluation, qualitative research, and
programme management. Sian has worked for various humanitarian organiza-
tions on projects related to child treatment, humanitarian evaluation and
admission prevention. Sian has also conducted research on the repatriation of the
deceased during and after humanitarian crises, and is currently researching the
use and impact of digital technology on quality of life for vulnerable adults.
Danilo De Angelis, DDS, PhD, is a dentist with a PhD in legal medicine, and
associate Professor in forensic medicine at the University of Milan. He has partic-
ipated in the medical forensic activities in Melilli, Sicily, on the victims of the 18
April 2015 shipwreck, on the identification of the victims of the two shipwrecks
that occurred near Lampedusa in October 2013, and before that on the identification
of the victims of the Linate air disaster (Milan, 2001). He is the forensic odontolo-
gist at LABANOF, University of Milan. He is Assistant Editor of Forensic Science
International and collaborates with ICRC.
Elizabeth A. DiGangi, PhD, D‐ABFA, earned her Bachelor’s degree in

Anthropology and History and Master’s in Biological Anthropology from the
State University of New York at Buffalo, and she holds a PhD from the University
of Tennessee in Knoxville, Tennessee. She is co‐editor (with Megan Moore) of
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xxxvi About the contributors
Research Methods in Human Skeletal Biology (Academic Press, 2013); and co‐author
(with Susan Sincerbox) of Forensic Taphonomy and Ecology of North American
Scavengers (Academic Press, 2018). She is currently Assistant Professor of
Anthropology at Binghamton University in upstate New York. As a Diplomate of
the American Board of Forensic Anthropology, she works on forensic cases and
capacity‐building of international forensic science laboratories. Her scholarly
interests include developing population‐specific biological profile standards,
improving trauma analysis, and human rights.
James R. Ehleringer, PhD, is a distinguished professor in the School of Biological
Sciences at the University of Utah in Salt Lake City. He joined the faculty in 1977
and is recognized as an expert in plant ecology. Jim founded the University’s
Global Change and Sustainability Center, which serves as the nexus for research,
teaching, and outreach for global change and sustainability activities. His research
focuses on ecological, environmental and forensic applications using naturally
occurring stable isotopes (nature’s natural recorders). He has advanced science by
training dozens of graduate students and postdocs during his career, and pub-
lishing over 500 scientific articles and books. For over 20 years, Jim and col-
leagues have offered IsoCamp, a summer training opportunity for graduate
students from across the United States and from around the world to learn about
stable isotope biogeochemistry and ecology through lectures and laboratory
experiences.
Theodora Eleftheriou is the Laboratory Coordinator at the Anthropological
Laboratory of the Committee on Missing Persons in Cyprus (CMP). She has been
working for the CMP since 2006, and her primary role is to manage and review
the scientific operations relating to the anthropological examination and
identification of missing individuals.
Sarah Ellingham, PhD, is a broadly skilled forensic practitioner and research
scientist with experience in the humanitarian forensic response to international
disasters and armed conflicts from a variety of contexts. Sarah is an accredited
forensic anthropologist by the UK Royal Anthropological Institute (RAI), certified
in Interpol body search and recovery by UK DVI, with her laboratory and analyt-
ical skills being recognized by the Royal Society of Chemistry. Sarah has deployed
as a DVI consultant to mass fatality incidents in Namibia, France and PNG. Since
joining the ICRC in 2016 she has deployed as Forensic Specialist for Iraq as well
as Forensic Coordinator for South‐East Asia, during which time she advised on
the humanitarian forensic response to the Marawi Crisis of 2017.
Iṡ tenç Engin, MSc, DLAF, has been the Coordinator of the Anthropological
Laboratory of the Committee on Missing Persons in Cyprus (CMP) since 2011.
She has contributed to the forensic anthropological analysis of skeletal remains of
missing people exhumed from single and mass graves, and assisted in establishing
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About the contributors xxxvii
biological profiles of the deceased, selecting DNA samples for analysis, and helping
in the identification process for over 500 missing person cases.
Flavio Estrada Moreno has a BA in Archaeology from San Marcos National

University, Peru. He is candidate to a second degree in Forensic Expert from
Norbert Wiener University, and Master’s degree candidate in Science and
Technological Research from National University of Callao. He is a founding
member of the Specialized Forensic Team (EFE) of the Institute of Legal Medicine
and Forensic Sciences in Peru. Since 1998 he has worked in the recovery and
analysis of human remains from archaeological, historical and forensic contexts.
During his professional career he has been professor for physical anthropology
and exploration of archaeological sites in San Marcos National University. His
topics of interest include subadult sex estimation, contemporary funerary prac-
tices, formation of sites with human remains and associated elements, and human
and animal bone histomorphometry.
Ann D. Fasano, MA, received her BA in Biology from Boston University and her
MS in Forensic Anthropology from Boston University School of Medicine. In 1995
as a Special Agent with the FBI, she became the senior team leader over the
FBI ERT in Phoenix. In 2006 she became a Supervisory Special Agent in the FBI
Laboratory’s ERTU. She taught crime scene training to new agents, FBI academy,
and field ERT members. She was the program manager for operational matters.
Her crime scene experience includes processing homicides, mass shootings, the
recovery of human remains, and complex crime scenes. She has been deployed to
New York 9/11, Iraq, Uganda, Pakistan, and the Boston Marathon bombings. She
retired from the FBI in July 2018.
David T. Flaherty holds a Bachelor of Science degree in genetics from North

Carolina State University and is currently a PhD student in that institution’s
Comparative Biomedical Sciences program. His main research interest is the use
of applied mathematics in tackling complex biological problems. Currently, he is
using mathematical techniques for inverse problems to optimize predictive
biological models. These techniques help guide experimental roadmaps when
little to no quantitative data are available.
Caroline Francescutti is a student studying Biological Anthropology at the

George Washington University in Washington, DC, USA. She is also a research
assistant in the laboratory of Dr Douglas H. Ubelaker, Smithsonian Institution,
Washington, DC.
Ana Freire‐Aradas, PhD, obtained her BSc degree in pharmacy from the
University of Santiago de Compostela (Spain) in 2006. In the same year she started
her scientific research in the Forensic Genetics Unit, Institute of Forensic Sciences
at the same university; obtaining her MSc in molecular medicine in 2008 and her
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xxxviii About the contributors
PhD degree in 2013. After completing her PhD, she continued her research at the
same institution. During 2015–2017 she worked as a post‐doc researcher at the
Institute of Legal Medicine, University of Cologne (Germany). After that, she
returned to the Institute of Forensic Sciences, University of Santiago de Compostela,
where she is currently developing her research, mainly focused on the study of
epigenetic markers such as DNA methylation with forensic applications, such as
age estimation. Additional research interests include SNP analysis for inference
of biogeographical ancestry and externally visible characteristics; evaluation of
degraded DNA; and bioinformatic tools for assessment of DNA‐based prediction
models.
Claudia Garrido Varas, PhD, is a Forensic Advisor at the International

Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC). Holding a doctorate in physical anthropology,
since 2003 she has been part of a multidisciplinary team, the Special Unit of
Detained and Missing Persons, created in March 2003 in the Forensic Service of
Chile, to solve identification issues of human rights victims of the military
government that ruled Chile between 1973 and 1990. Her laboratory work in
Chile includes anthropological and odontological analysis of skeletonized remains;
anthropology and odontological analysis of mass graves; post‐mortem odontologi-
cal analysis of arson victims;, besides extensive experience in sample selection for
genetic analysis and in skeletonizing techniques. She has actively participated in
documenting, storing and managing individual victim information for victims of
Chilean human rights cases between 1973 and 1990, and reconstructed case his-
tories and events surrounding death through documentation analysis. Aside from
her experience in Chile, she has collaborated in the analysis of human remains in
the USA, the UK, Spain, Iraq, and worked in Asia and Africa. Since January 2014
she has worked as forensic adviser for the ICRC.
Heather M. Garvin, PhD, D‐ABFA, is an Associate Professor of Anatomy at Des

Moines University, Iowa, USA. She has a dual degree in Anthropology and Zoology
from the University of Florida, a Master of Science degree in Forensic and
Biological Anthropology from Mercyhurst College, and a PhD in Functional
Anatomy and Evolution from Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine. She
is a board‐certified forensic anthropologist, conducts casework for the State of
Iowa, is a Fellow in the American Academy of Forensic Sciences, and is on the
editorial board for the Journal of Forensic Sciences. She conducts research in various
areas of biological anthropology and has a particular interest in understanding
how environmental variables affect levels of human sexual dimorphism.
Timothy P. Gocha, PhD, is the Chief Forensic Anthropologist for the Clark
County Office of the Coroner/Medical Examiner in Las Vegas, NV, as well as an
Adjunct Assistant Professor of Anthropology at the University of Nevada, Las
Vegas. His research focuses on examining mineralized tissue histology for
improving age‐at‐death estimates, as well as interpreting skeletal health. From
2016–2017, Dr Gocha served as a post‐doctoral scholar with Operation
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About the contributors xxxix
Identification at the Forensic Anthropology Center at Texas State, helping them

locate unidentified migrant burials, perform exhumations, conduct skeletal anal-
ysis, and coordinate with various governmental and non‐governmental agencies,
as well as other academic institutions, in order to help identify the unidentified.
William Goodwin, PhD, studied for a BSc in biological sciences at the University
of Leicester. He followed this with a PhD at the University of Glasgow, looking at
gene expression in plants exposed to low temperatures. After this he spent eight
years at the Human Identification Centre at the University of Glasgow. During this
time he undertook casework, including human identification and paternity test-
ing, and also carried out research into improving the recovery of DNA from com-
promised samples. Since moving to the University of Central Lancashire in 2002,
Will has been involved with the delivery of undergraduate and postgraduate
teaching and the supervision of research degrees. In addition to his work at the
University, Will also acts as an advisor to the International Committee of the Red
Cross (ICRC), and is a member of their Forensic Advisory Board. He also acts as a
technical assessor, working for the United Kingdom Accreditation Service (UKAS),
assessing compliance of laboratories with ISO/IEC 17025.
Sarah Hall, MA, is currently a doctoral student at Arizona State University in the
School of Human Evolution and Social Change. Her research interests include
social identity in bioarchaeology, stable isotope applications for dietary reconstruc-
tion and migration studies, historical bioarchaeology, and forensic anthropology.
Candice Hansmeyer is a Specialist Forensic Pathologist at the Roodepoort

Medico‐legal Laboratory. She completed her specialist and undergraduate training
at the University of the Witwatersrand. Her main academic interests include the
identification of the unidentified decedent, forensic toxicology, as well as pediatric
forensic medicine. Dr Hansmeyer is currently involved in several departmental
research projects both as a supervisor for forensic science Honors students, as well
the principle and co‐investigator for other projects within her fields of interest. A
particular project of relevance to the problem of unidentified migrants is the use
of strontium isotopes in the identification of deceased migrants in South Africa. In
addition, her focus in forensic toxicology involves highlighting the high preva-
lence of organocarbamate/organophosphate toxicity in the forensic population.
She serves as a member and advocate of the Rahima Moosa South African Police
Services and Family Violence, Child Protection and Sexual Offences forum, and is
currently working on providing guidelines for health providers based on non‐
accidental injury syndrome. Her other academic duties include teaching medical
students and forensic pathology trainees in preparation for their exams and
clinical duties.
Sophia Hartsioti is an archaeologist who received her Bachelor’s degree from
the University of Thessaly and her MSc in Mediterranean Archaeology from the
University of Edinburgh. She has been with the Committee on Missing Persons
(CMP) since 2008, working at numerous excavations all over Cyprus.
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xl About the contributors
Nicholas P. Herrmann, PhD, is an Associate Professor in the Department of

Anthropology at Texas State University. His research interests span forensic
anthropology and bioarchaeology. He has co‐directed multiple NIJ‐funded
research grants examining stature estimation, stable isotope patterns in US
donated collections, NamUS mapping functions, dental age estimation, and com-
mingled remains from forensic contexts. His bioarchaeological interests focus on
the eastern Mediterranean, specifically Greece and Cyprus.
Victoria Lareu Huidobro is professor and director of the Institute of Forensic

Sciences “Luis Concheiro”, University of Santiago de Compostela, Spain. Her
current research lines are in the forensic genetics field, especially the analysis of
DNA or RNA markers for individual identification (STRs, SNPs, InDels), searching
of markers for inference of ancestry and externally visible characteristics, as well
as epigenetic markers for forensic applications. She is principal investigator and
collaborator either in national and international research projects. She has pub-
lished 209 scientific papers, most of them in the field of forensic genetics, and she
has supervised 23 doctoral theses.
Agata Iadicicco is a Law graduate, and Vice Prefect and Deputy of the Office of
the Special Commissioner for Missing Persons in Italy.
Gian Carlo Iannacone, MSc, is a biologist specializing in genetics, and dedicated

to the study of the genetics of Peruvian populations for 20 years, and applying it
to forensic genetics for 18 years. He has used DNA to help solve massive open and
closed cases in Peru and other countries. His research focus is on the analysis and
management of genetic data in the context of the DNA database, using probabi-
listic analysis with the aim to achieving reliable match results. These studies have
been published in international journals and at events in more than 18 countries
in America, Europe and Asia. Currently, he is engaged in genomic population
analysis with the aim of improving forensic DNA identifications, for which he is
developing an algorithm to look for regions in the coding mitochondrial DNA that
contain the greatest number of neutral nucleotide variants through comparisons
between and within populations.
Michaela Ibrion is a researcher at the Norwegian University of Science and

Technology, Trondheim, Norway. Her research interests are linked to risk culture,
risk governance, disaster risk management, resilience, earthquakes and earthquake
disasters, tsunami, water, geopolitics and resources, risk perception and risk com-
munication, accidents in the oil and gas industry and marine nations. The cultural‐
geographical areas covered are particularly Japan, Iran and Norway. Her academic
background and experience is linked to engineering studies, risk, geography,
foreign policy and diplomacy, aviation safety, health and disaster risk management.
Marisol Intriago Leiva, anthropologist, is in charge of the Special Forensic

Identification Unit of the Legal Medical Service, Chile. Between 2003 and 2010
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About the contributors xli
she worked as part of the Special Unit for the Identification of Disappeared
Detainees of the Legal Medical Service, in the identification and determination of
cause and manner of death of victims of the Chilean military dictatorship, together
with a multidisciplinary team also composed of archaeologists, dentists and med-
ical doctors, plus a support team. From 2011, she has been Chief of the Special
Unit of Forensic Identification, in charge of a multidisciplinary team that carries
out tasks of search, recovery and analysis in cases of human rights violations
during the military dictatorship, as well as complex crimes and massive disasters.
Daniel Jiménez has been working in forensic anthropology for the last 12 years.
This work has led him to hundreds of cases related to the politic violence during
Guatemala’s Civil War (1960 to 1996), and more than a thousand bodies resulting
from war crimes against the civil population. Currently he works with medico‐
legal criminal investigators on the identification of deceased persons due to natural
disasters in Guatemala. He has been called to provide expert testimony in the
genocide trials against former president Efrain Rios Mott (2013 and 2016) and the
trial of Sepur Zarco in where two former military leaders were convicted of com-
mitting war crimes against the indigenous population.
Chelsey Juarez, PhD, is an Assistant Professor of Biological Anthropology at
California State University, Fresno. She holds a BA in Biological Anthropology
from University of California at Berkeley, and an MA and doctorate in Biological
Anthropology with a parenthetical notation in Latin American Latino Studies from
University of California at Santa Cruz. Dr Juarez is a practicing forensic anthropologist
at the Fresno State Osteological Investigations Laboratory, and has conducted case
work in multiple states. Her main area of research is provenience investigations
within the Latino diaspora through time. She uses isotopes from human bone, hair
and teeth to estimate region of origin, migratory behaviors and diet.
Alexandra R. Klales, PhD, is an Assistant Professor of Forensic Anthropology
and Director of the Forensic Anthropology Recovery Unit at Washburn University
in Topeka, Kansas, USA. She has a BA in Anthropology from the University of
Pittsburgh, a Master of Science in Forensic and Biological Anthropology from
Mercyhurst College, and a PhD in Anthropology from the University of Manitoba.
She is an associate member of the American Academy of Forensic Sciences and
currently conducts forensic anthropology casework in Kansas and Missouri. Her
research focuses on skeletal sexual dimorphism, specifically within the pelvis, and
methods for establishing the biological profile in forensic anthropology.
Robyn T. Kramer currently holds a MA in Anthropology from Texas State
University and is a PhD candidate at the University of Otago. Kramer’s background
is in forensic anthropology, stable isotope analysis, osteology and archaeology.
As a forensic anthropologist, she assisted the Butte County Sheriff’s Office with
the forensic recovery efforts for the deadly Camp Fire in 2018. Her research has
focused on applying isotope geolocation methods to predict region of origin and
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xlii About the contributors
migration histories for modern forensic cases that are temporarily housed in the
Operation Identification facility at Texas State University. Kramer’s future research
will apply similar isotope geolocation techniques to prehistoric and historical
populations in the Solomon Islands.
Ximena Londoño Romanowsky is a Protection Delegate working on the

missing persons file at the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) in Sri
Lanka (2017–2019). She is a Colombian lawyer who graduated from the Pontificia
Universidad Javeriana in Bogotá, where she is admitted to Practice as Attorney.
She holds an LLM in international humanitarian law from the Geneva Academy
of IHL and Human Rights. Before joining the ICRC, Ms Londoño worked as a legal
adviser at the Ministry of National Defense of Colombia (2008–2010) and as an
adjunct lecturer on public international law at the Pontificia Universidad Javeriana
(2009–2010). Prior to joining the ICRC Delegation in Sri Lanka, Ms Londoño
worked at the ICRC Headquarters in Geneva (2011–2017). For one year, she
worked as an associate in the Legal Division and then as an adviser for the Health
Care in Danger Project. She later worked for four years as a legal adviser for the
ICRC Advisory Service on International Humanitarian Law, where she provided
technical and legal support on different issues related to national implementation,
in particular with regards to the protection of missing persons and their families,
IDPs, the role of the judiciary in applying and implementing IHL, and transitional
justice issues.
Matías López has a degree in Anthropological Sciences from Facultad de

Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación, Universidad de la República, Uruguay,
from 2018. Within the degree program, he chose the research option and
specialized in archaeology, mainly developing two lines of research: prehistoric
archeology and forensic archeology. He joined the Forensic Investigation
Anthropology Team in Uruguay (GIAF) as an honorary collaborator for a period
of three years. In 2014, he joined GIAF as an official member of the group and
worked until 2017, when the team was hired directly by the Office of the President
of the Republic of Uruguay. The work that he has been developing for eight years
in the area of Forensic Archeology are mainly linked to the search for bone
remains from the detained‐disappeared from the civil–military dictatorship during
1973–1985, specializing in archaeological fieldwork. Matías has been part of the
Latin American Association of Forensic Anthropology (ALAF) since 2015, taking
part in various academic activities promoted by the association, such as meetings,
courses and workshops.
Alicia Lusiardo, MA, DLAF, is a forensic anthropologist who obtained her BS

in Anthropology in Montevideo, Uruguay (Universidad de la República – Udelar)
and a MA in Forensic Anthropology from the University of Florida (Gainesville,
FL). She is also Board Certified (ALAF – Latin American Forensic Anthropology
Association). As a specialist in forensic anthropology, she coordinates the
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About the contributors xliii
Uruguayan team of forensic anthropologists unearthing remains of those

“disappeared” during the 1970s military rule. She is a Justice Rapid Response
Expert (Justice Rapid Response Secretariat) and has worked as a consultant for
the Argentine Forensic Anthropology Team (EAAF) in Mexico. In the past 10 years
she has been teaching Forensic Anthropology courses for UF and Udelar. She is
currently an Associate Professor at the University of the Republic where she
teaches Human Osteology and Forensic Anthropology. Alicia now serves her term
as vice‐president of the Latin American Forensic Anthropology Association
(ALAF), and also serves on the examination board of ALAF.
Patricia Maita holds a BA in Archaeology from San Marcos National University
and MA in Forensic Anthropology and Bioarcheology from Pontifical Catholic
University of Peru. Her Master’s thesis tested the validity of adult sex estimation
using the femora in forensic skeletal samples and established standards for sex
determination from fragmentary and complete femora in contemporary Andean
populations. She serves as a private consultant in recovery and analysis of osteo-
logical remains and has been Curator of the physical anthropology collection at
the National Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology of Peru, and is an expert
in forensic anthropology for the Institute of Legal Medicine and Forensic Sciences
in Peru. Her research has focused on the palaeopathology of ancient and historical
populations, bone osteometry, sex and age estimation and mortuary practices.
Martha R. Palma, MA, is an anthropological bioarchaeologist and forensic
anthropologist. Martha holds an MA in Anthropology from Arizona State
University (2008). She is a forensic specialist in the General Office for the Search
for Missing Persons of the Peruvian Ministry of Justice and Human Rights. Her
research training and field experience bridges the fields of archaeology, biological
anthropology, bioarchaeology, forensic anthropology and forensic isotope geo-
chemistry. She is a member of the American Association of Physical Anthropologists
and the Latin American Association of Forensic Anthropology.
Luiz Antonio Martinelli, PhD, achieved a degree in Agronomy, Master’s in
Agricultural Nuclear Energy, and a doctorate in Soil and Plant Nutrition at the
University of São Paulo. He held a post‐doctoral position at the University of
Washington in 1991. Since 1985 he has had a permanent position as a professor
at the Centro de Energia Nuclear na Agricultura (CENA) at the University of São
Paulo. He is head of the Ecology Isotope Laboratory at the University of São Paulo,
and has worked with stable isotopes over 30 years, publishing more than 150
articles in internationally recognized journals and several book chapters using this
methodology.
Richard B. Marx, MA, is a Supervisory Special Agent (SSA). He began in the
Federal Bureau of Investigation’s (FBI) Philadelphia Office, responded to the 9/11
attacks and was in charge of the forensic operations that sifted the World Trade
Center debris for human remains. He currently works in the FBI Laboratory’s
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xliv About the contributors
Evidence Response Team Unit, and has led teams at the 1998 US Embassy
bombing, the 1999 EgyptAir crash, the 2005 Thailand tsunami, the 2012 Aurora
Cinema shooting, the 2013 Boston Marathon bombing, the 2013 Asiana air crash,
the 2013 Washington Navy Yard shooting, the 2016 Orlando Pulse shooting, the
2016 Dallas Police murders, the 2017 Las Vegas Route 91 shooting, and the 2018
Thousand Oaks shooting. He earned a BS in Chemistry from the University of
Alabama Huntsville, and a MS in Forensic Anthropology from the Boston
University School of Medicine.
Debora Mazzarelli is a forensic anthropologist with a background in the field of

cultural heritage; she works at LABANOF (Laboratorio di Antropologia e
Odontologia Forense in Milan, Italy) and deals in particular with unknown bodies
(including migrants), is an expert in identification techniques, archaeology and
trace analysis on bone. She participated in the forensic medical activities in Melilli,
Sicily, on the victims of the shipwreck of 18 April 2015 and in the identification of
the victims of the Lampedusa October 2013 disaster. She is currently coordinating
the anthropological activities on the victims of Italian shipwrecks at LABANOF,
with funding from the Isacchi Samaia Foundation. For LABANOF she coordinates
the anthropological activities on domestic unidentified bodies in the city of Milan.
Wolfram Meier‐Augenstein, PhD, CChem, FRSC, is a Professor in Stable

Isotope Forensics at the Robert Gordon University (Aberdeen, UK). He was
awarded a Diplom‐Chemiker degree (MChem) in 1987 and a doctorate in 1989,
both by the Ruprecht‐Karls‐University of Heidelberg. He spent some time as
Feodor‐Lynen Fellow of the Alexander‐von‐Humboldt Foundation at the
University of Stellenbosch, and from there his career took him to the University
Children’s Hospital Heidelberg, the University of California at San Diego, the
University of Dundee, Queen’s University Belfast, and back to Scotland, first to
the Scottish Crop Research Institute (now the James Hutton Institute, Dundee),
and finally Robert Gordon University (Aberdeen). In 2006, he was admitted to the
register of expert advisors with the UK’s National Crime Agency (NCA). From
2010 to 2014 he was one of the three directors of the Forensic Isotope Ratio Mass
Spectrometry Network Ltd. In 2016, he joined the Advisory Board of the journal
Rapid Communications in Mass Spectrometry. He is the author of the textbook Stable
Isotope Forensics.
Claire Moon, PhD, is an Associate Professor in the Department of Sociology at

the London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE). She has published
widely on transitional justice, post‐conflict reconciliation, reparations, war
trauma, human rights, and the use of forensic science in humanitarian and human
rights contexts. Claire served on the Advisory Board of the LSE’s Human Rights
Centre between 2004–2014, and also on the international advisory board of a
citizen‐led forensics organization of families of “the disappeared” in Mexico. She
is the author of Narrating Political Reconciliation: South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation
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About the contributors xlv
Commission (2009), and currently holds a Welcome Trust grant for her project
‘Human Rights, Human Remains: Forensic Humanitarianism and the Politics of
the Grave’ (2018–2022). The project investigates the history of forensic humani-
tarianism, the use of forensics to investigate atrocities in the context of Mexico’s
current war against organized crime, and the question of whether the dead have
human rights.
Gabriela Bielefeld Nardoto achieved a degree in Biological Sciences at the
University of Brasilia (1997), a Master’s in Ecology at the University of Brasilia
(2000), a doctorate in Applied Ecology (2005), and a three‐year post‐doc position
(2006–2008) at the University of São Paulo. Since 2010 she has had a permanent
position as a professor at the Ecology Department of the University of Brasilia. She
is a member of two postgraduate programs at the University of Brasilia. She has
extensive experience in the use of stable isotopes in both environmental and
forensic studies, publishing over 50 articles in internationally recognized journals
and some book chapters using this methodology.
Lara Olivieri is an archaeologist and forensic anthropologist; she took part as an
anthropologist in the forensic activities in Melilli, Sicily, on the victims involved in
the shipwreck of 18 April 2015; she worked at LABANOF with a fellowship of the
Isacchi Samaia Foundation.
Georgina Pacheco‐Revilla, MSc, is a forensic anthropologist and archeologist
with 8 years of experience in Spain and several Latin American countries; her pri-
mary professional interests are complex scenarios with multidisciplinary
approaches and traumas derived from organized‐crime homicides. She is a pro-
fessor of Forensic and Biological Anthropology at the Universidad de Costa Rica
and the Universidad Estatal a Distancia; founder of the Forensic Anthropology
Unit of the Costa Rican Judicial Investigation Bureau (OIJ); and she is currently
the only forensic anthropologist of the OIJ.
Diana Emilce Ramírez Páez is a professional in Psychology, specialist in Legal
Psychology, Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law, Government,
Management and Public Affairs, with studies in criminal and medico‐legal researc,
with an emphasis on identification of unidentified corpses and the search for
missing persons, and currently opting for the title of Master in Government and
Public Policy. She is a professional forensic specialist with extensive experience in
the design, implementation and administration of inter‐institutional information
systems at a national scale, related to information on victims of the crime of
enforced disappearance and other related criminal offences, including serious vio-
lations of human rights and IHL. She is an expert in psycho‐legal processes for the
integral attention of victims and relatives of deceased and disappeared persons.
Manuel Paredes López, MD, PhD, graduated in biological sciences and medi-
cine, with a PhD in Science of the Universidad Nacional de Colombia, and 25 years
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xlvi About the contributors
of experience in forensic genetics as an official of the National Institute of Legal

Medicine and Forensic Sciences in Colombia. He is a founder, analyst and coordi-
nator of the forensic DNA laboratories, and is training in forensic genetics at the
University of Santiago de Compostela in Spain. He is an international consultant
in cases of identification of missing persons and criminal investigations, and DNA
databank administration for criminal cases and missing persons. He is expert in
the design and implementation of forensic DNA laboratories, and in next‐genera-
tion sequencing techniques with forensic applications. He is author and coauthor
of several publications in the area, a professor at the Universidad de los Andes,
and a Member of the International Society for Forensic Genetics, ISFG.
Luz Adriana Pérez, PhD, is a Microbiologist, Magister, and holds a PhD in
Biological Science from Universidad de los Andes. Professor at Universidad
Autonoma de Colombia, and Co‐director of ancient DNA research projects at the
Universidad de los Andes. Forensic professional senior in EQUITAS, Colombia.
Mónica Liliana Barriga Pérez is a lawyer from Universidad del Rosario, Bogotá,
Colombia. She holds a Masters in Law with a mention in Jurisdictional Policy
from the Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, and a Masters in Constitutional
Law from the University Castilla ‐ La Mancha, Toledo, Spain. She has experience
in Human Rights and Constitutional Law, and is General Director of the Search for
Disappeared Persons in the Ministry of Justice and Human Rights of Peru.
Pierre Perich, MD, is Forensic Pathologist at the Institut de Medecine Legale of
Marseilles, associate researcher UMR 7268 ADES, and Lecturer in medico‐legal
and anthropological issues. Dr Perich is a forensic expert in the Court of Aix‐en‐
Provence and the International Criminal Court (ICC) and Member of the French
National DVI team. He has participated in numerous identification missions in
France and worldwide. In the international context, he contributed to the creation
of the Instituto de Ciencias Forenses of Guatemala, and the modernization of the
Egyptian Forensic Medicine Authority in Egypt. As a member of the ICRC Forensic
Advisory Board, he participates in many missions of management of the dead in
catastrophes and armed conflict (Africa and Central America) and he is also
adviser for the determination of causes of death by the Equipo Argentino de
Antropologia Forense and Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights
(UN‐OHCHR).
Christopher Phillips started in forensic science at the Metropolitan Police
Laboratory, London, in 1979. He then moved to the London Hospital Medical
College, where he helped to establish early adoption of VNTR and STR analysis. In
2002, he moved to the Forensic Genetics Unit, University of Santiago de
Compostela, and has been a full‐time researcher in forensic genetics since then.
Areas of interest focus on: SNPs; forensic ancestry analysis; novel autosomal‐, X‐,
Y‐STRs applied to forensic identification and ancestry analysis; development of
Indels for forensic analysis; forensic DNA phenotyping; online population variation
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About the contributors xlvii
databases (e.g. SPSmart); open‐access SNP data analysis tools (e.g. Snipper);
forensic age estimation using methylation analysis; MPS‐based sequencing and
issues around alignment, nomenclature and description of STR sequence
variation. He is a member of: EDNAP; VISAGE Consortium; and STRAND ISFG
Working Group.
Vittorio Piscitelli is a Law graduate, and Commissioner of the Government
Office for Missing Persons in Italy from 2014–2018.
José Luis Prieto, MD, DDS, PhD, earned the post of forensic doctor in 1988
and joined Madrid Complutense University in 1997 as an associate professor of
Legal and Forensic Medicine, mainly linking his activity to forensic anthropology
and odontology. He set up the first laboratory of the discipline within the Spanish
forensic system (Madrid Forensic Institute), which he headed from 1992 to 2008.
Additionally, he has actively participated in the development of scientific associa-
tions as the Forensic Anthropology Society of Europe (FASE) and the Spanish
Association of Forensic Anthropology and Odontology (AEAOF), and is also
member of the Anthropology Section of the American Academy of Forensic
Sciences (AAFS) and the Latin American Association of Forensic Anthropology
(ALAF). Since 2006, his professional activity has being linked with humanitarian
action, working as a forensic consultant with national and international organiza-
tions and institutions in a variety of contexts and scenarios around the world. He
is currently a member of the Forensic Advisory Board (FAB) of the International
Committee of the Red Cross and external expert of the Ombudsman Office in the
National Mechanism of Prevention of Torture. He also takes part in different
projects of the Argentine Forensic Anthropology Team (EAAF) and is involved in
cases related to the missing from the Spanish Civil War.
Robin Ramey is an archaeologist in Fairfax County, Virginia, USA. Robin received
a Bachelor of Arts in Archaeology as well as a certificate in Geographic Information
Systems (GIS) from the University of Mary Washington. She also earned a Master
of Arts in Anthropology and a graduate‐level GIS certificate from North Carolina
State University. Robin has worked at various historical sites throughout Virginia,
including Thomas Jefferson’s Monticello and George Washington’s boyhood
home, Ferry Farm. Currently, Robin works as an archaeologist for the Fairfax
County Park Authority. Robin’s research interests include the history and prehis-
tory of the mid‐Atlantic region, plantation archaeology, the archaeology of slavery,
and the utilization of GIS in the management and interpretation of cultural
resources.
Michael P. Richards, PhD, FSA, FRSC, is an archaeological scientist who
applies methods such as isotopic analysis to determine past human and animal
diets and adaptations. Before joining (returning to) Simon Fraser University,
Burnaby, Canada, he was a Professor at the Department of Human Evolution at
the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology (Leipzig, Germany) and
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xlviii About the contributors
Professor in the Department of Anthropology at UBC. He was also a Wellcome

Trust University Award holder and then Professor in the Department of
Archaeological Sciences at the University of Bradford (UK) and a Professor of
Archaeology at the University of Durham (UK). Dr Richards is a Fellow of the
Society of Antiquaries of London, and a Fellow of the Royal Society of Canada.
Sofía Rodríguez is an undergraduate student from the Universidad de la
República, Montevideo, Uruguay. She has been working at the Uruguayan team
of Forensic Anthropology since 2015. She joined the Latin American Forensic
Anthropology Association (ALAF) in 2015. She is currently working as a volun-
teer at the department of Biological Anthropology at the University of Republic.
Carola Romanini is a biochemist, having graduated with her licentiate from the
National University of Córdoba, Argentina. She has been working in the Argentine
Forensic Anthropology Team (EAAF) Forensic DNA Laboratory since 2006, at
present assuming technical supervisor and quality assurance tasks. In collabora-
tion with her workgroup, she has trained other professionals, as well as published
scientific articles of interest in the area of forensic genetics, with guidance in the
identification of missing persons.
Magdalena Romero is a graduate biochemist from the National University of
Córdoba, Argentina. She has been part of the Forensic DNA Laboratory for the
Argentine Forensic Anthropology Team (EAAF) since 2008, developing tasks
mainly related to bone sample processing. Together with her work colleagues, she
has published scientific articles concerning forensic genetics and collaborated in
the training of new professionals that became part of the working group, as well
as scientists from other countries.
Mercedes Salado Puerto, PhD, DLAF, qualified initially as a biologist and
completed her doctorate in the Department of Biological Anthropology,
Universidad Autónoma de Madrid (Spain). As a forensic anthropologist, she was
a member of the Guatemalan Forensic Anthropology Team from 1998 to 2003,
and since 2003 has been a member of the Argentine Forensic Anthropology Team
(EAAF), where she currently works as Identification Coordinator. She specializes
in the historical investigation of cases of political violence (analysis of written and
oral sources, collecting ante‐mortem data from relatives of the missing, interviews
with witnesses, information management and databases), archaeological exhu-
mation of individual and mass graves, and analysis of skeletal human remains in
order to identify them and to assess the cause of death. She has been involved in
forensic investigations and training in, among others, Argentina, Bosnia‐
Herzegovina, Burundi, Central African Republic, Colombia, Cyprus, Chile,
Georgia, Guatemala, Iran, Iraq, Ivory Coast, Lebanon, Morocco, Mexico, Nepal,
Panama, Peru, South Africa, Sudan, Tchad, Thailand, Timor‐Leste, Togo, Ukraine,
Uruguay and Vietnam. She has been Lecturer in the Post‐graduate Diploma in
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About the contributors xlix
Forensic Anthropology and Human Rights (Universidad Nacional Mayor de San

Marcos, Perú); the Masters in Forensic Anthropology and Bioarchaeology
(Graduate School of the Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú); and the
Doctorate in Anthropology at the Universidad Nacional de Córdoba (Argentina).
She is a member of the Latin American Association of Forensic Anthropology
(ALAF) and the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) Forensic
Advisory Group.
Ximena Salvo Eulacio graduated in archaeology from Universidad de la
República, Uruguay. She integrates the Uruguayan team of Forensic Anthropology
since its beginning in 2005. Ximena now serves her term as Treasurer of the Latin
American Forensic Anthropology Association (ALAF).
Beth K. Scaffidi is a National Science Foundation Postdoctoral Fellow affiliated
with the Archaeological Chemistry Laboratory of the Center for Bioarchaeological
Research at Arizona State University. She is a spatially‐oriented anthropological
bioarchaeologist working at individual and regional scales to examine how envi-
ronmental stress and sweeping cultural changes impacted the institutionalization
of social status and health inequalities, intra‐group and inter‐group physical vio-
lence, violent post‐mortem dismemberment, subsistence practices, and short‐ and
long‐term residential mobility at pre‐Hispanic archaeological sites. Her research
combines palaeopathological, bioarchaeological and isotopic life histories for
skeletal individuals and populations, and uses geospatial methods to emplace
those within their broader geopolitical contexts. She currently directs the Andean
Paleomobility Unification (APU) Project, which aggregates isotopic baseline data
to create isoscape models for provenancing skeletons and artefacts. As a former
prosecutor, she enjoys collaborating on research in the archaeological and anthro-
pological sciences with forensic and public health applications.
João Paulo Sena‐Souza graduated in Environmental Management and gained
a MSc in Geography, both at the University of Brasília. He uses geoprocessing and
spatial analysis for geomorphological, pedological, and land cover mapping and
applications. Currently, he is a PhD candidate in the Environmental Sciences
program at the University of Brasília, developing research in modeling carbon and
nitrogen isotopic landscapes and applying them to solve ecosystem ecology and
forensic science issues.
Marisela Silva Chau is the Legal Adviser to the Operations for the Americas at
the ICRC Headquarters in Geneva, Switzerland. She is a Peruvian lawyer who
graduated from the Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, where she is admitted
to Practice as Attorney. Ms Silva worked as Law Professor on public international
law issues at the Universidad Femenina del Sagrado Corazón, Universidad de
Ciencias Aplicadas and Pontificia Univerisad Católica del Perú. Ms Silva has been
working for the ICRC since 2001 when she started as a legal adviser at the ICRC’s
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l About the contributors
Regional Delegation for Bolivia, Ecuador and Peru. She has also worked as
Coordinator of the Legal Department at the ICRC’s Delegation in Colombia
(2012–2014) and as a legal adviser to the operations at the ICRC’s Delegation
in Afghanistan (2015–2016) and at the ICRC’s Sub‐delegation in Erbil, Iraq
(2016–2017). Ms Silva is an ICRC legal adviser with experience in providing oper-
ational legal advice on international humanitarian law (IHL), its implementation
as well as on the standards of international human rights law (IHRL) on the regula-
tion of the use of force and the protection of persons in other situations of violence.
Kate Spradley, PhD, is a Professor of Anthropology and Director of Operation
Identification at Texas State University, and a biological anthropologist. Her
current research trajectory focuses on human migration, death, and migrant
identification. She focuses on documenting migrant burials, understanding insti-
tutional barriers and decision‐making processes concerning migrant deaths, and
improving efforts towards identification through quantitative analyses. Her inter-
disciplinary research on migrant identification is an example of scholarship of
engagement, and involves partnerships and collaborations with various external
organizations and other scientists to address community needs.
John E.B. Stewart, PhD, earned a baccalaureate degree in Zoology from the
University of California at Berkeley, a Master of Arts degree in Biological Sciences
(Population Genetics) from North Texas State University, and a doctorate in
Molecular Biology from the University of North Texas. He is employed by the
Federal Bureau of Investigation’s Laboratory Division since 1996, and is trained
and qualified as a Forensic Examiner in mitochondrial DNA analysis. In 1999,
John initiated and developed the FBI’s National Missing Person DNA Database
Program, and was selected in 2015 as a Supervisory Forensic Examiner in the
FBI’s DNA Casework Unit. He is a former member and Chair of the Scientific
Working Group on DNA Analysis Methods (SWGDAM) Missing Person/Mass
Disaster subcommittee, and a former board member of the National DNA Index
System (NDIS) of the Combined DNA Index System (CODIS). He has testified in
over 40 State, Federal and international court proceedings as an expert in mito-
chondrial DNA analysis.
Maryna Steyn, PhD, is a biological anthropologist who qualified as a medical
doctor in 1983 (University of Pretoria) and then obtained a PhD from the
University of the Witwatersrand in 1994. As a specialist in human skeletal remains,
she consults to the South African Police Service and Forensic Pathologists on
decomposed and skeletonized human remains, and holds a level 1 accreditation
as forensic anthropologist from FASE (Forensic Anthropology Society of Europe).
In the past 25 years she has completed more than 400 forensic anthropological
case reports and has been involved in several high‐level investigations and repa-
triations. She played a pivotal role in establishing forensic anthropology as a sub-
discipline in South Africa, resulting not only in the training of many postgraduates,
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About the contributors li
but also in bringing case analysis into the formal stream of investigation. Maryna’s
research in this regard has played a major role in the setting of standards, which
brought much international attention, such that South Africa is regarded among
the leaders in this field internationally. She conducts research on human remains
from forensic contexts and archaeological sites, focusing on skeletal identification
and palaeopathology. In 2007, she received a diploma of appreciation from the
United Nations (Department of Peacekeeping Operations) for work done on two
aircraft accidents in Angola. She has published ±130 papers in scientific journals,
as well as several book chapters. She is co‐author of the book The Human Skeleton
in Forensic Medicine. Maryna is a member of the editorial board of Forensic Science
International and Associate Editor: Anthropology, Archaeology and Palaeontology
for the South African Journal of Science. She was the director of the Forensic
Anthropology Research Centre (FARC) at University of Pretoria until 2015 when
she joined Wits. She is currently the Head of School of Anatomical Sciences at the
University of the Witwatersrand, and Director of HVIRU (Human Variation and
Identification Research Unit). Maryna now serves her second term as President of
the Anatomical Society of Southern Africa, and serves on the boards of FASE and
the IACI (International Association for Craniofacial Identification).
Jill Stockwell, PhD, is a social anthropologist and an Advisor on Missing Persons
and their Families with the ICRC. She is the author of Reframing the Transitional
Justice Paradigm: Women’s Affective Memories in Post‐Dictatorial Argentina (2014) as
well as the founder of “Cultural Memory” – an online oral testimony project for
women who have experienced armed violence, human rights abuses or traumatic
displacement.
Joel Tejada, MA, is a forensic and cultural anthropologist. He graduated from
San Marcos University in Lima (2006) and from the Catholic University of Peru
(MA) in 2008. He works in the Office Searching for Missing Persons in the Ministry
of Justice and Human Rights in Lima, Peru, and he is a member of the Latin
American Association of Forensic Anthropology. His forensic experience includes
work with the Forensic Anthropology Team (EFE) of the Legal Medicine Institute
of the Public Ministry. With the Peruvian Team of Forensic Anthropology (EPAF)
(2011), he worked in Guatemala and the Democratic Republic of Congo. In 2012
he did an internship program in management of ante‐mortem/post‐mortem data
in the Unit of Forensic Services of the International Committee of the Red Cross
in Geneva.
Richard M. Thomas, PhD, D‐ABFA, is a forensic anthropologist at the FBI
Laboratory. He received his BA in Anthropology from Northwestern University,
and an MA and PhD in Biological Anthropology from Pennsylvania State
University. From 2003–2010, he worked in the mitochondrial DNA Unit conduct-
ing forensic anthropology casework and producing DNA sequence data for the
National Missing Persons DNA Database. Since 2010, he has worked in the Trace
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lii About the contributors
Evidence Unit conducting forensic anthropology examinations and research. He is

a Fellow of the Anthropology section of the American Academy of Forensic
Sciences, a Diplomate of the American Board of Forensic Anthropology, and is
currently serving on the Anthropology Subcommittee of the National Institute of
Standards and Technology’s Organization of Scientific Area Committees (OSAC).
Morris Tidball‐Binz is a forensic doctor who joined the International Committee
of the Red Cross (ICRC) in 2004 and has since worked for the organization in
numerous contexts, helping to develop its novel forensic capacity. Having begun
his career with forensic and human rights organizations, he helped to pioneer in
his native South America the application of forensic science to human rights
investigations, particularly the search for the disappeared. In Argentina he assisted
the Grandmothers of Plaza de Mayo in their efforts to build the first‐ever genetic
databank to identify disappeared children, and also co‐founded and directed the
Argentine Team of Forensic Anthropology (EAAF). He later joined Amnesty
International in London, UK, as a researcher and then as head of its Americas
Department before moving to Costa Rica to direct a continental Program for the
Prevention for Torture at the Inter‐American Institute for Human Rights, using
his forensic skills to help document and combat the practice of torture in the
region. While in Costa Rica he also opened and directed a regional office of Penal
Reform International for improving prison conditions in the Americas. He then
moved to Geneva, invited by the International Service for Human Rights to work
for the organization, which he also directed before joining the ICRC. He helped
create the ICRC’s Forensic Unit, of which he was the first Director until early
2017, and then headed the ICRC’s forensic operation under the Humanitarian
Project Plan to identify Argentine soldiers buried in the Falklands/Malvinas
islands. He is currently the Forensic Manager for the ICRC’s new Missing Persons
Project. Dr Tidball‐Binz has lectured and published extensively on the contribu-
tion of forensic science to the protection of human rights and humanitarian activ-
ities. Presently he is also a Visiting Professor of the Universities of Coimbra,
Portugal, and of Milan, Italy. He spoke with the Red Cross Review to share his
insights on the development of humanitarian forensic action and its role in
protecting the dead and clarifying the fate of missing persons.
Brett J. Tipple, PhD, is a Research Assistant Professor at the University of Utah
within the Department of Biology, as well as an Associate Project Scientist at the
University of California, Santa Cruz, within the Institute of Marine Sciences. His
research interests include isotope geochemistry and mass spectrometry. He seeks
to transfer leading‐edge analytical techniques and isotope measurement methods
to real‐world applications. Here, Brett has analysed isotopic evidence from over
100 active homicide and cold case investigations. He obtained his BS and PhD
degrees from Indiana University and Yale University, respectively.
Tiffiny A. Tung, PhD, is an Associate Professor of Anthropology at Vanderbilt
University in Nashville, Tennessee. She is an anthropological bioarchaeologist
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About the contributors liii
who examines the health and biocultural effects of ancient imperialism, colo-
nialism and state decline in the Peruvian Andes. Her research foci include palaeo-
pathology, violence‐related trauma, dietary reconstruction and the study of
migration using isotope analyses, the use of the body and body parts in rituals,
and bioarchaeological perspectives on embodiment. She is the author of the book,
Violence, Ritual, and the Wari Empire: A Social Bioarchaeology of Imperialism in the
Ancient Andes (University Press of Florida). She has published in the American
Journal of Physical Anthropology, Current Anthropology, Cambridge Archaeological
Journal, Journal of Archaeological Research, Journal of Archaeological Science‐Reports,
Journal of Anthropological Archaeology, and Latin American Antiquity, among others.
She enjoys conducting interdisciplinary research and is a frequent collaborator
with scholars from Peru and around the world.
Viviana Uribe Tamblay is a defender and activist in human rights from Chile,
and is Administrative Manager of the Special Unit of Forensic Identification of the
Forensic Service of Chile. She has been a researcher and collaborator in publica-
tions on the serious violations of human rights in Chile (forced disappearance,
political execution and torture), including “Todas íbamos a ser reinas” (1990), a
study on women detainees who were pregnant and were arrested and disap-
peared in Chile and Argentina; “La gran mentira” (1994), the case of the lists of
the 119 in the psychological war of the Chilean dictatorship, 1973–1990; “Más
allá de las fronteras” (1996), a study on executed Chileans and disappeared
detainees from outside Chile; and “Páginas en Blanco” (2001), September 11 at La
Moneda. From 2010 to date, she is the President of the non‐governmental
organization CODEPU, Corporation for the Defense of People’s Rights.
Luciano O. Valenzuela, PhD, is an assistant researcher at the Consejo Nacional
de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas (CONICET) and Universidad Nacional del
Centro de la Provincia de Buenos Aires (UNCPBA) in Argentina, and a research
assistant professor at the University of Utah (USA). His research has focused on
the use of stable isotopes to study animal and human movement across land-
scapes. He has worked on animal migration and conservation of marine species.
Nowadays his research focuses on the use of stable isotopes for human prove-
nancing in South America. He is also interested in applying stable isotopes to
study the effects of dietary transitions on human health. Dr Valenzuela received a
Licenciatura degree in biological sciences from the University of Buenos Aires,
and a PhD in biology from the University of Utah.
María del Carmen Vega Dulanto, PhD, is an Adjunct Professor in the
Department of Humanities at the Pontifical Catholic University of Peru (PUCP)
and the Curator of Physical Anthropology at the National Museum of Archeology,
Anthropology, and History of Peru. She earned her PhD in Anthropology from the
University of Western Ontario (Canada), an MA in Forensic Anthropology and
Bioarchaeology (PUCP), and a BA in Archaeology (PUCP). Dr Vega has a long
experience in the analysis of human remains from archaeological and forensic
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liv About the contributors
contexts. She was awarded a Western Humanitarian Award for her work with the
Peruvian Forensic Anthropology Team (EPAF), working to identify victims of
human rights abuses dating to the 1980‐1990s internal armed conflict in Peru.
She was also awarded a Vanier Fellowship in recognition of her academic achieve-
ment, her record of scholarship and her humanitarian work.
Claudia Vega Urueña, DDS, is currently working as a forensic odontologist for
the Search Unit for Persons Disappeared (UBPD) in Bogotá, Colombia. She has
five years of experience as an expert in forensic dentistry and human identification,
in the National Forensic Pathology Group of the National Institute of Legal
Medicine and Forensic Sciences, Bogotá. She is also a University professor of
forensic dentistry.
Albarita Vitale is a graduate in biology. She worked at LABANOF as a forensic
anthropologist, with a Postgraduate Grant from “Cariplo” (Young Researcher’s
Grant), for which she worked on the identification and anthropological examina-
tion of victims of the major disasters of the Mediterranean in Italy.
Jairo Vivas Díaz, MD, is currently the Director of the Search, Recovery and
Identification Department of the Search Unit for Persons Disappeared (UBPD) in
Bogotá, Colombia. He is a forensic pathologist and university professor. He worked
at the National Institute of Legal Medicine of Colombia for 19 years, seven of
them as coordinator in the National Forensic Pathology Group.
Carlos María Vullo, PhD, is a biochemist, graduating with his licentiate from
the National University of Córdoba, Argentina. He has obtained his PhD in
Chemical Sciences, also from the National University of Córdoba, Argentina. He
founded the Histocompatibility and Immunogenetics Laboratory at the University
Clinic Hospital in Córdoba, Argentina, where he was Director from 1982 to 2003.
He has also been Director of the Immunogenetics Laboratory (LIDMO, Córdoba,
Argentina), working on Immunogenetics for organ transplantations since 1985
until today. He has been involved in population genetics research of different
ethnic groups for the last 30 years. He became Director of the Forensic DNA
Laboratory for the Argentine Forensic Anthropology Team (EAAF) in 2005. He
has applied forensic genetics for human identification of victims of human right
violations in different Latin American countries such as Argentina, Uruguay,
Bolivia, El Salvador, Paraguay and Mexico. In addition, he has worked on similar
cases from South Africa, East Timor, Nigeria, Central African Republic, and
Vietnam among others. He has conducted training sessions in forensic genetics for
scientists from El Salvador, Bolivia, Peru, Thailand, Vietnam and Chile among
others. He has published more than 60 scientific papers and seven book chapters
concerning immunogenetics and forensic genetics for missing person identification.
Christiana Zenonos has studied History & Archaeology and Greek Literature
(MA) at the University of Crete. She has been working for the Committee on
fbetw.indd 54 11/26/2019 8:30:09 PM

About the contributors lv
Missing Persons in Cyprus (CMP) since 2009 as an archaeologist for the

Bi‐Communal Forensic Team, as a member of the Greek Cypriot Investigative
Team (2016–2018), and as the Greek Cypriot Field Coordinator since August
2018.
James Zimmer‐Dauphinee is a PhD student at Vanderbilt University. He is an
anthropological archaeologist whose research interests include questions around
human movement, landscape use, and colonialism. His previous research includes
the first geophysical survey of Arkansas’ tallest prehistoric earthen mounds,
known as Toltec Mounds, and was published in Archaeological Remote Sensing in
North America: Innovative Techniques of Anthropological Applications (University of
Alabama Press). Currently, he is studying the impact of Spanish colonialism in
the southern Peruvian Andes through applications of technology, geographical
information systems, and data analysis. His specialties include the use of geophys-
ical survey, aerial and satellite remote sensing, and machine learning to develop
multi‐scalar approaches in anthropological research. He enjoys conducting inter-
disciplinary research and finding ways to combine methods of knowledge pro-
duction from fields that are generally thought to be incompatible in innovative
ways.
Gülbanu K. Zorba joined the Committee on Missing Persons in Cyprus (CMP)
in 2006 as a DNA Scientist. Since September 2012, she has interpreted
and confirmed genetic results received from external laboratories at the CMP
Anthropological Laboratory (CAL) Genetic Unit. She has been working as CMP
Identification Coordinator since March 2018, where she critically evaluates and
discusses all available evidence with all scientific disciplines involved during the
reconciliation meetings.
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Foreword
Peter Maurer
President, International Committee of the Red Cross
Fragility, violence and conflict are a reality of our world today, in places like
Afghanistan, Syria, Iraq, Yemen, South Sudan, Lake Chad or in Central America.
In the conflicts in which the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC)
works we have seen how the dynamics of conflict have changed enormously in
recent decades. Today, conflicts are more urban, more protracted and the battle-
field has fragmented, with an increasing number of actors now fighting.
Additionally, concerning trends are converging which are leading to increased
fragility: violence, underdevelopment, injustice, exclusion and the impact of
climate change. And the result is devastating. Decades of fighting and insecurity
and ongoing violations of international humanitarian law are destroying basic
social infrastructure, as well as health, sanitation and water systems, and are stall-
ing education and economic development.
The upheaval and uncertainty of conflict is crippling, leaving physical injuries
and psychological scars. When I speak with people in conflicts around the world,
too many have unanswered questions about their loved ones who have gone
missing. There are parents searching for children, wives searching for husbands.
Others are grieving after a death, but still seeking information, or the return of
remains, and suffer ongoing trauma.
As the face of conflict changes, we need to understand how forensic science can
step up to these new challenges and strengthen the humanitarian sector’s action.
While the application of forensic science in the humanitarian and human rights
domains is not new, the past few decades have seen it rapidly catalyse, and greatly
support the response of organizations across the globe to communities affected by
war, violence and migration.
Across the humanitarian field there has been a growing trend toward speciali-
zation, and forensic science is notable in this regard. With transformative advances
in areas of forensic science, such as genetics, we can see opportunities for its
increased application across the globe.
This will not be without its challenges, with growing expectations and hopes
from society for what can be achieved. The need to balance these expectations
within the complex demands of operating in a conflict environment will be key to
ensuring that we can provide timely responses that will deliver for those who
need them most.
The new challenges before us require an adapted response. Today’s mass graves
are more often in urban settings, with large numbers of dead civilians trapped in
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lviii Foreword
collapsed buildings and structures. As the forensic community has advanced its
understanding of recovery of the dead from mass graves over the past decades, it
must now work to respond to evolving landscapes and challenges. The need to
work across and within professions has never been clearer.
The ICRC hired its first forensic specialist in 2003, and today it is difficult to ima-
gine its humanitarian response without the integration of forensic science. Today
the ICRC has more than 70 forensic specialists located across the globe, working
as part of multidisciplinary teams to respond to humanitarian needs emanating
from conflict, migration and disasters. With experts in a diverse range of forensic
fields, including anthropology, pathology, odontology, and growingly genetics,
the ICRC is continuing to build its response to the needs on the ground.
There is little doubt that forensic science will continue to play an important role
in the humanitarian sphere for years to come. We have seen a growing interest
and engagement from the forensic community, with the emergence of forums,
academic research, and forensic centres dedicated to the understanding of how to
apply forensic science to the humanitarian sphere. Continued collaboration will
be key, if we are to put in place the structures and capacity to respond to the
evolving humanitarian consequences across the globe.
The ICRC calls on the forensic community to work together in achieving this
goal. Through emerging professional networks and forums, there is no reason
why this cannot be possible.
The ICRC’s new Institutional Strategy 2019–2022 reaffirms the organization’s
commitment and ambition to put affected people and communities at the centre.
We must listen more closely and understand their needs in order to design
responses using forensic science that bring the answers they need.
It is clear that a humanitarian response using forensic science will not be the
same in Iraq, for example, as it might be in Ukraine, South Sudan or Venezuela,
but we do know how critical it will be to people who every day await answers
about their missing loved ones, and to ensure that, in death, dignity is not lost.
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Foreword
Susan M. Ballou
President, American Association of Forensic Science
This book captures a large collection of topics that spark interest within the forensic
science community. Some of the topics – missing individuals, environmental
factors, DNA, kinship, legal disparities and the forensic process – trigger friendly
discussions in the hallway, at lunch, or at the bar. I confess, I have an optimistic
outlook on life so naturally I selected the word “friendly”. The word gives a vision
of synergetic relationships between experts in the different branches of science
working toward a common goal. This “friendly” environment exists, although
some of those “friendly” discussions turn into passionate arguments that continue
through a lifetime. These provocative attitudes and the truly friendly ones are
integral to the process of strengthening science. If everyone agreed on every point,
the impetus to explore alternatives would halt and our knowledge and growth
would stagnate.
Over the years, researchers and some forensic scientists have tested the bound-
aries of proffered methods, practices, and techniques. Dr Alexander Gettler, the
“father of forensic toxicology in America” is a perfect example. He was known for
developing new methods when a case required it and tweaking other methods to
address new demands. This type of ingenuity has generated an abundance of test
methods. Unfortunately, this has caused a quandary in our profession. With so
many methods and practices to choose from, how does an agency know which is
the most appropriate one? Laboratories tend to select methods that their analysts
are familiar with and that allows the use of existing instrumentation and space.
Once a method is chosen, analysts tend not to deviate from it, passing it to new
hires by demonstration or shorthand notes. Generally, though not always, the
required references to support the selected method are passed along as well. Most
analysts do not see an issue with this practice. Their reasoning might be that the
method has been used for over 100 years, it produces the expected results, and it
has not been challenged. Therefore, they might think, what is the issue? The issue
is that many of these methods have not undergone sufficient validation studies to
demonstrate fitness for purpose – that is, that the methods are appropriate for
testing a specific type evidentiary material and that the laboratory has confirmed
the performance of the instrumentation, reagents and consumables. In addition,
the laboratory must demonstrate that the selected method is reproducible and
repeatable and that it has undergone peer review.
Over the years the process of shoring‐up the selected methods and practices
was unclear, but it was evident standards would have to be created. In 1974, a
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lx Foreword
forward‐thinking group seeking standards connected with the American Society

for Testing and Materials (ASTM) International and established a Forensic Science
committee – ASTM E30. According to the ASTM International website; (https://
www.astm.org/ABOUT/full_overview.html), “ASTM International is a globally
recognized leader in the development and delivery of voluntary consensus stan-
dards. Today, over 12,000 ASTM standards are used around the world to improve
product quality, enhance health and safety, strengthen market access and trade,
and build consumer confidence.” The ASTM E30 has written standards in areas
including fibers, glass, paint, drug analysis, report writing, and documentation.
Referencing these documentary standards supports the selection of methods and
protocols by laboratories and justifies their selection when seeking accreditation.
However, referencing documentary standards does not completely address con-
cerns about laboratory practice or analyst competency. In 2006, John Lentini,
founder of Scientific Fire Analysis, described the quality assurance triangle in an
article titled, It Takes a Community. In this article, (https://www.astm.org/SNEWS/
FEBRUARY_2006/lentini_feb06.html) he included an image of a triangle that
succinctly identified the necessary components of a solid quality assurance
program. Standardization represented one side of the quality assurance triangle.
The other two sides were represented by certification and accreditation, and pro-
ficiency testing was in the center of the triangle. In his article, Mr Lentini explained
that standardization supports all the other components of the triangle. He further
explained that attention and adherence to all components of the triangle are
needed to achieve customer service excellence.
In 2006, The United States National Academy of Sciences (NAS) convened a
committee on Identifying the Needs of the Forensic Science Community. In 2009,
this committee released a report titled, Strengthening Forensic Science in the United
States: A Path Forward. This report identified concerns with “imprecise or exagger-
ated expert testimony,” and a lack of national standards for procedures, termi-
nology, certification and accreditation, noting that some jurisdictions do not
require these programs. The report offered 13 recommendations to address the
profession’s inadequacies. In 2010, in response to the NAS report, the White
House Office of Science and Technology Policy (OSTP) established a subcommittee
to further investigate the question of accreditation, certification, education, ethics,
standards, and other topics. This Subcommittee on Forensic Science (SoFS) under-
stood the need to investigate the current understanding of standards, practices
and protocols. SoFS produced a report entitled Strengthening the Forensic Sciences,
and identified accreditation, certification, an established code of ethics and profi-
ciency tests as essential components of a laboratory system. The report further
identified building blocks for these components as voluntary, consensus, docu-
mentary standards that have been validated and published. These findings
reinforce the importance of the quality assurance triangle.
ASTM International is not the only standards developing organization used by
the forensic science community. In 2015 the American Academy of Forensic
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Foreword lxi
Science (AAFS) President, Dr Victor Weedn, and the AAFS Board of Directors,
saw the opportunity to utilize the wealth of the Academy’s expertise and
knowledge within its 11 sections. AAFS sought and obtained a funding source
that would support the creation of the AAFS Standards Board to include the
Academy Standards Board (ASB) and multiple Consensus Bodies for the creations
of standards. The ASB works directly with the Organization of Scientific Area
Committees for Forensic Science (OSAC) that maintains a national registry of
forensic standards. There is also the International Organization for Standardization
(ISO) and the American National Standards Institute (ANSI). Once standards are
created, they are incorporated into other processes such as accreditation and
certification.
Regarding accreditation, in 2016 the Bureau of Justice Administration (BJA)
released a report entitled Publicly Funded Forensic Crime Laboratories: Quality
Assurance Practices, 2014. This document reported that between 2002 and 2014, the
percentage of 409 crime laboratories that had achieved accreditation rose from 70
to 88%. One reason for this increase was anticipation of the 2015 announcement
by the United States Department of Justice (USDOJ) that its laboratories, and
other laboratories seeking federal funding, would have to achieve accreditation.
Another reason was that state forensic science commissions had identified failures
by laboratories to maintain well‐functioning equipment and proper storage of
evidence. Revelations in the media of unacceptable or erroneous practices also
contributed to the increase in accreditation. The BJA report further stated that,
“Forensic crime labs develop quality assurance practices and implement them to
reduce errors in forensic techniques and analysts’ interpretation. These practices
also help improve consistency across practitioners. Practices such as obtaining
professional accreditation, testing the proficiency of analysts, and external
certification of analysts are regarded as benchmarks for measuring compliance to
industry‐established best practices.” This document can be found at: https://www.
bjs.gov/content/pub/pdf/pffclqap14.pdf.
Although the above information provides a strong argument for achieving
accreditation, management should understand that completing this activity is
only part of the quality assurance triangle. Once the triangle is applied, the whole
process should be externally reviewed to ensure it is not self‐serving. Meaning,
when laboratories check their own processes there is a chance that errors or
inadequacies are overlooked. An external review conducted by an agency unas-
sociated with the laboratory under evaluation may identify previously missed
issues. Labs should also review critical reports such as the 2009 NAS report and
the 2016 report from the United States President’s Council of Advisors on Science
and Technology (PCAST), entitled Forensic Science in Criminal Courts: Ensuring
Scientific Validity of Feature‐Comparison Methods. Although management may firmly
believe the best methods, processes, equipment and education are already in
place, a critical internal assessment is essential. This is the best way for forensic
science organizations to improve their professional standing and, more
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lxii Foreword
importantly, fulfill their service to their communities and the larger society that
rely on them to produce reliable results.
The chapters in this book will provide insights on methods and procedures and
will inspire ways to tackle troubling issues. The book will also describe issues that
have not previously been discussed. When reading, I urge you to keep in mind
that published and validated standards are the essential building blocks of a reli-
able system of forensic science.
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Foreword
Oran Finegan
Head of Forensic Unit, International Committee of the Red Cross
Today the application of forensics in the humanitarian sphere is no longer a new
field of practice, but it is certainly one that is still evolving. Debate can continue as
to when this field emerged, but without doubt it is truly with us today in the day‐
to‐day engagement of various actors, both local and regional, and internationally
around the world. Certainly the field of humanitarian forensics has seen its role
catalysed over the past few decades through advancements in forensic science.
The past 15 years alone has seen seismic changes, both in terms of the science and
lessons learnt from its application. From the engagements in Latin America and
the Balkans, to the very different humanitarian reality we find ourselves in today,
we have seen great leaps in the fields of forensic genetics, forensic anthropology
and forensic archaeology, to name but a few.
There is also a growing awareness, interest, and engagement of local forensic
actors. We see calls for support on the rise, and the development of new centers
of expertise around the globe. The recent establishment of the International
Centre of Humanitarian Forensics in Gujarat, India, is one such example. The
days of large‐scale substitution by international actors seems to be increasingly a
thing of the past. Supporting local capacity and infrastructure, where feasible, is
proving to be the path most actors are now following.
We have also importantly seen the changing face of conflict itself, with today’s
battlefield a much more complex place, with protracted conflict, a proliferation of
actors, and a growing number of non‐state armed groups, decreasing access for
humanitarian actors, and criminality all seen as key components. In addition, we
see battles fought more and more in urban settings, with the knock‐on impact on
the civilian population, and the targeting of health infrastructure, which more
often than not includes forensics facilities and practitioners. Attacks on forensic
practitioners themselves are also an issue of concern. We also see growing levels
of armed violence and the targeting of women, with the growing phenomenon of
femicide.
These changes in the humanitarian environment will require the forensic
community to orientate its approach in order to respond to these changes. Failure
to do so will seriously impact on its ability to respond to the needs of today, never
mind the future. Understanding the advances in forensic science alone will not be
enough. The great differences we see globally in terms of the types of conflict and
disasters, and the growing migration crisis, will require the forensic community to
understand better this diverse range of environments. The challenges and situation
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lxiv Foreword
on the ground, in contexts like Yemen, differ greatly from those of Iraq, Ukraine
or Mexico. While all these contexts would benefit from a robust engagement from
the field of forensic science, it would be naïve to think the approach could be the
same. We must be more cognizant of the need for a contextualized response, and
one that first and foremost includes a close engagement with the affected
population itself, to ensure that any planned programs have clearly in focus the
society itself, in terms of its own culture and needs. Working hand in hand with
communities on the ground should be at the heart of the humanitarian forensic
response.
The application of forensics in the humanitarian sphere sits at a pivotal moment
in its development – one that will define it for decades to come. There can be little
doubt a great deal has been learnt over the past couple of decades. However, while
great progress has been made, allowing for forensics to play a key role in the
identification of persons unaccounted for in conflict and bringing persons to
account for their acts, large parts of the world have been unable to benefit from
these advances. Awareness surrounding the role forensics can play in this domain
is certainly much greater, but this has also led to raised expectations, which often
cannot be met. There is a need for forensic practitioners, and the humanitarian
community as a whole, to be cognizant of this and ensure a responsible approach
so that expectations can be managed. While in theory a great deal more is possible
today than 30 years ago, the practical reality often does not match up. More than
ever the affected population, in situations of humanitarian crisis, expects answers,
whether they be in terms of an identification or justice. The forensic community
must keep this at the front of their thinking when engaging in programs and
activities.
All this said, what is it that today’s forensic practitioners can contribute in the
humanitarian sphere? One could suggest that, with growing advances in forensic
science, the door has opened to allow for the dead to no longer be silenced, and
for their last moments to be heard by all who want to listen, be it families, courts,
or society at large. Forensic practitioners are in a unique position, in so far that
they could be considered the modern‐day mediums for the dead. They hold the
key to help unlock the identity of the dead, and tell the story of their last moments,
and how they met their fate. Such a position bears great responsibility, as it is the
forensic practitioner who can be that voice for the families, the courtroom and
the historian, to name but a few.
For the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) the application of
forensics in the humanitarian sphere is a key component of many of its programs
today across the globe. It recognizes the important role that forensic science can
play in assisting states in fulfilling their obligations towards the dead under
International Humanitarian Law (IHL), and by playing a key role in providing
answers to families who have lost someone in times of conflict or disaster. The
ICRC focuses its efforts on supporting authorities and actors across the world to
develop their forensic capacity to ensure that states have the ability and means to
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Foreword lxv
live up to their commitments towards the dead under IHL, and where possible
allow for the clarification of the fate of those who become unaccounted for in
situations of conflict, disasters and migration.
From its early beginnings to today, the application of forensic science in the
humanitarian sphere has grown globally. I firmly believe that we are entering a
new era in its application, and that the ongoing developments of fields such as
forensic genetics will only see a stronger role of forensics in this domain in the
coming decade. That said we must also remember that while in theory the poten-
tial role for forensics is clearer, we must also remember that many parts of the
world have not been fortunate enough to profit from these advances. States and
the wider international community must do more to recognize the gaps that exist
globally in this respect, and look to find ways to ensure that more practitioners
benefit from the advances in this field. The forensic community must raise its
voice to ensure this message is heard and acted upon.
The place of forensics in the humanitarian sphere is now very much a reality.
With over 70 staff positioned around the globe in 2019, the ICRC sees the benefits
that forensic science can bring to the lives of those affected by disasters and armed
conflict, and also by ensuring that those who lose their lives can be afforded the
dignity they deserve and are entitled to under IHL. I firmly believe that by working
together, all forensic actors engaged in the humanitarian and human rights sphere
can make a difference, and help in addressing the growing challenges being faced
in this domain. Together, as a community, we can make the coming decade one
where forensic science can play an even greater role in positively changing the
lives of those affected by conflict, disaster and migration.
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Series Preface
The forensic sciences represent diverse, dynamic fields that seek to utilize the very
best techniques available to address legal issues. Fueled by advances in technology,
research and methodology, as well as new case applications, the forensic sciences
continue to evolve. Forensic scientists strive to improve their analyses and inter-
pretations of evidence and to remain cognizant of the latest advancements. This
series results from a collaborative effort between the American Academy of
Forensic Sciences (AAFS) and Wiley to publish a select number of books that
relate closely to the activities and Objectives of the AAFS. The book series reflects
the goals of the AAFS to encourage quality scholarship and publication in the
forensic sciences. Proposals for publication in the series are reviewed by a
committee established for that purpose by the AAFS and also reviewed by Wiley.
The AAFS was founded in 1948 and represents a multidisciplinary professional
organization that provides leadership to advance science and its application to the
legal system. The 11 sections of the AAFS consist of Criminalistics, Digital and
Multimedia Sciences, Engineering Sciences, General, Pathology/Biology,
Questioned Documents, Jurisprudence, Anthropology, Toxicology, Odontology,
and Psychiatry and Behavioral Science. There are over 7000 members of the
AAFS, originating from all 50 States of the United States and many countries
beyond. This series reflects global AAFS membership interest in new research,
scholarship, and publication in the forensic sciences.
Douglas H. Ubelaker
Senior Scientist
Smithsonian Institution
Washington, DC, USA
Series Editor
lxvii
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Preface
Sara C. Zapico1,2, Roberto C. Parra3* and Douglas H. Ubelaker2
1
Florida International University, International Forensic Research Institute, Miami, FL, USA
2
3
Human Rights Office of the High Commissioner (OHCHR), United Nations; and Bioarchaeology and
Stable Isotope Research Laboratory, Vanderbilt University, Nashville, Tennessee, USA
Forensic science is the application of science to the criminal and civil laws that are
enforced by police agencies in a criminal justice system (Saferstein, 2018). This
general definition is sometimes misinterpreted, focusing on the application of
science to solve crimes. However, “criminal and civil laws” also refer to human
rights. The first right of a person is its identity. The name given by our parents and
our sociocultural environment establishes our identity and defines us for the rest
of our life. Can we lose our identity? Certainly yes, in this case, when the body of
a deceased person becomes an unidentified body, and there is no clue about the
identity of this person. If the identity is not discovered later on, the deceased
person loses all possibility of connectedness with their social and cultural environ-
ment, and consequently with their loved ones, which is called “social death of the
dead” (see Chapter 6, this volume). Thus, a broader definition of forensic science
includes the application of science to human identification, which is a practice
that “reunites human remains with the personhood in life” (Moon, 2017: 270),
and, as consequence, “the dead back into the social order,” re‐establishing identity
and kinship ties with loved ones (Moon, 2017; Gowland and Thompson, 2013;
Chapter 6, this volume). There are hundreds of thousands of situations that
require determination of the identity of a person worldwide. These scenarios
include mass disasters, armed conflicts and migrant crises, among others.
How do forensic scientists contribute to the determination of the identity of a
person? We use a scientific process called identification.1 Previously described sce-
narios deal with different situations that require the application of multidisci-
plinary and interdisciplinary approaches towards this goal. The identification of
human remains2 is a complex process, which requires integration of various
forensic approaches. We need to collect and systematize data, evaluate and verify
the data quality, centralize, organize, compare and analyze all information and
* The views expressed herein are those of the editor Roberto C. Parra and do not necessarily reflect the views of
the United Nations.
1
For a discussion regarding the difference and boundary between identity and identification, refer to Gowland
and Thompson (2013).
2
In general terms that includes, but is not limited to, recent cadavers, severely decomposed, skeletons, etc.
lxix
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lxx Preface
confirm any findings. One of the forensic science disciplines, forensic anthropology,
applies the knowledge, methods and techniques of human skeletal biology to this
forensic issue: determination of the biological identity through the creation of a
biological profile (sex, age, ancestry, height and pathological conditions) (e.g.
Boyd and Boyd, 2018; Christensen et al., 2014). This profile constitutes what is
called “post‐mortem data”, information retrieved from the skeleton. Forensic
odontology, the application of dental science to the identification of human
remains (Adserias‐Garriga et al., 2018), plays a key role not only in cases of
skeletal remains, but also with fleshed bodies; where it is not possible to deter-
mine the identity for some reason, dental post‐mortem data could help towards
this purpose. The science of DNA has evolved since the discovery of the double
helix configuration by Watson and Crick in 1953 based on Rosalind Franklin’s
previous studies (Watson and Crick, 1953). Later on, Sir Alec Jeffreys and col-
leagues (1985) applied this DNA knowledge to forensic science, developing “DNA
fingerprinting”. His findings were used for a while by the forensic science
community, although these techniques have advanced, and now DNA finger-
printing is based on the determination of the “short tandem repeats” (STRs) pro-
file. Based on the uniqueness (referred to databases) of this profile (except for
identical twins), it is possible to establish the identity of a person. The DNA profile
retrieved from unidentified human remains is also part of the “post‐mortem data”.
“Post‐mortem data” constitute half of the puzzle for the identification of
human remains. Certainly, these three above‐described forensic disciplines,
among others, can help towards this goal, but require the other half of the puzzle:
“ante‐mortem data”.
The “ante‐mortem data” are items of information concerning the individual
provided by the missing person’s family or loved ones and which could be used for
identification. Thus, comparison of ante‐mortem and post‐mortem data can lead
to a positive identification, presumptive identification or an exclusion (Adserias‐
Garriga et al., 2018), or as defined by the Asociación Latinoamericana de
Antropología Forense (ALAF): “identification, exclusion and inconclusive”
(ALAF, 2016).
“Hic locus est ubi mors gaudet succurrere vitae” – “this is the place where dead
help the living”: this inscription, found in some morgues, points out the value of
forensic work to understand better the processes leading to the death as well as
the circumstances surrounding the death. In our context, the identification of
human remains, this sentence has to be considered in reverse. As described above,
the gathering of ante‐mortem information is as important as the recovery of post‐
mortem information. Towards this purpose, the families and relatives play a key
role, thus “the living help the dead”, and in reciprocity the symbolic social life of
the dead also contributes to the living. In the words of Jane Buikstra: “They
demand our attention. They demand action that forces the living to think about
what is proper and what is not and act accordingly” (Buikstra, 2017: 295). In this
way, we can talk about the interaction with the dead and the living.
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Preface lxxi
As a result, forensic scientists not only have to interact with the dead – we also
have to interact with the living. This is not an easy task; we have to take into
consideration the grief of the families and relatives. They have lost their loved
ones or they do not know what has happened to them. They are looking for
answers and closure. Therefore, in the quest for ante‐mortem data, forensic scien-
tists have to be very careful in their approach to the families. Their cooperation is
imperative for the main goal of identification of human remains.
Additionally, as important as interacting with the families and relatives, it is
essential to collect ante‐mortem information from physicians, dentists and other
professionals. They will provide medical and dental records that can be crucial for
an identification. However, sometimes it is not possible and then they provide us
with another type of information that comes from their memories; for this,
anthropologists use their social and cultural knowledge to capture this type of
data as ante‐mortem information in a humanitarian context. Forensic anthropology
has then become an applied discipline that encompasses the holistic approach of
anthropology. Furthermore, the understanding of dissimilar social scenarios at a
cultural level, where conceptions about death, health, illness, the meaning of life
and identity may be different, is certainly of vital importance for achieving fruitful
forensic humanitarian actions. Anthropologists can contribute enormously in this
task of understanding the needs of a population affected by the violence, the
needs of the families of missing persons and their expectations.
Hence, both ante‐mortem and post‐mortem data are fundamental for the
identification of human remains. However, and as described above, different
forensic scenarios complicate the retrieval and quality of these data.
This is the focus of this book. Forensic Science and Humanitarian Action:3 Interacting
with the Dead and the Living reflects all aspects related to the forensic identification
of human remains, their posthumous dignity,4 agency,5 the legal foundation that
protects them6 and the impact on the living.
The term “humanitarian forensic science” was first coined by the International
Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) (Cordner and Tidball‐Binz, 2017; Tidball‐
Binz, 2013), defined as “the application of forensic science to humanitarian activ-
ities”. This definition is broader than the scope of this book. This book is focused
on one part of humanitarian activities: that related to the “management of the
dead” in mass disasters, armed conflicts, migration crises, and other situations in
order to identify human remains and understand the impact of such identifica-
tions on their families.
3
“Humanitarian action itself is defined by the ICRC as a range of activities that seek to alleviate human suffering
and protect the dignity of all victims of armed conflict and catastrophes, carried out in a neutral, impartial and
independent manner, free of charge and framed under International Humanitarian Law” (Cordner and Tidball-
Binz, 2017: 65).
4
As highlighted by Antoon De Baets (2009).
5
Laura Ahern (2001: 110) argued that agency is “the socioculturally mediated capacity to act”. For further
discussion about agency, see Janet Hoskins (2006), Tiffiny Tung (2014) and Jane Buikstra (2017).
6
As described in Chapter 2, and in Gaggioli (2018).
fpref.indd 71 11/26/2019 8:30:35 PM

lxxii Preface
This book covers in the first section the legal, historical and social aspects of
missing persons and unidentified bodies, including chapters devoted to human
rights and International Humanitarian Law, and even an interesting approach
from bioarchaeology. Additionally, some chapters point out the importance of the
identification of human remains, theoretical fundamentals, humanitarian actions,
and the return of the human remains to their love ones.
The second section describes the recovery of basic information from missing
persons and unidentified bodies (ante‐mortem and post‐mortem data), including
approaches for the conceptualization, description and location of clandestine
deposit sites with human remains (particularly important in mass graves), as well
as new technologies applied to complex cases.
Following with this line of research, the third section is dedicated to one of the
current trends in forensic anthropology: the use of isotopes to determine the
geographical provenance of the unidentified body. As described in some chapters
of this section, this new technique has become a useful tool to track the “biohistory”7
of unidentified deceased persons. New scientific approaches of this nature open
the door to future scientific discussions.
DNA is a powerful tool for the identification of human remains, but with serious
limitations as well. Section IV describes its contribution towards this purpose, but
also presents its limitations, especially when we lack key ante‐ or post‐mortem
data, including cultural, social and religious cosmovision, even when the analysis
is based over particular population types where the population genetic structure
complicates the process. Additionally, one chapter explains current research
involving non‐STR markers, single nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs), providing
the phenotypic characteristics based solely on DNA of the human remains (hair,
eye and skin color as well as ancestry).
Section V describes the application of forensic science to a variety of scenarios
and the procedures leading to identification of human remains. These include
identification of the migrants along the US/Mexican border, migrants in Europe,
identification of remains from armed conflicts (Argentina, Cyprus, Colombia,
Chile, Peru and Uruguay) and other mass disaster scenarios (Guatemala), as well
as the approaches for identification in other countries or agencies (Australia, Costa
Rica, South Africa, USA).
Consequently, this book is intended as a reference for the legal, social, cultural,
scientific and multidisciplinary aspects of the management of the dead around the
world, mainly focused on the recovery and the identification of human remains,
providing at the same time “food for thought”. While the cases presented in this
book reveal successful identification of human remains, the variety of forensic
scenarios sometimes makes this identification really difficult; thus, there is always
room for improvement, considering the social, cultural and legal aspects. For
these reasons this book seeks to reach a broad audience: from students,
Concept used as described by Claire Moon (2017), and Duncan and Stojanowski (2017)
7
fpref.indd 72 11/26/2019 8:30:35 PM

Preface lxxiii
introducing them to forensic science and identification of human remains and the
theoretical foundations of humanitarian action, to forensic scientists, interested in
the aforementioned aspects of identification of human remains, complementing
their knowledge in their fields and at the same time increasing their knowledge in
this topic, hopefully leading to further developments and advances of these legal,
social, scientific and multidisciplinary aspects of humanitarian action and forensic
science.
References
Adserias‐Garriga, J., Thomas, C., Ubelaker, D.H. and Zapico, S. (2018) When forensic odontol-
ogy met biochemistry: Multidisciplinary approach in forensic human identification. Arch. Oral
Biol. Mar., 87, 7–14.
Ahern, L. (2001) Language and agency. Annual Review of Anthropology, 30, 109–137.
Asociación Latinoamericana de Antropología Forense (2016) Guía latinoamericana de buenas
prácticas para la aplicación en antropología forense. Colombia: Grupo H y A, ALAF.
Boyd, C.C. and Boyd, D.C. (eds.) (2018) Forensic Anthropology: Theoretical Framework and Scientific
Basis. Wiley.
Buikstra, J. (2017) Ethical issues in biohistory: no easy answers! In Studies in Forensic Biohistory:
Anthropological Perspective, Cambridge Studies in Biological and Evolutionary Anthropology (eds
C. Stojanowski and W. Duncan). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 288–314.
Christensen, A., Passalacqua, N. and Bartelink, E. (2014) Forensic Anthropology: Current Methods
and Practice (1st ed.). San Diego, CA: Academic Press.
Cordner, S. and Tidball‐Binz, M. (2017) Humanitarian forensic action: its origins and future.
Forensic Sci. Int., 279, 65–71.
De Baets, A. (2009) Responsible History. New York: Berghahn Books.
Duncan, W. N. and Stojanowski, C. M. (2017) Theoretical facets of biohistorical research. In
Studies in Forensic Biohistory: Anthropogical Perspective, Cambridge Studies in Biological and
Evolutionary Anthropology (eds C. Stojanowski and W. Duncan). Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, pp. 315–327.
Gaggioli, G. (2018) International Humanitarian Law: The legal framework for humanitarian
forensic action. Forensic Science International, 282, 184–194.
Gowland, R. and Thompson, T. (2013) Human Identity and Identification. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
Hoskins, J. (2006) Agency, biography and objects. In Handbook of Material Culture (eds C. Tilley,
W. Keane, S. Kuchler, M. Rowlands and P. Spyer). London: Sage, pp. 74–85.
Jeffreys, A. J., Wilson, V. and Thein, S. L. (1985) Hypervariable “minisatellite” regions in human
DNA. Nature, 314 (6006), 67–73.
Moon, C. (2017) The biohistory of atrocity and the social life of human remains. In Studies in
Forensic Biohistory: Anthropological Perspective, Cambridge Studies in Biological and Evolutionary
Anthropology (eds. C. Stojanowski and W. Duncan). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
pp. 267–287.
Saferstein, R. (2018) Criminalistics: An Introduction to Forensic Science (12th ed.). Boston, MA:
Pearson Education.
Tidball‐Binz, M. (2013) Global forensic science and the search for the dead and missing from
armed conflict: the perspective of the International Committee of the Red Cross. In Forensic
Science: Current Issues, Future Directions (ed. D. H. Ubelaker). Chichester: John Wiley & Sons,
Ltd., pp. 337–365.
Tung, T. (2014) Agency, ‘Til Death do As Part? Inquiring about the agency of dead bodies from
the ancient Andes. Cambridge Archaelogical Journal, 24 (3), 437–452.
Watson, J. D. and Crick, F. H. (1953) The structure of DNA. Cold Spring Harbor Symp. Quant. Biol.,
18, 123–131.
fpref.indd 73 11/26/2019 8:30:35 PM

Acknowledgements
The editors wish to thank the chapter contributors and the American Academy of
Forensic Science for supporting this volume. Many thanks also to Jenny Cossham,
Emma Strickland, Lesley Jebaraj, Rajitha Selvarajan and Samantha Jones for their
greatly helpful edits and suggestions. We would also like to thank Rafael Valdez
Velazquez‐Lopez of the Pontificia Universidad Catolica del Peru, for his invaluable
support. We would also like to thank the anonymous scientific reviewers. All our
thanks to the President of the International Committee of the Red Cross, Peter
Maurer; the President of the American Association of Forensic Science, Susan
Ballou; and the Head of the ICRC Forensic Unit, Oran Finegan, for their forewords
to this volume.
lxxv
flast.indd 75 11/26/2019 8:30:39 PM

SECTION I
History, theory, practice and
legal foundation
s01.indd 1 11/26/2019 8:32:48 PM

CHAPTER 1
Using forensic science to care for the

dead and search for the missing:
In conversation with Morris
Tidball‐Binz1
Head of Forensics, Humanitarian Project Plan, International Committee of the Red Cross2
Visiting Professor, Department of Forensic Medicine, Ethics and Medical Law, Faculty of Medicine,
University of Coimbra, Portugal
Visiting Professor, Department of Biomedical Health Science, University of Milan, Italy
“Humanitarian forensic action”, a concept developed by the International

Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), refers to the use of forensic science to address
the needs of victims of armed conflicts and other catastrophes for humanitarian,
rather than criminal, purposes (Cordner and Tidball‐Binz, 2017). The ICRC’s
forensic services provide advice, support and training to local authorities and
forensic practitioners in searching for, recovering, analysing, identifying and
managing the dead from armed conflicts, catastrophes and migration and to help
build local forensic capacity. They may also carry out forensic activities in certain
contexts, such as recovery and identification operations, when no other forensic
actors are available. The objective is to ensure the proper and dignified management
of the dead; to prevent and resolve disappearances and to bring answers to grief‐
stricken families, helping fulfil their right to know the fate and whereabouts of
their loved ones.
When people die in contexts of armed conflict, disaster, or while migrating, the
remains of the deceased must be handled respectfully and with dignity. Their
bodies must be searched for, recovered and identified. Forensic sciences, including
1
This interview was conducted in Geneva on 16 January 2018 by Ellen Policinski, Managing Editor, and Jovana
Kuzmanovic, Thematic Editor at the International Review of the Red Cross. The interview was first published in
International Review of the Red Cross (2017), 99 (2), 689–707.
2
The designations employed in this interview do not imply official endorsement or the expression of any opinion
whatsoever concerning the legal status of any territory, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or bound-
aries. Whenever a disputed territory is given different names by the parties concerned, the names are used together,
in French alphabetical order.
Forensic Science and Humanitarian Action: Interacting with the Dead and the Living, First Edition.
Edited by Roberto C. Parra, Sara C. Zapico and Douglas H. Ubelaker.
© 2020 John Wiley & Sons Ltd. Published 2020 by John Wiley & Sons Ltd.
c01.indd 3 11/26/2019 8:30:24 PM

4 Forensic science and humanitarian action
anthropology, archaeology, pathology, friction‐ridge analysis (fingerprints), den-

tistry, and genetics, including forensic DNA analysis, can help ensure the
professional and dignified management and documentation of the dead and
provide objective answers about the identity and fate of missing persons, whether
they are dead or alive.
Over the years the ICRC’s expertise and influence in the field of forensics has
grown considerably. Indeed, the ICRC is the only organization offering forensic
assistance exclusively for humanitarian purposes. Despite this, the use of forensic
sciences for humanitarian purposes, including for clarifying the fate of missing
persons, is relatively new, and still faces several challenges. During and immedi-
ately after a conflict, searching for missing persons is often one of many pressing
needs, but rarely carried out as a priority. Conducting forensic investigations
requires financial and human resources that are not always readily available in
the aftermath of a conflict or other disaster. Additionally, forensic investigations in
humanitarian contexts can be risky for practitioners – such as health profes-
sionals – who may be targets of threats and attacks or face other dangers while
carrying out their work, such as exposure to explosive remnants of war. This
requires adapting and developing forensic knowledge, skills, procedures and tools
required to overcome the exceptional challenges posed by humanitarian action.
Tell us a little bit about your background. How did you come to work in
forensics?
It happened quite by chance back in 1984 when I was a medical student. I was
studying and living in La Plata, Argentina at the time, where I met a foreign del-
egation of forensic scientists that were visiting the country that year with the aim
of helping to provide some answers for the families of the missing. These families
were asking two main questions to the scientists. The first one was about the pos-
sibility of identifying a child who had been abducted as a baby and whose parents
were disappeared. The second question was about the possibility of recovering
and identifying the skeletonized remains of a large number of people who were
disappeared and believed to have been killed and buried in clandestine graves. In
the wake of the newly elected democratic government coming to power in
December 1983, the delegation of forensic scientists had come to Argentina invited
upon request of the families to help provide answers to these questions. In other
words, it was the families of the missing who had the vision and initiative that led
to the development of pioneering forensic science.
The invitation of foreign forensic experts ensued due to the mistrust on the part
of the families of the missing towards the existing medico‐legal structures in the
country. Indeed, many members of the forensic community in Argentina were
suspected, and later some of them were proven to have been involved somehow
in the State machinery for disappearing people. For instance, by signing false
death certificates of people who had been executed stating that they had died in
an accident or due to unspecified causes. Understandably the relatives had very
c01.indd 4 11/26/2019 8:30:24 PM

In conversation with Morris Tidball-Binz 5
little trust in the Argentine forensic officials, but trusted instead the foreign spe-
cialists who they had called for help. I was invited to assist the visiting delegation
of foreign forensic experts in my capacity as a medical student trusted by the
families, who had knowledge of medical terminology, medical skills, and also lan-
guage skills, as I spoke English, which proved to be useful for translation pur-
poses. I was also tasked with convening a team of trustworthy anthropology and
archaeology students who could or were willing to assist in what turned out to be
the first independent forensic investigation into human rights violations in
Argentina. Even though I was studying medicine and had other jobs, I accepted,
as I also had a commitment to human rights. I had been involved for a few years
in the nascent human rights movement, including helping the families of the dis-
appeared in their quest for answers.
I was not a born forensic scientist. I was instead a relatively successful medical
student, eager to specialize in public health and family medicine and to work in
rural areas. The thought of dedicating my professional career to forensic medi-
cine – at that time still an underdog in medical sciences – was not at all in my
mind. However, upon meeting these outstanding forensic scientists and assisting
them to carry out the first forensic investigations of their kind in the country, I got
hooked on this specialty. What happened thereafter was that me and some of the
colleagues I had called upon to assist continued doing the work pro bono and
formed a team exclusively dedicated to these novel forensic activities. Back then,
it did not cross anyone’s mind that we would ever charge for any of this kind of
work, which was ad hoc and we therefore ended up working on weekends and
holidays to meet the huge need for independent forensic expertise.
We were invited early on to carry out this work by one of the first ever Truth
Commissions established – the National Commission on Disappeared Persons in
Argentina – in attention to and responding to requests coming from the relatives
of the disappeared anxious to know the whereabouts and fate of their loved ones.
The question about how to locate the missing was already on the table for quite
a while. As human rights activists we did not have the answers, but suspected
instead that some of the disappeared were buried in unmarked graves in public
cemeteries. However, it was very difficult, if not impossible, to do anything about
it since at the time any such action would have been seriously repressed by the
regime.
When the delegation of foreign forensic scientists visited Argentina, scientific
knowledge was ripe for carrying out what turned out to be the first use of forensic
sciences applied to investigations of this kind. It also happened at a time when
some authorities had ordered massive and hasty excavations in cemeteries to try
and find the disappeared. This led to the destruction of human remains and evi-
dence, proved to be extremely traumatic for the bereaved, received much attention
from the media and became known at the time as a “horror show” (Gamarnik,
2015). Bulldozers were in fact digging up masses of skeletal remains, with no
respect for the dead and publicly destroying bodies which, as a result, would never
c01.indd 5 11/26/2019 8:30:24 PM

be identified. This was an affront to the dead and to their families, as well as to
society as a whole. There was therefore an urgent need and calls to put a stop to
such practice through professional and scientific methods of investigation. It is
important to note that this was a time when forensic anthropology was still a very
exclusive domain in science, barely known outside academic circles in the United
States and in a handful of other developed countries. The concept of using it or
applying it to these massive investigations was not in people’s minds. This was
well before television shows featured forensic crime scene investigations and
forensics took on a trendy profile.
I was also invited at the time by the Grandmothers of Plaza de Mayo (the
Grandmothers), an NGO formed in 1977 with the aim of finding their disappeared
grandchildren,3 to assist in their quest. They were part of the families who had
invited the foreign forensic scientists, based on the brilliant and truly innovative
idea of using grand‐paternity testing to assist in their search. This required adapting
standard forensic paternity testing – used in courts to establish whether a child is
biologically related to a putative father or not – to grand‐paternity, by comparing
instead the blood of the grandparents with that of a child believed to be their
relative. At that time, before the advent of forensic DNA testing, this type of analysis
had no precedent in forensic practice and the first scientists which the Grandmothers
met with this seemingly crazy idea shunned them off. However, there were others
who saw merit in this idea, carried out the necessary research and slowly started
building up this novel procedure (Berra et al. 1986). I was invited to be part of their
nascent forensic genetic team, which ended up creating the first ever national ge-
netic databank for the identification of the missing in 1987.4
The first successful use in courts of this revolutionary grand‐paternity testing
was carried out in Argentina in 1984 and, as a result, a child was identified and
returned to her original family – grandparents, because her father and mother had
been disappeared. She was taken away by a member of a death squad who disap-
peared her parents, and finally tracked down by the Grandmothers, who had to
prove in court that she was their child, years after she had been taken away as a
baby. Years later this same child studied biology and worked as a geneticist with
the Grandmothers, helping identify the disappeared. The Grandmothers were
seen and are still regarded as a truly exceptional group of women, so it was a great
honour for me to work for them. As mentioned earlier, in my opinion they deserve
the full credit for the early development of humanitarian forensic action.
While working with the Grandmothers I continued carrying out forensic
anthropology and archaeology investigations into the disappeared together with
the early team of friends and colleagues with whom in May 1987 we formally
created the first ever non‐governmental organization dedicated exclusively to this
3
For more on the Grandmothers of Plaza de Mayo, see the interview with Estela de Carlotto, in this edition of the
International Review of the Red Cross. Also, see: https://abuelas.org.ar/idiomas/english/history.htm (all internet refer-
ences were accessed in May 2018).
4
See Historia del BNDG, available at: https://www.argentina.gob.ar/ciencia/bndg/historia
c01.indd 6 11/26/2019 8:30:24 PM

kind of work: the Argentine Forensics Anthropology Team (Equipo Argentino de

Antropología Forense – EAAF).5 The team’s work was vitally supported by the
Grandmothers and also by some of the forensic experts who had visited Argentina
in 1984, most notably Clyde Snow, who provided us with continuous training and
professional advice. Dr Snow was in fact the “patron saint” of the team and I
believe that its existence is largely owed to him. I was invited to be the team’s first
director and managed to complete my medical career, now fully geared towards
the application of forensic medicine and science to human rights investigations. In
1990 I left Argentina to work for Amnesty International as a researcher at its
General Secretariat in London, United Kingdom. While this job did not primarily
require using my forensic skills, they proved to be very useful for carrying out evi-
dence‐based human investigations into allegations of human rights violations,
including for examining torture survivors, carrying out visits of places of detention,
and for guiding investigations into cases of the missing and disappeared. I took the
opportunity of living in London to pursue my forensic studies applied to the
documentation of human rights violations and help further develop this field
(e.g. Forrest et al., 1996). Also during that time I participated in some of the first
forensic investigations carried out into the whereabouts of the missing from the
Balkans’ wars (Tidball‐Binz, 1993).
You were one of the very first forensics experts to work for the ICRC. How did that
come about? What is unique about doing forensic work at the ICRC, as opposed to
other organizations?
The ICRC hired its first forensic expert in 2003. This was Professor Stephen
Cordner from Australia, who was on a sabbatical leave from his post as Director
of the Victoria Institute of Forensic Medicine. He was tasked with following up on
the recommendations from the 2003 International Conference on “The Missing
and their Families”, in particular those related to forensic science, and providing
preliminary proposals on the way forward in forensics at the ICRC. To this end, he
carried out a couple of missions to the field – to Iraq and to the Balkans – and pre-
pared a framework for developing additional forensic activities in the ICRC before
returning home to his job in Melbourne. At the time, I was working as Director of
the International Service for Human Rights, an NGO based in Geneva. Although
its activities are not related to forensic science, we helped promote its use by UN
human rights procedures, since this is an NGO dedicated to the development of
international human rights standards and mechanisms, and the training of activ-
ists for their implementation worldwide. Incidentally, I was invited in 2002 by the
ICRC to participate in the preparatory workshops for the 2003 Conference, which
I also attended. In autumn of 2003, Professor Cordner and Dr Robin Coupland, an
ICRC surgeon who participated actively in the Conference, invited me for lunch
at the ICRC, during which – to my utter surprise – they offered me the job of the
See the official webpage of the NGO available at: www.eaaf.org/

5
c01.indd 7 11/26/2019 8:30:24 PM

ICRC’s first forensic coordinator. I asked myself at the time, what would the ICRC
use my forensic skills for? However, after some hesitation, I accepted the kind
offer and began working for the organization in February 2004. It was, I believe,
one of the best decisions I made in my life, albeit not devoid of challenges.
Many things are strikingly different about working for the ICRC compared to
the human rights activities I was engaged with previously. Most of the forensic
expertise used in similar work elsewhere is ultimately aimed at providing reliable
evidence for criminal investigations and court proceedings. This includes, for
example, the determination of cause and manner of death in suspicious cases, or
documenting injuries, such as those resulting from torture, sexual violence or
other forms of physical abuse, and collecting evidence on the perpetrators.
However, when it comes to the ICRC, forensic science is primarily used for human-
itarian purposes and not for establishing criminal responsibility. This means, for
example, using forensic science to prevent and resolve the cases of missing per-
sons; to properly search for and recover the dead in very challenging environ-
ments and circumstances; to protect their dignity and help in their identification
and for informing the families about the fate and whereabouts of their deceased
loved ones. This requires specialized knowledge and expertise, which only forensic
science can provide, for ensuring the professionalism required from the ICRC’s
humanitarian activities. While self‐evident today, this was not clearly understood
by many back in 2004. Therefore, one of the big challenges I faced when I started
working for the ICRC, and an urgent one at that, was to prove the added value of
forensic science for ICRC field activities. The uniqueness of its application in
humanitarian work is that it provides a box full of tools and knowledge adaptable
to different settings, which can assist in, and is often essential for strictly human-
itarian work, typically but not exclusively in relation to the dead. The dead are
part of the ICRC’s mandate and armed conflicts almost always result in large num-
bers of dead. The dead and their dignity are clearly protected by the four Geneva
Conventions and their Additional Protocols, which require that they are properly
recovered, documented, identified and buried. This recognition is by no means
new; Henry Dunant was one of the first ones to realize that the dead have rights,
and he campaigned for measures to help ensure the dead would be identified after
death.6 It is today recognized that the fulfilment of the obligations towards the
dead can only be professionally ensured with the use of forensic science.
Hence, I set out early on at the ICRC to try and prove the value of forensics in
the eyes of colleagues in the field, by going to the Balkans, to the Caucasus and
other areas and contexts where the ICRC faced many challenges in resolving cases
of missing persons and had many questions about how to improve the management
of the dead. It soon became apparent to colleagues, especially in the field, that
6
During the Franco-Prussian War of 1870, Henri Dunant visited and comforted the wounded brought to Paris and
introduced the wearing of a badge so that the dead could be identified. See ICRC, “Henry Dunant (1828–1910)”,
available at: www.icrc.org/eng/resources/documents/misc/57jnvq.htm
c01.indd 8 11/26/2019 8:30:24 PM

forensic expertise was indeed very useful for the organization’s activities on behalf
of the dead and missing. Nowadays, I believe that most in the ICRC and elsewhere
regard forensics as an essential tool for humanitarian action, for both the dead and
the living, as it helps bring answers and relief to the bereaved families and their
communities. Also, by helping fulfil the obligations towards the dead, we reassert
our own humanity. In addition, the forensic capacity developed by the ICRC now-
adays provides the organization with a unique and competitive edge for respond-
ing to humanitarian emergencies and also for addressing the legacy of past
conflicts. Indeed, the ICRC is the world’s only humanitarian organization with
forensic capacity and using it exclusively for humanitarian purposes. As a result,
the organization is today regarded as a reference in humanitarian forensic action.
I am therefore confident that the new Project on The Missing, launched in
2018, will help further consolidate the role of forensic practitioners and the con-
tribution of forensic science for preventing and resolving the cases of missing
persons. Indeed, the Project offers a new and unique opportunity for building on
lessons learned since 2003. It aims to mobilize and empower communities of
practice worldwide, including forensic professionals and institutions, and to
develop new standards and guidance required to meet new challenges, such as
those of missing migrants, for effectively resolving the tragedy of the missing
everywhere.
There is also, in my opinion, a chapter which still needs to be developed in
the ICRC, which concerns forensic science applied directly to the living. I believe
this will evolve in line with today’s requirements and expectations in humani-
tarian action. For example, interventions on behalf of detainees believed to
have suffered ill‐treatment should benefit from having a forensic experts’
opinion to substantiate their claims. This is not to say that such claims should
not be taken seriously without the opinion of a forensic expert, but often only
the latter can provide the necessary evidence‐based arguments in favour of the
victims. Slowly but surely, awareness is growing that forensics can assist the
living, such as for the documentation of torture and sexual violence. Concerning
the last point, for example, I have been involved in helping develop some stan-
dards, which the ICRC has found very useful. One example concerns virginity
testing, to help refute the scientific and ethical validity of such practices, which
may amount to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment (Independent Forensic
Experts Group, 2015).
In summary, humanitarian forensic action is an important ICRC activity today.
It started as a technical, scientific tool for the institution, but became growingly
regarded as a necessary one for field operations but also humanitarian dialogue;
and for positioning the organization as a leader in this field.
Personally, having helped create the ICRC Forensic Unit is as important and
significant in my professional career as having helped create the EAAF. Both
teams have undoubtedly helped expand the scope of forensic science, to include
unprecedented human rights and humanitarian dimensions respectively. I am
c01.indd 9 11/26/2019 8:30:24 PM

extremely grateful to all the colleagues whom I have worked with and who have
helped make this possible. I cannot fail to mention here as well the immense
support I have received from my family throughout these years, including for
allowing and encouraging me to dedicate the necessary time and energy to this
shared endeavour.
The development of humanitarian forensic action has undeniably contributed
to the understanding by the humanitarian community of the value of forensic sci-
ence for their activities. Remarkably, it has also contributed to the understanding
by the forensic community of the importance and value of their contribution to
humanitarian activities. A good example of this was the creation in 2015 by the
American Academy of Forensic Sciences of the Humanitarian and Human Rights
Resource Centre, to support research in this field.
Has humanitarian forensics work fundamentally changed over the course of your
career? What have been the biggest shifts in terms of the science?
Humanitarian forensic action, defined as the application of forensic science to
humanitarian activities, is in fact a new field of forensic science developed by the
ICRC. There have been some dramatic changes in the profession over the years,
as initially forensic science was regarded as a tool to assist primarily in the
determination of cause and manner of death. The concept, knowledge and under-
standing of the need to ensure primarily the dignity of the dead and their docu-
mentation as required for their identification and traceability, regardless of
whether they are identified or not, is something which has evolved with time,
thanks largely to the ICRC. As a result, the understanding of this field of knowledge
and activity moved from being focused mostly or exclusively on the recovery of
the dead to find out how they died, to primarily ensuring their dignity, professional
documentation and helping provide the answers to families. The latter not only
requires mere reporting, but also being directly engaged in a dialogue and ful-
filling the psychosocial needs of families whose loved ones have gone missing or
died.7
You have often worked to identify the remains of missing persons. What are the
specificities of working to identify the missing?
Unlike standard criminal investigations, those aimed at resolving the cases of
missing persons, alive or dead, can help people overcome some of the worst
suffering that a person can endure: that of not knowing the whereabouts and fate
of a missing loved one, and whether that person is alive or dead. If found dead,
the certainty of the identity, which the bereaved often require in order to be able
to proceed with their mourning, can only be provided by forensic science. Equally
important is ensuring that the dignity of the dead is protected throughout, for
which forensic science can prove indispensable.
For more on this, see the article by Pauline Boss in this edition of the Red Cross Review.
7
c01.indd 10 11/26/2019 8:30:24 PM

In other words, helping resolve the cases of missing persons provides a truly
unique humanitarian meaning to forensic work. In addition, the specific chal-
lenges posed by these investigations, including complex and large‐scale recovery
and identification processes, offer an opportunity for further developing forensic
science on behalf of humanity.
How do you keep the deceased and their families at the centre of this type of work?
There are several angles to consider for answering this question. From a purely
pragmatic point of view, one cannot identify a dead body or a set of human
remains without information about the person. In most cases, the best and often
the only source of such information – which we call ante mortem data – are the
families themselves. For this reason, as forensics investigating the missing and try-
ing to identify the dead, we need to develop good professional working relations
with concerned families, who should be able to trust the forensic professionals
helping resolve their cases.
In humanitarian action, however, this goes beyond this purely pragmatic per-
spective. Carrying out humanitarian forensic work means that the families are not
only instrumental in assisting in the identification, but that they are satisfied that
their loved one is whom we inform them he or she is. This requires a dialogue,
building trust, whereby the forensic scientist cannot work in a detached manner
from the family. Being close to the families at all times is quintessential for forensic
identification, but even more so for humanitarian forensic action. This requires a
highly professional and empathic approach for communicating and relating with
the bereaved families. An empathic approach means literally putting oneself in
the other person’s shoes to better understand their views and feelings. As a med-
ical doctor I would say that this requires developing a quasi‐therapeutic relation-
ship, which should be established with the bereaved for both empowering them
in their capacity as active participants of the investigation process and for ensuring
their trust in the results of the investigation, whichever it might be. I hope that
the ICRC’s new Project on the Missing will help further develop guidance and
standards to help practitioners in their dialogue with the bereaved and for helping
ensure that such dialogue is most useful for the fulfilling the humanitarian goal of
resolving the missing.
What have been the most challenging contexts you have worked in over your
career?
In terms of challenging contexts, it would have to be the early work I was involved
in Argentina, at a time when there were still people who did not want cases to be
investigated. This was in the immediate post‐military regime context, when
among some sectors of society there was a great discomfort about investigations
into crimes that had happened. This involved a certain amount of danger and
threats that were pretty serious at times. Early on there were often discussions
with colleagues and friends about whether we should continue working or not,
c01.indd 11 11/26/2019 8:30:24 PM

because I had a family and the threats were serious enough to question it. We
were only students and did not have a network or an institution behind us that
could protect us. Working for the Grandmothers later on helped. They were an
extraordinary solace, because they had been the subject of threats themselves and
had endured years of hard repression. This was quite reassuring, because if they
had managed to endure and overcome challenges, we could as well.
Apart from the difficult general context in the early stages of my career, I would
say there are a number of specific challenges that all forensic practitioners face
while carrying out humanitarian forensic work in the field. They range from hav-
ing to manage unprecedented operations, to facing real life‐threatening situations
during armed conflict or other situations of violence. On such occasions questions
may arise of whether working for the dead is worth risking your life for. My rec-
ollections of this last point are very much related to some of the fieldwork I car-
ried out with the ICRC.
For instance, in 2011, we were tasked to help recover and identify the bodies of
35 men who had been abducted and killed in Libya, in the context of the civil war
which was raging at the time (ICRC, 2011). This operation was carried out by the
ICRC on‐site during Ramadan, at a critical time of the civil war, with the full
support of the local community. Interestingly, the community told the ICRC that
the recovery of their dead was more important and urgent than any other
assistance they were receiving from the ICRC, including medical care for those
wounded in battle. There was in fact a lot of shooting around. One day in particular,
we had to flee the site because there were reports that a large armed contingent
was coming full force to take over the area and wipe out all of those around. We
left everything behind, and only came back when it turned out that the reports
were not true. This can prove very challenging, because you are trying to be as
professional as possible in carrying out the forensic work, which requires a certain
methodology, standards and time‐frame. On the other hand, risk related to the
operation needs to be reduced to the possible minimum. Hence, you have to strike
a balance while respecting procedures and standards as much as possible, thinking
always about the families and, ultimately, the humanitarian objective of the work
underway. We managed to complete the work in five working days, from dawn to
dusk. This was a forensic job that would typically require at least triple that time
and a double sized team. To my satisfaction, we identified 27 out of 35 bodies,
with the means and procedures that we followed, which conformed to our own
standards and the general requirements set by the Geneva Conventions regarding
the management, documentation and identification of war dead. This satisfied the
community’s main concerns and request to bring the bodies of the lost men back
and identify them. Contexts like these illustrate how one has to adapt the forensic
procedures and skills to very challenging circumstances, which is something we
often encounter in the ICRC.
Further, there are other types of challenging contexts, where you feel the brunt
of extreme political pressure. A good example is the case when the ICRC was
c01.indd 12 11/26/2019 8:30:24 PM

called to assist in the exchange of prisoners and human remains between Israel
and Hezbollah in Lebanon in July 2008 (Basma and Landau, 2008; Petrig, 2009).
War had flared up two years earlier after two Israeli soldiers were taken away
across the border by a Hezbollah unit, and Israel retaliated. It took two years, until
an agreement was made with a chief negotiator from a neutral country and the
ICRC, acting as a neutral intermediary, for the exchange of detainees and human
remains. The Israeli soldiers would be returned by Hezbollah in exchange for the
return from Israel of Lebanese and Palestinian prisoners, along with the remains
of dead Palestinians. However, it remained unclear whether the two Israeli sol-
diers were alive or dead. This became an important issue, not only for the families
and the two countries, but for the international community as well. I happened to
be in Lebanon at the time carrying out an unrelated ICRC forensic assessment on
the missing in the country. The head of the ICRC delegation there asked me if I
would make myself available as a medical doctor to examine the Israeli soldiers.
In case they were alive, I was to examine their health conditions, document any
injuries they might or might not have, and so on. In case they were dead, I was to
do the required examination of their human remains. What appeared to be a
simple job in the beginning, turned out to be an extremely sensitive and difficult
one, when two coffins appeared on the scene, allegedly holding the bodies of the
two Israeli soldiers. I received a request by the chief negotiator who informed me
that the Israeli side would not move unless the ICRC provided proof of the iden-
tity of the remains.
All I had brought with me on that day was some surgical gloves and the basics
for carrying out an external medical examination, but was suddenly expected
instead to do a full forensic identification of human remains, for whom I had no
ante mortem data. The pressure was on; further tensions would likely ensue if these
turned out not to be the Israeli soldiers. Firstly, I said that I would do my best to
carry out the job, because simply there was no alternative. Secondly, I had certain
conditions: there was to be no media present, as the examination needs to be
done in privacy for the sake of the dignity of the dead. I requested that I be left
alone with the negotiator and ICRC colleagues who assisted me. After some
discussion, I finally had a little shed organized where I could open the two coffins
in full privacy. The clock was ticking: the prisoners were waiting on the other side
to be transferred, as well as trucks with human remains to be transferred, and the
armed forces waiting for an order.
One thing I had requested was ante mortem data – I needed physical information,
including some dental information, in order to say whether these remains were or
were not the individuals in question; and I got teeth X‐rays at the last minute. I
opened the coffins and, with the understanding of the religious imperatives for
not disrupting the bodies, I was limited on how much forensic analysis I could do
in order to respect the dignity of the dead. The findings that were quickly made
on examining the remains confirmed their identities, because the dental traits
that I saw in the bodies were fully consistent with those of the dental charts that
c01.indd 13 11/26/2019 8:30:24 PM

the Israeli side had sent. I was able to write succinct reports on site confirming that
the remains were those of the individuals in question. It was a big relief on all
sides. I received my greatest professional credit ever when, about four hours later,
the chief negotiator expressed his satisfaction with the fact that the ICRC forensic
expert managed to do in 45 minutes what the full forensic team required four and
a half hours to confirm. As you can imagine, this operation and its challenges
proved quite daunting. This did not entail physical threats, but if something went
wrong it would have had major negative consequences.
Other challenges involved the environment. In 2007, I was asked by the ICRC
delegation in Bogotá to help in the recovery of the bodies of 11 legislators who
had been abducted by the main guerrilla force in 2002, and had died a few
months earlier in contested circumstances (Reuters, 2007). The guerrillas said
they died in a botched rescue operation by government forces, while the
government straightforwardly accused the guerrillas of executing the 11 legisla-
tors. The families wanted the bodies of their loved ones back. Both sides agreed
on a ceasefire for a handful of days for the ICRC to collect the bodies. This was
the result of a lengthy negotiation with both parties, and a very complex one at
that. It required that we fly out in a helicopter to the middle of the jungle, with
the condition that the coordinates of where the bodies were would be provided
to us during the flight. We ended up landing in the middle of a coca field where
we had to fend for ourselves for nearly a week, even though it was initially
believed this operation would last a day or two only. Unexpectedly, the precise
GPS coordinates provided by the guerrillas did not match our own GPS readings.
Sometimes this happens. Different systems were used, and this required that we
walk through the jungle for days, dozens of miles across very difficult mined ter-
rain, under mounting pressure, to try and locate the site of burials. The
government started accusing the guerrillas of having lied, which was contested
by the guerrillas who assured us that the bodies were there. At night, there were
a couple of occasions when we heard explosions around, which indicated the
fragility of the ceasefire. Most of all, this mission was physically extremely
exhausting and challenging because we had to blindly move through deep
tropical rainforest to locate the site of burials. We finally managed to find the
bodies using forensic techniques borrowed from forensic archaeology. Once the
burial site was found the bodies had to be properly exhumed, documented and
safely transported out of the site. Once exhumed, getting the bodies out of the
site proved extremely challenging indeed. We could not physically carry the
bodies back to the first landing site through the thick jungle and deep ravines
which we had come in through. We ended up having to build an improvised
helicopter landing field in the middle of the jungle, chopping down trees that
were more than 50 feet high with what we had in hand, such as axes and chain-
saws. While I was exhuming the bodies, the other colleagues in the team
prepared this landing site, which was slightly larger than the size of a basketball
court. The flight out of that place proved to be interesting.
c01.indd 14 11/26/2019 8:30:24 PM

More recently, the implementation of the Humanitarian Project Plan (HPP) for
the Falkland/Malvinas Islands was extremely challenging in many ways, including
the fact that there was no precedent in the ICRC of a similar operation. At the
ICRC we usually support forensic activities and assist structures which already
exist. However, planning and implementing in full substitution mode such a large,
complex and challenging humanitarian forensic operation was totally unprece-
dented. However, despite the remoteness and extreme weather conditions pre-
vailing in the islands, we managed to successfully set up and operate on‐site,
meaning at the cemetery, a high‐tech mortuary, ensure the necessary IT and com-
munications support system and follow our protocols as planned. This included
ensuring that every exhumed body was analysed, sampled, reported and reburied
on the same day of recovery, treated with utmost respect – including reburial in
new coffins – and we also made sure that the cemetery was restored to its original
shape after the operation. For me, personally, managing a sizeable team of highly
skilled forensic experts and making sure throughout that everything ran smoothly,
harmoniously and up to the required standards was a very challenging but also a
very rewarding experience. Mind you, we all worked all day long and into the
respective nights, nearly seven days a week for nearly three months in those con-
ditions. Fortunately, I worked with an exceptional team of highly committed,
hard‐working and very experienced forensic scientists, who share the love for this
kind of work. By the end we felt like a very happy family indeed. The forensic
operation, which benefited from the support of the local population (without
which it would have been impossible), also required a lot of very hard work and
long‐lasting commitment from many colleagues at the ICRC’s headquarters in
Geneva and the ICRC delegations in London and Brasilia, where the adrenaline
flow was also ever‐present during the entire operation. I believe that we were
very fortunate to accomplish that project as planned given the seemingly unsur-
mountable challenges which we faced. In the end, everything worked out fantas-
tically well and, most importantly of all, we were able to name the dead, inform
their families accordingly and thus fulfil a humanitarian goal which would have
made Henry Dunant very proud.
Tell us more about the work in the Falkland/Malvinas Islands. How did the ICRC
get its mandate to work in this context?
The general mandate for the ICRC to carry out that operation spanned from the
request of the Argentine government to the ICRC back in 2012. We were asked to
help in the identification of Argentine soldiers buried without a name in the
islands because they could not be identified at the time. They died there during
the 1982 armed conflict between Argentina and the United Kingdom and were
buried soon after in a military cemetery in Darwin. Despite efforts by the British
forces at the time to identify all the dead, many remained unidentified. There
were two bases for this mandate to the ICRC: one came from the families, who
wished to have their loved ones identified and to know exactly in which graves
c01.indd 15 11/26/2019 8:30:24 PM

they were buried. The other stemmed from the obligations under the Geneva
Conventions, which require the Parties to do their best to identify the war dead.8
Importantly, the request and the mandate came to the ICRC as a recognition of
its humanitarian forensic capacity, without which such a mandate would not
have been possible. This was in fact one of the first clear acknowledgements of the
ICRC’s novel forensic capacity, coming directly from governments. When we
speak of a “mandate” in this situation, it is in the form of a legally binding docu-
ment. It takes two to tango, so to speak, and in this case it concerned two coun-
tries: Argentina and the United Kingdom. It took five years of negotiations
between them and the ICRC to come up with the formal mandate – the HPP – which
was signed by both countries and the ICRC in December 2016. That mandate
called specifically for this job to be done with a strictly humanitarian purpose, and
with a plan of action developed by the ICRC, to be completed before the end of
2017. I was tasked with developing this plan of action for the forensic recovery
and identification of the dead. Hence, you can say that the mandate sprang from
the request of the families; from international humanitarian law (IHL) obliga-
tions; the agreement between the countries; and the acknowledgement and
recognition by all concerned that only the ICRC could do the job. In fact, no other
organization had this capacity, including the required neutrality, independence
and impartiality. Even though the armed conflict was long over and both coun-
tries are at peace with each other and enjoy full diplomatic relations, this is still a
very sensitive file, which required absolute neutrality throughout the operation,
which only we can provide.
What were the outcomes of the HPP? Did families get the answers they were hop-
ing for? What will this mean for them?
We found, recovered and carefully analysed the bodies of 122 Argentine soldiers
buried without a name in Darwin, within the time‐frame of the HPP, which was
January to December 2017. The 122 bodies were part of 148 Argentine soldiers
missing in action, meaning that some of those missing in action were never
found and are therefore not buried in that cemetery. We managed to document
all the remains as required in our own protocols, to bury them back as planned
and mandated in the HPP (meaning on the same day of their exhumation and
protecting their dignity throughout), and obtained full DNA profiles for each and
every one of the remains analysed. This means that every one of the bodies that
we examined is identifiable if the necessary ante mortem data and reference DNA
8
Editor’s note: These obligations can be found in the Geneva Convention for the Amelioration of the Condition of
the Wounded and Sick in Armed Forces in the Field (GC I), 12 August 1949, 75 UNTS 31 (entered into force 21
October 1950), Arts. 15-17; Protocol Additional to the Geneva Conventions of 12 August 1949 and Relating to the
Protection of Victims in International Armed Conflicts (AP I), 8 June 1977, 1125 UNTS 3 (entered into force 7
December 1978), Arts. 32, 34. Protocol Additional to the Geneva Conventions of 12 August 1949, and relating to
the Protection of Victims of Non-International Armed Conflicts (AP II), 8 June 1977, 1125 UNTS 609 (entered into
force 7 December 1978), Art. 8 (regarding search for and collection of bodies).
c01.indd 16 11/26/2019 8:30:24 PM

samples can be obtained from the corresponding family. This is an important

caveat, because not all the families had come forward in time to provide the
necessary information and samples required for the identification of all
the bodies.
By the end of the HPP, 107 families came forward, providing the necessary ante
mortem data and biological reference samples for DNA testing. We were able to
fully identify 88 bodies and provide the corresponding reports for their families,
within the time‐frame of the HPP. In addition, ten families were informed that
their loved ones were not among the 122 bodies analysed, meaning that they are
not buried in the cemetery. The ICRC also issued reports, including the
corresponding DNA profiles, for all the bodies which remained unidentified, so
that they may be identified in the future by the Argentine authorities once the
corresponding families come forward with the necessary information and refer-
ence samples. This included families who had donated insufficient DNA samples
for concluding an identification above the threshold set for the HPP: 99.95%
certainty of identity.
After the reports were handed over to the countries and to the families, some
families felt further reassured that this process was both serious and professional
and were convinced that it was worthwhile coming forward. Currently there are
new families coming forward and new identifications have been made since the
beginning of 2018 with the information and samples that they have provided. In
the future, I expect and hope that most if not all of the bodies which we analysed
will be identified.
Also, we found a small number of personal belongings during the forensic
examination of the bodies. This came as a surprise and I had to make a decision
on the site of what to do with these items, because the HPP did not include a
clause on keeping any belongings from the dead. We found items that we were
not expecting to find, such as ID cards and highly personal items, like a wedding
ring. We were previously reassured by the British who had collected the dead that
all personal belongings had been handed over to Argentina. Unavoidably how-
ever, they missed some of the belongings concealed within the heavy winter
clothing worn by the soldiers. Our thorough forensic examination, including the
use of last‐generation imaging equipment, allowed us to find all such objects.
There was simply no time for lengthy consultations with the ICRC headquarters
about what to do with such objects, as the dead had to be buried back in their
original graves on the same day. I therefore took the decision, based on the Geneva
Conventions, which are very clear on this matter, that we were to keep the items
and hand them to the parties.9 Our lawyers were later fully in agreement with this
decision. There is an obligation under IHL for these objects to go back to the
corresponding families.
Editor’s note: see GC I, Art. 16; GC II, Art. 19; GC III, Art. 122; GC IV, Arts. 139; AP I, Art. 34(2)(c).
9
c01.indd 17 11/26/2019 8:30:24 PM

I am glad to say that all the families were extremely satisfied with the results
handed out by the ICRC, including those that did not get an identification report
and were very grateful for the effort made on behalf of their loved ones. I was ini-
tially a bit doubtful that all families would be satisfied with the results. For
example, I was expecting that some families would contest the findings, but I was
fortunately proved wrong.
For example, the head of one of the family commissions had been initially very
critical about the operation, and had challenged the ICRC from the beginning.
However, her mother wanted to be part of a process, she requested for the
identification of her son believed to be buried in Darwin and provided the
necessary information and reference samples. Her son was identified among the
cases which we analysed and the family was informed accordingly; and they also
received some personal belongings which we found with the body. This was
highly appreciated by the family. In fact, the sister apologized publicly for her ear-
lier remarks and urged all remaining families to come forward to provide
information and donate reference samples to help identify their loved ones buried
in Darwin.
In the end and without exceptions, we have had extremely positive feedback
from all the families concerned, including a ceremony held at Darwin cemetery
on 26 March 2018, where they were able to honour their dead and lay a wreath
in their individual graves. In my opinion, the sheer intensity and magnanimity of
that ceremony was a testimony of the importance and humanitarian necessity of
honouring the dead, on one hand, and of the need of families to know exactly
where they lie to rest, on the other. They had waited and campaigned for 35 years
for that moment.
What would you say were the important lessons that can be taken away from this
case for the future?
Firstly, this operation confirmed the ICRC’s capacity to carry out highly complex
forensic recovery and identification operations in challenging contexts. Initially,
there were many doubts as to whether we should and could do this exceptional
job in what we call “full substitution mode” in terms of forensic work, meaning
taking full responsibility for the entire process, including issuing the identification
reports. This operation confirmed that the ICRC has the know‐how, the stan-
dards, the protocols and forms and the network of experts who we can hire as
ICRC staff if required for these very challenging operations. As importantly, the
case proved that forensic science today offers an indispensable toolbox for resolving
complex humanitarian endeavours.
In addition, the case provided us with lessons in terms of forensics, including
on how to approach identifications, particularly the value of what we call an
“integrated approach” to identification, meaning combining all available
information, including the place of death, available ante mortem data and the DNA
results, into the forensic identification process. This concept was developed by the
c01.indd 18 11/26/2019 8:30:24 PM

ICRC’s forensic services and its Forensic Advisory Board.10 For example, some
could not understand why I requested information on where these soldiers had
died to assist in their identification. They believed that we should be satisfied with
DNA identifications only. However, the information on the places of soldiers’
deaths was very useful, because the British had documented precisely where the
bodies had been found. Thus, when this information matched with the site where
someone was supposed to have died, it proved extremely helpful to narrow down
the hypothesis of identity of that individual. The fact is that from a forensic point
of view DNA does not provide a definite answer in every case and additional
information is often required to conclude an identification with a sufficient degree
of certainty. We had the benefit of having ante mortem data provided by the families,
which in some cases helped in confirming an identification but often proved insuf-
ficient to conclude an identity. The integrated approach to identification proved to
be indispensable in this case. We also learned important lessons for developing the
ICRC’s new and next generation ante mortem–post mortem database, including with
regards to recording and managing information in real time and by many forensic
users working together. This has already helped inspire some of the thinking behind
the development of the new database which is underway at the moment.
From an ICRC operational point of view, this operation turned the standard
model for field activities, usually implemented by delegations with advice from
headquarters, upside down. It was implemented instead directly by a headquar-
ters team deployed to the field, with support from the concerned delegations, in a
truly participatory effort of all those involved.
Personally, this case has confirmed once again and above all the importance of
the dead for the families, their communities and countries. As mentioned before,
these two countries are at peace with each other, with full diplomatic relations,
but this issue is still contentious. While it might not be the aim, putting the dead
to rest is providing a fundamental step in building up the trust among nations.
The missing are one of the core concerns of the ICRC and a guiding one for me.
Arguably, however, in this case the unnamed soldiers were not “missing” in the
full sense of the term, since most of their families knew that their loved ones lay
buried in a proper resting place in the islands. Yet, they needed to know more,
they needed to know precisely where they were buried; and, especially, they
pleaded for their dead loved ones to be given their names back. The case proved,
once again, that the families’ need to know about their dead, to be able to lay a
wreath on the exact place is fundamental for human beings. It is not by accident
that these are requirements under IHL. By the way, the case proved the lasting
value and need for the Geneva Conventions and their Additional Protocols,
without which the dead would not have been collected and properly buried in the
10
The ICRC’s Forensic Advisory Board was established in 2010, to offer advice to the organization on complex
forensic matters that might arise in relation to humanitarian activities. It is composed of nearly 30 renowned
forensic scientists from around the world who represent several disciplines and offer their advice on a
voluntary basis.
c01.indd 19 11/26/2019 8:30:24 PM

first place and the HPP would not have taken place. The precise requirements
under IHL regarding the dead also proved essential for guiding our forensic work
in this case, as exemplified with the recovery of personal objects.
To conclude, what should the average person understand about the role forensics
work plays in humanitarian action?
There is a line from the poet Wyston Hugh Auden, which reads as follows:
“Through art, we are able to break bread with the dead, and without communion
with the dead, a fully human life is impossible”. If you change art with science and
human life with humanitarian action, you get “through science, we are able to
break bread with the dead, and without communion with the dead, a fully human-
itarian action is impossible,” which gets you closer to what forensic science can do
for humanitarian work. Again, it is not only about the dead, it is about the living,
because we are one and parcel with the dead, and when we work for the dead, we
work for the living as well. The relatives are a very immediate example, but it goes
well beyond that: it touches the core of humanity itself.
I therefore hope that the new Project on the Missing, which the ICRC has
launched in 2018 to help develop new guidelines and standards for preventing
and resolving the cases of missing persons, will help further build on from the
many lessons learned from its humanitarian forensic activities, including last
year’s HPP, to ascertain the rights of the dead, shed light on the whereabouts of
the missing and fulfil the rights of their families.
Afterword
Morris Tidball-Binz
The year that went by since the interview (published by the International Review of
the Red Cross, in 2018 and reproduced in this book) saw important developments
in humanitarian forensic action. In the academic sphere this included the publica-
tion of a Special Edition of Forensic Science International (Tidball‐Binz et al., 2018),
the first of its kind. This features 17 original articles on the discipline and covering
a range of topics on this rapidly evolving field of application of forensic science,
from resolving and preventing the phenomenon of missing persons in armed con-
flicts and catastrophes to the documentation of torture (Pollanen, 2018) sexual
violence (Wells, 2017), and the prevention of human trafficking as well tackling
the humanitarian tragedy of deceased and unidentified migrants (Obertová and
Cattaneo, 2018). Some of the articles in that special edition registered the highest
readership “hits” for the journal during the year following their publication.
This book, which responds in a timely manner to the growing interest in
humanitarian forensic action among forensic practitioners from around the world,
is, in my opinion, an important benchmark in the development of this field. I thus
wholeheartedly congratulate the Editors and the publisher for this initiative.
c01.indd 20 11/26/2019 8:30:24 PM

On 13 March 2019 a group of families of Argentine soldiers killed on the battle-

field in the Falkland/Malvinas islands visited the island to mourn their recently
identified loved ones, who had been buried there nearly 37 years ago in a military
cemetery. Their visit followed that of a previous group of relatives who, on 26 March
2018, also travelled to the islands to mourn their loved ones buried there without a
name. The identification of all those fallen soldier was made possible thanks to the
ICRC’s forensic operation carried out for the Humanitarian Project Plan described in
the interview. By August 2019 a total of 114 soldiers had been identified out of the
122 buried unidentified in 1983. This operation has proven to be a landmark in
humanitarian forensic action, for which the experience gained previously in this
field, together with innovative forensic procedures used, helped overcome unprec-
edented logistical challenges and to resolve complex forensic problems, while at the
same time meeting complex legal and diplomatic requirements for the operation.
The period also saw continuing research and practice in humanitarian forensic
action applied to protecting and assisting victims of violence, including for substan-
tiating evidence‐based intervention on behalf of victims of torture, extreme depri-
vation and other forms of cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment or punishment.
This opens a new chapter in humanitarian forensic science focused on the living,
which is helping forensic practitioners and humanitarian workers better under-
stand, document and respond to some of the extreme medico‐legal and humani-
tarian consequences of armed conflict and other situations of violence affecting
many of the survivors of these events.
In effect, the scope of humanitarian forensic action in the early part of the last
decade focused primarily, although not exclusively, on preventing and resolving
the missing from armed conflicts; and then on managing the dead. This naturally
led some to wonder about the pertinence of such a seemingly narrow approach
for the application of forensic science (Rosenblatt, 2019). Such concerns however
are no longer valid, particularly in light of recent developments in this field, as
illustrated by the span of issues covered by the Special Edition mentioned above,
even though the proper and dignified management of the dead and preventing
the missing in humanitarian emergencies remain core preoccupations. For
example, in December 2018 the ICRC and the University of Geneva launched a
process that convened experts from around the world for drafting principles to
protect the dignity of the dead in humanitarian emergencies and prevent them
from becoming missing persons. It is hoped that these principles will fill a
conspicuous gap in existing guidelines and procedures and assist practitioners and
decision‐makers in improving the way in which the dead from catastrophes and
their relatives are treated.
I firmly believe that the development of humanitarian forensic action reflects
the natural evolution of forensic science and that of the humanitarian sector on
the one hand and it responds to their necessary confluence on the other. It offers
a privileged bridge for cross‐fertilization between these two previously distant
worlds of research and practice.
c01.indd 21 11/26/2019 8:30:24 PM

Close attention is required, however, for ensuring that such cross‐fertilization is

guided by the highest ethical and professional values and quality assurance and
control standards; and that the perspectives, the needs and the rights of victims of
humanitarian tragedies are respected throughout. As importantly, research in
humanitarian forensic action needs to be promoted and supported on a global
scale, for which the Humanitarian and Human Rights Resource Centre, inaugu-
rated by the American Academic of Forensic Science in 2015, sets a model.11 With
these principles in mind, the University of Coimbra in Portugal is launching an
academic center for Humanitarian and Human Rights Forensic Research and
Training at the end of 2019. This will offer a unique platform for international
academic cooperation for strategic promotion and advancement of forensic
medicine and science applied to humanitarian action and human rights

investigations.
The Missing Persons Project, which the ICRC launched at the end of 2018, seeks
to rally practitioners, researchers and victims the world over for further
development of the necessary guidance, standards and principles in humanitarian
forensic action for preventing and resolving the missing, applicable also to other
activities in this field. This is an opportunity for reflecting, on a global scale, on the
lessons learned, the challenges and future possibilities for this field of forensic
practice “born” nearly 15 years ago, shortly after the 2003 International Conference
on The Missing and Their Families. The near future should see the results of this
process, including in the form of research and publications and, ultimately,
improved practice. In the longer term this should help reduce the number of
missing as a consequence of humanitarian emergencies anywhere in the world.
To conclude, humanitarian forensic action is evolving quickly, offering a growing
range of opportunities to forensic practitioners and researchers, as well as for
humanitarian workers, for accomplishing their noble endeavour. This book stands
both as a necessary academic reference and a timely celebration of their professional
engagement, which will undoubtedly increasingly be called upon in the years
to come.
Acknowledgement
The author wishes to dedicate this interview to the memory of María Isabel
Chorobik de Mariani, founder and first president of the Grandmothers of Plaza de
Mayo, who passed away on 20 August 2018, aged 94. She was a true visionary,
who saw the value of forensic science for the search of the missing and promoted
the first investigations of this kind in the world.
See: American Academy of Forensic Science, Humanitarian and Human Rights Resource Center at https://www.
11
aafs.org/resources/humanitarian-human-rights-resource-center/
c01.indd 22 11/26/2019 8:30:24 PM

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16 July 2008, available at: www.reuters.com/article/us‐israel‐lebanon‐prisoners‐idUSL14
1960220080716
Berra, J. L., Liwski, N., Grinspon, D. and Tidball‐Binz, M. (1986) A National Bank for Genetic
Data of Disappeared Children in Argentina: Task up to 2050. Advances in Forensic Haemogenetics.
https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1007/978‐3‐642‐73330‐7_120
Cordner, S. and Tidball‐Binz, M. (2017) Humanitarian forensic action – its origins and future.
Forensic Science International, 279, 65–71.
Forrest, D., Knight, B. and Tidball‐Binz, M. (1996) The Documentation of Torture, A Glimpse of Hell.
London: Cassell.
Gamarnik, C. (2015) Imágenes de la post‐dictadura Argentina. Artelogie, 7. https://journals.
openedition.org/artelogie/1072
ICRC (2011) Libya: Helping Identify the Dead. News release, 14 September 2011. www.icrc.
org/eng/resources/documents/news‐release/2011/libya‐news‐2011‐09‐14.htm
Independent Forensic Experts Group (2015) Statement on virginity testing. Journal of Forensic
and Legal Medicine, 33. www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S1752928X15000335
Obertová, Z. and Cattaneo, C. (2018) Child trafficking and the European migration crisis: The
role of forensic practitioners. Forensic Science International, 282, 46–59.
Petrig, A. (2009) The war dead and their gravesites. International Review of the Red Cross, 91, 874.
Pollanen, M. (2018) The pathology of torture. Forensic Science International, 284, 85–96.
Reuters (2007) 11 bodies handed over in Colombia probe. Reuters, 9 September 2007. www.
reuters.com/article/us‐colombia‐bodies/11‐bodies‐handed‐over‐in‐colombia‐probe‐idUSN0
941453620070909?feedType=RSS&amp%3BfeedName=worldNews
Rosenblatt, A. (2019) The danger of a single story about forensic humanitarianism. Journal of
Forensic and Legal Medicine, 61, 75–77.
Tidball‐Binz, M. (1993) Forensic investigation of alleged war crime near Vukovar. The Lancet,
341, 625.
Tidball‐Binz, M., Cordner, S., Obertova, Z., et al. (2018) A special edition on Humanitarian
Forensic Science. Forensic Science International, 285.
Wells, D. (2017) Sexual violence interventions: Considerations for humanitarian settings.
c01.indd 23 11/26/2019 8:30:24 PM

CHAPTER 2
The protection of the missing

and the dead under international law1
Ximena Londoño Romanowsky1 and Marisela Silva Chau2
1
International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC)’s Delegation in Colombo, Sri Lanka
2
International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC)’s Legal Division in Geneva, Switzerland
2.1 Introduction
For decades, people have disappeared as a result of armed conflicts, other situa-
tions of violence, natural disasters and in the context of migration. All around the
world, families desperately try to find them and live in uncertainty for years and
decades. When people die, their bodies must be treated with dignity and, when
feasible, properly identified and returned to their next of kin.
The missing and the dead are protected under international law. In particular,
in situations of international (IACs) and non‐international armed conflicts
(NIACs), the missing and the dead are protected under international humani-
tarian law (IHL) and international human rights law (IHRL). These legal frame-
works seek to prevent people from going missing, to clarify the fate and
whereabouts of those who do, and to protect the dignity of the dead.
In order to ensure that IHL and IHRL obligations are effectively applied, it is
important to also ensure that appropriate processes are set up at the national
level. These processes should aim at putting in place all that is required to ensure
the proper search for and identification of missing persons and the dead according
to internationally recognized rules and standards, while placing the families of the
latter at the center of such processes.
In this regard, this chapter will present a general overview of the relevant IHL
and IHRL rules that protect the missing and the dead, as intermingled topics – a
failure to treat and identify the dead in a proper manner may significantly increase
the number of missing persons in a given context. It will then refer to the families
of the missing and the dead at the centre of the humanitarian action and response.
This article represents the position of the authors and not necessarily the ICRC’s position on the subject.
1
25
c02.indd 25 11/26/2019 8:26:37 PM

2.2 The protection of the missing and the dead under

international law
2.2.1 The protection of the missing under international law

2.2.1.1 International humanitarian law (IHL)
People disappear in a plethora of circumstances in the contexts of IACs and NIACs.
They might flee their homes, be separated from their families as a result of the
hostilities, be lost on the battlefield, detained, arrested or held incommunicado or
in secret places of detention. Regardless of the circumstances, IHL – a set of rules,
only applicable in armed conflicts, whose primary objective is to restrict the means
and methods of warfare that parties to the conflict may employ and to ensure the
protection and humane treatment of persons who are not, or no longer, taking a
direct part in the hostilities – provides important provisions to prevent people
from going missing and to clarify the fate and whereabouts of those who do.
International law does not provide for a definition of missing persons as such.2
Nonetheless, one important definition related to enforced disappearances is found
at the universal level in the International Convention for the Protection of All
Persons from Enforced Disappearance (ICPPED).3 Also, the ICRC defines missing
persons as “individuals of whom their families have no news and/or who, on the
basis of reliable information, have been reported missing as a result of an armed
conflict – IACs or NIACs – or of other situations of violence or any other situation
that might require action by a neutral and independent body. This includes disas-
ters and the context of migration”.4
The ICRC definition of missing persons “is broader in scope than the notion of
disappeared persons as it includes other situations besides enforced disappear-
ances where people might go missing” (see Londoño and Ortiz, 2018). It also
takes into consideration three main elements: (1) the circumstances in which the
person went missing; (2) the uncertainty of the fate and whereabouts of the
person for his/her relatives; and (3) the person is reported missing on the basis of
reliable information in connection with a particular situation (e.g. armed
conflicts, other situations of violence and disasters) (Londoño and Ortiz, 2018:
560). Finally it also encompasses “disappearances that do not take place at the
hands of a State. This is particularly relevant in the context of NIACs, where
2
It is important to note that the notion of disappeared person is defined in various international law instruments
adopted to respond to the problem of enforced disappearances. See in particular the 2006 International Convention
for the Protection of All Persons From Enforced Disappearances, the Statute of the International Criminal Court
which provides for a similar definition of enforced disappearance as a crime against humanity, and the Inter-
American Convention on Forced Disappearance of Persons.
3
Article 2 of the ICPPED refers to persons who go missing following the arrest, detention, abduction or any other
form of deprivation of liberty by agents of the State or by persons or groups of persons acting with the authoriza-
tion, support or acquiescence of the State, followed by a refusal to acknowledge the deprivation of liberty or by
concealment of the fate or whereabouts of the disappeared person, which place such a person outside the protec-
tion of the law.
4
Q&A: The ICRC’s engagement on the missing and their families, International Review of the Red Cross, 99 (905). It
is important to note that this definition is based on the Handbook for Parliamentarians, No. 17, 2009.
c02.indd 26 11/26/2019 8:26:37 PM

The protection of the missing and the dead 27
non‐State armed groups can be perpetrators, and is also wide in scope to ensure
proper protection of the rights of the missing person and the needs of his/her rel-
atives” (Londoño and Ortiz, 2018).
In terms of respect and protection for missing persons and their families, the
four Geneva Conventions of 1949, their Additional Protocols of 1977 and cus-
tomary international humanitarian law (CIHL) contain rules, which are only
applicable in situations of armed conflict, to ensure that people do not go missing
and to clarify the fate and whereabouts of those who do (Obregón Gieseken,
2017; ICRC Factsheet: https://www.icrc.org/en/document/missing‐persons‐and‐
their‐families‐factsheet). Underlying these rules is the right of families to know
the fate and whereabouts of their missing relatives. This right is established in
Article 32 of the First Additional Protocol of 1977 as a general principle that shall
prompt States parties, parties to armed conflict and humanitarian organizations to
search for missing and dead persons.5 Furthermore, under CIHL, each party to
both IACs and NIACs “must take all feasible measures to account for persons
reported missing as a result of armed conflict and must provide their family mem-
bers with any information it has on their fate”.6 In this regard, “[p]ractice indi-
cates that this rule is motivated by the right of families to know the fate of their
missing relatives”.7
As mentioned above, States and parties to an armed conflict have obligations to
prevent people from going missing and to clarify the fate and whereabouts of
those who do. For example, in order to prevent people from going missing, States
and parties to an armed conflict (i) should produce and provide means of
identification for members of armed forces or groups by issuing, for example,
identity cards and discs;8 (ii) must allow persons deprived of their liberty to corre-
spond with their families, subject to reasonable conditions relating to the fre-
quency and the need for censorship by the authorities;9 (iii) establish an official
Graves Registration Service and/or National Information Bureau as defined in the
Geneva Conventions;10 and (iv) ensure respect and dignified management of the
dead. Respecting and ensuring respect for these obligations will uphold the right
5
Article 32 of Additional Protocol I: “In the implementation of this Section, the activities of the High Contracting
Parties, of the Parties to the conflict and of the international humanitarian organizations mentioned in the
Conventions and in this Protocol shall be prompted mainly by the right of families to know the fate of their rela-
tives”. The right of families to know the fate of their relatives is also supported by a number of resolutions adopted
at the international level. See for example, United Nations General Assembly Resolution 3230 (XXIX), 6 November
1974 and United Nations Commission on Human Rights, Res 2002/60, 25 April 2002, para. 2 and Res 2004/50, 20
April 2004, para 3, 25th International Conference of the Red Cross and Red Crescent, Res XIII, October 1986 and
26th International Conference of the Red Cross and Red Crescent, Res II, December 1995.
6
Customary International Humanitarian Law (CIHL) Rule 117. See Henckaerts, J. M. and Doswald-Belck, L.
(2009) Customary International Humanitarian Law, Vol. I. Rules. Cambridge, p. 421.
7
Ibid, loc. cit., pp. 421–427.
8
GC I (article 16(f)), GC II (article 19(f)), GC III (article 17).
9
GC III (articles 70–71), GC IV (articles 106–107), AP II (article 5(2)(b)), CIHL Rules 105 and 125. See Henckaerts,
J. M. and Doswald-Belck, L., op. cit., pp. 379–383 and 445–448.
10
GC III (articles 120, 122 and 124), GC IV (article 136).
c02.indd 27 11/26/2019 8:26:37 PM

and need of the families to know what has happened to their relatives and pre-
vent disappearances and reduce the number of persons unaccounted for.
The obligation to clarify the fate and whereabouts of missing persons requires
that States and parties to an armed conflict take all feasible measures to account
for missing and dead persons11 and all possible measures to search for, collect and
evacuate the dead without adverse distinction as well as to identify the dead.12
It is important to note that the obligations under IHL pertaining to the protection
of the missing and the dead are obligations that continue to apply after an armed
conflict has ended (Milanovic, 2014). This is particularly relevant in post‐conflict sit-
uations when dealing with the past or transitional justice processes are put in place.
Finally, to uphold the obligation to account for missing and dead persons, States
and parties to an armed conflict should create appropriate mechanisms and pro-
cedures that will allow a search for missing persons in a way that serves the pur-
poses of a possible positive identification of human remains, and last but not least
provide an individual answer to the families and address any need they may have.
2.2.1.2 International human rights law (IHRL)

IHRL is also relevant for preventing and protecting persons against disappear-
ances, in particular against enforced disappearances. The ICPPED, which was
adopted in 2006, is the first universal treaty to create a framework that encom-
passes the recognition of enforced disappearance as a human rights violation and
includes specific obligations for State Parties in terms of prevention and clarifica-
tion of cases of enforced disappearance and prosecution of those responsible for
the commission of such a crime.13 Other regional human rights instruments also
deal with the issue of enforced disappearances such as the Inter‐American
Convention on Forced Disappearance of Persons, which was adopted in 1994. As
for IHL, States should adopt appropriate measures to implement the obligations
they have committed to by virtue of being parties to such international treaties.
Overall, it is fundamental to ensure that both IHL and IHRL obligations that seek
to prevent people from going missing and to clarify the fate and whereabouts of those
who do, are respected, properly implemented and enforced at the national level. This
can be achieved if the proper laws, policies and other measures are put in place.
2.2.2 The protection of the dead under international law

2.2.2.1 International humanitarian law (IHL)
One of the most visible humanitarian consequences of armed conflicts – be it
IACs or NIACs – is dead people. That is why, as in the case of the treatment of
the missing,14 the treatment of the dead has also been a subject of particular
11
CIHL Rules 116 and 117. See Henckaerts, J. M. and Doswald-Belck, L., op. cit., pp. 417–427.
12
GC I (articles 15–17), GC II (articles 18–20), GC III (articles 120, 122–124), GC IV (articles 16, pp. 136–141), AP
I (articles 32–34), AP II (article 8), CIHL Rule 112. See Henckaerts, J. M. and Doswald-Belck, L., op. cit., pp.
406–408.
13
International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance.
14
On the protection of missing persons and their families see the ICRC Advisory Services Legal Fact Sheet, avail-
able at https://www.icrc.org/en/document/missing-persons-and-their-families-factsheet.
c02.indd 28 11/26/2019 8:26:37 PM

concern under IHL. In fact, both topics of the missing and the dead remain
connected when addressed and ruled by this legal framework. Members of State
armed forces and non‐state organized armed groups or people directly partici-
pating in hostilities as well as civilians killed as a result of an armed conflict are
likely to be reported missing if the necessary measures are not taken (Melzer,
2016: 158).
Considering the above, IHL sets up a range of rules for the respect and protec-
tion of the dead. In particular, IHL requires that the human remains of those who
have died during armed conflict be searched for, collected and evacuated. It also
requires that human remains are handled with dignity, properly managed and
returned to their next of kin or/and their families. In particular, there are many
substantive obligations the parties to the conflict need to accomplish regarding the
dead:
• to search for, collect and evacuate them;
• to ensure their appropriate treatment;
• to proceed with the necessary measures for their identification;
• to record any relevant information on the dead;
• to address what would be the proceedings for their disposal; and
• to return the human remains and personal effects of the dead to the next of kin
or the families.
The above means also that connected aspects must be addressed, such as wills,
exhumation of the human remains, burial and cremation as well as the marking,
maintenance and respect of the graves: “[p]arties have an obligation to identify
and record information on the dead, and in some instances to create a register of
particulars, and in others to issue death certificates or certified lists with the rele-
vant particulars. The Geneva Conventions also set out how this information
should be passed between the parties. These provisions on identifying, recording
and passing on information relating to the deceased imply a right of the families
to know the fate of their relatives” (Gavshon, 2015).
In what concerns the primary obligation to search for, collect and evacuate the dead,15
the parties to the conflict are under an obligation of means – in opposition to an
obligation of results – to take all possible measures to search, collect and evacuate
the dead, without adverse distinction. In contexts of armed conflict this may
require a suspension of fire to search, collect and evacuate the dead. Sometimes,
humanitarian organizations will have to be granted permission by the parties to
proceed with this task.16 In any case, “it is clear that search teams [sent to collect
and evacuate the dead] must be respected and protected while employed exclu-
sively for that purpose” (Melzer, 2016: 159).
15
This obligation was first codified in the 1929 Geneva Convention for the Amelioration of the Condition of the
Wounded and Sick in Armies in the Field (article 3). Then, it was codified in the Geneva Conventions of 1949: GCI
(article 15, first paragraph), GCII (article 18, first paragraph) and GCIV (article 16, second paragraph). See also
CIHL Rule 112. See Henckaerts, J. M. and Doswald-Belck, L., op. cit., pp. 406–407.
16
Ibid, loc. cit., p. 407–408.
c02.indd 29 11/26/2019 8:26:38 PM

The obligation to respect the dignity of the dead implies to ensure their appropriate
treatment.17 The parties are obliged to take all possible measures to prevent the
dead from being despoiled. This obligation has the complementary angle of the
prohibition to mutilate dead bodies. The mutilation of dead bodies in IACs is
covered by the war crime of “committing outrages upon personal dignity” under
the 1998 Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC) as set up by the
Elements of Crimes.18
As for the identification of the dead,19 the parties to the conflict are obliged to do
their best efforts and invest all means to proceed with this endeavour. Based on
practice, such an endeavour requires: “…collecting one half of the double identity
disk, autopsies, the recording of autopsies, the establishment of death certificates,
the recording of the disposal of the dead, burial in individual graves, prohibition
of collective graves without prior identification (…), proper marking of graves
(…), exhumation combined with the application of forensic methods, including
DNA testing…”.20
It is often impossible to make identification at least in short periods of time;
therefore, IHL obliges the parties to the conflict to record any relevant information
that may help them to identify the dead bodies in their custody (ICRC, 2016).
Under IHL, amongst others, there are two main institutional mechanisms to
ensure relevant information is recorded: (i) Official Graves Registration Service
and (ii) Information Bureaux. The Official Graves Registration Service serves the
purpose of ensuring the identification of the bodies – when possible – before their
disposal; ensures proper grouping, marking and maintenance of the graves; counts
on lists with the exact location of the dead with the purpose of being able to pro-
vide such information when needed; and allows exhumations and possible return
of the human remains to the next of kin or the families. The Information Bureaux,
for its part, centralizes information on potential dead prisoners of war and civilian
internees, to transmit such information when needed; opens enquiries about peo-
ple unaccounted for as a result of the conflict; and collects valuable personal
belongings of prisoners of war and civilian internees who might die and give them
to the next of kin (Gaggioli, 2017).
17
This obligation was first codified in the 1907 Hague Convention (X) (article 16) and then in the Geneva
Conventions of 1949: GCI (article 15, first paragraph), GCII (article 18, first paragraph) and GCIV (article 16, sec-
ond paragraph), AP I (article 34 (1)), AP II (article 8). See also CIHL Rule 113. See Henckaerts, J.M. and Doswald-
Belck, L., op. cit., p. 409.
18
Elements of Crimes for the ICC, Definition of committing outrages upon personal dignity as a war crime, ICC
Statute, footnote 49 relating to article 8(2)(b)(xxi).
19
Wounded and Sick in Armies in the Field (article 4). Then, it was codified in the Geneva Conventions of 1949: GCI
(articles 16–17), GCII (articles 19–20), GC III (articles 120–122) and GCIV (articles 129–122 and articles 136–139).
See also CIHL Rule 116. As for NIACs, despite the absence of an explicit treaty provision requiring measures to
identify the dead, there is consistent practice (military manuals, case law, decisions from courts and other instances,
resolutions at the International Conference of the Red Cross and Red Crescent Movement, etc.) that support this
obligation and also binds the parties to this type of conflict. See Henckaerts, J. M. and Doswald-Belck, L., op. cit.,
pp. 417–419.
20
Ibid., loc. cit., pp. 419–420.
c02.indd 30 11/26/2019 8:26:38 PM

The respect for the dignity of the dead as well as the needs of the families
require the parties to the conflict to address the proceedings for the disposal of the dead.21
The parties are bound by the IHL obligation that states that “the dead must be dis-
posed of in a respectful manner and their graves respected and properly main-
tained”. The dead must be buried according to the cultural and religious rites to
which they belong to, and only in exceptional circumstances cremated due to
religion or the wishes of the deceased.
All these obligations prepare the way to accomplish another obligation of the
parties to the conflict: to facilitate the return the human remains and personal effects of
the dead to the next of kin or the families.22 The return of the remains and the personal
effects of the dead is not only a basic humanitarian endeavor, but essential in
regards to the mourning process of the families (Gavshon, 2015: 278–296).
2.2.2.2 International human rights law (IHRL)

IHRL, applicable at all times, provides concrete provisions when dealing with the
dead (Gaggioli, 2017: 185). States are obliged to respect a set of rights set up in
IHRL such as the right to life, the protection of human dignity, the right to private
and family life, the right to an effective remedy and the prohibition of cruel,
inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.23 No less important is the
prohibition of enforced disappearances and the respect for the freedom of religion
(Gaggioli, 2017: 186).
Those rights and prohibitions are contained in a wide range of universal IHRL
instruments such as the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR),
the 1966 International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), the 1984
Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment
or Punishment (CAT), and the 2006 International Convention for the Protection
of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance (ICPPED). There are also regional
instruments addressing the issue, such as the 1986 African Charter on Human and
Peoples’ Rights (AfCHPR), the 1969 American Convention on Human Rights
(ACHR) and the 1950 European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR).
21
Wounded and Sick in Armies in the Field (article 4, fifth paragraph). Then, it was codified in the Geneva
Conventions of 1949: GC I (article 17), GC II (article 20), GC III (articles 120), GC IV (article 130), AP II (article 8).
See also CIHL rule 115. See Henckaerts, J. M. and Doswald-Belck, L., op. cit., pp. 414–415.
22
This obligation is codified in the Geneva Conventions of 1949: GC I (article 17, third paragraph), GC III (article
120, sixth paragraph), GC IV (article 130, second paragraph) and AP I (article 34 (2) and (3)). Ibid., loc. cit., p. 411.
23
These rules are contained in various international instruments such as the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human
Rights (UDHR), the 1966 International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), the 1984 Convention
against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CAT), and the 2006
International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance (ICPPED), as well as in
various regional frameworks such as the 1986 African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights (AfCHPR), the 1969
American Convention on Human Rights (ACHR) and the 1950 European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR).
The provisions of these treaties have been interpreted by some regional courts or, at the universal level, by UN
Treaty Bodies, as to require States to comply with certain obligations regarding the dead and the related rights of
their relatives.
c02.indd 31 11/26/2019 8:26:38 PM

The provisions of the above‐mentioned treaties have been interpreted by

regional courts or, at the universal level, by United Nations treaty bodies, as to
require States to comply with certain obligations regarding the dead and the
related rights of the families. As an example, to ensure the respect of the right to
life24 requires that an effective investigation be carried out if there is an alleged
violation of such right. A State may therefore be obliged to carry out ex officio25 an
effective investigation26 into acts committed prior to the death that may have led
to it, to establish the truth in regards to the deprivation of life.27
Likewise, courts have determined that the suffering of the relatives due to the
post mortem treatment of the human remains could amount to inhumane or
degrading treatment when such suffering is of a different nature than the dis-
tress or pain caused by the death itself.28 Relatives may also invoke violation of
their right to private and family life,29 when they were deprived of the possi-
bility to visit the grave, participate in the burial ceremony, have the body
returned to them without excessive delay, or have information on the location
of the grave.30
In particular, the ICPPED imposes over the State Parties the obligation to locate,
respect and return the remains of the deceased.31 They must also assure the com-
pilation and maintenance of official records, including the circumstances and
cause of death and the destination of the remains, in the event of death during the
deprivation of liberty.32 They finally need to provide mutual assistance to exhume,
identify and return the remains.33
2.3 The families at the center of the humanitarian action
2.3.1 The needs of the families

Accounting for missing and dead persons requires putting the missing, the
dead and their families at the center of every response. Families of missing
persons live in great anguish for many years, not knowing if their relative is
dead or alive. They make desperate attempts to find their relatives and often
fall into financial difficulties, in particular when the missing person was the
24
See UDHR (article 3), ICCPR (article 6), AfCHPR (article 4), ACHR (article 4), ECHR (article 2).
25
IACtHR, Manuel Cepeda Vargas v Colombia, 2010, paragraph 117; ECtHR [GC], İlhan v Turkey, 2000, paragraph 93.
26
ECtHR, Rantsev v Cyprus and Russia, 2010.
27
CCPR, Draft General Comment 36, para 29; ECtHR [GC], Calvelli and Ciglio v Italy, 2002, para 48–50.
28
ECtHR, Janowiec and Others v. Russia, 2013, para. 177; IACtHR, Nadege Dorzema v. Dominican Republic, 2012, para-
graphs 117 and 252. See also UDHR (article 5), ICCPR (article 7), ACHR (article 5), AfCHPR (article 5), ECHR
(article 3).
29
See UDHR (article 12), ICCPR (article.17), AfCHPR (article 18), ACHR (article 11), ECHR (article 8).
30
See ECtHR, Guide on Article 8 of the Convention – Right to respect for private and family life, 2017, paragraphs
83–87.
31
ICCPED (article 24(3)).
32
ICPPED (article 17(3)(g)).
33
ICPPED (article 15).
c02.indd 32 11/26/2019 8:26:38 PM

breadwinner of the household. Not knowing what has happened to their rel-
atives generates important psychological, psychosocial, legal and economic
consequences for them (ICRC, 2014). Therefore, it is essential to assess the
needs of the families so that multidisciplinary responses can be designed and
implemented.
Additionally, in every search and identification process, it is of the utmost
importance to ensure proper support to the families, including psychosocial, dur-
ing every stage of the process. For example, when families of the missing are
approached by the relevant authorities or organizations to donate a biological ref-
erence sample (BRS) that will serve a possible identification process, proper psy-
chosocial support should be given by qualified institutions and trained individuals.
The same applies when families receive the human remains of their loved ones for
proper and dignified burial.
2.3.2 ICRC action in favor of the families

Since its creation more than 150 years ago, the ICRC has worked to prevent peo-
ple from going missing and to restore the family links of those who do (Dubois
et al., 2017). In 2003, the ICRC held an International Conference of Governmental
and Non‐Governmental Experts entitled “The Missing: Action to Resolve the
Problem of People Unaccounted for as a Result of Armed Conflict or Internal
Violence and to Assist their Families”. The Conference adopted a series of obser-
vations and recommendations to strengthen the response to the issue of missing
persons and their families. Since then, the ICRC has put in place support activities
to address the different needs of the families.
Overall, its activities “seek to address the families’ different needs through a
variety of activities that include ensuring the environment is conducive to address-
ing the missing, preventive actions, activities to ensure protection for the missing
and their families under the law, tracing activities, forensic activities and activities
aimed at better understanding and addressing the needs of the families of missing
persons” (Q&A, 2017). More concretely, when it comes to addressing and under-
standing the different needs of the families, the ICRC carries out family needs
assessments while drawing up concrete recommendations for the authorities and
stakeholders involved in their response.34
In addition, when dealing with the dead, the ICRC also contributes to the right
to know of the families by “providing advice, support and training to local author-
ities and forensic practitioners in searching for, recovering, analyzing, identi-
fying, and managing a large number of unidentified remains in varying states of
preservation”.
34
See for example: Living with uncertainty: needs of the families of missing persons in Sri Lanka, ICRC, July 2016. Available
at: https://www.icrc.org/sites/default/files/wysiwyg/Worldwide/asia/sri-lanka/families_of_missing_persons_in_sri_
lanka_-_living_with_uncertainty.pdf
c02.indd 33 11/26/2019 8:26:38 PM

2.4 Conclusion
As a result of armed conflicts, other situations of violence, natural disasters and in

the context of migration, thousands and thousands of people disappear and die
every day. This has an immediate impact at many levels for the families who
struggle with the uncertainty of the fate and whereabouts of their loved ones.
The missing and dead are both protected under IHL and IHRL, which are frame-
works that set important rules to prevent disappearances and clarify the fate and
whereabouts of those who do go missing, including by ensuring that the dead are
appropriately handled. It is important to highlight that missing persons cases
require consideration of all the alternatives to search and find them alive or dead.
Likewise, human remains must be handled with dignity, properly managed and,
when possible, returned to their next of kin and/or their families.
In this regard, in order for those IHL and IHRL rules to be properly applied, dif-
ferent measures have to be adopted, in particular, at national level. This includes
promoting and adopting legal and policy frameworks and adopting practical mea-
sures (e.g. Operational Manuals, Standard Operating Procedures, training, etc.)
that will serve the purposes of ensuring the proper application and enforcement
of the obligations pertaining to those rules. Additionally, in every decision taken,
the missing, the dead and their families should be put at the center of the human-
itarian response. Families require individualized answers and have the right to
know what has happened to their relatives.
The role that the ICRC has played in favor of the missing, the dead and their
families could be taken into consideration when designing responses. At the end
of the day, what is essential is to ensure that families of the missing and the dead
receive an individualized and proper answer that will reduce the ambiguity of the
loss and the agony of not knowing what has happened to them.
References
Dubois, O., Marshall, K. and Sparkes McNamara, S. (2017) New technologies and new policies:
The ICRC’s evolving approach to working with separated families. International Review of the
Red Cross, 99 (905), 1455–1479.
Gavshon, D. (2015) The dead. In: The 1949 Geneva Conventions. A Commentary (eds. A. Clapham
et al.). Geneva Academy/Oxford University Press, p. 278.
ICRC (2013) Forensic Science and Humanitarian Action. In brief. Geneva: ICRC.
ICRC (2014) Living with absence: helping the families of the missing. www.icrc.org/en/
publication/4152‐living‐absence‐helping‐families‐missing.
ICRC (2016) Commentary on the First Geneva Convention: Convention (I) for the Amelioration of the
Condition of the Wounded and Sick in Armed Forces in the Field. Commentaries to articles 16 and
17. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 550–608.
Londoño, X. and Ortiz, A. (2018) Implementing international law: An avenue for preventing
disappearances, resolving cases of missing persons and addressing the needs of their families.
International Review of the Red Cross, 99 (905), 559–560.
c02.indd 34 11/26/2019 8:26:38 PM

Melzer, N. (2016) International Humanitarian Law. A Comprehensive Introduction. Geneva: ICRC, p. 17.
Milanovic, M. (2014) The end of application of international humanitarian law. International
Review of the Red Cross, 96 (893), 174.
Obregón Gieseken, H. (2017) The protection of migrants under International Humanitarian
Law. International Review of the Red Cross, 99 (904), 149–150.
Q&A (2017) The ICRC’s engagement on the missing and their families. International Review of the
Red Cross, 99 (905), 540.
c02.indd 35 11/26/2019 8:26:38 PM

CHAPTER 3
Extraordinary deathwork:
New developments in, and the social
significance of, forensic humanitarian
action
Claire Moon
Department of Sociology, London School of Economics and Political Science, London, UK
3.1 Introduction
The task of this chapter is twofold. First, it is to document and investigate criti-
cally the current phase of the constitution of the field of forensic activity labelled
“humanitarian forensic action”. Second, and at the same time, it is to lodge this
phenomenon within the interpretative frame of “deathwork” in order to argue
that, although humanitarian forensic action presents a unique and extraordi-
nary form of death management, it also shares characteristics and a social sig-
nificance with more regular – that is, perennial and peacetime – forms of
deathwork. Taken together, these two discussions speak directly to the central
themes of this volume: the nexus between forensic science and humanitarian
action, and the ways in which forensic action mediates between the dead and
the living.
3.2 Field constitution: new developments
The idea that exhumation and identification provide “solace to… families, who
are at last able to properly mourn and bury their dead” (Doretti and Snow, 2003:
304) has become a truism of the application of forensic science to human rights
and humanitarian issues. Yet whilst this general claim is not new, it has recently
been made constitutive of a newly defined, formally recognized and profession-
ally accredited field of forensic activity. Several important moments serve as land-
marks in this recent shift.
37
c03.indd 37 11/26/2019 8:30:44 PM

A 2003 International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) conference on The

Missing and Their Families1 provided a constitutive moment in the formalization
of the humanitarian aspects of forensic work (ICRC, 2003), as well as inaugu-
rating the ICRC’s first permanent forensics unit. It reported that the “most
fundamental need” of families of the missing is for “information on the fate of
their relatives” (ICRC, 2003: 11), which primarily entails confirmation of death,
and outlined how this might be addressed by forensic science. In addition, it
explicitly conjoined the ideas of respect for the dead with care for the fam-
ilies – such as through transmitting information on death and returning personal
effects or human remains to families – and connected these to wider processes of
peace and social order: “to show respect for the dead… is to demonstrate respect
for the mourning process which is essential for peace and order” (ICRC, 2003:
17). The report grants mourning particular attention, and claims that its possi-
bility is dependent upon reliable information that the missing person is dead
(ICRC, 2003: 17).
Later, in a speech in 2012, a new classification for this type of action – “human-
itarian forensic action” – was birthed by the forensics coordinator of the ICRC,
Morris Tidball‐Binz (2012). Humanitarian forensic action emerges, he argued,
from our shared responsibility for the dead, out of which arises “the humanitarian
need for ensuring… proper recovery, management, analysis and identification” of
the dead, in order to protect their dignity and prevent them “from becoming
missing persons” (Tidball‐Binz, 2012: 1). Importantly, humanitarian forensic
action has come to entail not just the proper treatment of the dead, but also the
address of family suffering. Families, Tidball‐Binz argues, constitute a “large and
historically overlooked group of victims of armed conflict and catastrophes”
(Tidball‐Binz, 2012: 1) for whom the impact of a disappearance “has long been
recognised as one of the worst sufferings caused by war” (Tidball‐Binz, 2012: 2).
In 2016, a new version of the Minnesota Protocol emerged (United Nations, 2017).
The original Protocol of 1989 (United Nations, 1989) was the first guide to govern
the application of forensics techniques to investigations of human rights viola-
tions and humanitarian disasters. It was followed by other UN documents that
shaped the relationship of forensic sciences to human rights, such as the UN
Manual for the Investigation and Documentation of Torture (the Istanbul Protocol), and
the first UN resolution on forensic science and human rights in 1992. It originated
out of work done in the late 1980s and early 1990s by Amnesty International and
Physicians for Human Rights, amongst others, who pushed for the development
of forensics best practice in relation to human rights investigations. The 2016 iter-
ation of the Protocol is much‐expanded and, notably, incorporates humanitarian
objectives into the guidelines governing forensic work which are absent in the
This work was supported by the Wellcome Trust [grant number 205488/Z/16/Z].
1
“The missing” is a broad term that covers a range of categories of missing persons from those missing in action
(MIA), to the unidentified victims of war crimes, and to the victims of enforced disappearances, torture and extra-
judicial killings.
c03.indd 38 11/26/2019 8:30:44 PM

Extraordinary deathwork 39
first version, evidencing the formal shift towards humanitarian objectives in this
domain of activity. Nowhere in the original version is humanitarianism referenced.
The new version makes explicit reference, absent in the first version, to the prac-
tice of identification as serving explicitly humanitarian ends. Further, and cru-
cially, the 2016 Protocol has much more extended guidelines governing practitioner
conduct in relation to relatives of the dead. It contains detailed sections on the
care of family members during investigations, the legal frameworks governing the
participation of relatives in investigations, and significantly, it states that the prac-
tice of identification itself “meets humanitarian, human rights, and other social
and cultural needs” (United Nations, 2017: 21). The Protocol also refers to the
rights of families to information about the cause and context of the killing, to rep-
aration, and, crucially, to the remains of their dead relatives (United Nations,
2017: articles 10, 11, 12 and 37). In relation to this set of “rights”, the Protocol
explicitly asserts a relationship between the act of locating the missing and family
mourning.
In 2017, a special issue of Forensic Science International heralded another impor-
tant milestone in the definition and differentiation of the field from “regular”
forensic activity. It claimed to “mark a new domain for forensic science”, a domain
it defined as the “nascent field of Humanitarian Forensic Science”. This domain,
the editors argued, is “characterised by its essentially humanitarian nature, its
international scope and its origins in law”. However, and crucially, they add the
following qualifier: “but its focus is on benefits for families and survivors” (emphasis
added). This qualifier, note, subverts the priority of the first clause; that is to say,
in this statement, forensic service to families is claimed to trump its legal aims.
Indeed, “humanitarian forensics” is defined as “the application of forensic sciences
to humanitarian activities” (Cordner and Tidball‐Binz, 2017: 65). These activities
are described in terms of a core “duty” to the living which turns primarily on iden-
tifying the dead. The field is even gifted with its own acronym: HFA. HFA is now
set to become shorthand for the field.
And in June 2018, the world’s first International Centre for Humanitarian
Forensics (ICHF) was launched in Gujarat, India, by the Gujarat Forensic Sciences
University (GFSU) in collaboration with the ICRC Regional Delegation for India,
Bhutan, Nepal and the Maldives.2 The Centre marks the first institutionalization
of the idea of “humanitarian forensics” within a pedagogic (university) frame-
work, and this idea with forms the cornerstone of a portfolio of academic and
professional programmes, training, research and the provision of technical exper-
tise in the support of field operations.
These recent signposts mark a crucial moment in the emergence and consoli-
dation of the forensic humanitarian field. The invention of a label marks a
significant moment in the constitution of a field, a movement, a practice, a social
2
See https://www.icrc.org/en/document/worlds-first-international-centre-humanitarian-forensics-launched-
india
c03.indd 39 11/26/2019 8:30:44 PM

problem, and so on (Hacking, 1999), because it brings a new social reality into
being, and provides a basis or rationale around which action may be organized
and interventions devised. The invention of the label – humanitarian forensic
action – is significant since it paves the way for a more conscious and con-
certed development of the field. Indeed, the nascent evidence outlined
above – conferences, speeches, labels, protocols, special journal issues and training
programmes – indicates that its conscious development is well under way. The
humanitarian aspects of forensic work are no longer incidental to the field but are
moving centre‐stage.
This, I think, has several interesting consequences. First, the HFA label marks a
significant shift in the conceptualization of the field. Until recently, whilst the
humanitarian effects have been acknowledged, the legal objectives of forensic
work have had primacy. Indeed, these are derived from the etymology of the term
“forensic” which relates to the Roman public forum and the presentation of evi-
dence within it. Simply put, forensics has long been understood as science in the
service of law, and this new formulation, coming from some of the key forensics
entrepreneurs, represents a formal departure from its regular interpretation. Its
claim that the field’s humanitarian goals (benefits for families and survivors) sur-
pass its legal ones thus prises forensics from its etymological and historical roots
and opens it out into a realm of activity that is not singularly harnessed to law. As
such, the HFA label starts to unfasten forensics from law. This new emphasis sug-
gests that forensic action might be departing from what makes it “forensic” (that
is, legal) and getting closer to more regular forms of deathwork, about which
more later.
Second, these recent signposts position the ICRC as the key entrepreneur of this
shift. That the ICRC should be in the vanguard is unsurprising. Humanitarianism
is the umbilical credo of the organization, and it is historically one of the most
prominent modern humanitarian agencies. Further, the ICRC has a long history
of engagement with the dead. Indeed, it originated out of its concern for battle-
field death and suffering (see Moon, 2018). At the same time, the ICRC’s branding
of the field appears to establish a proprietorial relationship with it. Further, it
could be argued that the labelling of the field and the recalibration of the forensic
rationale to include attention to the families is an act of what the philosopher of
science, Ian Hacking, calls “self‐authentication” (Hacking, 1986). This refers to the
way in which a new rationale, or “style of reasoning” generates its own truth con-
ditions. In addition, the newly elaborated Minnesota Protocol is evidence of the
“self‐vindication”, as Hacking puts it, of the application of forensics to humani-
tarian contexts in so far as it demonstrates the ways in which practices and
ideas – the incorporation of humanitarian aims into forensic science – are
“mutually adjusted” once incorporated. Self‐vindication is an act that attempts to
uphold the unity of the science, to keep it stable. This point becomes important to
the previous discussion of law, because the shift towards humanitarianism appears
to challenge the historic subordination of forensics to it.
c03.indd 40 11/26/2019 8:30:44 PM

Third, and related, the prominence of the ICRC in this story hides the various
and complex contexts out of which HFA arose. Rather, it locates the humanitarian
dimensions of forensic work as internal or endogenous to the field. This, I think,
forgets the multiplicity of contexts, histories, politics, ideas, forms of knowledge
and activism that shaped the field of practice itself. By contrast, the term “forensic
humanitarianism” (Moon, 2016) is an attempt to situate the phenomenon within
longer and broader histories of humanitarianism, law, science and politics. That is
to say, this term indicates the exogenous conditions of the field to show how this
particular forensic phenomenon is shaped by externally structuring factors.3 It
also denotes a distinctive phase, or aspect, of humanitarianism itself, a shift in its
logics, techniques, practices, and rationales. I see the terms forensic humanitari-
anism and humanitarian forensic action as telling different, but complimentary,
stories about the field. I have written about some of the humanitarian, legal,
scientific and political conditions that underpinned it elsewhere (Moon, 2013),
but want to single out one crucial aspect of this history that is deeply relevant to
the new shift in understanding of forensic action. Whilst the humanitarian dimen-
sions of exhumation, identification and return of the dead to their families has
long been acknowledged by practitioners, they were not straightforwardly inau-
gurated by experts, but emerged in and through their close work with family
members – some of whom originated searches themselves – most notably in the
forensic‐assisted family searches for the disappeared in Argentina in the mid‐
1980s. Since that time, and in other contexts, families of the missing have rou-
tinely worked closely with forensics experts. Arguably, the importance of families
and family movements is not getting full recognition in the development of the
field, particularly in relation to its humanitarian development.4 Families are even
pushing forensics in new and different directions. For example, families of the
disappeared in Mexico are currently using forensics techniques themselves – such
as collecting DNA, creating databases, searching for, locating and exhuming mass
graves – due to the failure of the state to carry out investigations.5 The idea that
forensic work has humanitarian effects has, arguably, not been driven by forensic
science itself, but by the conjunction of forensic science with activism by the fam-
ilies of the dead and disappeared.
3
The key difference is that humanitarian forensic action is a more prosaic term used to capture the humanitarian
aspects of forensic work. By contrast, forensic humanitarianism seeks to capture a specific phase or phenomenon
within the history and aetiology of the long history of humanitarianism itself. One of the consequences of this is
to take a longer view of the dead, and of how they became the objects of humanitarian intervention. This is a his-
tory that reaches much further back in time than the mid-1980s when Argentina started to investigate the mass
graves of the military junta, which is the regular starting point for this story (see Tidball-Binz, 2012; Rosenblatt,
2015). Instead, it goes back into the nineteenth century, taking in Dunant’s famous commentary on battlefield
suffering and death (Dunant, 1862) which inaugurated the Red Cross, and also the long history of death registra-
tion as a new technique of population control.
4
Rosenblatt also makes this argument in a recent article (2019).
5
See for example the work of Gobernanza Forense Cuidadana, FUNDENL, Colectivo Solecito and Grupo VIDA, to
name a few.
c03.indd 41 11/26/2019 8:30:44 PM

3.3 (Extra-ordinary) deathwork
These recent developments and changes in the field urge a broader reflection on its
social significance, which requires an analysis that takes us beyond human rights
and humanitarianism. Rather, it requires us to lodge this field, first, within a longer
history of humanitarianism, science, politics and law, (see Moon, 2013, 2016), and
within an even longer and diverse history of the management and bureaucratiza-
tion of death itself.6 Within that latter history I want to focus here on one aspect:
the significance of HFA as a new and particular form of death management. In so
doing, I want to align it with “ordinary” (that is, perennial and peacetime) forms of
death management. In so doing, I draw on the work of Walter (2005) who has elab-
orated the concept of “deathwork”, and I apply this to HFA to show that it shares
features and social functions with a range of other types of deathwork, but exhibits
some features that mark it out as “extra-ordinary”.
Deathwork is “specialized work following a death” (Walter, 2005: 383). It refers to
particular occupations or experts that deal with “specific dead people and/or
mourners”,7 and who also “act as mediators between the dead and the living”
(Walter, 2005: 384). Walter calls this type of work “mediator deathwork”. Mediator
deathworkers – a term which Walters uses to unite a range of diverse professions
from pathology, spiritualism, obituary‐writing and funeral celebrancy – are “expert
in interpreting dead bodies, dead persons, or dead souls” (Walter, 2005: 393). Whilst
Walter’s typology does not mention humanitarian deathwork, it can easily be
accommodated by it. There is ample evidence of mediation, or acts of interpretation
in FHA. It is evidenced, for example, in Clyde Snow’s statement that forensic anthro-
pologists working in the context of human rights investigations are “vested… with
a solemn authority to speak for the victims” (Snow et al., 1989). Snow, famous for
his work identifying the remains of Tutankhamun and Josef Mengele and for
training the EAAF in the mid‐1980s, is also renowned for being a goldmine of pithy
maxims that capture the ways in which dead bodies speak. One of the most repeated
of these is “bones don’t lie and they don’t forget” (Snow cited in Guntzel, 2004). The
power of this statement resides in its claim that the dead body does speak: it speaks
a special, indisputable kind of truth. But how does the dead body speak? The dead
“need a teller, one with privileged access to the dead body… whose task it is to glean
information from the dead” (Walter, 2005: 386). The teller extracts knowledge from
the corpse to impose identity on the deceased, “an identity formulated from read-
ings of the body and the nature of the death” (Walter, 2005: 402).
Mediator deathworkers “gather information in private, edit a story and then
perform this story in a highly public, ritual setting – the inquest, the spiritualist
6
This is the subject of a current study in which I am engaged entitled Human rights, human remains: forensic human-
itarianism and the politics of the grave, which is generously funded by the Wellcome Trust.
7
Rather than dealing with dying people or academic thanatology which deals with a range of death-related mat-
ters such as, but not exclusively, bereavement, grief, guilt, trauma, palliative care, suicide, ethical, spiritual and
philosophical dimensions of death, and death in popular culture.
c03.indd 42 11/26/2019 8:30:44 PM

church meeting, the obituary, the funeral, the biography, the archaeological or
historical monograph, the museum display”, or, in the case of HFA, a legal inquiry,
which further shapes the knowledge that has been extracted from the corpse into
a legally determined verdict. Public legal rites put forensic anthropologists in a
“triadic relationship in which they stand between the dead and the living” (Walter,
2005: 386). Within this relationship “information flows as follows: the dead → the
mediator → public rite.” I depart here from Walter because the particular type of
expertise determines precisely what the dead disclose. For instance, a forensic
anthropologist is equipped to extract a particular story from skeletonized remains
about the identity of the deceased and the probable cause of death. This story dif-
fers enormously from the kind of tale that might be told by a funeral celebrant or
spiritualist, for example, who in the first example might focus on the life biog-
raphy, or in the second instance on messages that the deceased convey to the
living. That is to say, the tales that the dead tell are shaped by the particular exper-
tise and practice of the mediator in question, and the functions and objectives of
the public rite itself. This theoretical point affects, in turn, the direction of the
“information flow” in so far as it does not simply flow in one direction but in mul-
tiple ways. It is not just the form of expertise that reads meaning into the dead,
but the public rite itself may also shape what the mediator says, and also deter-
mine what is read back into, or extracted from, the dead.8 For example, in inves-
tigations of atrocity, the dead might be legally determined as the “victim” of “gross
violations of human rights” or “crimes against humanity”. This legal matrix of
understanding is read back into the corpse, and is the matrix within which the
dead are made to speak. In turn, it creates a new universe of meaning within
which the dead are emplaced. As such, I would argue that the dead do not speak,
but that they are made to speak by an array of interventions and techniques, or
rather, within a network of practices and discourses that include (but are not
limited to) forensics techniques, legal rationalities and public rituals. On this inter-
pretation, the nature of mediation takes on a different quality and is shown
instead to run in two directions as follows: the dead ⇄ the mediator ⇄ public rite.9
Despite my departure on this point, Walter outlines key features of mediator
deathwork (Walter, 2005: 387–389) that are deeply relevant to understanding the
social relevance and significance of HFA. First, mediator deathworkers have a
familiarity with the dead that is generally denied to, or shunned by, the rest of
society due to the ways in which the dead have, historically, been seen as sources
of contamination (see Ariès, 1981: 110–139). Mary Douglas’ work on pollution
and taboo helps reflect on the particular problem of the unidentified and unburied
dead as, in her celebrated phrase, “matter out of place” (Douglas, [1966] 2002), or,
in Kristeva’s words, “death infecting life” (Kristeva, 1982: 4). These insights
8
For an example, see my discussion of the interaction of forensic with legal knowledge in genocide inquiries
(Moon, 2013).
9
It should be noted that Walter raises as a question the possibility that the dead are not a “simple channel” but
asks whether there might be a two-way relationship between the dead and the mediator (Walter, 2005: 402).
c03.indd 43 11/26/2019 8:30:44 PM

illuminate the (modern) social dispositions that require a heavy regulation of

contact with the dead. The dead are usually disposed of quickly, often through
burial, by specialist deathworkers who are generally charged with “hiding death
and the dead from laypeople” (Walter, 2005: 391). Deathwork, then, is both special
and specialized. Second, “the mediator is instructed to find out about the dead”
(Walter, 2005: 387), which could be on the mandate of official inquiry, law enforce-
ment officers, or families of the dead and disappeared. Third, the mediator gleans
information from and about the dead.10 For HFAs this will be information about
the age, sex and stature of the deceased, or any pathologies revealed by the remains,
all of which might facilitate identification. Fourth, the mediator “edits the
information into the form expected of him/her” (Walter, 2005: 387). For example,
HFAs produce a report that provides information about the identity of the deceased,
as well as the probable cause of death, where it is possible to glean this information
from skeletonized remains. Fifth, deathworkers “perform their edited story in a
ritual setting” (Walter, 2005: 387). For example, HFAs present expert witness
reports and are interrogated in a legal forum which, sixth, “is potentially tricky”
(Walter, 2005: 388) because the authority of the mediator is under question.
Seventh, the public rite is not only tricky for the mediator but also for others pre-
sent at the pubic ritual, especially for the families of the dead and also for the
accused. The legal forum presents a “highly charged” context for the presentation
of evidence. Eighth, the public rite might be the end of the performed story for the
mediator, but the outcome has implications for the mourners, for whom the rite
will have a lasting significance. Such significance might be contingent upon the
outcome of the rite, particularly if this is a legal verdict. Finally, the deceased are
the focus of the private gathering of information and the public presentation of this
information. Together, these nine features constitute “the contours of a particular
category of deathwork, an ideal type” (Walter, 2005: 389) which, following Weber
(Shils and Finch, 1949), is aimed at generating some unifying characteristics in
order to identify social phenomena and interpret their social significance.
Although Walters does not refer to HFA in his work, I would argue that HFA is
a good example of the ideal type of mediator deathwork in so far as it conforms to the
central features of Walters’ typology, which in turn illuminates some of the social
functions of HFA. But I would also argue that HFA pushes Walters’ deathwork
typology in new directions. First, because HFA mediates between the dead and
the living in what I think are “restricted” and “expansive” ways. I would suggest
that “restricted mediation” involves micro‐level work with living relatives, who
are often instrumental in providing ante‐mortem data for identification of the dead,
and for whom identification, in turn, facilitates mourning. By contrast, “expan-
sive mediation” entails mediation between the dead and the living in the context
10
Walter actually writes “the mediator receives information about… the dead”. I have modified this to “gleans
information” in accordance with my stated departure from Walter on this point, since the dead, in my view, do not
“send” messages. Rather, messages from the dead are derived through a process of interpretation which is medi-
ated by specific forms of expertise.
c03.indd 44 11/26/2019 8:30:44 PM

of broad and complex social and political processes, such as the enquiries held by
the truth commissions in Argentina or South Africa, or the criminal tribunals for
Rwanda and the former Yugoslavia. In such inquiries, HFA is unavoidably involved
in larger social, political and legal processes to which the individual dead body is
yoked, and made to testify, to new historical narratives about the past, such as the
South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission’s narrative about apartheid
being a “crime against humanity”.
As a result, and second, I want to argue that HFA constitutes a special kind of
deathwork, what I will call “extra-ordinary deathwork”. This, in principle,11 is unlike
other forms of deathwork in so far as it is temporally intermittent rather than con-
tinuous and arises in the context of extra-ordinary events, such as mass deaths
arising out of atrocities or mass disasters. Extra-ordinary deathwork is different
from regular mediator deathwork in so far as it frequently has ramifications that go
beyond the relationship between the dead and his or her immediate relatives, in
part due to the historical, political and legal significance of the institutions within
which such work is carried out, such as national commissions for truth, or interna-
tional criminal tribunals such as those at Nuremberg or for the former Yugoslavia
or Rwanda. In these contexts, the dead are often called upon to speak the truth
about war crimes or the crimes of authoritarian regimes, and have become central
to processes of democratization, most famously in Argentina and South Africa. It is
also due to the social and political importance of the mass dead and the ways in
which the tales that the dead speak, under professional guidance, enter into and
change the interpretation of history, constitutions, laws and social relationships.
Third, HFA departs from regular deathwork because it often, and necessarily,
reveals gruesome aspects of death that are “typically omitted” by regular public
rites such as funeral tributes and obituaries (Walter, 2005: 397). This concealment
is also embedded in what is sometimes called “barrier deathwork”, which deals
primarily with the corpse. Barrier deathwork attempts to maintain the barrier bet-
ween the living and the dead by omitting some of the “gorier details of the corpse’s
condition in order to protect the feelings of the family” (Walter, 2005: 391). Whilst
HFA also deals primarily with the corpse, it can depart from the principles of
barrier deathwork – in fact there is sometimes a demand by the families to see the
corpse and to know what happened – which also makes it “extra-ordinary”. For
example, the EAAF is currently working to identify and return human remains to
families of the missing in Mexico, where there are high levels of killings and dis-
appearances and yet legal investigations are rare. They are sometimes required to
return radically dismembered remains to families, and are asked by relatives for
an explanation of how the person died. The condition of the corpse makes it
impossible to protect the family from potentially traumatizing information
11
I write “in principle” here in order to question the assumption that war, mass atrocity and mass disaster are
“extra-ordinary”. Instead and arguably, they could be seen to be regular and continuous features of social and
political life. On this account, it could be argued that this type of deathwork perhaps takes its place alongside the
regular types. It is neither intermittent nor extraordinary.
c03.indd 45 11/26/2019 8:30:44 PM

(Doretti, 2015). Thus, the “regular model” of deathwork is challenged by the con-
text in which death occurred, but also because families are often involved in the
deathwork itself, whether through providing ante‐mortem data such as dental
and medical records and information about personal effects and distinguishing
features to forensic anthropologists, to even taking up direct aspects of deathwork
themselves, such as the collection of DNA and the search for and exhumation of
graves, due to the failure of the state to fulfil such duties.
3.4 Conclusions
This chapter illuminates two things by way of reflection on the central themes of
this volume. First, it documents new moves in the constitution of the field of
forensic activity labelled “humanitarian forensic action” in order to demonstrate
the ways in which the nexus between forensic science and humanitarian action – a
key theme of this volume – are in the process of further expansion and profes-
sionalization. As I have argued, this expansion has several consequences, not least
that of loosening forensics from its parent discipline, law. In addition, this expan-
sion has accompanied the rise in the social and political significance of the mass
dead. This is in no small part due to the importance of the mass dead to public life
in the latter part of the twentieth century and the first part of the twenty‐first, and
new death‐management practices that have chaperoned that prominence.
The second part of this chapter has taken the expansion of humanitarian
forensic action as an opportunity to align and compare it with more regular forms
of deathwork, as well as to define the ways in which it is distinct from the general
phenomenon. In so doing, it sets out the social importance of what I have called
“extra-ordinary” deathwork. It shows how HFA presents a type of deathwork that
presents clear continuities, and shares important characteristics with more reg-
ular, that is, perennial, forms of deathwork, but also how it departs from it. This
latter discussion addresses directly the second key theme of this volume: the ways
in which forensic action mediates between the dead and the living.
In his Eighteenth Brumaire, Marx famously argued that “the tradition of all dead
generations weighs like a nightmare on the brains of the living”. Marx’s dead have
a political life that binds the living to the past, that shackles them, negatively, to
time‐old traditions. Differently, this recent engagement with the dead plays a role
in attempts to reinvigorate social and political life, in so far as the endeavour to
find, exhume and identify the dead victims of mass atrocities has been central to
political projects of democratization, and to human rights investigations across the
Americas, Europe, Africa and the Middle East.12 It is this wider significance – the
12
A deeper and more critical historico-political analysis of the significance of Marx’s comment to the prominence
of the dead in democratization projects is, unfortunately, beyond the remit of this chapter. Suffice it to say that the
dead have not straightforwardly been made salient to attempts to break politically with the past (such as in South
Africa and Argentina), but continue, also, to be central to the task of constructing national continuity with the past
(see Neocleous, 2005; Verdery, 1999), against which Marx argued.
c03.indd 46 11/26/2019 8:30:44 PM

“expansive” form of deathwork – that makes forensic humanitarian action “extra-

ordinary”, in so far as it has deep social and political implications, and is bound up
in broader social shifts that seek to rewrite the histories of nations.
Finally, I want to draw attention to one further objective in aligning HFA with
other forms of deathwork. The deathwork concept provides a potent description
of the ways in which HFA operates at the boundary between the dead and the
living, and, as I have argued, it fastens HFA to other, permanent and ordinary,
forms of deathwork. In so doing, the concept shines a light on the ways in which
HFA belongs not only to a humanitarian history, but also to broader traditions of
death management which have arisen in the context of the rise of bureaucratiza-
tion. The social control of large populations in this historical context through, for
example, birth and death registration, has been concomitant with the development
of the modern state. As such, the deathwork concept allows us to see that HFA, in
so far as it is intrinsically involved in death registration, is also and inescapably
entangled with wider processes of social control and social order by “taming”
death. As Walter puts it, “if… it is lack of familiarity that makes death dangerous
and wild, then mediator deathworkers re‐tame it” (Walter, 2005: 408). They,
then, are intrinsically tasked with restoring matter out of place.
References
Ariès, P. (1981) The Hour of our Death. London: Allen Lane.
Cordner, S. and Tidball‐Binz, M. (2017) Humanitarian forensic action – its origins and future.
Doretti, M. (2015) Interview with Claire Moon. Mexico City, 31 August.
Doretti, M. and Snow, C. (2003) Forensic anthropology and human rights. In Hard Evidence: Case
Studies in Forensic Anthropology (ed. D. Wolfe Steadman). Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice
Hall.
Douglas, M. (2002 [1966]) Purity and Danger: An Analysis of the Concepts of Pollution and Taboo.
London and New York: Routledge.
Dunant, H. (1959 [1862]) A Memory of Solferino. Geneva: International Committee of the Red
Cross.
Guntzel, J. (2004) “The bones don’t lie”: forensic anthropologist Clyde Snow travels continents
to bring the crimes of mass murderers to light. National Catholic Reporter, July 30.
Hacking, I. (1986) The self‐vindication of the laboratory sciences. In Science as Practice and Culture
(ed. A. Pickering). Chicago: Chicago University Press.
Hacking, I. (1999) The Social Construction of What? Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
ICRC (2003) ICRC Report: The Missing and their Families. Geneva: ICRC.
Kristeva, J. (1982) Powers of Horror: An Essay on Abjection. New York: Columbia University Press.
Marx, K. (1963 [1852]) The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte. New York: International
Publishers.
Moon, C. (2013) Interpreters of the dead: forensic knowledge, human remains and the politics
of the past. Social and Legal Studies, 22 (2), 149–169.
Moon, C. (2016) Human rights, human remains: forensic humanitarianism and the human
rights of the dead. International Social Science Journal, 65, 49–63.
Moon, C. (2018) Politics, Deathwork, and the Rights of the Dead. www.humanityjournal.org/blog/
claire‐moon/
Neocleous, M. (2005) The Monstrous and the Dead: Burke, Marx, Fascism. Chicago: Chicago
University Press.
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Rosenblatt, A. (2015) Digging for the Disappeared: Forensic Science after Atrocity. Stanford: Stanford
University Press.
Shils, E. and Finch, H. (1949) (eds) Max Weber on the Methodology of the Social Sciences. Glencoe:
The Free Press.
Snow, C., Stover, E. and Hannibal, K. (1989) Scientists as detectives. Investigating human rights.
Technology Review, 92 (2), 43–51.
Tidball‐Binz, M. (2012) For whom the bell tolls: the development of humanitarian forensic action.
Schofield oration, Victorian Institute of Forensic Medicine, Monash University, Melbourne,
Australia, 7 June.
United Nations (1989) Minnesota Protocol: Manual on the Effective Prevention and Investigation of
Extra‐legal, Arbitrary and Summary Executions. Economic and Social Council Resolution
1989/65, 24 May.
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New York and Geneva: United Nations.
Verdery, K. (1999) The Political Lives of Dead Bodies: Reburial and Post‐Socialist Change. New York:
Columbia University Press.
Walter, T. (2005) Mediator deathwork. Death Studies, 29, 383–412.
c03.indd 48 11/26/2019 8:30:44 PM

CHAPTER 4
Between darts and bullets:

A bioarchaeological view on the study
of human rights and IHL violations
Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, Lima, Perú
4.1 Introduction
The concepts of human rights and international humanitarian law are relatively
recent in the history of humanity, appearing just at the end of the first half of the
twentieth century. However, the absence of these words does not mean that
violent actions associated with these concepts have not existed since time
immemorial. How old are these behaviors, today internationally condemned? Is it
possible to trace them even in times and places where the written record has left
no evidence of it? What are the reasons behind these actions?
Violence in its different manifestations has captivated the interest of many gen-
erations of researchers from different backgrounds, such as history, sociology,
anthropology, psychology, medicine, biology and neuroscience; each of them con-
tributing their unique perspective and methodology to the understanding of this
phenomenon. This chapter focuses on evidence that bioarchaeology can offer to
the research of physical violence in the context of conflicts within or between
groups which would currently be considered violations of human rights and inter-
national humanitarian law.
4.2 What is violence?
As Martin and Harrod (2015: 116) summarized, “definitions of violence often

imply intentionality, motivation, and culturally defined meaning”. Simply put, vio-
lence is an unapproved or illegitimate behaviour that harms someone (Eller, 2010;
Riches, 1986). However, the simplification of the word also makes its definition
49
c04.indd 49 11/26/2019 8:26:51 PM

more complicated, because there is no unique answer for what qualifies as vio-
lence, as the action can be differently assessed by the victim, the performer, and the
witnesses (Eller, 2006; Riches, 1986, 1991). Thus, violence can also be more a judg-
ment than an act (Riches, 1991), as it “is not only varied but variably valued”
(Eller, 2010: 15). For that reason, Whitehead (2004a) claimed that the definition of
“violence” is not as important as the definition of “violent acts”, stressing that the
presumption that those acts share some typological characteristics is part of what
has hindered attempts to reach a consensual definition of violence.
Violence (physical or non‐physical) can be impulsive or can be used as a delib-
erate strategy to obtain something (James, 2011; Riches, 1986). In this way, vio-
lence has also been described as a “power relationship aimed at subjecting or
constraining another person” (Muchembled, 2012: 7), and as “an instrumentally
rational strategy of bargaining for power … [and] a form of symbolic action that
conveys cultural meanings, most importantly ideas of legitimacy” (Schröder and
Schmidt, 2001: 8).
In anthropology, there is a debate as to whether violence is biologically innate
or culturally constructed (the “nature vs. nurture” debate). Some scholars have
linked human violence and aggression to basic instincts of predatory or defensive
behaviour when facing threats (especially regarding the defence of the territory
or community), the promotion of intergroup dominance, and even male aggres-
sion of females that can be comparable to those exhibited by animals, especially
non‐human primates (e.g. Ardrey, 1967; Crofoot and Wrangham, 2010; Honess
and Marin, 2006; Lorenz, 1966; Smuts and Smuts, 1993). Nevertheless,
according to some psychologists, psychoanalysts and ethonologists such as
Sigmund Freud, Erich Fromm, Boris Cyrulnik, and Daniel Sibony, humans
show specific kinds of aggression (Muchembled, 2012: 10). Other researchers
emphasize (albeit in different degrees) the role of sociocultural and ecological
context in shaping violence (e.g. Carman, 1997; Fry, 2013; James, 2011;
Malinowski, 1941; Martin and Harrod, 2015; Muchembled, 2012; Parker
Pearson, 2005; Riches, 1986; Schröder and Schmidt, 2001; Thorpe, 2005;
Walker, 2001; Whitehead, 2004b).
4.3 How do bioarchaeologists study violence?
Questions regarding the nature and impact of violence in the past vary from the
evidence of isolated cases of interpersonal violence to large‐scale conflicts. Ritual
violence, small‐scale fighting, raiding, war and warfare, family violence, and male
coalitional fighting are some of the forms in which physical violence is expressed.
Traditionally, bioarchaeology has centered on violence‐related trauma (the most
direct and evident sign of physical violence), albeit more recent investigations are
exploring other manifestations of violence, such as the manipulation and display
of the corpses to make a psychological and political impact on a population
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Between darts and bullets 51
(e.g. Pérez, 2012), health differences as a reflection of structural violence (e.g. Klaus,

2012), and body modification as a form of female oppression (e.g. Stone, 2012).
The reconstruction of the behavioural implications of injuries is a two‐stage pro-
cess: (1) consideration of the most direct and proximate cause of the injury (mech-
anism) through the analysis of the characteristics and patterns of the lesions; and
(2) reconstruction of the cultural context of the injury (“ultimate cause”), consid-
ering both intrinsic and extrinsic factors such as the age, sex, and health status of
the victim and the physical and sociocultural context (Lovell, 1997, 2008; Walker,
2001). More recently, Martin and Harrod (2015) proposed that a bioarchaeological
approach to violence should consider three levels: (1) data extracted from the
skeletal remains; (2) analysis of contextual data (culture and environment); and (3)
social theory based on ethnography that allows one to formulate and test hypotheses.
4.3.1 The skeletal data

In the assessment of violence in a past population, the most direct way is to look
for any evidence of trauma in the human remains. Fractures are the most obvious
palaeopathological condition that is related to trauma. Methodologies in the anal-
ysis of fractures in bioarchaeology have become more detailed throughout time,
especially due to the influence that forensic anthropology has had on this topic
(e.g. Berryman and Symes, 1998; Davidson et al., 2011; Galloway, 1999; Kimmerle
and Baraybar, 2008; Klepinger, 2006; Komar and Buikstra, 2008; Maples, 1986;
Sauer, 1998; Wedel and Galloway, 2014). However, trauma can also result in
some other anomalies such as dislocations and periosteal new bone formation
(PNBF) (Aufderheide and Rodríguez‐Martín, 1998; Buikstra and Ubelaker, 1994;
Ortner, 2003; Waldron, 2009; White et al., 2012).
Methodologies on the biological study of violence are strongly influenced by
the research questions and hypotheses. However, most investigations share some
common variables, such as trauma timing (ante‐mortem/healed or perimortem/
non‐healed trauma), number and locations of the injuries, characteristics and
measurements of the fractures, mechanism and causative weapon, and age and
sex of the individuals (cohorts) (e.g. Djurić et al., 2006; Lambert, 1997; Lovell,
1997, 2008; Lund Valle, 2009; Meyer et al., 2009; Molto, 2015; Murphy, 2004;
Scott and Buckley, 2010; Standen and Arriaza, 2000; Standen et al., 2009, 2010;
Torres‐Rouff and Costa Junqueira, 2006; Tung, 2003; Vega Dulanto, 2016; Walker,
1989, 2001). Other variables considered by some researchers include related com-
plications of the injury (e.g. Djurić et al., 2006; Lovell, 2008; Meyer et al., 2009;
and Murphy, 2004); severity of the trauma (e.g. Andrushko, 2007; Lund Valle,
2009); lethal potentiality of the lesion (e.g. Lambert, 1997; Lund Valle, 2009;
Standen and Arriaza, 2000; Standen et al., 2009, 2010; Torres‐Rouff and Costa
Junqueira, 2006; Vega Dulanto, 2016; Walker, 1989); and other pathological con-
ditions that can say something about the ability to escape from violence, such
as articular dislocations, partially healed trauma and congenital deformations
(e.g. Milner, 1995; Milner et al., 1991).
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4.3.2 Interpreting violence

A careful reading of the clinical and forensic literature, as well as a complete
assessment of the skeleton as a whole, should be done before any inference is
made with regard to any given skeletal lesion. According to Walker, it is important
to consider the forms of modern interpersonal violence that act as a baseline to
help us in the interpretation of violence in the past. In addition, this information
allows us to distinguish between accidental vs. intentional injuries, keeping in
mind that cultural factors can determine weapon choice and pattern of injuries
(Walker, 2001: 581–582). For special kinds of interpersonal violence (e.g. child
abuse and spousal abuse), the differential diagnosis must be presented in order to
differentiate the injuries from other lesions with similar characteristics.
Walker recommended being conservative in the assessment of an injury as
violent. In his opinion, only the obvious injuries should be considered as violent,
leaving the others as accidental (Walker, 2001: 576). However, as Martin and
Harrod (2015: 121) more recently argued, every potential traumatic lesion should
be evaluated in context and multiple interpretations should be considered. A
population pattern that is consistent with violent encounters documented clini-
cally and ethnographically is considered strong enough evidence to support con-
clusions about the presence and form of violence in past societies.
4.3.2.1 The contextual data

In order to gain a full understanding of violence, it is very important to recon-
struct the context in which these lesions occurred. Despite some claims that
skeletal injuries are the only direct evidence of conflict events in the past (e.g.
Harrod et al., 2012; Larsen, 1997; Martin et al., 2012), there are other lines of evi-
dence that cannot be dismissed. These include archaeological evidence for
settlement patterns (location of sites in strategic places for defence or military con-
trol), defensive architecture (e.g. Stodder and Martin, 1992), weaponry (e.g. Lund
Valle, 2009; Murphy et al., 2010), and iconography (e.g. Pijoan and Mansilla Lory,
1997; Verano, 1986, 2001a). The presence of this kind of archaeological evidence
is not unquestionable proof that violent events did occur. However, it gives clues
that the threat of conflict was present. In the same way, the lack of evidence could
correspond to a truly peaceful reality or to one only in appearance (James, 2011:
128). As Layton (2011: 164) stated, in spite of the ambiguity of some archaeolog-
ical evidence, if the limitations of such evidence are accepted, archaeology can
throw light on the dynamics of conflict in past societies.
A more direct link between archaeology and violence could be the interpreta-
tion of the specific archaeological context in which the bodies were found; for
example, projectiles found in direct contact with the skeletons (e.g. Owsley, 1994;
Powell and Rogers, 1980), the number of bodies buried simultaneously in a single
pit (e.g. Cabrera Castro, 1994; Milner and Smith, 1989; Standen et al., 2009, 2010;
and Verano, 2001b), position of the bodies (e.g. Standen et al., 2009, 2010;
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Sugiyama, 1989), post‐mortem neglect (i.e. the abandonment of the body on

floors, roofs, or ground surfaces) (e.g. Kuckelman, 2012), and taphonomic changes
that can add information about the time between the event and the disposal of the
remains (e.g. Milner and Smith, 1989; Standen et al., 2009, 2010). The reconstruc-
tion of funerary patterns helps in distinguishing murder and homicide from con-
ventional mortuary behaviour (Martin and Harrod, 2015: 124). Individuals with
perimortem trauma placed in special contexts could be related to human sacrifices,
captives, slaves, or receivers of punishment (Fibiger, 2014). In addition, associated
material can shed some light on the identity of the victims (e.g. Cabrera Castro,
1994; Sugiyama, 1989; Verano, 2001b) and can be complemented later with other
studies such as metric and non‐metric traits, DNA, and isotopic analysis to obtain
information about the ethnic and geographical origins of the individuals (e.g.
Shimada et al., 2005; Sutter and Verano, 2007; and White et al., 2002).
Other sources of evidence to explore in the study of violence in the past include
historical, ethnohistorical and ethnographic materials (e.g. Anderson, 2014;
Carneiro, 1990; Djurić et al., 2006; Ember and Ember, 1997; Fowler, 1984; Haas
and Creamer, 1993; Harrod et al., 2012; Milner, 1995; Milner et al., 1991; Molto,
2015; Pijoan and Mansilla Lory, 1997; Scott and Buckley, 2010; Standen and
Arriaza, 2000; Torres‐Rouff and Costa Junqueira, 2006; Verano, 1995, 2001b,
2007; Walker, 1989; Wheeler et al., 2007; Wilkinson and Van Wagenen, 1993).
Despite the fact that these kinds of data have interpretative problems, they can
give insights as to the presence and forms of violence in a specific society (e.g.
records of particular conflicts, biological profile of the victims, preferred attack
area of the body, and weapon technology). However, the presence of a certain
form of violence in a given society opens the possibility that it was also present in
a nearby group or in a proximate time period.
4.3.2.2 Patterns of violence

As Walker (1997, 146) argued, “different types of violent behavior produce
characteristic patterns of skeletal injuries”. Crossing information of the location
and type of the injuries with the sex/age of the victim(s) can give clues to the type
of violence that was behind these lesions. For example, it is more likely that a
group of men, women and children – buried together and exhibiting perimortem
trauma to the skull – have been victims of a massacre instead of active combatants
in a war. The compilation of data and interpretation presented in the literature
allows the elaboration of models to try to identify different manifestations of vio-
lence, using the most accepted criteria used by different authors (see Table 4.1).
However, it must be acknowledged that these simplistic models are only an
approximation to the most probable cause of the lesions. Some factors (e.g. attacks
by different persons coming from different sides, or the movement of the victims
as they try to escape from the attack) could produce patterns of lesions that do not
conform to the models.
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Table 4.1 Patterns of violent trauma.
Violence Most affected Most recurrent lesions and place of burial

manifestation segment of
population
Physical conflict Adult males Healed traumatic lesions on the anterior part of
resolution the skull, usually in the left side.
War and warfare Young males High prevalence of healed and unhealed lesions
on the torso, the anterior or posterior part of
the skull and parry fractures. Rarely buried in
a cemetery.
Raiding/female Adult females Healed fractures on the back of the skull
abduction (followed by lesions on the anterior part of
the skull). Possibly multiple trauma or re‐
injury. Males could also present non‐lethal
and lethal lesions on the anterior or posterior
part of the cranium.
Surprise ambush/ Adult males Perimortem cranial and infra‐cranial lesions.
assault Small group of people buried together.
Massacre Adults and Individuals buried together, +50% of them
subadults showing perimortem lesions on different
parts of the skeleton (especially on the
cranium).
Ritual battle Adult males Single or multiple non‐lethal wounds, especially
on the facial bones. Low prevalence of
perimortem trauma.
Violence against Adult females Injuries in diverse states of healing on the skull
women – IPV and ribs.
(domestic abuse)
Child abuse Children and Cranial fractures in individuals under 2 years
infants old. Long bone fractures in individuals under
18 months. Proliferative and unorganized
PNBF. Multiple trauma in diverse states of
healing.
Based on data presented by: Arkush and Tung (2013); Baraybar and Marek (2006); Barreto Romero (2012); Blondiaux et al.
(2002); Gaither (2012); Guilaine and Zammit (2005); Harrod and Martin (2014); Knüsel (2014); Lambert (1997, 2002); Lewis
(2010, 2014); Loe et al. (2014); Paine et al. (2007); Ríos et al. (2014); Salter‐Pedersen (2011); Salter‐Pedersen and Lund (2007);
Schats et al. (2014); Standen and Arriaza (2000); Standen et al. (2009, 2010); Torres‐Rouff and King (2014); Tung (2012,
2013, 2014); Van de Vijver and Kinnaer (2014); Walker (1989, 1997); Walker et al. (1997); Wheeler et al. (2007, 2013).
4.3.3 Social theory

Social theory helps researches move from the descriptive data extracted from
bones to interpretations with broader significance to understand the past, allow-
ing one to consider the multiple motivations that caused the lesions (Martin and
Harrod, 2015; Martin et al., 2013; Smith, 2014).
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Violence has been studied through the lens of different theoretical frames, such
as the evolutionary perspective. This theory is helpful in studies that focus on the
origin and development of human violence, especially those covering a large
time‐span (Martin et al., 2012, 2013). Studies based on biocultural evolution
showed that the origins of violence can be traced back to very ancient times (e.g.
Frayer, 1997; Mirazón Lahr et al., 2016), and that “violence is not some unex-
plained aberrant act but is adaptive in many situations” (Martin et al., 2013: 68).
Ecology‐based theories are a group of theories (including human ecology,
cultural ecology, and human behavioural ecology) that center on the observation
of the human cultural and biological adaptation to (and modification of) a
particular environment (Martin et al., 2012, 2013). In this way, many authors
(e.g. Carneiro, 1970; Harrod and Martin, 2014; Jones et al., 1999; Lambert, 1997;
LeBlanc, 1999; Torres‐Rouff and Costa Junqueira, 2006) have suggested a link
between escalations of violence and environmental stress.
Another theory has been used to understand violence in the past is the gender
approach. This theory helps the bioarchaeologists to go beyond the dichotomy
male–female given by the sex estimation methods to reach a better understanding
of how genders (shaped by cultural contexts) faced stress (in this case, violence)
in a different manner (e.g. Jurmain and Kilgore, 1998; Tung, 2012, 2014).
More recently, social theories such as identity and the human body, inequality,
colonization and imperialism are helping to shape our understanding of violence
in the past. For a detailed recount of these theories, see Martin et al. (2012, 2013).
4.4 A + B = violence?
Violence has been broadly explored by bioarchaeologists in different regions,

environments, and types of societies. There is no simplistic link between a certain
type of environment/society and the presence or absence of a particular form of
violence. In this way, some studies posit a direct link between violence and climatic
instability (i.e. long‐term shifts in precipitation and extreme temperatures), envi-
ronmental degradation (related to changes in the population density and the scar-
city of resources) (e.g. Arkush, 2008; Carneiro, 1970; Covey, 2008; Ember and
Ember, 1997; Jones et al., 1999; Lambert, 1997; LeBlanc, 1999; Molto, 2015;
Standen et al., 2009, 2010; Torres‐Rouff and Costa, 2006; Walker, 1989, 1997;
Zhang et al., 2007), and sociopolitical instability produced by the collapse of an
empire or other complex societies (e.g. Cahill, 2010; Covey, 2008; Kurin, 2012,
2014; Tainter, 1988; Yoffee, 2005). However, there are also cases in which climate
change and resource stress did not lead to violence (e.g. Tol and Wagner, 2010;
Wossink, 2009).
Similarly, the idea that in small‐scale societies cooperation prevails over vio-
lence in problem resolution, and that warfare appears only in sedentary agricul-
ture‐based societies with political centralization (and a territory with resources)
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(Ferguson, 1997, 2011; Fuentes, 2004, 2013; Mead, 1937), has been challenged
by different studies which demonstrated that warfare could be present in uncen-
tralized nomadic and forager groups (e.g. Clastres, 2010; Guilaine and Zammit,
2005; Kelly, 2013; Lambert, 2002; Mirazón Lahr et al., 2016; Molto, 2015). In fact,
ethnographical records suggest that warfare was more frequent and lethal in pre‐
state populations than in modern‐day societies, and that murder and pillaging still
occur in societies traditionally considered to be peaceful (Guilaine and Zammit,
2005; Keeley, 1996). Nonetheless, it seems that violence in societies that were
adopting agriculture was generally low and not lethal (with cranial fractures usu-
ally affecting less than 10% of the adults) (e.g. Blau, 2007; Cunha et al., 2007;
Domett and Tayles, 2007; Doran, 2007; Douglas and Pietrusewsky, 2007;
Papathanasiou, 2011; Smith, 2014; Smith and Horwitz, 2007), representing
sporadic episodes of interpersonal conflict (Roksandic, 2006). However, higher
prevalences of cranial trauma (including perimortem fractures) have been
detected in some Mesolithic and Neolithic sites (e.g. Beyneix, 2007; Jiménez‐
Brobeil et al., 2009; Mirazón Lahr et al., 2016; Pechenkina et al., 2007; Roksandic,
2004; Teschler‐Nicola et al., 1999) indicating that warfare could be temporary and
restricted to some areas (Roksandic, 2004).
According to Martin and Harrod (2015: 124), violence in small‐scale societies
appears in the form of highly ritualized fighting, raiding for resources and women,
and feuds between rival groups. Schulting (2013: 31–32) noted that violence and
warfare were present in small‐scale societies of Europe even before the invention
of formal weaponry. Men (and even possibly women) were potential warriors who
fought if needed, using tools created for other purposes as weapons. According to
Guilaine and Zammit (2005, 21–22), prehistoric warfare involved lower numbers
(often involving non‐specialists) and unfolded without an elaborate strategic plan,
organization, or authority figure; contrasting with the professional and hierar-
chized armies and highly effective weapons that characterize modern war. However,
according to the authors, both types of warfare share some features, such as the
involvement of adult men as the usual active participants. In fact, young males are
usually involved in more (and in more lethal) violent events (both as perpetrators
and as victims) than females (e.g. Fry, 1998; Walker, 1997, 2001).
All of these (in appearance) contradictory observations lead to the conclusion
that multiple circumstances combine to produce and shape violence (c.f. Ferguson,
1997; Harrod and Martin, 2014; Martin and Harrod, 2015; Nielsen and Walker,
2009).
4.5 Bioarchaeological vs. clinical and forensic

perspectives
In both bioarchaeology and clinical/forensic studies, the research is designed to

obtain data that will address questions about the identity of the victims and per-
petrators, the nature of the injuries, and the context in which those injuries were
c04.indd 56 11/26/2019 8:26:51 PM

produced. However, while clinical/forensic studies can corroborate the information

with official records or by interviewing the victim’s relatives (and in the case of
clinical studies, by interviewing the victim directly), bioarchaeology is usually
confined to the information that can be gathered from the study of the skeletons
and the archaeological contexts in which the individuals were found, which limits
the interpretations that can be obtained from it. In this way, bioarchaeology deals
with data that are not completely reliable, leading to conclusions that can be
better described as most probable estimations and scenarios.
In terms of the identification of the individuals involved, these kinds of research
collect information about their biological profile (sex, age, ancestry) and social
status. However, since in bioarchaeology the remains of the victim are the main
source of information, the data that can be obtained are focused principally on the
victim rather than the perpetrator. Bioarchaeological data are also affected by the
methodological limitations and assumptions that are involved in this kind of
research. For example, age estimations in bioarchaeology rest on methods devel-
oped from the evaluation of skeletal development and deterioration, which pro-
vides a biological age range that may or may not coincide with the actual
chronological age at death of the individual. In the same way, sex estimation in
subadults based in skeletal assessment is very controversial, thus, these data are
usually omitted for these cohorts. These two limitations are also present in forensic
anthropology.
Another example is the inference of the social status of an individual based on
the associations found in the grave. It is usually assumed that these associations
reflect the social status that an individual had during their life. Nevertheless, this
could be not always true, as funerary practices can differ among cultures, espe-
cially in victims of death by violence.
In the case of the determination of the cause of the lesions, anthropological and
clinical research uses previous clinical studies of well‐documented cases of injuries
to establish an interpretation that violence has taken place. However, bioarchae-
ology and forensic anthropology are usually limited to the assessment of injuries
in the skeleton, which can underestimate the prevalence of violence in a
population, since injuries from violence do not always leave marks on the bones
(see, for example, Milner, 2005; De la Grandmaison et al., 2001). Other limita-
tions in anthropological studies arise when trying to extrapolate clinical data to
what is found, since skeletal data in clinical assessments are taken using imaging
techniques, while anthropological data are usually obtained by direct observation
of the bone (which in addition, is not always in a good state of preservation).
Bioarchaeological research also has the problem of whether the sample studied
is representative of the population from which it was drawn, not only because of
taphonomic forces that can destroy part of the remains (especially those of juve-
niles), but also of cultural behaviours that can determine that not all the individ-
uals of the population were buried in the same place. Even recovery techniques
can affect the nature of the sample, especially if the skeletons were recovered with
non‐probabilistic sampling techniques. Palaeoepidemiological research, in the
c04.indd 57 11/26/2019 8:26:51 PM

other hand, also has to deal with conceptual problems such as population non‐
stationarity, selective mortality, and hidden heterogeneity (Wood et al., 1992). In
the case of trauma, since it is a condition whose morbidity progresses with age,
the demographic profile of the sample can affect the prevalence values. In
consequence, a sample with a larger number of older individuals will tend to
show higher rates of trauma prevalence (Glencross, 2011; Glencross and Sawchuk,
2003).
Finally, although clinical, forensic, and bioarchaeological research obtain data
that are used to reconstruct the context of violence, they differ at the level of
social interaction that they usually cover. In this way, since the identity of the
actors of violence in the past is usually unknown, bioarchaeology research is
focused on the reconstruction of “the big picture” or the sociocultural and political
context in which those violent events took place; while clinical and forensic inves-
tigations are focused on the reconstruction of contexts that are more related to the
individual, such as family, school, work, and neighbourhood.
Bioarchaeology can benefit from clinical and forensic methodologies such as
the use of standardized protocols that can help in the comparison of results from
other bioarchaeological studies, and the inclusion of exhaustive differential diag-
noses that could avoid simplistic deductions (e.g. fracture on the forearm equals
defensive lesion equals violence). In addition, clinical studies help bioarchaeolo-
gists to see beyond the bone, and realize that a fracture is not only an isolated
appearance, but also a lesion that has implications for the soft tissue and the
overall health of the individual. Clinical studies, on the other hand, could learn
from the multidisciplinary perspective of anthropological research, and its stress
on cultural differences in the shaping of violence. The contribution of social sci-
ences and humanities can broaden the understanding of modern manifestations
of violence and its impact in a population level.
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CHAPTER 5
Posthumous dignity and the importance

in returning remains of the deceased
Sian Cook
Department of Science, Technology and Engineering, University of Suffolk, Ipswich, UK
5.1 Introduction
5.1.1 Conceptualizing posthumous dignity

Dignity after death is a topic of continuous exploration (Cook, 2015; Dias, 2015).
Does dignity after death exist? If so, to what extent can this concept be extended
to the remains of the deceased (Dias, 2015)? The lack of a universally agreed def-
inition of this subject further demonstrates the inconclusiveness as to whether the
concept of dignity can, or should, be applied after death and to the remains of the
deceased.
To determine whether dignity can exist posthumously we need to take a closer
look at the living and their behaviour toward the deceased. Let us ask the question
“why”. Why did the Neanderthals bury their deceased in “summarily arranged
tombs” (Strauss, 1955: 267–268)?1 Why do we conduct funeral rituals, or uphold
the wishes of the deceased that were declared when they were alive? Why do we,
as living human beings, experience an emotional response when graves are robbed,
memorials vandalized and remains desecrated? These commemorative acts and
the emotional responses elicited when these are violated demonstrate not only the
existence of dignity after death, but also signify respect towards the deceased. This
chapter argues that dignity after death does exist. This is evident in the practices
that living beings exhibit today and is further consolidated by international human-
itarian law and burial and cemetery regulations. Examples of practices, behaviour
and legislation to support the existence of dignity after death are outlined below.
1
Strauss (1955) originally wrote: “Il n’existe probablement aucune société qui ne traite ses morts avec égards. Aux
frontiers mêmes de l’espèce, l’homme de Néanderthal enterrait aussi ses défunts dans des tombes sommairement
aménagées.” De Baets (2004) translated this as: “There is probably no society that does not treat its dead with dig-
nity. At the borders of the human species, even Neanderthal man buried his dead in summarily arranged tombs.”
67
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Burial and cemetery practices include regulations that encourage the decent
and dignified treatment of the remains of the deceased.2 In cases where remains
are not available or have not been found, some communities have erected mon-
uments to commemorate the deceased. For example, following the 36‐year
internal conflict in Guatemala, communities erected “truth monuments” to
“restore a sense of dignity” and to acknowledge outstanding injustices (Gidley and
Roberts, 2003: 152). In Britain, nearly every village, town and city has a monument
in remembrance of those who died in the First World War (Hayman, 2018). Such
monuments support the existence of dignity after death, and “provide a place for
local communities to come together to grieve” (Cook, 2015: 30).
Financial and physical efforts invested in searching and recovering the deceased,
following a conflict or disaster, suggests that there is dignity after death (De Baets,
2009). Following the 2018 Sulawesi earthquake and tsunami, thousands of rescue
workers searched for persons that were not yet accounted for. Lewi Kai sat and
waited while the rescue team worked in rotation to search for his wife’s body,
trapped in a five‐storey building that had collapsed on her. The rescue team cut
through the reinforced concrete floor “layer by layer” to reach her. When the search
reached the eighth day, hopes of finding Kai’s wife alive had faded (Dowling, 2018).
Examples from other disasters involve a cucumber lined with sticks of incense
placed next to the body of a local shopkeeper to mask the smell of decomposition
(Phillips, 2015); materials, such as sheets and cardboard, draped over remains of the
deceased (Park, 2010), and one body wrapped in a grey blanket with the person’s
name written on a piece of cardboard placed next to them (Jean‐François, 2010).
Committing such commemorative acts, coupled with the determination to find per-
sons unaccounted for, suggests there is dignity after death (Cook, 2015).
Another practice that supports the existence of dignity after death is DNA anal-
ysis. This expensive and time‐consuming process is often used in identifying both
the recent and long‐deceased. An ICRC guide concerning the use of DNA analysis
in the identification of human remains states that “the only relief for their [a
missing person’s] families is … knowing that the remains of their relative have
been or can be treated with dignity” (ICRC, 2009: 3). Scully (2014) conducted a
study focusing on whether DNA matching of the long‐deceased with living family
members demonstrates an act of care towards the deceased. Common reasons for
why family members took part in the study included the terms “looking after” and
care:
I ended up with all this [the involvement in the FIP] because [an aunt] said to me you
have it, you’ll look after him.
I thought, well, someone’s got to care about it. It’s not right if no one cares enough
about, about them, about him.
(Scully, 2014: 319)
2
For example, the Federation of Burial and Cremation Authorities represents approximately 85% of all cremation
authorities in the UK, and provides guidance for several procedures, including for the use of coffin covers and the
packing and despatching of cremated remains (FBCA, 2015).
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Posthumous dignity and returning remains of the deceased 69
Care towards the deceased is also exhibited in clinical settings. For example,
care guidance for clinicians following death and transfer of the deceased encour-
ages the dignity of the deceased to be maintained and preserved (Wilson, 2015).
Guidance on the safe management of those who have died from Ebola or the
Marburg virus disease encourages “a symbol of dignity and clothing”,3 such as a
white cloth, to be provided when conducting burials (World Health Organization,
2017: 6).4 Showing care towards the deceased supports the existence of dignity
following death.
Reviewing international humanitarian law, statements encouraging respect
towards remains of the deceased are enshrined in the 1949 Geneva Conventions
and Customary Rules. For example, Customary Rule 113 states that all parties to
a conflict are to “take all possible measures” to prevent the desecration of remains
of the deceased (Henckaerts and Doswald‐Beck, 2005: 409). This obligation is
reflected in numerous military manuals.5 Further, under the Rome Statute of the
International Criminal Court (ICC), the war crime “outrages upon personal dig-
nity” extends to the deceased.6 In the J. Kikuchi and M. Mahuchi case,7 the
accused were convicted for wilfully “bayoneting and mutilating the dead body of
a United States prisoner of war” (UNWCC, 1949: 152), and in the T. Yochio trial,
the accused was convicted of killing eight prisoners of war and denying them an
honourable burial.8 The desecration of remains of the deceased and denying an
honourable burial are evidence that the remains and graves of the deceased are
perceived to be higher than a “thing” status. This demonstrates that the concept
of the deceased is emblematic of a more concrete than perceptual identity. Thus,
remains of the deceased are reified through commemorative practices.
International humanitarian law, military manual obligations and the extension
of “outrages upon personal dignity”9 to the deceased illustrates protection and
respect towards the deceased, but also provides insight into their perceived worth.
To most people, the desecration of human remains, including mutilation and the
denial of an honourable burial, is perceived as an insult. Other disrespectful acts
include using the remains of the deceased as “bargaining chips” to negotiate the
3
This includes patients who have died from suspected or confirmed Ebola or Marburg virus disease.
4
The guidance also encourages taking into consideration the religious and social context to ensure a dignified
burial takes place.
5
For conflicts of an international character, see the military manuals of Argentina, Australia, Belgium, Benin,
Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Canada, Congo, France, Germany, Kenya, Lebanon, Madagascar, Mali, Morocco,
Netherlands, New Zealand, Nigeria, Romania, Senegal, Spain, Switzerland, Togo, United Kingdom and United
States. For conflicts of a non-international character, see the military manuals of Australia, Benin, Canada,
Germany, Kenya, Lebanon, Madagascar, Spain and Togo (Henckaerts and Doswald-Beck, 2005).
6
With reference to the war crime “outrages upon personal dignity”, the 2000 ICC Elements of Crimes specifies
that Article 8(2)(b)(xxi) and (c)(ii) of the 1998 ICC Statute extends to dead persons (International Criminal Court,
2011).
7
See the J. Kikuchi and M. Mahuchi case in UNWCC, LRTWC, vol. XIII, pp. 152 ff.; 13 AD 289.
8
See the T. Yochio case in UNWCC, LRTWC, vol. XIII, pp. 152 ff.; 13 AD 289.
9
According to De Baets (2009), a strong motivator for the establishment of the International Criminal Court was
posthumous restoration of the dignity of the deceased in human rights violations.
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release of soldiers (Levinson, 2011). This suggests that the remains of the deceased
have value, and thus should be treated with the equivalent respect.
Although a universal definition has yet to be agreed upon, the acts that the
living commit, and the application of current international humanitarian laws,
are indicative of dignity existing after death (Cook, 2015; De Baets, 2009; Foster,
2014). These acts contextualize the esteem in which the deceased are held and
respected.
5.1.2 Assumptions for the existence of dignity after death

According to De Baets (2009), the existence of dignity after death rests on five
assumptions. These assumptions can be divided into the following three categories:
Category A – Assumptions regarding the deceased
1. The status of the remains of the deceased rests between ‘thing’ and ‘human
being’.
2. After death, symbolic traces of a person’s humanity and personality are retained
and are protected by the living. Such traces may be resembled in living family
members and in the memories people have of them when alive. The deceased
may also leave traces of their lives in objects, such as work projects or personal
collections. Such objects suggest that a relationship with the deceased exists
beyond their death. Further, the passing of time does not completely erode
respect and compassion towards the deceased (De Baets, 2009). The way the
recent and long‐deceased are treated suggests that the deceased hold value.
Category B – Assumptions regarding the deceased while alive
3. Interests and claims a person may have while alive can exist posthumously
(Smolensky, 2009). Requests regarding disposal of their body, and what will hap-
pen to their finances “are often expressed as promises, contracts, life insurance
policies, testaments and deathbed wishes” (De Baets, 2009: 120). These requests
are expressed assuming that they will be honoured after their death. Once
deceased, the expectation that our remains will be treated respectfully and that
our requests will be fulfilled signify an attitude of respect towards the deceased.
Category C – Assumptions regarding the relationship between the deceased and the living
4. The duties shown towards a person while alive do not cease following their
death. The living show respect and compassion towards the deceased because
they think of the person as who they were in life (Callahan, 1987). This
includes cherishing objects that were closely associated with them, such as
their personal belongings, mentioned in assumption 2. This suggests that the
relationship with the deceased continues following their death.
5. The living and the deceased belong to the same community. Article 1 of the
Universal Declaration of the Human Genome and Human Rights states that
“the human genome underlies the fundamental unity of all members of the
human family, as well as the recognition of their inherent dignity and diversity.
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In a symbolic sense, it is the heritage of humanity” (UNESCO, 1998: 42).

However, considerable differences between the living and the deceased has led
to each being assigned different statuses – the living as the “protector”, and the
deceased as the ‘group to be protected’.
Remains of the deceased have symbolic value. Traces of humanity and person-
ality that the person had in life can survive after death in objects or memories.
Cherishing such objects and memories is emblematic of a relationship with the
deceased that continues after death. Making known their requests while alive,
and honouring them once deceased, shows not only respect towards the deceased
but the posthumous existence of interests held by a person during their lifetime.
Finally, the status of the deceased as resting between “human being” and “thing”
symbolizes the value of the deceased. Upholding these assumptions supports the
argument that dignity exists after death. As the deceased are no longer living
human beings, the term “human dignity” would be incongruous with their
condition; a more appropriate term is “posthumous dignity”.
5.2 Posthumous dignity
5.2.1 Deconstructing posthumous dignity

De Baets defines posthumous dignity as “an appeal to respect the past humanity
of the dead and constitutes the foundation for the duties of the living” (De Baets,
2009: 119). In this definition, De Baets states that, as the deceased are no longer
human beings and can no longer protect themselves, the protection of the deceased
becomes a responsibility of the living. Two concepts that are important to consider
within posthumous dignity are value and respect.
Value can be defined as beliefs held by members of a culture or society about
what is good or bad, desirable or undesirable (Cook, 2015). Bestowing value upon
an object gives it significance. Furthermore, encouraging communities to embody
humanitarian values facilitates behavioural change at a societal level.10 These
values include the protection of life, health and human dignity, and respect (IFRC,
n.d.). Posthumous dignity implies that remains of the deceased are important and
hold value. It could be argued that because the deceased have dignity, and hold
value, they are deserving of respect (De Baets, 2009).
Recognition and fulfilment of certain requirements manifest respect. For
example, all parties to a conflict are encouraged to adhere to international human-
itarian law. Respect, however, can also refer to refraining from causing harm. The
obligation to respect the deceased is included in Additional Protocol I,11 and the
Commentary on the Additional Protocols (1987), which states that respect means “to
10
Global bodies that promote such values include the International Federation of the Red Cross and Red Crescent
Societies (IFRC).
11
Additional Protocol I, Article 34(I) (adopted by consensus).
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Table 5.1 Living duties regarding the deceased.
Category Duties
Body and property‐related Body – To provide protection regarding the remains of the
deceased.
Funeral – To honour the dead by conducting funerary rites.
Disposal – To dispose of the deceased (burial or cremation)
and not to disturb their place of rest.
Will – To respect the will of the deceased concerning their
body and property.
Personality‐related Identity – To search for and identify the deceased; to record
their death, cause of death, and details of the deceased,
including name, date of birth and (if applicable) their
nationality.
Image – To consider the privacy and reputation of the
deceased when publicly portraying them after death.
Speech – To consider the privacy and reputation of the
deceased when publicly conveying information about
them.
General Heritage – To identify and safeguard the heritage of the
deceased.
Consequential rights Memory – The right to mourn, to bury and cremate, and to
commemorate.
History – The right to know the truth about past human
rights abuses.
Source: De Baets (2009, 123), slightly adapted and abridged by this author.
spare, not to attack” (Sandoz et al., 1987: 146). Therefore, if the deceased have
posthumous dignity, they hold symbolic value and are thus deserving of respect
(Cook, 2015).
5.2.2 Duties of the living regarding the deceased

De Baets (2009) suggests that the duties of the living towards the deceased can be
divided into four categories related to: body and property, personality, general and
consequential rights (see Table 5.1). If it is not possible to undertake the above
duties, then moral injury may be inflicted (Cook, 2015).
5.3 The concept of moral injury
The concept of moral injury is relatively new in the social sciences and human-
ities, but is receiving increased attention within and outside of military settings
(Bryan et al., 2016). Maguen and Litz (2012) define moral injury as: “An act of
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serious transgression that leads to serious inner conflict because the experience is
at odds with core ethical and moral beliefs” (Maguen and Litz, 2012: 1). The text-
book case of moral injury is the soldier who was ordered to commit an atrocity, an
act that may be against the soldier’s moral standards, who is then traumatized by
the knowledge of what they have done; such a soldier has suffered moral injury.
Moral injury can present itself in various forms, including psychological, spiritual,
behavioural and social. The extent of moral injury sustained is governed by con-
textual factors, such as, and including, the reactions of others (Litz et al., 2009).
Moreover, a soldier’s feelings of euphoria associated with the desecration of enemy
remains, including taking their personal effects as “battle trophies”, may change
over time. Such feelings may be replaced with guilt and shame due to the soldier
believing the original act transgressed their moral standards (Higgins, 1987). The
soldier may attempt to reconcile their actions, and absolve their feelings of guilt,
by returning personal effects to the deceased’s family.
Another allegory of battle trophy collection is that of H.S., a former Second
World War Navy electrician. H.S. returned from war having collected various tro-
phies, all of which he gave away except a Japanese soldier’s pocket book. “I saw it
as something personal, and that’s the reason I held onto it for fifty‐one years”
(Harrison, 2008: 779). H.S. wanted to return the pocket book to the soldier’s
family; Japanese officials were able to locate the brother of the deceased. Upon
receiving the pocket book, the brother wrote to H.S.: “I was deeply moved by the
fact that you have kept this notebook over five decades and have tried to find the
family of the owner. This notebook was my brother’s soul, and I feel as if my
brother has finally come back to us” (Harrison, 2008: 779). The return of such
personal items allows relatives of deceased soldiers finally to be able to conduct
funerary services, as these items act as a physical replacement for the missing
remains. Some family members described these belongings, such as a glove, pen,
or pocket book, as being a part of the person who had died (Harrison, 2008),
because it was “just like having a piece of… [their relative’s] body” (Bautista,
2004).
The field manual entitled Management of Dead Bodies in Disaster Situations states
that failure to identify remains of the deceased can cause moral injury to their
family members (PAHO and WHO, 2004). The field manual supports a broad
interpretation of moral injury: those who come to know about, or witness, an
offence, but did not commit it, may also suffer moral injury. For instance, a family
who learns that the remains of a loved one were disposed of carelessly, or given
undignified burials, may suffer moral injury as a result. This broad interpretation
of moral injury can be extended to include refugees fleeing from persecution‐
related violence, who are often exposed to events that transgress deeply held
moral beliefs, such as murder (Nickerson et al., 2015). Furthermore, it has been
suggested that journalists covering forced migration crises may be at risk of expe-
riencing moral injury. One such example is the case of a journalist who was asked
to help move remains of the deceased (Howden, 2018).
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Moral injury may also occur where activities that minimize the suffering of
others, such as the dignified treatment of the deceased or returning remains to
bereft families, are not conducted. Moral injury is explained by understanding the
complex relationship that the living has with the human remains. Thus, remains
of the deceased are boundary objects.
5.4 The concept of human remains as a boundary object
Remains of the deceased, and objects associated with them while living, are
boundary objects with agency (Moon, 2012). Star and Griesemer (1989: 409)
defined a boundary object as “an object that lives in multiple social worlds and
which has different identities in each”. Boundary objects connect actors from
different social worlds; for instance, those who knew the person while alive as
well as those who did not. The structure of a boundary object “is common enough
to more than one world to make them recognisable” (Star and Griesemer,
1989: 393).
Actors may have common or diverging interests associated with the boundary
object. For example, in the mid‐1980s, the Argentinean Government began exhu-
mations of individuals killed by the junta. In 1984, the Government requested
some mothers claim their children’s remains and sign a certificate confirming,
“the child had fought with the police and was killed as a consequence” (Guzman‐
Bouvard, 1994: 140). Such conditions corroborated the junta’s assertion that the
use of violence was required. Consequently, the Argentinean mothers refused to
accept the remains. This example demonstrates the communicative capabilities
embodied by the remains of the deceased, and the boundary objects to be “situ-
ated in the context of the motivations of the people that choose or draw upon the
object” (Moon, 2012: 164). Therefore, the investment12 in the remains of the
deceased is different if groups have diverging interests. The relationship between
the significance of remains and their “use” can either safeguard the dignity of the
deceased or inflict moral injury (Cook, 2015).
5.5 Theoretical framework regarding safeguarding

dignity of the deceased
According to De Baets (2009), the deceased retain traces of their humanity and
personality as symbolic value; thus, they hold posthumous dignity. Upholding this
assumption of posthumous dignity, there is then an expectation that the deceased
therefore deserve respect and value from the living. The deceased are unable to
protect their dignity and it becomes the responsibility of the living to safeguard it.
This investment could be in a moral, social or financial context, as well as others.

12
c05.indd 74 11/26/2019 8:26:57 PM

The living can safeguard posthumous dignity by fulfilling the responsibilities of

the living.
The relationship people had with the deceased, and how they interact with the
remains, will determine whether posthumous dignity is protected or violated. If a
community shares a common interest regarding the boundary object, and works
towards a common goal, the moral injury subsequently inflicted on the individ-
uals attempting to safeguard posthumous dignity is likely to be low. However, if a
community has diverging interests regarding the boundary object, and they
attempt to “use” the boundary object in different ways, moral injury is inflicted on
the community because their sense of moral right and moral wrong has been
violated.
The conscientious treatment of remains of the deceased does not impinge on
the question of whether the deceased have dignity. Based on pragmatic utilitarian
grounds, remains of the deceased should be treated with respect and remains
returned to minimize the suffering of families and communities. The concept of
posthumous dignity becomes embedded with return‐of‐remains practices and the
tacit belief that remains of the deceased be valued and respected.
5.6 The importance of returning remains of the deceased
The uncertainty regarding what has happened to a family member is painful.

Such uncertainty is evident in Georgia, where the 1992–1993 armed conflict in
Abkhazia left over 2000 people yet to be accounted for (ICRC, 2017). Here is the
account of one mother searching to find her son:
One woman who lives on the outskirts of Tbilisi last saw her son in 1993, when he left
home to fight in the war. Eleven days later came word that most of his battalion had
been killed. The woman sold her gold fillings to raise money so she and her husband
could search for him. They walked from village to village but did not get as far as
Tsugurovka, where it was rumoured that some men had been thrown off a cliff. “My
main goal in life is to go to Tsugurovka, to the bottom of that cliff,” she told the ICRC.
“Even if I find a skeleton I don’t care, I just want my son back.”
(ICRC, 2014: 9)
A central feature of the disaster victim identification (DVI) process is to return

the remains of the deceased to their families (INTERPOL, 2018). To some families,
receiving the remains of the deceased may be fundamental to not only accepting
the person’s death, but to beginning or completing the mourning process (Lindsey,
2001; ICRC, 2014; Tidball‐Binz, 2007).13 The importance of returning the remains
of the deceased is also recognized in military situations. In the United States mili-
tary, for example, the deceased are recovered to “spare families the agony of living
13
Receiving the remains of the deceased can also allow families to obtain death certificates. Such a document is
required for making legal claims (Sphere Association, 2018).
c05.indd 75 11/26/2019 8:26:57 PM

with uncertainty” (Wong, 2005: 605). According to Lieutenant Colonel Hal

Moore, searching for and recovering the remains of five of his soldiers meant that:
[F]ive coffins could begin the long journey home, and five American mothers who had
already suffered too much would no longer suffer the agonies of not knowing whether
their sons were alive and prisoners, or dead and abandoned in the jungle. And Captain
George Forrest and I could sleep a little better at night for the rest of our lives.
(Moore and Galloway, 2004: 321)
The inability to return remains of the deceased can have a significant impact on
the deceased’s family. Rick Downes remarks on the fate of his father, who went
missing in January 1952 when his plane went down over North Korea: “The lack
of closure creates a wound that never heals. It’s just there, and it goes on for gen-
erations” (Borger, 2018). Thus, returning the remains of the deceased is a critical
move towards families finding consolation.
Facilitating the return of remains of the deceased falls within the remit of
humanitarian action, and should not be overlooked by any actor with the capa-
bility to assist in this process.14 Family members have the right to know the fate of
their missing relatives (ICRC, 2018), and for the remains of the deceased to be
returned to them. According to Cook (2015), returning the remains of the
deceased is more than a physical transfer: “It may not end the anguish or provide
answers to all the questions, but it allows the deceased and living family members
to come together and, in a sense, return home” (Cook, 2015: 73).
5.7 Conclusion
This chapter has argued that dignity after death exists. This is exhibited by current
practices, and is further consolidated by international humanitarian law and
burial and cemetery regulations. This chapter has also highlighted the importance
of return‐of‐remains practices to minimize the suffering of families and
communities.
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CHAPTER 6
Unidentified deceased persons:

Social life, social death
and humanitarian action
Roberto C. Parra1,2*†, Élisabeth Anstett2, Pierre Perich3 and
Jane E. Buikstra4†
1
2
Centre, National de la Recherche Scientifique (CNRS), Paris, France
3
Forensic Department, Hôpital de la Timone, Aix Marseille University, CNRS, EFS, Marseille, France
4
School of Human Evolution and Social Change, Arizona State University, Tempe Campus, AZ, USA
6.1 Introduction
When atrocity and death are inflicted upon a group and people are left in the
wake of a humanitarian crisis, the corpses and body parts, their agency, their
memories and history assume a special social tension (Dreyfus and Anstett, 2017;
Moon, 2012; Buikstra, 2017; De Leon, 2015; Anstett and Dreyfus, 2014; Tung,
2014; Fontein, 2010; Hoskins, 2006; Card, 2002, Laqueur, 2002; Verdery, 1999).
In the recent history of humanity, extreme violence used against the living and
the dead, as well as a growing variety of sophisticated ways to destroy bodies, lead
to an enormous production of inert bodies and body parts (Anstett, 2018). All
these bloody episodes require new thoughts for humanitarian action to be con-
ducted in an appropriate way. In many ways, social sciences and forensic sciences
need to unite to face such humanitarian challenges.
Social sciences have had a decisive influence on legitimizing the body as an
object of inquiry, which also highlights its solid cultural role based on its symbolic
agency (Laqueur, 2015; Crossland, 2009; Hockey and Draper, 2005; Bourdieu,
1985, 1990; Turner, 1991; Corbin et al., 2005; Douglas, 1971, 1996 [1970], 2002
[1966]). Therefore, the agency of the corpses and body parts, and their associated
the United Nations.
†
Co-lead authors.
79
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history and memories, must be taken into consideration, respected and commem-
orated, which contributes to understanding and processing episodes of death
through various forms of cultural expression worldwide (Robben, 2018; Laqueur,
2015; Krmpotich et al., 2010; Wilson, 2003; Hallam et al., 1999; Metcalf and
Huntington, 1991; Hertz, 1960). Such cultural displays of respect and consideration
contribute positively to maintaining a balance in terms of mental health for the
members of a society, directly contributing to the emotional wellbeing of those
people who have lost a loved one (Stroebe et al., 2007).
By contrast, the posthumous dignity1 of the dead might be threatened by var-
ious forms of cruelty, inhuman, or degrading treatment, such as mutilation, disso-
lution with chemical agents and other mechanisms of destruction that attempt to
completely eliminate the identity (whether administrative, or social and cultural)
of the deceased. In these events, the social life of the dead2 loses its coherence, and
their loved ones are left submerged in a permanent suffering that negatively
impacts all survivors.3 Along the same lines, we find that when we do not know or
recognize the identity of a deceased person, the corpse or the body parts remain in
a forced social anonymity, what Mary Douglas ([1966] 2002) has referred to as a
“matter out of place”;4 this state implies that the body of a deceased person remains
liminal, and is considered as an unclassified object removed by society from all
cultural, social and kinship affiliation as long as its identity is not precisely deter-
mined. Furthermore, some societies deny to an unidentified body its very human
condition and therefore right to dignity. In these contexts, forced disappearance as
well as reappearance of anonymous corpses becomes a humanitarian tragedy that
transgresses fundamental principles such as the right of the relatives to know the
fate of their loved ones.5 Pauline Boss (2017: 522) argued that “without proof of
death, the family are forced to imagine their own ending to their loss. This is
immensely challenging and is not required when there is evidence of death”.
In humanitarian forensic work, the process begins with the search, location and
rescue of the body, as well as the application of scientific techniques to reconstruct
1
“… an appeal to respect the past humanity of the dead and constitutes the foundation for the duties of the living”
(De Baets, 2009: 119). For further information, see Chapter 5, this volume.
2
We understand the social life of the dead as “the socioculturally mediated capacity to act” (Ahern, 2001: 110) in
connectedness and symbolic interaction with the social life of the living (Blumer, 1962).
3
Certainly, a kind of missing person is when “The dead: in numerous instances, people are unaccounted for because
they have been killed and their bodies left unattended, buried in, or burnt (or disposed of by some other means)”
(ICRC, 2013: 16) or “Some families may deal with the situation by choosing hope over despair and by clinging to
the most hoped-for scenario (i.e. that their missing relative is still alive). Sometimes, they might even behave as if
nothing had really changed in their lives. The cases of mothers continuing to prepare a missing person’s favourite
dishes, or leaving the light on in case he or she comes back, have been noted in various contexts. This is a way to
keep their loved one alive, in a sense, and to maintain his or her presence within the family” (ICRC, 2013: 44).
4
Mary Douglas does not relate this phrase directly to the subject of death, but throughout her theory, she also
considers the importance of the body symbolism within society. Some researchers have applied her concept to illu-
minate social problems around the dead (Moon, 2017; Schwartz-Marin and Cruz-Santiago, 2016; Sledge, 2005).
5
“In some countries, families have to wait for years before their missing relative is officially declared dead or
absent. This interval can seem an eternity for family members, whose lives stand still, so to speak: they are unable
to sell property, remarry, or even go through funeral rites” (ICRC, 2013: 16).
c06.indd 80 11/29/2019 1:40:41 PM

Social life, social death and humanitarian action 81
and preserve their identity.6 This process has a symbolically restorative effect
among those who survived, and it goes along with the undeniable right to respect
the dignity of those who have died (Cordner and Tidball‐Binz, 2017; Moon, 2012,
2016, 2017; Tidball‐Binz, 2012; De Baets 2004, 2009). Humanitarian forensic sci-
ence focuses on this point: to “reunite” the dead body with its personhood in life
through identification and, as a consequence, to restore its kinship ties with its
loved ones (Moon, 2017).
This chapter considers a humanitarian approach to mitigate the disruption in
continuity of identity that may lead to social death of the unidentified deceased
persons. Here we argue that an adjustment in the forensic approach is required,
and that this adjustment implies prioritizing the rescue of bodies and their belong-
ings from those places where they remain buried and in anonymity.
6.2 The social life of dead bodies
The dead permanently influence the thoughts and behavior of the living (Robben,
2018; Buikstra, 2017; Wagner and Rosenblatt, 2017; Moon, 2012; Shimada and
Fitzsimmons, 2015; Laqueur, 2015; Tung, 2014; Fontein and Harries, 2013; De
Baets, 2004, 2009; Howarth, 2010; Wilson, 2003; Hallam et al., 1999; Metcalf and
Huntington, 1991; Hertz, 1960), therefore maintaining an active social life. Claire
Moon (2012) has pointed out that a dead body has a social life, playing several spe-
cial roles as elements of social contact, confluence and conflict. Based on an Andean
case study where approximately 240 individuals were dismembered, Tiffiny Tung
(2014: 450) noted that “Those mutilated corpses were not just passive symbols of
power and physical prowess; they also generated authority for those who killed and
butchered them”. She argues that dead bodies can structure human interactions,
shape social networks, and configure systems of power. A clear example of these
connections can be found in Afro‐descendent societies of the Pacific coast in
Colombia, where there is a particular respect for people who have suffered a violent
death. Usually, the perpetrators of these crimes subject their victims to dismember-
ment while still alive, with the intention of provoking a severe hemorrhage, since
they believe that ripping the body apart facilitates the release of the spirit through
exsanguination – the spirit leaves the body with the blood. In this way, the perpe-
trator avoids possible persecution by the deceased’s soul and also blocks any possi-
bility of a spell that could be practiced by the deceased person’s family to find them.
The soul, after leaving the body through the hemorrhage, loses its course in the
world of the living without any chance of locating its executioner. In order to achieve
the perpetrator’s goal, the parts of a single body must be buried together in a specific
place, still carrying its belongings. These mutilated bodies and their associated
6
Regarding the differences, limits and convergences between the identity and the identification, Gowland and
Thompson (2013) offer us an interesting analysis on the subject.
c06.indd 81 11/29/2019 1:40:41 PM

possessions not only represent passive symbols of animistic cultural power, but they
are also elements that force the perpetrators to bury them, respecting their own
agency. In the Kasaï culture of the Democratic Republic of Congo, burials are an
essential part of life as well, and if the dead are not properly buried and accompa-
nied in their new journey, their spirit can haunt the living. As for the opening of
mass graves, for the Kasaï cultural context would mean the production of a living
dead whose power would be considered absolute, a kind of invincible zombie.
As Jane Buikstra (2017: 295) notes, dead bodies are never neutral: “They
what is proper and what is not and act accordingly.” In Peru, the story of the death
of a child in the highland town of Cidruyo (Junin), exemplifies this influence of
the dead on the realm of “appropriateness”. The perpetrators of this murder were
forced to honor the child’s death by placing his belongings inside the burial con-
text, including one flute and two pets: a parrot and a pig. In addition, they per-
formed a ritual as sign of commemoration and respect for the deceased child; the
perpetrators understood that both the child’s body and its associated objects had a
special meaning that forced them to think and act with honor in the face of death.
Certainly, “… dead bodies demand response and urgent action. They are hard to
ignore…” (Wagner and Rosenblatt, 2017).
In 1990, one of the authors of this chapter observed that in the Tuamotu Islands
(French Polynesia), the dead, although properly buried, may become uncomfortable
and intolerant. When a Tuamotu group do not support the pressure exerted by this
dead, it can dig up the corpse in order to incinerate it, thus precipitating its full destruc-
tion and consequently its ultimate death. For the particular case of the Tuamotu the
dead bodies may therefore cast a negative shadow that threatens the thinking of the
living and makes it difficult to continue living peacefully; in this case the dead can be
completely eliminated. Certain funeral traditions in south, southeast and east Asia
destroy the dead body as quickly as possible, more often by cremation. In these mor-
tuary as well as commemorative rituals, the dead body matters actually far less that the
spirit and the memory of the deceased (Tsuji, 2018; Desjarlais, 2018; Wilson, 2003).
In the southwest of Colombia, during 2015, several cases were observed of
deceased bodies that were not claimed by their direct relatives. In some cases, the
relatives did not want to have notices of their deceased relative because they con-
sidered that they had caused considerable harm to society. In other cases, families
preferred not to recover a body that was identified as a family member by the
forensic teams, claiming that they had lost contact with this person. In all these
cases, families had feelings of fear in front of their own society, and thought they
were susceptible to being socially stigmatized with the taboo of impure dead,
which are considered dangerous and symbolically contagious of such “impurities”.7
7
See Mary Douglas ([1966] 2002) for analysis of the social aspects that can be considered impure due the pollution
of the dead body. This pollution of the social and dead body can be divided into four types. “The first is danger
pressing on external boundaries; the second danger from transgressing the internal lines of the system; the third,
danger in the margins of the lines. The fourth is danger from internal contradiction” (Douglas, [1966] 2002: 123).
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However, in one case the combat partners of the deceased requested the
International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) to mediate with the public
authorities to claim the body and belongings, move it to a safe place and give the
dead the respective honors in secret. Situations like these can arise, but in most of
cases the families claim the body back or at least ask to know about the fate of the
dead body and its final disposition.
Douglas (1971) uses the example of laughter to illustrate the idea and the impor-
tance of the body as symbolic expression, in this case, the anonymous dead body
as “matter out of place”. Laughter is a physiological function that starts in the face,
but that can affect the whole body. However, it is the social situation that deter-
mines the extent to which the body can laugh: the fewer restrictions, the freer the
body is to laugh out loud; in this way, the dead body expresses itself symbolically
and becomes a symbol of the situation. The dead body transmits information about
the situation,8 so that the more traditional the place, the more formal it will be and
the greater the pressures exerted upon it. In autochthonous populations of the
central Andes and among the indigenous people of Amazonia, the bodies of the
buried but unidentified deceased persons can be understood for these commu-
nities as a symbolic means highly associated with violence and moral injury.9
Thousands of human remains are indeed still buried in clandestine graves and in
other places where those bodies were thrown, such as rivers and lagoons, during
the Peruvian armed conflict (1980–2000) by perpetrators of the killings. This
affects the cultural landscape and social order of the Andean communities (Robin
Azevedo, 2015) as “matter out of place” in terms of space landscapes (places of
deposit of bodies without respect), as in the symbolic interaction with those anon-
ymous deaths in such deposit places, which implies that those corpses and body
parts “have been violated, have suffered indignities” (Rosenblatt, 2010: 948).
The degradation and destruction of the bodies – or their abandonment – consti-
tute a form of violence that directly impacts the mentality of the living (Laqueur,
2015; De Leon, 2015; Rosenblatt, 2010). Rosenblatt (2010: 948) has argued that
“The violence against the bodies in mass graves reaches across the boundaries of
life; it is committed first against living human beings and then against their dead
bodies”. The social landscape imposes itself on the dead body and constrains it to
act in a concrete way; thus the dead body becomes a symbol of the situation as a
permanent icon of violence both structurally and culturally (Galtung, 1969,
1990).
Gell (1998) and Latour (2005) have theorized about such subjects, where the
dead body and its objects have their own agency and can also influence the
behavior of the living (Tung, 2014; Hoskins, 2006). Various other perspectives
support the idea of a social life of the dead, including its symbolic influence, its
8
As in the story of the death of a child in the highland town of Cidruyo; the taboo of impure dead in Colombia or
living dead whose power would be considered absolute in Kasaï.
9
“An act of serious transgression that leads to serious inner conflict because the experience is at odds with core
ethical and moral beliefs” (Maguen and Litz, 2012: 1).
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posthumous dignity, and the respect for its agency (De Baets, 2004, 2009; Buikstra,
2017; Moon, 2012, 2017; Laqueur, 2015; Crandall and Martin, 2014; Fontein and
Harries, 2013; Harper, 2010), although others strongly disagree with this perspec-
tive (Rosenblatt, 2010). Among these, Rosenblatt (2010) focuses on the distinc-
tion between the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the idea that
individuals may maintain these rights after death. He argues that “in the case of
the dead, at least, ideas of agency seem ‘quite controversial’ indeed, too shaky and
too shifting a foundation to support the structure of human rights” (Rosenblatt,
2010: 934). He further states that “the dead not only do not have human rights;
they also do not have inherent dignity” (Rosenblatt, 2010: 941). However, the
American political scientist does recognize that the processes of location and
recovery of the bodies help to restore identity and memory (Wagner and
Rosenblatt, 2017; Wagner, 2015; Budreau, 2010; Sledge 2005). In opposition to
Rosenblatt’s view, some domestic law, such as in France, for example, recognizes
the dead body as a “sacred thing” (Labbée, 2006; Popu 2009) and attributes to the
corpse some specific rights such as the right to have its integrity respected. In
French law, any harm caused to the integrity of a cadaver is punishable according
to the article 225‐17 of the Criminal Code. The dead body in this precise – legal
and domestic – context therefore does have rights. At the international level, dis-
cussions on this subject can be reviewed in the publications of Gaggioli (2018) and
Smolensky (2009) in which they emphasize that not only do they have rights, but
that these rights directly impact the living if such rights are transgressed posthu-
mously; various examples are presented (Gaggioli, 2018; Smolensky, 2009).
6.2.1 Matter inside of place

Around the world, hundreds of thousands of dead bodies with unknown iden-
tities still remain in forced anonymity, whether in cemeteries, clandestine loca-
tions, morgues, or forensic laboratories. This situation affects numerous and
various social orders, in different countries, since dead body anonymity projects
an image of a human being who does not matter to other members of society and
who is marginalized, sometimes until its complete disappearance (due to the
decomposition of its organic structure), despite the fact that there are thousands
of people who are still searching for their disappeared relatives and waiting for
news. As Bryan Turner (1991) has highlighted:
The question of the body as a classificatory system has been fundamental to the anthro-
pological vision of Mary Douglas; the main theme of her whole work is the human
response to disorder in which may be included risk, uncertainty, and contradiction. The
principal response to disorder is systematic classification: the creation of ordered cate-
gories which both explain disorder and restore order.
(Turner, 1991: 5)
In the context of a forensic humanitarian approach, the main response to dis-

order would be the classification of the dead body through the definition of its
identity – placing the dead body as “matter inside of place” – to set up the processes
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of physical location, social and cultural connectedness and care (restitution and
burial). Therefore, when we are faced with an anonymous dead body and body
parts, we have two types of situations: the inert physical body, and its social body,
that is, its lost identity (Gowland and Thompson, 2013; Timmermans, 2006).
Mary Douglas notes that there are two kinds of bodies, the physical body and the
social body, so that:
The social body constrains the way the physical body is perceived. The physical experi-
ence of the body, always modified by the social categories through which it is known,
sustains a particular view of society. There is a continual exchange of meanings between
the two kinds of bodily experience so that each reinforces the categories of the other. As
a result of this interaction the body itself is a highly restricted medium of expression.
(Douglas, [1970] 1996: 72)
As Bourdieu has emphasized, “the body is in the social world, but the social
world is also in the body” (Bourdieu, 1990: 90), and the important role of the
body in the reproduction of culture (Bourdieu, 1985, 1998) would imply that if
we live among or over unidentified dead bodies, our social life would be in dis-
array, because by doing so we transgress the socially sanctioned behavior or
treatment of the dead (Laqueur, 2015). Douglas ([1966] 2002: 129) argued that
“any culture is a series of related structures which comprise social forms, values,
cosmology, the whole of knowledge and through which all experience is medi-
ated”. In this regard, as the anthropologist Claude Lévi‐Strauss (1955) wrote,
“there is probably no society that does not treat its dead with respect. At the bor-
ders of the human species, even Neanderthal man buried his dead in summarily
arranged tombs” (Lévi‐Strauss, 1955: 119). Robert Hertz (1960) also wrote, “The
body of the deceased is not regarded like the carcass of some animal: specific care
must be given to it and a correct burial; not merely for reason of hygiene but out
of moral obligation” (Hertz, 1960: 27). The biological and social properties of the
dead body are, then, the starting point for the culture that mediates and translates
them into “a system of natural symbols” (Douglas, [1970] 1996).
We start here with the principle that the image of the dead body is constructed
both socially and culturally: the human body is the image of society if not the
entire world, and there is no way of considering the body that does not imply, at
the same time, a social dimension (Berger and Luckmann, 1966; Douglas, [1970]
1996). In effect, these principles feed our understanding of how the socialization
process is also a process of individuation (Bourdieu, 1998) through “objective life
paths in the ‘social space’ and generator of subjective conceptions, expectations
and tastes – and practices – activities socially codified and reproduced over time,
promoting both social structuration and the actors’ incorporation of adjusted
mental, corporal and emotional dispositions” (Abrantes, 2013: 392). Therefore,
the biohistory10 of the anonymous dead needs to be classified with their own
identity. Tidball‐Binz (2012) stressed that scientific identification arises from our
Here we use the concept of “biohistory” following Claire Moon (2017) and Duncan and Stojanowski (2017).
10
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“shared responsibility for the dead, from which derives the humanitarian need for
ensuring their proper recovery, management, analysis and identification, to pro-
tect their dignity and to prevent them from becoming missing persons”.
Additionally, Cook (Chapter 5) has highlighted the importance of returning
remains of the deceased to their loved ones, but when this is not possible, at least
the bodies should be rescued from the places where they were condemned to
disrespect.
As Rocío Magaña (2011) eloquently argued, attending to dead bodies “creates
opportunities for the state to emphasize its protective proficiency and authority
despite the structural abandonment and weakness that cause these deaths”
(Magaña, 2011: 170). It is evident that one of the most urgent needs of relatives
who are looking for a loved one – in this case, someone who has disappeared and
died – is the recovery of the dead body and its confirmed identification, and if this
is not possible, at least to know what happened to them, to try to honor their
memory and alleviate the suffering of their relatives (ICRC, 2013).
Along the same line of thought, we agree with Claire Moon (2016), who pointed
out that:
The principles of “respect” and “dignity” underpin, shape, and dominate the protocols
governing humanitarian treatment of the dead. These principles tell us something about
the social importance of the dead and are reflections of widespread social norms older
and more pervasive than those of IHL which, in turn, reflects and objectifies those
norms. That is, it turns them into the objects of legal administration.
(Moon, 2016: 58)
We should also reflect on the idea of leaving the bodies in burial sites until find-
ing more information to recover them. Early in this chapter, we argued that the
body has a social life and therefore some humanitarian needs that must be con-
sidered. Thousands of bodies are still in individual burial sites, mass graves, or
other deposit sites waiting for rescue or recovery, decomposing and at risk of dis-
appearing completely. From a humanitarian perspective, should we continue
working under a model that implies leaving the body in the same place where it
was originally deposited, in anonymity until documentation is advanced, or
should we rethink the approach?
6.3 The social death of the dead
As an active social agent, there are several ways in which the dead are kept alive
in the cognitive and social realms of the living. However, the dead can also die
socially when three components of social life are lost: (1) social identity; (2) social
connectedness; and (3) losses associated with the disintegration of the body.11 The
loss of social identity is related to the symbolization of an anonymous body, when
Components based and adapted on the research of Jana Králová (2015).

11
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the body is not clearly identified, while the loss of connectedness is represented by
the absence of ritual, commemoration and memory that hinders the process of
dignifying the deceased and their loved ones. We agree with the definition of this
“connectedness” between the living and the dead provided by Shimada and
Fitzsimmons (2015: 3), when they argue that:
Death is immutable, perturbs us to varying degrees and triggers a wide variety of emo-
tional, behavioral, organizational, ideological and material responses and consequences
at both individual and communal level. Yet, death does not end or erase emotional
bonds or sense of indebtedness, memory, and other form of interpersonal relationships
established in life.
The “connectedness” between dead and living is “forming a cycle that con-
stantly renews itself” (Allen, 2015: 316), but when this relationship is broken, this
valuable indicator of the “social death” of a person is lost. On the other hand, the
category of “losses associated with disintegration of the body” means that our
social identity is inevitably connected to, and enacted through, our bodies (Hockey
and Draper, 2005; Králová, 2015). In many societies, when the dead body is lost
and/or is disintegrated before having been ritually properly treated, the social life
of the dead is under threat. The situation can then escalate up to the dead body’s
social death if the other dimensions have also been transgressed. However, the
recomposition or strengthening of their “connectedness” can serve as restorative
actions to preserve the social life of the dead, despite the fact that the other dimen-
sions have been affected. Certainly, “Around bones, photos and bootees, personal
and military histories are built; and family lives are dreamed into being” (Hockey
and Draper, 2005: 54)
Thus in Buenaventura (Colombia), some relatives of missing and deceased per-
sons who were never able to find the body of their loved ones due to various cir-
cumstances have been practicing a form of social and cultural “reconnection” to
maintain the social life of the dead and to avoid social death. The group of women
maintaining this tradition is named “Mothers for Life”; they practice the socializa-
tion of their pain through a reparative mechanism that they have called “the ritual
of the absent body”. As part of this ritual, the memory and cultural identities of the
deceased are highlighted, accompanied by chants and praises to the deceased, and
their life and actions are remembered and symbolized, conforming a scenario of
dignification. In this context, Mothers for Life have managed to strengthen the
memory of their deceased relatives and their identity, despite the fact that the body
has been disintegrated or lost. Mothers for Life “have found resilience using their
own culture and their own cosmovision, they have identified the path to finding
meaning, adjunct mastery, reconstructing identity, normalizing ambivalence and
revisioning attachment (Boss, 2017). Bell (2006: 542) suggests that “A funeral
without a body must, by eulogy or gesture or metonymic association, create a type
of body that can be mourned, fondled by grief, and then laid very clearly to rest”.
Similar experiences have been described for other contexts (Bolt, 2018).
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Humanitarian Action
Body and property-related duties

Personality-related duties
Lo nec
ty ial
Co
ss ted
Ide f Soc
n
of
nti
So ess
o
Location
ss
Identity
cia
Social
n
Lo
l
Death
Unidentified
Deceased
Person
Disintegration of the
Body
Care
Figure 6.1 Prevention and mitigation of social death as a forensic humanitarian action.
Conceptual framework adapted from De Baets (2009), Rosenblatt (2010) and Králová (2015).
De Baets (2009) has classified the duties of the living towards the deceased into
four categories related to: body and property (body, funeral, burial, will), person-
ality (identity, image, speech), general (heritage) and consequential rights (memory
and history) (see Chapter 5 for further information). Furthermore, Rosenblatt
(2010) proposes that to mitigate violence against bodies, it is necessary to guarantee
actions to preserve the protection of three fundamental aspects: identity, location
and care (see Figure 6.1). Sian Cook argues that “if it is not possible to undertake
the above duties, then moral injury may be inflicted” (Chapter 5), as well as legal
actions against such aggressions against the body of the deceased (Gaggioli, 2018).
The social death has a crucial meaning for humanitarian action; as Claudia Card
(2010) points out, “social death can aggravate physical death by making it
indecent, removing all respectful and caring ritual, social connections, and social
contexts that can make dying bearable and make one’s death meaningful” (Card,
2010: 262). Certainly, the descriptions offered by Maria Victoria Uribe (1996) in
Matar, rematar y contramatar12 helps us analyse the symbolism of violent death and
dismemberment of the bodies. In these criminal cases, killing and inflicting death
is not enough; rather, it is necessary to eliminate all traces of the victims’ existence,
including preying against their identity through dismemberment, in addition to
causing terror to their family members (Rajs et al., 1998; Holmes, 2017). According
to Gaggioli (2018: 187) “Mutilating dead bodies is a horrendous act that is per-
formed out of contempt for the dead and the living, and often to terrorize the
enemy through the display of lugubrious ‘war trophies’”. The mutilation of the
bodies is a serious attack against the dignity of the deceased; these are behaviors
that have been criminalized and severely sanctioned by international laws in
order to protect the dignity of the deceased and their families, as well as to preserve
In English, “Kill, kill again, and over-kill”.

12
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information used to elucidate the identity of the victims and circumstances of

their death (Gaggioli, 2018).
The social death of the dead bodies can thus in many contexts be understood as
a collective moral injury which should be prevented by the authorities and the
population itself, regardless of who the deceased victim may be. After the loss of
identity and the disappearance of the dead body itself, memorialization emerges here
as a main tool of dignification, which itself is a fundamental component of a human-
itarian approach in forensic sciences along with the documentation and recording of
“landscapes of dignification” (Chapter 41, this volume; Bolaños, 2016). The spatial
analysis of the clandestine deposit sites of dead bodies (rivers, lagoons, mass graves,
etc.), its connectedness with social and cultural contexts, identities, their memories
and history can, in such situations of forensic analysis, offer an important contribu-
tion of humanitarian action to the restoration of lost components.
6.4 Unidentified dead bodies and deposit sites
The bodies of unidentified deceased persons may be deposited in various places

such as morgues, cemeteries (regular and irregular), or clandestine deposit sites.
1. Morgues: These are places where bodies are deposited temporarily before and
after autopsy, either in conservation chambers or in the open, depending on
the logistic capabilities of the forensic services. In general, the risk of body dis-
appearance is minimal, but other problems can arise, including inadequate
management of the corpses or body parts due to various factors (e.g. lack of
conservation cold rooms, lack of maintenance of conservation cameras, and
space limitations, among others; see Figures 6.2 and 6.3). In cases of mass
disasters, morgues are usually overwhelmed, and the possibilities of storage,
registration and traceability can be dramatically reduced if there are no ade-
quate procedures for such events. When there is no previous preparation, the
risk of disappearance of corpses and body parts increases considerably.
2. Regular cemeteries: After forensic work is conducted in the morgue, corpses and
body parts are most often sent to cemeteries to be deposited in common graves
or in specific places depending on the logistic capabilities. For example, in Sao
Paulo (Brazil), bodies are sent to various cemeteries in the city – mainly Vila
Formosa or San Pedro – where they are buried in specific places. In Tegucigalpa
(Honduras), bodies are deposited in a humanitarian cemetery especially dedi-
cated to honor the memory of the deceased. Something similar occurs in
Colombia where all corpses and body parts are sent to specific cemeteries to be
buried individually (see Figure 6.4), even in high‐risk areas such as Quibdo,
Tumaco and Buenaventura where humanitarian practices have evolved satis-
factorily. Peru and Mexico have begun to develop similar practices only in the
last few years, thus minimizing the risk of disappearance of the corpses and
body parts in regular cemeteries.
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Figure 6.2 Unidentified bodies deposited in cold rooms of a morgue.
Figure 6.3 Saturation of unidentified bodies in spaces to store bodies in a morgue.
When looking in depth at military contexts, Laura Wittman (2011) has high-
lighted that:
The ceremonial burial of one anonymous body, gathered from the battlefield and given
a proper tomb was a cathartic to mass death and the irretrievable loss of so many bodies
and the event had immense cultural and popular appeal. The Unknown Soldier was at
once a representation of the body of the nation and of the human body, both felt to be
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Figure 6.4 Humanitarian funerary structure to store unidentified bodies.
ruptured, perhaps permanently, by the war and by modernity. The Tombs of the
Unknown Soldiers was a new memorial invented by the Italians, the French and the
British, in the last years of the war and its immediate aftermath, though it is clear that
concept of the Unknown Soldiers was widespread in all combatant nations, including
the United States and Germany.
(Wittman, 2011: 3)
In 1914, during the First World War, in the face of the exceptional accumulation
of anonymous dead, there emerged a strong popular demand in both France
and Germany to recover the bodies of soldiers missing in action, or at least to
perform a worthy burial. In France, the right for a soldier to benefit from an
individual and identified grave was thus part of a law passed on 29 December
1915, giving a specific status to those who were “morts pour la France” (“dead
for the country”: see Perich and Pouget, 2019; Pau, 2010, 2016).
Nevertheless, not all countries in the world necessarily follow best practice
regarding burial of corpses and body parts in regular cemeteries, and keep on
depositing them in common graves or in other inappropriate places (see
Figure 6.5), thus hindering their location when they are finally identified. This
serious problem was made visible mainly in Colombia after the identification
of thousands of bodies that could not be located in regular cemeteries due to
previous mismanagement.
3. Irregular cemeteries: These cemeteries are not necessarily linked to disrespectful
sites, and rather preserve the memory of the deceased, but are not known by
public authorities. They differ from the clandestine sites due to their purpose
and symbolic action. Irregular cemeteries indeed do not try to hide or conceal
corpses and body parts; instead they try to preserve the memory of the deceased.
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Figure 6.5 Human remains deposited in a regular cemetery.
A clear example is the cemetery in the small town of Bocas de Satinga, along
the Pacific Coast of Colombia, where two local people decided to bury dozens
of bodies that they rescued from a river. They understood that by recovering
corpses and body parts they would preserve the memory of these individuals
so that they could be identified with the help of forensic specialists in the
future. Other examples of irregular cemeteries are numerous battlefields (such
as those related to both World Wars, the Vietnam war, the Iran–Iraq war, or the
Pacific war between Peru, Chile and Bolivia, among others) where the bodies
are still deposited in the same place where they died, or where their battle
companions or even sometimes enemies managed to hastily bury them.
4. Clandestine deposit sites: Among the places included in this category are clandes-
tine burial sites, cremation furnaces, rivers, and other dumping locations (cliffs
and abysses, among others). These sites do not necessarily perpetuate memory;
on the contrary, their purpose is to facilitate oblivion and disappearance. While
decomposition (in rivers, lagoons, lakes, or oceans), cremation and dissolution
(with chemical substances) facilitate the disappearance of physical evidence,
clandestine burial sites offer the opportunity to at least physically recover the
remains of the people buried there. However, depending on the environmental
context of the place of deposit, the risk of disappearance increases over time.
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Three of the categories presented above (morgues, regular cemeteries, and

irregular cemeteries) preserve the social life of the deceased. In these places the
dead bodies still maintain their agency as human beings, and forensic sciences can
be used in order to bring back their identity. Meanwhile, in the case of the clan-
destine deposits, the risk of erasing the social life of the deceased is extremely
high, if it is not acted upon immediately. If no action occurs, the social death of the
corpses is imminent, carrying with it the loss of their memory and the respect for
their relatives who are still looking for them.
6.5 Dignifying the life of the dead
The forensic work behind the identification of corpses and body parts in several
different scenarios is well known (Blau, 2016). In cases of massive disaster, corpses
and body parts are recovered, transferred to specialized forensic centers where
their identification is prioritized, while unidentified corpses and body parts are
sent to specific cemeteries. Similarly, in cases of corpses and body parts belonging
to migrants that are rescued and recovered from various sites, forensic information
is collected, and if an identification is not possible the bodies are temporarily
deposited in mortuaries or cemeteries (regular or irregular), while waiting for
more information about their identity. Meanwhile, when dealing with human
remains resulting from political, ethnic and/or religious violence, the forensic
approach changes drastically due to the sensitivity attached to the cases
(Fondebrider, 2002). In this scenario, corpses and body parts are usually recov-
ered years after the deathly events and scientific documentation is collected prior
to the recovery of the human remains, with the exception of those cases where
there are imminent threats and where the bodies must be recovered promptly
(Fondebrider, 2002).
6.5.1 Rescue and burial as a humanitarian mechanism

It is generally agreed that successful forensic work involving the recovery of evi-
dence contained in clandestine graves requires previous research, what Latin
American forensic specialists call preliminary forensic investigation (ALAF, 2016).
Without this requirement, graves should not be opened, due to the lack of
information about the background and context of death of the people presumedly
buried there. While this is a standard that has been used for more than three
decades and has brought good results in various scenarios, it is not necessarily
applicable with the same rigor in scenarios where dozens of years have passed
since the disappearance and death of the victims. Taking this situation into
account, should the classic forensic paradigm be generalized for all contexts? Or is
a paradigm adjustment necessary to prioritize forensic actions that take into
account the dignity of the deceased and the needs of their relatives? Is it necessary
to recover corpses and body parts as soon as possible in order to dignify their
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memory while preserving their biohistory? We argue that in countries like Peru,
Colombia and Guatemala, and as it happens in other regions in the world with
similar environments (time since the interment events, and characteristics of the
conflicts), a humanitarian rescue of the bodies is of primary importance to avoid
total decomposition of their organic structure (the disintegration of the body) and
to restore their dignity as human beings. However, it is clear that humanitarian
actions of this nature cannot be carried out in all scenarios due to cultural factors,
beliefs about the dead, contamination by unexploded ordnance, political contexts,
or even ongoing hostilities. When conflict ceases, and adequate conditions to
locate and recover the bodies are guaranteed, the first step should be to carry out
simultaneously the rescue of bodies and the humanitarian action aiming at
forensic documentation of the identities of the possible deceased, as well as the
documentation about the contexts of death.
However, as Moon (2012) has argued, bodies and their belongings are “boundary
objects”:13
They lie at the intersection of different social worlds in which diverse parties – legal,
forensic, humanitarian, historical, political, social and familial – are differently invested.
Boundary objects link different – sometimes converging, sometimes diverging – inter-
ests, allowing groups to form working relationships.”
(Moon, 2012: 160)
Sian Cook (Chapter 5) has used the concepts of “posthumous dignity” (De
Baets, 2004), “boundary object” (Star and Griesemer, 1989) and “moral injury”
(Litz et al., 2009) to build a theoretical framework referring to the importance of
safeguarding the dignity of the deceased. Cook concludes not only that dignity
after death should be considered but underlines also that “the deceased are unable
to protect their dignity and it becomes the responsibility of the living to safeguard
it. The living can safeguard posthumous dignity by fulfilling the responsibilities of
the living” (Chapter 5). Scientists, politicians, society and the authorities as a
whole must recognize the liminality of the intermediate facilities of the unidenti-
fied deceased persons, and the special power of ambiguity and the unresolved
nature of their situation. “The relationship between the significance of remains
and their ‘use’ can either safeguard the dignity of the deceased or inflict moral
injury” (Cook, Chapter 5). The liminality of the boundary object has a strong
social impact that transcends as a moral injury that “involves an act of transgres-
sion that creates dissonance and conflict because it violates assumptions and
beliefs about right and wrong and personal goodness” (Litz et al., 2009). Moral
injury damaged in this way all moral order of society14 and mainly of the loved
ones who await news of their missing relatives.
13
“An object that lives in multiple social worlds and which has different identities in each” (Star and Griesemer,
1989: 409).
14
“System of rights, obligations and duties obtaining in society, together with the criteria by which people and
their activities are valued” (Harré, 1984: 219). For a broader discussion on moral order, refer to Goffman (1967);
Harré (1984); Wuthnow (1987); and Douglas (1999), among others.
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In Peru and Colombia as well as in several other countries around the world,
thousands of bodies and body parts are disappearing from the places where they
were buried by their perpetrators, aided by environmental conditions, microor-
ganisms, anthropogenic actions, humidity, and particular chemical components in
the soil that are forcing a second disappearance of the individuals by degrading all
physical evidence of their existence. Certainly, in the case of Peru (Chapter 41,
this volume), specialists have spent dozens of years developing forensic investiga-
tions about who could be buried in a certain site, but when it comes time for
recovery the bodies have practically disintegrated or are so damaged that it is not
possible to document their biohistory, even at the molecular level.
On the other hand, as an answer to mitigate a second disappearance and the
social death, a new model of action has thus been devised to protect and restore
the dignity of the deceased without losing rigor in the forensic investigation. This
model consists of rescuing the bodies and placing them in funerary structures spe-
cially built to preserve the dignity of the deceased, while they wait for future
forensic analyses. These actions have achieved enormous success as a symbolic
mechanism of respect for the deceased and the society as a whole, where the state
serves as an agent that cares for its members and restores the dignity of those who
have died. The main idea in this model is to rescue the bodies so that no one is left
behind, recovering and relocating them in dignified places until their identity can
be determined and they can finally be returned to their relatives.
6.6 Conclusion
This chapter discusses the importance of the social life of the dead and their pro-
found connection with the social life of the living, as well as the imminent risk of a
social death if the bodies of those who have died are not rescued in time. Additionally,
we agree with the notion of respect to their posthumous dignity as human beings.
Posthumous dignity, agency, and the social life of the dead are theoretical founda-
tions that contribute to our understanding of humanitarian action in forensic sci-
ences beyond a legal perspective. This interpretation should be considered – in
addition to the legal framework – from a social and cultural perspective, taking into
account worldviews and needs of the relatives. Here lies the difference between the
application of forensic sciences from a humanitarian approach and the use of
forensic sciences in the context of human rights. We argue that the recovery of
bodies and body parts should facilitate the restoration of the deceased’s posthu-
mous dignity; this implies that the human remains should be rescued as soon as
possible from the place where they were deposited in a disrespectful way, and then
placed in a dignified site to wait until identities can be determined. Otherwise, the
moral injury may be inflicted, allowing the social death of the deceased. Finally,
prevention and mitigation of the social death of corpses and body parts is a forensic
humanitarian action beyond legal foundations.
c06.indd 95 11/29/2019 1:40:46 PM

Acknowledgement
The authors wish to thank Jana Králová and Claire Moon for valuable comments
on an earlier draft of this chapter.
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CHAPTER 7
A forensic perspective on the new

disappeared: Migration revisited1
Jose Pablo Baraybar1, Inés Caridi2 and Jill Stockwell3
1
International Committee of the Red Cross, Paris, France
2
Calculus Institute, University of Buenos Aires, and CONICET, Argentina
3
International Committee of the Red Cross, Geneva, Switzerland
7.1 Introduction
The term “disappearance” has been traditionally associated with a form of state
repression used in many countries and in many political situations, whereby indi-
viduals fall through the cracks of a system and are, for the most part, never seen
by their families again.2 With no sign that an individual is alive yet with no body
to confirm their death, the families of the disappeared are left in limbo. The high
mortality rate of migrants attempting to cross the Mediterranean Sea3 leaves the
families of migrants who are missing in a similar predicament.4 There are two
1
The views expressed here are solely those of the authors and do not represent the views of the International
Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), the University of Buenos Aires, or CONICET.
2
Disappearance as a form of repression has been used in many countries and in many political situations. The
term has been used to describe political repression in Guatemala from 1966, in Chile from 1973 and in Argentina
from 1974. Although the military dictatorship formally started in Argentina in 1976 and lasted until 1983, the dis-
appearance and assassination of people began earlier (Gordon, 2008). Amnesty International traces the origins of
the term back to the 1941 Night and Fog Decree enacted by the German High Command, which “ordered that,
with the exception of those cases where guilt could be established beyond a doubt, everyone arrested for suspicion
of ‘endangering German security’ was to be transferred secretly to Germany under the ‘cover of night’” (Amnesty
International, cited in Gordon, 2008: 72).
3
The term “Mediterranean” is used latu sensu, including but not limited to routes (Western, Central and Eastern)
and countries on both sides of the divide (African countries and Turkey).
4
The United Nations Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances (WGEID) has highlighted the
challenges posed by applying the terms “disappearance” and “missing” to migration, which has resulted in creating
confusion, ultimately hindering States’ obligations and search operations as well as associated criminal investiga-
tions (WGEID, 2011: para 18). Gabriella Citroni has also discussed the difficulties inherent in qualifying which
cases of those missing in relation to migration are a result of enforced disappearance and the resultant challenges
in determining exact numbers of missing migrants and those forcibly disappeared in Mexico (Citroni, 2017).
101
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extraordinary challenges posed by this “new” group of disappeared.5 Firstly, the

incidence of persons reported missing by their families is far greater than individ-
uals and/or human remains found. In fact, current estimates point to two to three
times more individuals being reported missing than remains found (Last et al.,
2017). Secondly, states within Europe and Africa currently house a large number
of unidentified remains but have no way of moving forward with identifications,
given the lack of “hypotheses of identity/provenance” on the recovered individuals.6
Given the great variability in the various aspects of migration to Europe, including
long periods of travel time from origin to destination, large geographical areas,
diverse nationalities and multiple migratory routes, identifying these individuals
and locating their families can be not only arduous, and heavily time‐ and
resource‐dependent, but also in many cases, unsuccessful.7
There are various reasons why vast numbers of migrants go missing along the
Mediterranean migratory route, from lacking sufficient means to remain in
contact with their families, to “deterrent” operations which seek to prevent access
to humanitarian assistance. In fact, evidence suggests that irrespective of the com-
plexity of factors that affect mortality rates, the lack of search and rescue (SAR)
operations has led to increased mortality (Steinhilper and Gruijters, 2018). What
remains clear is that, regardless of the multitude of reasons why individuals go
missing during their migratory journey, the phenomenon of migration calls for a
paradigm shift within the realm of humanitarian forensic action. While the aim of
forensic science has been to provide identification based on the materiality of
bodies, what happens, as in the case of migration, when materiality – whether
that be of bodies or information – is absent?8
5
The authors do not intend, with the attribution of the term “disappearance” to the situation of migration, to dis-
regard or make light of those who are disappeared as a result of other situations including state-sponsored repres-
sion. The term is applied in this paper in light of the families who, in both instances, are left in a state of ambiguity
as a result of having a missing relative. The United Nations Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary
Disappearances (WGEID) has itself highlighted the underexplored problem of enforced disappearances of migrants
in its 2016 annual report. In particular, the WGEID observed that “the transnational nature of migration certainly
complicates the efforts of families of migrants who wish to obtain information concerning a disappeared relative.
In many instances, it is reported that there is no established protocol for family members to denounce a disappear-
ance abroad, in the country where the crime occurred. Similarly, there are no forensic databanks to register DNA
for the disappeared or evidence contributing to the research of remains…” (WGEID, 2016: paras 46–80).
6
The WGEID has noted that under international law, and in particular international humanitarian law and inter-
national human rights law, States have obligations to prevent and address the enforced disappearance of migrants.
To read more about States’ obligations in relation to the enforced disappearance of migrants, see WGEID (2017).
7
Current estimates on the migration file combine the category missing and dead migrant, and in reality they are
synonymous. Estimates of deaths in the Mediterranean are set to 17,644 between 2014 and 2018 according to the
International Organization on Migration (IOM), but vary widely in other regions (see Hinnant and Janssen, 2018).
The number of bodies recovered in European countries of arrival (we are not even considering countries of transit)
is, however, difficult to determine since the only objective calculation in European Mediterranean countries took
place between 1990 and 2013 (last, 2015) and accounts for 1125. After the peak in migrant deaths in 2015, that
figure increased substantially. The lack of reliable figures have also hampered a proper response to the problem of
identification.
8
For an interesting discussion addressing the identification (or lack thereof) of missing persons in a post-conflict
setting, see Robin Azevedo (2015).
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A forensic perspective on the new disappeared 103
This chapter explores how the search process may offer a solution to identifying
this new category of disappeared persons as a result of migration, if it embraces
disciplines other than forensics, including, but not limited to, human geography,
anthropology and sociology. This chapter also encourages a re‐thinking about
current procedures to search for the missing and to restore the identities of those
recovered in other situations, such as post‐conflict. To do so, the methodology
must adopt a holistic approach, tracing the trajectory of an individual from the
beginning of his/her journey and letting go of the commonly held assumption
that all the missing are dead.
The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) defines the “missing” as
individuals for whom “their families have no news and/or who, on the basis of
reliable information, have been reported missing as a result of an armed
conflict – international or non‐international – or of internal violence, internal
disturbances or any other situation that might require action by a neutral and
independent body” (ICRC, 2009). This is a broad and humanitarian definition
covering a range of situations where people disappear, including armed conflicts,
violence, natural disasters and migration. The term “missing” takes into consideration
the fact that families are victims of the situation, are affected regardless of the dif-
ferent contexts of disappearances, and have the same need and right to know.
Furthermore, the ICRC makes no conclusion as to the fate of missing persons and
therefore includes those potentially alive or dead. The authors of this paper take a
similar viewpoint to the ICRC’s for furthering the following discussion.
This chapter will firstly frame the tragedy of missing migrants. It will explore
the problem of collecting data about missing migrants followed by a discussion
about challenges in locating and/or identifying them. The forensic tools and
procedures at our disposal to innovate the current response and address the
families’ right to know will then be explored. Lastly, the chapter looks at how
taking a broader, non‐body centred approach to forensics may be relevant to
searching for missing persons within other situations, including conflict, post‐
conflict and disasters.
7.2 Framing the tragedy: Data challenges
Most estimates discuss numbers of missing and dead according to only those two
categories. While simple, the problem is slightly more complicated; individuals are
considered to be “missing” in as much as somebody else is looking for them as a
result of not having news of their whereabouts and hence fate. The dead may also
bear the condition of “missing” in so much as their fate, but not whereabouts, has
been determined. How do we categorize, however, those individuals who may
well be missing but whose families may assume are still alive, and ignore their fate
and whereabouts? This is not unusual given the long time periods that are accept-
able for families to go without communication from their family member who is
c07.indd 103 11/26/2019 8:27:01 PM

migrating. How could we count these missing, or consider them, when no request
to trace their whereabouts and fate has been made?9
According to IOM and UNITED, respectively, 2877 and 3037 individuals were
reported dead amidst attempts to reach Italy.10 A recent update of the University
of Amsterdam database in Sicily and Calabria (between 2014 and 2017; Last et al.,
2017; Last and Spijkerboer, 2014; Last, 2015) detected 214 bodies of deceased
migrants during the same period; this list excludes at least over 500 bodies from
the 18 April 2015 shipwreck11 that remain unidentified, bringing the figure to
some 742.12 Based on the latter, we could argue that, if assuming the reported
missing are dead, the number of bodies recovered would be about 24% of the
individuals reported dead in 2015. The latter clearly poses an issue regarding what
could be achieved in terms of fate and whereabouts, considering that the number
of missing and potentially dead people represent only a fraction of the total.
7.3 Framing the tragedy: The missing and the dead
Under both international humanitarian law (IHL) and international human rights
law (IHRL), the obligation to clarify the fate and whereabouts of missing persons
also implies respect for the families’ right to know the fate of their relatives
reported missing, their whereabouts or the circumstances and cause of their death
(AP I, Art. 32; ICPPED, Art. 24). In addressing this right, States must take all
appropriate measures to investigate cases of disappearance and to inform families
about the development of such procedures.13 As explicitly stated within the
Geneva Conventions Additional Protocol I, the activities of States, parties to the
conflict and international humanitarian organizations must be “prompted mainly
by the right of families to know the fate of their relatives.”14 These rules are also
pertinent for missing migrants and their families. If individuals migrate due to an
9
It is important to acknowledge that families of missing migrants do have agency to a certain degree with respect
to information about their missing relative; in many cases, they may have sketchy information regarding the fate
of their loved ones, but while struggling to know more they ignore, are unaware and may lack access to those
mechanisms that could afford them a more formal response. A similar situation occurs in Central American routes
(see Citroni, 2017) (i.e. tracing) that may result in an official acknowledgement of the fate (i.e. a death certificate),
allowing them to initiate or close the mourning process as well carry out administrative processes (inheritance,
marriage, adoption, etc.).
10
It must be understood that all lists are not readily comparable; for example, both IOM (https://missingmigrants.
iom.int/downloads)and UNITED (UNITED List of deaths, http://www.unitedagainstracism.org) include the dead of
18 April 2015 as 750 and 900 respectively in their total for 2015. The total mortality across the Mediterranean for
2015 was 3782 people.
11
See Miglierini (2016), “Migrant tragedy: Anatomy of a shipwreck,” https://www.bbc.com/news/
world-europe-36278529
12
https://www.ilfattoquotidiano.it/2018/04/18/naufragio-18-aprile-2015-le-vittime-sono-1-000-il-ragazzo-
con-la-pagella-e-gli-altri-morti-che-la-politica-cerca-di-dimenticare/4294850/
13
Customary International Humanitarian Law, Rule 117. Accounting for Missing Persons. See: https://ihl-databases.
icrc.org/customary-ihl/eng/docs/v1_cha_chapter36_rule117
14
Ibid.
c07.indd 104 11/26/2019 8:27:01 PM

armed conflict, parties to the conflict must facilitate any enquiries made by the
relatives of those who are reported missing with the aim of restoring contact
between families.15 Parties to a conflict also have an obligation to search for,
recover and identify deceased persons, including migrants, to ensure their remains
are handled with dignity and their families are notified.16
The right to know of families has two primary components: the fate or the
condition of the person (alive or dead), and the whereabouts – both combined
aim to clarify or “undo” the ambiguous nature of “disappearance”. The combination
of eliciting the fate and whereabouts of missing individuals is indispensable for
providing answers to families and enforcing their right to know. Fate is narrowly
defined as the legal responsibilities of states regarding the status of a person
(citizen or non‐citizen) including but not limited to the relevant documentation
to support such a status (dead, detained, missing, etc.). In operational terms, death
is more often than not a tangible state requiring specific documentation to prove
its fact (see Last et al., 2017). Such documentation is the responsibility of the State
through its medico‐legal system, hence the need to reinforce this system and
respond to the rights of the dead (the dead as a category of victim) and the needs
of the families to know their loved one’s fate.
The division between fate and whereabouts is more operational than theoret-
ical. Fate cannot be separated from whereabouts in as much as it defines the
circumstances under which a specific outcome (fate) materializes. Whereabouts is
defined as the information concerning the “parkour” (or journey) and location of
the missing person (dead or alive). Such information is investigative in nature,
and whenever it transcends national borders (i.e. migration) it may be difficult to
seize and organize. However, information on the whereabouts can also clarify the
fate of a missing individual, for example, when circumstantial information assists
in determining the fact that a sought person is dead.
7.4 Tracing and identification
A fundamental concept when attempting to search for missing persons consists of

reconstructing, in retrospect, their parkour to determine with a degree of cer-
tainty his or her whereabouts. It is important, however, to understand that finite
sets of variables are associated with individuals going missing in a given context;
hence the category “missing” is an overarching term irrespective of the type of
disappearance, and includes the dead. While these variables may indeed be
numerous, especially when considering both the range and diversity of applicable
contexts and situations (conflict, migration, disaster), in the end, they eventually
15
Geneva Conventions iv, Art. 26 (for the whole of civilian populations); Additional Protocol I, Art. 74; ICRC
Customary Law, above note 6, Rule 105. See also Rule 131: “In case of displacement, all possible measures must
be taken in order that… members of the same family are not separated.”
16
GC IV, Arts 16(2) (whole of the populations), 129(2), 130–131 (internees); AP 1, Arts 17, 33, 34.
c07.indd 105 11/26/2019 8:27:01 PM

constitute a finite number (i.e. age, gender, nationality, ethnicity, occupation,

membership of political organizations, political views, etc.). Some of these variables
can be more relevant than others in shedding light on certain types of disappear-
ance and in combination with other factors, like the geographical environment
and others that may link and imprint specific characteristics to the event(s). The
interrelation of some of the above‐mentioned variables and factors result in
specific types of disappearance: from enforced disappearances in international or
national armed conflicts, to displacement as a result of natural disasters or migra-
tion. It is therefore necessary to identify all variables and their interrelation that
make “disappearance” possible in given contexts.
Considering that migration is a complex and multidimensional phenomenon
where multiple variables interact, it is necessary to improve search practices by
firstly understanding that these variables are directly linked and intertwined with
an individual’s identification. Improving the search for the missing means pro-
ducing exhaustive lists that do not revolve around solely the names of missing
persons, but which also list, in a systematic manner, other relevant variables such
as age, gender, address, place and date of departure, date and place of the last
communication, among others, and the relations between and among the indi-
viduals being sought. Such logic is not new in the identification of victims in mass
disasters where the prioritization of victims (based on specific attributes such as
identifying features, ID documents and others) may assist the search for other
victims (Baker and Baker, 2008; Biesecker et al., 2005; Brenner and Weir, 2003;
Budowle et al., 2011; Salado Puerto and Tuller, 2017; Doretti et al., 2017).
Complex systems and network analysis theory can assist in achieving a stan-
dardized approach to information collection and data management on the
missing, as well as offering a means to mathematically formalize variables and
other available knowledge.
The formal (mathematical) definition of a network is a set of nodes (the elements
of the system) connected by a set of links (the interactions of the system). There
are different networks with nodes representing different roles. Some networks are
dynamic, in the sense of growing or decreasing, both in terms of adding or deleting
links and/or nodes. Sometimes the network is explicit and the links are palpable
and well‐defined, while other times the network is not evident, and it is necessary
to capture the implicit relationships in a system to clarify the underlying network
in a particular process (Albert and Barabási, 2002; Caridi and Scheinson, 2016).
Complex networks and statistical methods were used to detect non‐evident
correlations among the disappeared of the last dictatorship in Argentina (1976–
1983), in collaboration with the Argentine Forensic Anthropology Team.17 During
that period, several circuits of illegal detention centres (IDCs) were set up in different
locations all over the country, where disappeared people were illegally kept and
17
The Argentine Forensic Anthropology Team (EAAF) has worked on the identification of the disappeared using
a multidisciplinary and comprehensive approach since 1984 (www.eaaf.org).
c07.indd 106 11/26/2019 8:27:01 PM

later assassinated. Even today, the whereabouts of most of those who disappeared
remain unknown. After over 700 identifications, the Argentine Forensic
Anthropology Team (EAAF) found that individuals whose kidnappings were
closely related possibly followed the same IDC circuit, and that their whereabouts
were most probably also related: “… from the beginning, it has been a priority to
establish some kind of relationship between the different cases of disappearance
(…) any disappearance is often closely related to another case of disappearance, a
relationship that rarely appears explicit in the complainants.”18 Such links have
proven crucial in narrowing down searches. Relevant relationships among the
disappeared, although non‐explicit in the majority of the cases, were identified
and exploited. Information such as the date and place of a kidnapping and political
affiliation, among others, helped to build a network of the disappeared and single
out groups of individuals emerging from it. Other information derived from solved
cases was used in a statistical validation instance, whereby the best set of rules
(those generating groups consistent with the previous results for the same region)
were determined and emerging groups (of individuals) were detected. These
groups were used to prioritize and ascribe some victims to the same illegal circuit,
thus helping construct hypotheses of identity using non‐genetic information
(Caridi et al., 2011).
7.5 Complex networks and migration
Migrants do not become missing in a single and independent way; their disappear-
ance emerges as part of collective, interdependent and complex phenomena. If it
is possible to formalize the underlying network, capturing relevant relationships
among these individuals, missing and not, some new information may emerge to
assist the investigative process. Below we provide a few examples of the latter.

of events
Figure 7.1 shows a small network of individuals. Nodes (ellipses and rectangles)
represent individuals and links or connections (dotted or solid lines) represent the
relationships between them. It is known that two of them (missing 1 and missing 2)
died in a shipwreck. During fieldwork activities, families of both individuals were
interviewed and it was indicated that they began the travel together. This rela-
tionship can be formalized as a connection between individual 1 and 2. Moreover,
during interviews, other relations became apparent, namely, missing 1 knew
another missing individual of whom nothing is yet known (missing 3). The latter
suggests that missing 3 could be a part of the same event. In different interviews,
witness 2 said he had seen missing 1 on a beach. Witness 1 saw missing 2 in a part
EAAF reports, https://eaaf.typepad.com/eaaf_reports

18
c07.indd 107 11/26/2019 8:27:01 PM

missing 4
missing 1
missing 3
survivor 1
began the travel
boarded the boat
saw
missing 2
witness 2
witness 1
Figure 7.1 Example of a small network. There are two types of nodes, missing persons
(ellipses) and survivors or witnesses (rectangles), and three different types of links
(a continuous line means that the connected individual began the travel together, a
double line means that the connected individuals boarded the same boat, and the dashed
line means that one of the individuals, survivor or witness, saw the other one). All
networks were built using Cytoscape (cytoscape.org; Shannon et al., 2003) and R
software (www.r‐project.org).
of his trip and survivor 1 said he had boarded the same boat with missing 2. Missing 4
was reported as missing by his family. So far he is alone in the network because
no link has been established as yet. Therefore, the formalization of the network
may shed light on other individuals involved in the same event, while updating
our knowledge regarding the magnitude of the particular event.

through the network
Once a network is constructed, its structure could be used to infer yet unknown
information about some integrating individuals. For example, some of the people
represented in Figure 7.2 have known whereabouts (and inferred fate) in a ship-
wreck A (blue), while a subset of them have known whereabouts (and inferred
fate) in shipwreck B (red); the whereabouts/fate remain unknown for the remain-
ing individuals (grey).
It is possible to take advantage of the properties of the network to detect groups
or communities within the wider network (subsets of people more closely related
to one another than to the rest of the network; see Newman, 2006). Once these
groups are detected, using statistical methods, it is possible to propose a more
likely whereabouts/fate for individuals with whereabouts/fate unknown in the
same group. These hypotheses can be evaluated using other evidence.
In the previous two examples, we showed how connections between nodes
represent explicit interactions, like family links, friendship, or two individuals
travelling together. There are other cases in which relationships are unknown.
For example, it could be possible that two individuals from the same region share
c07.indd 108 11/26/2019 8:27:01 PM

10
3
4 11
7
2 9
12
13
14
8 5
6
Figure 7.2 Network involving missing (ellipses) and survivors (rectangles). Colours
represent the fates of the individuals: blue for those individuals belonging to the event of
shipwreck A, red for event shipwreck B, and those in grey for those individuals whose
whereabouts are unknown.
similar variables such as date and place of departure for their travel, language,
occupation, and so on. In such cases, relations are implicit. The challenge remains
to capture them through an analysis of individual attributes using, for example,
geographical and temporal functions, among others. For example, it is possible to
state a link between two individuals if they disappeared within close geographical
proximity (determined by a certain number of kilometres) and close dates (within
a certain temporal window). In this example, where geographical and temporal
functions define links, there are two parameters involved (distance and temporal
windows).
When interpreting implicit relations, it is necessary to validate inferred connec-
tions using information other than individuals’ attributes. For example, each rule
for defining links provides a different network and, as a consequence, different
group structures; thus rules and parameters need to be validated. For example,
Caridi et al. (2011) determined a set of appropriate rules to define implicit connec-
tions among people who disappeared in the State of Tucumán during the last mil-
itary dictatorship in Argentina. Rules to link individuals based on their temporal,
geographical and political attributes were established, as well as other data
obtained from previous cases and EAAF researchers’ own experience were used
to statistically validate the results.
7.5.3 Example 3: Tracing missing migrants

A mission to collect ante‐mortem data (AMD) and biological reference samples
(BRSs) from relatives of missing migrants is undertaken in a specific region
(Figure 7.3). Based on the initial information collection (i.e. tracing requests,
TRs), a network of sought persons (ellipses), witnesses and survivors (rectangles),
as well as the links between and among them is prepared. During interviews with
family members of the original group of sought persons (green ellipses),
information on sought persons not originally listed (red, yellow and grey ellipses)
c07.indd 109 11/26/2019 8:27:01 PM

C
D
A B
Figure 7.3 In green (ellipses) are individuals with collected TR, AMD and BRS, in yellow
(ellipses) individuals with only TR, and in red those for which we have TR, but not AMD,
nor BRS. Individuals in grey (ellipses) represent cases for which no TR, AMD or BRS
were collected. Survivors are coloured in brown, witnesses (rectangles) in light blue, and
other actors (triangles) in blue.
is obtained. Likewise, survivors of the shipwreck under investigation as well as

witnesses (those who were on the beach and did not board the boat but saw
others boarding) were also identified and added to the network.
This example shows the importance of linking information contained in differ-
ent kinds of documents (in this example, TR and AMD) in real time or shortly
after collection (while the team’s memory is still fresh). Failing to do so creates the
risk of “masking” non‐explicit relationships among individuals. For example, during
the interview of individual A, the enquirer refers to individuals C, D and E for
which a TR had not been opened. During a second interview, this time with
individual B, he referred to individual D, who was also mentioned by individual
A. Hence, based on both interviews, a relationship between individuals A, B and
D emerged. The current approach to tracing relationships, however, does not
necessarily take an approach such as indicated above, meaning that relationships
between individuals remain hidden unless explicit links are made.
In the latter example, networks were developed using single and explicit rela-
tionships (i.e. travelled with, saw, friend, familiar relationship, etc.); the established
relationships allowed us to locate individuals in a rather “classical” tracing fashion,
and more specifically by word of mouth and personal contacts. If we were able,
however, to combine multiple attributes (those belonging to the person and those
associated with the context) with other available information (not included and/
or not derived from the TR but other sources), it would be possible to define other
inferred relationships. Although there is no known information about these rela-
tionships (because there are no explicit connections between two individuals), we
c07.indd 110 11/26/2019 8:27:02 PM

assume that we are capturing these non‐evident relationships on the basis of the
attributes of each one (similar ones in time, geography, and other attributes which
became relevant in the studied context). Once this network of explicit and non‐
explicit connections is formalized, it will be possible to make inferences regarding
routes, places and events.
Finally, a group (macro‐level), rather than individual (micro‐level) approach
to searching for the missing is more beneficial; each new piece of information
that arises from part of a network may shed light on others. Hypotheses can be
assessed at a later stage using all available information as well as specific lines of
evidence (micro‐level). The combination of the two perspectives (macro‐ and
micro‐levels) is a more adequate framework to take advantage of two visions:
one considering only those relevant variables to manage a large data system
without taking into account particular details from each individual and/or each
event, and another one considering all detailed information pertaining to a
specific case.
7.6 A non‐body centred forensic response?
The term forensic humanitarian action, being “the application of the knowledge
and skills of forensic medicine and science to humanitarian action, especially
following conflicts or disasters” (Cordner and Tidball‐Binz, 2017), is perhaps a
restrictive term despite its broad scope. In a recent short communication, Rosenblatt
(2019) has warned that “some experts describe humanitarian forensic action in
traditionalist terms and as if there were a single humanitarian ethos amongst
practitioners, now spearheaded by the ICRC”. Indeed, humanitarian forensic
action can often be narrowly applied, focusing on the “dignified management of
dead bodies” rather than seeing the potential of forensics to generate a much larger
search continuum. Traditionally, the tenet “dignified management of the dead” is a
tool resting on two elements: firstly, the rights the dead have to be respectfully
upheld; and secondly, the willingness of states to identify them (see also Moon,
2014, 2018). The management of the dead therefore is a means to create a con-
ducive environment within which the dead will see their identities restored.
However, whether it be from the perspective of the fight against impunity or
from a humanitarian perspective, discussions around resolving cases of missing
persons, whether that be in relation to migration or other situations including
post‐conflict, need to incorporate scenarios in which there may not be bodies,
thereby transcending the notion that forensics is solely focused on the existence
and identification of human remains (see Moon, 2014, 2018).
In other words, to increase the resolution of the missing, again regardless of the
situation, requires a broader methodology, well beyond that provided by tradi-
tional practices of tracing, forensic medicine, forensic anthropology and related
disciplines, understanding that the term forensic refers to “the application of
c07.indd 111 11/26/2019 8:27:02 PM

scientific methods and techniques to the investigation of crime.”19 Following this

logic, any methodological approach to identifying the missing needs to transcend
the notion that all the missing are dead, and hence move beyond one specific
object of study (i.e. the dead) and instead transform it into an overarching con-
cept, applying a systematic, reproducible methodology.
The list of disciplines originally proposed by Cordner and McKelvie (2002) could
also be expanded to include those not considered to be part of the core forensic
disciplines (data science, oceanography, geographical information systems) in order
to achieve a broader methodological approach. For example, multidisciplinary
approaches tackling complex problems surrounding the disappearance of people
have been successfully applied to contexts such as Argentina, to assist in the clarifica-
tion of the fate or whereabouts of missing persons as described above (Caridi et al.,
2017). Such a multidisciplinary approach, while using a forensic methodology, should
aim at determining the whereabouts as well as the fate of missing migrants going well
beyond the use of biological data and including non‐biological data as well. Inclusion
of the latter would allow for a fuller reconstruction of the contextual setting where
the missing may be located. Such triangulated information may assist us in gener-
ating a broader picture of identities of the missing with specific attributes such as age,
gender, nationality and occupation. Such an approach may assist us in two ways: on
the one hand in guiding our search for relatives of those missing persons; and on the
other in reconstructing the event from a social perspective to account for all persons
who were part of an event, even if we cannot identify them individually due to a lack
of materiality of bodies and tracing requests from families.
Considering that migration is a diachronic, dynamic and transnational
phenomenon with several aleatory variables that in turn generate multiple unex-
pected scenarios, the likelihood of individually identifying all migrants is low. On
the other hand, determining the whereabouts (and the likely fate) of many may
be a more attainable goal. The task of reconstructing that process could be a means
of letting families know what actually happened to their loved ones in presenting
available and trustworthy information on whereabouts and inferring the fate.
Hence, more realistically, the conducive actions to determining the fate and where-
abouts of the missing should be directed towards obtaining clues that support the
authorities and families of those missing to obtain more complete answers.20
7.7 Conclusion
This chapter has argued that migrants attempting to cross the Mediterranean Sea
are the “new disappeared”, emerging within a situation that, unlike domestic
jurisdictions, involve multiple countries, legal frameworks, political will or the
English Oxford living dictionaries at https://en.oxforddictionaries.com/definition/forensic

19
The holistic methodological approach to resolving the missing migrant issue is also pertinent and applicable to
20
migration routes other than that of the Mediterranean region.
c07.indd 112 11/26/2019 8:27:02 PM

absence thereof, and above all, the sea.21 Advocating for better systems of
accounting, monitoring and management of the dead in countries of arrival, while
a necessity, is not per se the sole solution. A number of other steps would need
to be adopted in addition to those already proposed, including broadening and
re‐thinking how the search process is currently undertaken.
The identification of deceased migrants is possible, although not in the high
numbers wished for. The high mortality rate among migrants crossing the
Mediterranean and on the African side (likely higher than the former) has also
highlighted the fact that some lives are more grievable than others (Butler, 2009).
It remains clear that success in identifying deceased migrants will be strongly
dependent on the existence of mortal remains in countries of transit and arrival,
the information attached to them (finding, associated evidence, post‐mortem
examination and traceability),22 and the ability to contact and locate families in
countries of origin.
This chapter has outlined how the search for answers related to the fate and
whereabouts of missing individuals can be greatly enhanced if a number of disci-
plines are incorporated into the process. While adopting a methodology related to
forensic sciences, the process must also expand beyond an understanding of the
missing as presumed dead, and begin from the moment an individual embarks on
a migratory journey until their fate and location is established – whether that be
alive or dead. To increase case resolution in relation to migration, the search for
the missing must thus incorporate other disciplines and expand upon the tradi-
tionally forensic‐lead process to reflect the two realities.
Finally, while innovating forensic processes may mean being able to provide
some information about the fate of missing migrants to their families, many will
never receive the remains of their relatives, given the fact that not all bodies are
recovered. The extremely limited to no response to family’s needs for truth could
well mean that the uncertainty of disappearance will never leave them and they
will forever remain in a state of limbo. Nevertheless, faced with this unfortunate
and cruel predicament, many families may prefer some information to none, par-
ticularly from a source they consider reliable. Faced with a constant flow of gossip
and speculation from those around them and social media, families are placed in
a state of constant turmoil: “Some people said they saw her in Izmir in Turkey,
while others said she was seen in Limbach in Germany… Some people posted on
Facebook that they found HH…” (Attia et al., 2016). One of the most stressful
aspects for families in relation to the missing is their lack of agency when attempt-
ing to obtain information and find answers (Citroni, 2017: 743–745). While some
families may have pieced together scant traces of information about the fate
and/or whereabouts of their missing relatives, they still need and require such
21
Kovras and Robins (2016) have ably described the Mediterranean as a wall of bodies separating Europe from
Africa.
22
An interesting proposal of traceability of unidentified migrants’ remains has been developed by the Catania
branch of the Italian Red Cross whereby every actor involved in the recovery, examination and disposal of a body
shares the information in a common database.
c07.indd 113 11/26/2019 8:27:02 PM

information to come from an authoritative source such as the State which, as

previously discussed, bears an obligation to inform families of any information it
possesses.23 This may allow families to move forward with various contingent
aspects of their lives24 and also provide some with the relief they seek, however
incomplete. The latter is yet a new chapter for any forensic action that is indeed
considered humanitarian.25
Acknowledgement
The authors would like to thank Madeleine Leroyer for her valuable comments
on an earlier draft of this chapter.
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24
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25
While the authors support the right to know for families of missing migrants, they also support the families’
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c07.indd 115 11/26/2019 8:27:02 PM

CHAPTER 8
Iran: The impact of the beliefscape

on the risk culture, resilience
and disaster risk governance
Michaela Ibrion
Norwegian University of Science and Technology (NTNU), Trondheim, Norway
8.1 Introduction
A source of reflection and inspiration, not only for scientists, artists, sages, but for
all people, was the interaction between death and life, the questions about death
and what happens after death. Beliefs, religions, philosophies, traditions, rites and
rituals, behaviours and attitudes: all have been influenced by the reality and con-
cept of death (Aramesh, 2016). The death tolls after disasters, particularly after
earthquake disasters, have been subject to various research works. The resilience
of local communities is affected by the high death tolls. The high number of dead
people after earthquake disasters needs to be considered as a dramatic wake‐up
call for the required learning, and necessitates long‐term strategies for earthquake
disaster risk reduction and for building an earthquake culture (Ibrion et al., 2015b,
c; Ibrion, 2018; Ibrion and Paltrinieri, 2018). The handling and the management
of the dead bodies after disasters is seen as an important element of disaster
response (Ibrion et al., 2015b; PAHO, 2016). Beliefs, cultural traditions, rites and
rituals are considered as vital resources for the resilience of survivors. However,
they may shape differently the resilience of survivors and the disaster management
for the handling of dead bodies. Further, some of the beliefs may have two differ-
ent impacts – positive and negative – on the resilience of survivors (Ibrion et al.,
2015b). Education and knowledge does not necessarily or dramatically change
beliefs and disaster risk perception. People with high levels of education can have
very strong beliefs. Moreover, they can also be influenced by the powerful beliefs
of their families, relatives and rest of the community. The riskscape of Bam, before
the 2003 Bam earthquake disaster, was negatively impacted by the strong cultural
beliefs (Ibrion et al., 2014; Parsizadeh et al., 2015). These beliefs are interwoven
117
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with earthquake disasters also through theodicy and strong fatalistic beliefs
(Berberian, 2014).
The research objective of this study targets investigation of the beliefscape in
Iran, and particularly the beliefs linked with death and the interaction between
the dead and living. The following sections provide theoretical insights about risk
culture, resilience and disaster risk governance. As a research methodology, within
this study, an adaptation of the resilience engineering research method is applied.
The resilience engineering is seen as a comprehensive and advanced concept of
risk management, where disasters are seen as causes of the non‐linear combination
of the performance variability of system functions (Furuta, 2015). According to
Hollnagel (2013), building and engineering resilience into a system requires four
capabilities of the system: capability to respond, capability to learn, capability to
monitor, and capability to anticipate. Narratives of the earthquake disaster survi-
vors, various other narratives and life stories, ethnographical approaches, various
academic studies and scientific materials were also used for this study.
8.2 Risk culture
Risk is connected to cultures, times and places, and essentially, a risk culture is
particularly connected with knowing to live with risk emerging from different
types of hazards, natural or man‐made. An example of risk culture is the earth-
quake culture, which is principally linked to knowing how to live with the earth-
quake risk. The earthquake culture requires time in order to develop, but also
over time it can become forgotten and even lost. The place can influence the
earthquake culture; place‐specific strategies towards the earthquake disaster risk
reduction and enhancement of resilience can have a positive impact on building
an earthquake culture. The status of a cultural nation can contribute towards
building and enhancing an earthquake culture, but it is not a guarantee for
existence of an earthquake culture. The rhythm of learning from past disasters
can highly impact a risk culture. For instance, living with earthquake disasters in
Iran needs to be replaced by learning to live with earthquakes in Iran. The
resources and particularly the management of resources are of great importance
for building and development of an earthquake culture (Ibrion, 2018). Moreover,
the identification of stakeholders and their particular needs and requirements
plays an important role in building of an earthquake culture.
8.3 Resilience
Resilience is the intrinsic ability of a system to adjust its functioning prior to, dur-
ing, or following changes and disturbances, so that it can sustain the functions
of system, under both expected and unexpected conditions (Hollnagel, 2013).
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Iran: The impact of the beliefscape 119
The system, in order to become resilient, needs to have the ability to be proac-
tive. Resilience denotes the ability of systems to absorb effects of changes and
disturbances within the environment, the capacity to maintain functionality of
systems, the capacity to recover from damages and to renovate and to improve
through the process of learning from past experiences (Furuta, 2015).
Furthermore, Furuta (2015) distinguished between resilience in emergency situ-
ations and resilience in ordinary situations. In Iran, earthquake disasters, through
their high death tolls and massive destruction, have dramatically impacted the
resilience of individuals and communities (Ibrion et al., 2015b, c). Moreover,
over time, the resilience of individuals, communities and places has been
conditioned by various cultural parameters or factors (Ibrion, 2018; Ibrion and
Paltrinieri, 2018).
8.4 Disaster risk governance
Risk governance is becoming increasingly important for disaster risk reduction

and involves all processes of interaction and decision‐making among all actors
that have a stake in a given risk, with the aim of identifying, assessing, managing
and communicating the risk. Nowadays, a comprehensive and integrated risk‐
governance approach, which involves all stakeholders, such as government
authorities, various institutions and organizations, industry and civil society, is of
the utmost importance for disaster risk reduction. The International Risk
Governance Council (IRGC) proposed a risk‐governance framework in an attempt
to provide guidance on how to investigate, communicate and manage particular
risks, and in order to support a better understanding and management of emerg-
ing global risks (Krausmann et al., 2016).
The following section offers insights about the intricacies of the beliefscape
in Iran.
8.5 Beliefscape in Iran
The aspects investigated about the beliefscape are mainly linked to the beliefs of
the Muslim Shia, and few aspects were also captured about Zoroastrian beliefs.
The term beliefscape is composed of “beliefs” and “‐scape” – a suffix which comes
from landscape – and offers an integrated way of presenting the beliefs associated
with the space/place of Iran. In order to offer a broad overview of the various
beliefs, and to be aware of the belief system in Iran, the term of beliefscape was
employed. The beliefscape of Iran comprises many and various beliefs, which
have deep roots in the history and culture of Persia/Iran. The focus here is partic-
ularly on those beliefs linked to death and the interaction between the living and
the dead.
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8.5.1 Evil eyes, illness and death

Evil eyes – in Farsi, chashm zakhm – literally means “a blow by the eye” or “an eye
that wounds”. Practically this refers to the power of a person to cause harm, ill-
ness, or even death to another person through a glance or even a compliment.
The evil eye is perceived as a sort of a negative energy or a negative power that
afflicts another person or people, through a glance of a person (Wellman and
Kavadias, 2015). According to Persian/Iranian beliefs, the eyes are perceived as
special doors towards both the inner and outside world of a person. There is a
strong belief that the eyes of a person can be very expressive and play an impor-
tant role within non‐verbal communication. The most destructive eyes are seen to
be the envious and the evil eyes (Shahshahani, 2008). It is believed that the most
vulnerable to the evil eyes are children, pregnant women, newly married couples,
good‐looking people, and prosperous and successful people. A person who pos-
sesses an evil eye is out of balance between the inside world, named darun, and
the outside world, birun. For instance, a person might appear and behave as a
pious person and with pure intentions, but inside, he/she is just bitter, dark and
envious. The person hit by the evil eye – chashm khord (literally “eat the
eye”) – manifests various symptoms on the physical, psychological and spiritual
levels. For instance, symptoms might include, but are not limited to, the follow-
ing: fever, sudden pain in a part of the body, headache, stomachache, a strange
feeling of unease, depression, sadness, loss of appetite, excessive yawning, hic-
cups, vomiting, insomnia, fatigue, or diarrhea. The evil eyes can be seen as the
cause of an accident, a sudden and unpleasant event, bad luck, negative impact on
the business, financial loss, the sudden change in a relationship between wife and
husband, difficulties with children and other family members, and so on. It is
believed that the evil eyes can even lead to the death of a person or people
(Wellman and Kavadias, 2015). There are various ways to seek protection from
the power of the evil eyes, and one of them is the usage of esfand (wild rue seeds),
either as a decorative object or by burning them and spreading the smoke around
the person and through the entire house (see Figure 8.1).
In order to cast away the evil eyes, the recitation of some particular verses of the
Qur’an and the egg‐breaking method are recommended. People who travel are
highly encouraged to carry with them a small Qur’an and other special prayer
books, in order to gain protection from the evil eyes. A very common protection
is a blue Turkish‐style amulet in the shape of an eye, or a small turquoise which
is hung around in the house or office. It is believed that the image of an eye offers
a sense of security as it represents the waking eye, constantly alert to the world
around us in order to protect from evil looks and to dispel its curse. Other form of
protection is to mention the Masha’llah (literally “whatever God wills”) after a
compliment has been given or something good of a person mentioned, such as
looks, clothes, children, spouse, family, house or quality have been praised
(Wellman and Kavadias, 2015).
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Figure 8.1 Esfand (left) and a blue Turkish‐style amulet (right) used for protection from
the evil eyes. Photos by Michaela Ibrion, Yazd and Shahr‐e‐Rey, Iran.
8.5.2 Death and funerary rituals

Regarding Muslim funerary rituals, the Qu’ran does not make particular refer-
ence. Moreover, the books of Hadith (literally “News” or “Story”), which are
believed to be the traditions or sayings from the Prophet Muhammad, contain
some particular chapters called janā’ez. The janā’ez offer some general instruc-
tions about funerary rituals such as the requirement for a rapid burial of a dead
body, to handle a dead body gently and with respect, and to refrain from excessive
lamentation. On the other hand, the handbooks of Feqh (related to the Muslim
jurisprudence) offer detailed procedures about funerary rituals. In the Shi’ite
books, the regulations about funerary rituals are to be found also in the subdivi-
sion of Tahara (the ritual of purity) (Khalili Batmanglij, 2009). After death occurs,
the eyes and mouth of a dead person should be closed and the limbs straightened.
If the person dies during the day, the body is taken to the local mosque or to the
appointed cemetery to be washed and prepared. If the person dies late in the eve-
ning or at night, the dead body will be kept at home with candles burning all night
next to the body and with all lights on, as it is believed that the evil spirits will
attack the dead, if left in darkness. It is believed that people that are buried very
quickly were very good people over their life, and their quick burial is regarded as
a blessing. Burials take place only during the daytime (Price, 2001). The body is
covered with a piece of cloth, and as soon as is cold should be washed, ghosl shall
be performed and the body prepared for burial. There are some special rituals
about how many times the dead body should be washed, whether with cold or
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hot water, which kind of soap or perfumes should be used. After washing, the
body is anointed with camphor – this ritual is called hanut – at the points where
the body touches the ground during praying (forehead, palms of hands, tip of
nose, kneecaps, and tip of big toes); camphor is also applied to the eyes, ears and
armpits. The body is covered by kafan, which is a white cotton material with no
embroidery or inscriptions (Khalili Batmanglij, 2009).
After these rituals are accomplished, namāz‐e mayyet (the prayer for the dead) is
performed. This prayer consists of five takbīrs (sayings of Allāhu Akbar meaning
“Allah is the Greatest”), and is made without either rokūʿ (bending) or sojūd (pros-
tration). The body is carried to the cemetery in a casket called tabut, and this is
usually done by close male family and friends; it is considered a good deed to help
in carrying the casket or to even touch it. When the body is taken out of the casket
and placed in the grave, the head and front side of the body should face Qebleh
(Mecca), and under the head, Lahad (a stone or brick) is placed. Islamic prayers
are recited in the ear of the deceased in order to prepare the dead for interrogation
with Nakir and Monker or Munkar, two angels that test the faith of dead people
in their tombs. The grave is covered with soil and sprinkled with rosewater and
covered with flowers and candles. During the ceremony of burial, all participants
should wear black clothes (Khalili Batmanglij, 2009). Weeping, crying and other
expressions of sorrow among family and relatives are displayed, encouraged and
expected. During the first night after burial, a special prayer called Namāz‐e waḥsat
is performed, in order to lessen the fears and terror of the deceased in the tomb.
Each Muslim person has canonical duties such as ablutions, regular praying
(Namaz), fasting, a pilgrimage to Mecca and Medina, and payment of religious
taxes. If the deceased did not accomplish all of these obligations, the family has
the moral obligation to compensate for it. Moneys are paid to the clerics in order
to perform for the deceased all the missing praying and fasting, and all the reli-
gious taxes unpaid shall be settled in order to ensure a smooth transition of the
deceased to the next world. A memorial service – khatm – is arranged after three
days and other major commemoration days are Hafteh which is the seventh day,
Cheleh, which is the 40th day, and Sal, which is one year after death. The gravesite
is visited and is sprinkled with rosewater and decorated with flowers and candles.
Food offerings are given to all participants and other people (see Figure 8.2).
A special religious service takes place in the mosque. All of these ceremonials
are accomplished by all families, as it is believed that they are considered as good
deeds – savab – and will give more peace and will enhance the moral status of the
deceased. Moreover, it is believed that it is a good deed to visit the graveside every
week, on Thursday afternoon, shab‐e jom’a (Price, 2001). According to the Sunni
Muslim, and in contrast to the Shi’a Muslim, raising and decoration of tombs,
extensive funerary rituals, excessive lamentation, and having funerary cere-
monies and memorials is forbidden. Moreover, women are strictly prohibited
from visiting tombs and cemeteries. As per a pious Shiite Muslim, the pilgrimage
and visits to the tombs of an Imam are seen both as a religious duty and a good
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Figure 8.2 Food offerings for commemoration of the Cheleh (40 days). Photos by
Michaela Ibrion, Yazd, Iran.
deed to be achieved during lifetime; high on the list are the pilgrimages to the
Imam Reza in Mashad, to the Imam Ali in Najaf, Iraq, and to the Imam Hossein in
Kerbala. However, the Sunni Muslim does not practice such pilgrimages to tombs
and cemeteries (Aramesh, 2016).
For Zoroastrian communities, the funerary rituals are very much elaborated.
Over time, the Zoroastrian rituals influenced the Shia Muslim’s funerary rituals and
commemorations (Price, 2001). However, there are many differences, both in
beliefs and rituals. At the death of a person, the Zoroastrian people wear white and
they do not believe in or encourage any excessive and loud lamentations. In ancient
Persia, before Islam, as per Zoroastrianism, dead bodies were not buried in order
not to contaminate the pure elements of Earth, such as soil and water. The bodies
were also not cremated, in order not to contaminate other important elements such
as fire and air. The dead were left in special places – Dakhmeh or dakhma – meta-
phorically called “the tower of silence” and exposed to the actions of vultures and
the sun until their total desintegration (Aramesh, 2016). No tombs or headstones
were used for bones of the deceased. In Iran, the practice of dakhma was banned by
the government in the 1970s and it was totally abandoned by the Zoroastrian com-
munities in Yazd, Kerman and Tehran. Nowadays, burial is practiced among
Zoroastrians, but with an adequate lining of the grave with stones and cement.
According to Zoroastrian beliefs, it is not the body of a dead person that requires
attention, but the fate of the soul of the deceased. Consequently, all those who have
passed away are not commemorated through monuments, but in prayers. Memorial
prayers are recited at the house of the deceased and at fire temples on many occa-
sions: on the third day after death, on the tenth day, after one month, and after one
year. Moreover, ten days at the end of each year are dedicated to the remembrance
of all souls. During all major festivals, gahambars, jashne, and on the occasion of rites
of passage like, for example, varadh‐patra, prayers are officiated for the souls of the
departed. All Zoroastrian families need to memorize and record the names of their
ancestors and remember them during the memorial prayers (Eduljee, 2017).
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8.5.3 Graves, cemeteries, dead and living people

Only burial is allowed for the Muslim, and not cremation. For both the dead body
and the grave, it is mandatory to face Mecca. Graves are often raised in order to
mark them, and most people place memorial stones with engraved Quranic verses
and other memorial poems. Normally, each person is buried separately, but in the
recent years, because of the high cost of graves, a new practice started and the
members of the same family are buried in the same grave. The main cemetery of
Tehran, the Behest‐e Zahra, is continuously expanding both horizontally and ver-
tically. The cemetery is acquiring further land and the dead bodies are sent to three
or even five levels of burial grounds hosting bodies on top of each other. The price
of buying a grave in the older sections of the Behest‐e Zahra, or in other older cem-
eteries of Tehran and cemeteries surrounding the holy shrines, is very high and is
afforded only by very rich people. According to a report issued in 2013, the price of
a grave in these cemeteries varied between 7000 and 166,000 US dollars, with a
dollar estimated at that time to be equivalent to about 30,000 tomans (Mohammadi
Doostdar et al., 2014). Over recent decades, the attitudes towards death and dead
people have suffered changes, and dealing with dead bodies has become a very
profitable business. The funerary industry has grown to impressive proportions
both in Iran and among Iranian communities outside the country (Aramesh, 2016).
Living daily in cemeteries is perceived as a strange phenomenon. However, because
of poverty, lack of jobs, problems with housing, and social matters, people of differ-
ent ages, men, women and children, have moved to live in empty graves in the
cemeteries around Tehran. In 2016, shocking photos were published of the Shahriar
cemetery, situated around 12 miles west of Tehran. It was announced that around
50 men, women and children were living in empty graves in the cemetery for some
years, and some for around a decade (Reuters and Burke, 2016).
8.5.4 Washing the dead: technology and controversies

The ritual of ghosl (washing the dead) needs to be fulfilled, otherwise is believed
that a sin is committed. In special conditions, if no water is available, then the
ablutions with water are replaced by ablutions with soil, and this ritual is called
tayamum. The ritual of ghosl must be performed at least three times: the first time
with water mixed with cedar, the second time with water mixed with camphor,
and the third time with pure water. The person performing this ritual must be a
Muslim, a mature person (at least 15 years for males and 9 years for females),
should be the same gender as the deceased, should be mentally stable and must
know the regulations of ghosl. Previously, the washing of dead people was per-
ceived both as a religious duty and a good deed, and the ritual was performed by
very pious people. However, in recent decades, sociocultural changes have
occurred, and nowadays this job is usually performed by people from lower social
classes and with few employment options. According to the 2009 Health Regulation
of Cemeteries, washing and shrouding would be carried out only in designated
areas. The technology of automated body washers was proposed in Iran, but it
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faced great criticism from both religious scholars and from ordinary people. The
cost for developing such a device was almost 30,000 USD (the equivalent of almost
100,000,000 tomans at that time). However, it was observed that in terms of
usage of water, the traditional method of washing uses around 500–700 liters of
water per body, but the automated corpse washer uses only 50–60 liters of water.
Nevertheless, the implementation of this technical device requires a strong reli-
gious and cultural approval (Mohammadi Doostdar et al., 2014).
8.5.5 Food offerings, the death passage rites and rituals

and death commemorations
Food occupies an important place at the end of life, within the death passage rites
and the death commemorations. After the burial, family, relatives, friends and
neighbors are all invited to the home or a restaurant, in order to serve a meal. The
food can also be served at the mosque after prayers. The men and women are
seated separately. The food served to mourners after the death may include the
following dishes: khoresh‐e gheymeh with rice (a kind of stew with meat, yellow
split peas and potato), chicken and rice, sabzi khordan (cheese and herbs), halva (a
sweet paste made from flour, oil, saffron and sugar), sholeh zard (a sweet made
from rice, butter, rosewater and saffron), some sort of thick soups, baklava, bread,
dates, fruit, soft drinks, and Turkish‐style coffee. Sometimes, some of the deceased’s
favorite dishes and desserts are also served (Khalili Batmanglij, 2009). Food is
offered to the family members and to relatives for the commemorations on the
third, seventh and 40th day after the death. Food can vary from one place to
another, but chicken, rice and halvah are the most common foods served on these
occasions. Alcohol is not served and is strictly prohibited at any type of Muslim
gathering or ceremony. Iranian‐brewed tea, together with khorma (dates), is usu-
ally served at all types of Muslim gathering. On various occasions, when the
deceased is commemorated, food, dates, tea, fruits and sweets are offered to rela-
tives, poor people, neighbors or just passers‐by. Dates, sweets, fruit and other
types of light food can also be offered during the weekly visits to the grave, on
Thursday afternoons. With reference to the Zoroastrian commemorations, for
these occasions, a porseh or sofreh (a special table cloth) is spread and the following
types of food are arranged on it: seven types of dried nuts and fruit, halva, a bowl
of water, a jar of wine, sweet and sour garlic and herb croutons, incense, and a
type of round and sweet bread called surog (Khalili Batmanglij, 2009; Price, 2001).
8.5.6 Earthquake disasters and dead people

Ibrion et al. (2015b) highlighted aspects of the complex funerary landscape and
beliefs after two major earthquake disasters in Iran: Tabas 1978 and Bam 2003. The
large number of dead people had a highly significant negative impact on the resil-
ience of survivors. A narrative of one of the witnesses to the Bam 2003 earthquake
disaster metaphorically conveyed the message about the impact of disaster: “After
the earthquake, it was such an immense tragedy and very painful situation in Bam,
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that even the dead people were sad!” (Ibrion et al., 2015b). A rapid burial of dead
people was perceived by survivors as an important part of their moral duties, which
needed to be performed with no delay, regardless of the dramatic circumstances
that occurred. However, the rapid burial of dead people had a double impact – a
significant positive impact and a significant negative impact – on the resilience of
survivors. Survivors accomplished their moral and cultural duties for the immediate
burial, but shortly afterwards, deeply regretted the rapid burial without accom-
plishment of the traditional funerary rites and rituals. When funerary rites and
rituals are not accomplished, families, relatives, neighbors and other members of
communities strongly believe that serious moral sins were committed and the dead
people are not in peace. Moreover, the rapid burial of dead people had a significant
negative impact on the disaster management for the handling of dead bodies, as
many were buried without being identified. In Bam 2003, the dead bodies were
identified and gravesites were marked with special signs to be recognized later,
only if family members and relatives were present. The survivors and witnesses to
the Bam disaster were all in a rush to bury the dead bodies, whether identified or
unidentified. Even the organizations involved in the rescue and body recovery
were sending the dead bodies directly to cemeteries with no identification.
This unsettling situation had a negative impact on the resilience of survivors. The
dead bodies represented not only the physical bodies of the dead, but also their
sociocultural identities, as members of families and communities in Bam. Moreover,
non‐identification of dead people contributed to the controversies regarding the
numbers of dead after the earthquake. There was no centralized or accurate system
or death‐recording process immediately in place after the Bam earthquake.
Other type of beliefs examined by Ibrion et al. (2015b) in the context of the 2003
Bam and 1978 Tabas earthquake disasters refer to the Qiamat (literally “Judgment
Day”). These beliefs were also identified after the Rudbar 1990 earthquake disaster
(Ibrion et al., 2015a, c). The end of the world and the Qiamat are strongly linked to
the occurrence of earthquakes, and especially earthquake disasters. The beliefs
about Qiamat are strongly linked to the verses of the Qu’ran, particularly Sura 99,
Az‐Zalzalah (“the Earthquake”), Ayat 1‐8. A narrative from a 2003 Bam survivor
refers to the Qiamat: “…Suddenly at that second, it was like Qiamat, when nobody
knows anybody. I was not thinking at all of earthquake at that time. I was thinking
that Qiamat came, and everything will become powder and everything is falling
down… Everybody will die…” (Ibrion et al., 2015b: 72). The survivors and wit-
nesses of the 2003 Bam earthquake disaster recalled that all their families, relatives,
neighbors and even the rescue and relief forces were affected by waves of looting.
In Bam, after the earthquake on 26 December 2003, for at least the first 72 hours,
the looting was a horrendous reality that affected both living and dead people, and
a survivor remembered very outrageous and immoral acts: “They were stealing the
stuff of people and putting in the car and adding one or two more dead bodies on
top of the car or on the taken stuff. When passing from the security checks out of
the city, they were saying these are our families and we are taking them to be
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buried out of the city. However, after passing the security checkpoints, they were
just throwing away the dead bodies” (Ibrion et al., 2015b: 71). In Tabas, in 1978,
people were not much afraid of looting, but they mainly feared that the dead bodies
of their families would be buried without their knowledge and in unknown places.
In Bam 2003, no emergency medical teams were present in the area in the first
hours, and people were very much in a hurry to bury bodies presumed as dead.
There were many rumors about the possibility of people believed to be dead being
buried alive. According to survivors and witnesses to the disasters, the majority of
dead people were buried without a confirmed cause of death. In these circum-
stances, there was a chance that “some [people] were buried alive”. A survivor
witnessed a case where a person was buried alive, but at the last minute, they
realized that the person was still alive and was removed from the grave. Another
survivor confirmed that “…In my opinion, many were buried alive. Because, they
even found some people alive between the dead ones” (Ibrion et al., 2015b: 70).
8.5.7 Moharam (muharram) and the commemoration of pain

and dramatic death of Imam Hussain
Moharam (muharram) is the first month of the Islamic Calendar or the lunar Hijrah
Calendar. In this month, particularly the 10th of Moharam, the Ashura day, the
Imam Hussain ibn Ali, the third Shia Imam and the youngest grandson of the Prophet
Muhammad, was killed at Kerbala (Iraq) together with some members of his family
and 72 of his followers. His death was later revenged by Mokhtar or Mukhtar al‐
Thaqafi. Moreover, as per Shi’a beliefs, Imam Hussein was rewarded with a place in
heaven and a mediator role on the Day of Judgment. Imam Hussein is seen as a
Prince of Martyrs who will help the entry into paradise of those who shed their blood
and tears for him. It is believed that salvation can be achieved through the emulation
of Imam Hossein’s sufferings (Shirazi, 2012). During Moharam, mourning cere-
monies are held in memory of the martyrdom of Imam Hussain. At these commem-
oration ceremonies, everybody wears black clothes, and lamentations and deep
grievance take place together with acts of self‐laceration and self‐harm.
The practices of self‐harm as mourning rituals are prevalent among Shiite
Muslims, but in Iran these acts have been declared not to be allowed. It is believed
that the tradition of deep grievance, lamentation and self‐laceration started to be
strongly promoted in Persia, from the Safavids period. The Zoroastrianism,
Buddhism and Sunni Islam cultures do not accept or promote lamentations and
self‐laceration: only the Shiite tradition. Daryaee and Malekzadeh (2014) traced
back the roots of the commemoration of death, performance of lamentations and
self‐laceration to the time of Siavash, a young Kayanid prince who was inno-
cently and brutally killed by the villain Afrasiyab. The death of Siavash was
revenged by the Persian hero, Rostam, but his death continued to be commemo-
rated over many centuries in Persia. It seems that the first Ashura commemora-
tion was held during the Daylamite Buyids (945–1055) in Baghdad (Daryaee and
Malekzadeh, 2014). Usually, centres called Hosseinieh arranged the ceremonies
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during the Muharram. On the day of Ashura, public mourning commemorations

take place in Iran and comprise mainly three types of customary ceremonies. One
of the ceremonies is Ta’ziyeh (mourning) and is a stage performance about the
battle of Kerbala and the killing of Imam Hussain. Another ceremony is Qameh‐
zani where the male participants hit their foreheads with a knife, but this cere-
mony is outlawed in Iran. Another type of ceremony is Zangir‐zani, a sort of parade
where groups of men with a leader walk through the streets in an organized
manner and chant sad hymns about the death of Hussain; some of the men hit
their chests and back with zanjir (chains) (Daryaee and Malekzadeh, 2014). Other
ceremonies during the Muharram include the Nakhl‐Gardani (literally carrying
and turning the nakhl) where the nakhl – a wooden scaffold shaped like a leafy
tree – symbolizes the coffin of Imam Hussain (see Figure 8.3). One of the most
important centres for Nakhl‐Gardani is Yazd province. In Tehran, many cere-
monies are held during the Muharram month and particularly for Ashura day;
one of them includes carrying the Alam or alamat (literally “sign”) which repre-
sents the army and followers of Imam Hossein (see Figure 8.4).
Figure 8.3 Nakhl Gardani (undecorated and not during Muharram). Photos by Michaela
Ibrion, Yazd, Iran.
Figure 8.4 Moharam ceremonies. Photos by Michaela Ibrion, Tehran, Iran.
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8.5.8 Death, funeral ceremonies, controversies and three

national figures of Iran: Reza Shah Pahlavi, Mohammad
Mossadeq and Gholam Reza Takhti
8.5.8.1 Reza Shah Pahlavi – the embalmed and mummified dead body
In August 1941, the Allied powers of the United Kingdom and the Soviet Union
occupied Iran and forced the Shah of Iran at that time, Reza Shah Pahlavi, to
abdicate in favor of his son, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi. Moreover, Reza Shah
Pahlavi was forced into exile in British territories, first to India, after Mauritius,
then to South Africa – first to Durban and then to Johannesburg. He died there
of heart problems on 26 July 1944, at the age of 66. Immediately after his death,
his embalmed body was dressed in his military uniform and medals, placed in a
coffin without ceremony and transported via an Egyptian vessel to Cairo, where
the body was kept at the royal Al Rifa’i Mosque in Cairo (Der‐Grigorian, 1998).
In April 1950, a group of high dignitaries from Iran left for Cairo and escorted
back the remains of Reza Shah. Ceremonial stops were made in Saudi Arabia, at
Mecca and Medina. This was not in accordance with the religious concepts of
Saudi Arabia, but the Saudi Arabian Government and the Saudi royal family wel-
comed the special delegation and the remains of Reza Shah to Jeddah, principal
gateway to Mecca and Medina. In fact, the body of Reza Shah was not trans-
ported to Mecca and Medina, but the members of delegation performed the
required praying and ceremonies on his behalf. The special convoy reached Iran,
at Ahvaz, and the body was put on board a special train that reached Tehran on
8 May. On the railroad to Tehran, stops were made at Andimeshk, Dorud, Arak
and Qom. Civil and military ceremonies were held to honor the remains of Reza
Shah. In Qom, a religious ceremony was made at the Hazrat‐e Masumeh (Fatemeh
Masumeh Shrine). A solemn procession moved with the body through the streets
of Tehran and then finally reached and was buried with extended ceremonies in
the Aramgah, a mausoleum designed and built in his honor, near the Shah Abdul
Azim Shrine, in Ray in the southern part of Tehran (Der‐Grigorian, 1998). Photos
of the funerary car used for the funeral procession of Reza Shah are presented in
Figure 8.5.
The mausoleum of Raza Shah was situated in the neighborhood of many shrines
in Ray. A few months into the Islamic Revolution in Iran, in 1979, the mausoleum
was entirely destroyed, but the body of Reza Shah Pahlavi could not be found
(Der‐Grigorian, 1998). According to the practices of Shia Muslims, the embalming
of dead people is not practiced, but strictly forbidden, as a dead body should not
be preserved but buried immediately. The mummification of the dead body of
Reza Shah is an exception from the normal funerary practices in Iran (Aramesh,
2016). In April 2018, during construction work near Shah Abdul Azim Shrine, in
Shahr‐e Ray, south of Tehran, mummified remains were found near the site of the
destroyed mausoleum of Reza Shah. The Pahlavi family declared that most prob-
ably the mummified remains belong to Reza Shah, the father of the last Shah of
Iran, and further investigations were required to be done. However, the mystery
of these mummified remains is not yet settled (BBC, 2018).
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Figure 8.5 Funerary car employed for the funeral ceremony of Reza Shah in May 1950.
Photos by Michaela Ibrion, Shiraz, Iran.
8.5.8.2 Mohammad Mossadeq – buried under the floor of his living room

Mohammad Mossadeq was the Prime Minister of Iran from 28 April 1951 to 16
July 1952, and after an almost unanimous vote of Majlis, from 21 July 1952 to
19 August 1953. He is considered to be a national hero of Iran in the twentieth
century, as he nationalized the oil of Iran and established the National Iranian
Oil Company (NIOC). Moreover, in 1927, he nationalized the Iranian fisheries in
the Caspian Sea. The 1953 American‐British coup d’etat in Iran overthrew
Mossadeq. He spent the rest of his life under house arrest and died on 5 March
1967. Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, the Shah of Iran, refused to agree with the sug-
gestion of Amir Abbas Hoveyda, the Prime Minister of Iran at that time, to
arrange a public funeral for Mossadeq according to his status of ex‐Prime Minister
of Iran, or even a modest funerary ceremony. Any type of public funeral cere-
mony for Mossadeq was not allowed. Moreover, Mossadeq’s will to be buried in
the public cemetery, near his supporters who were killed in June 1951, was also
denied by the Shah. The body of Mossadeq was not allowed to be buried in any
public cemetery. Mossadeq was buried under the floor of the living room of his
house, where he was in exile in his last years of life, in the village of Ahmadabad
(Milani, 2008).
8.5.8.3 Gholam Reza Takhti – his official death declared as suicide

Gholam Reza Takhti was the national and international champion of Iranian
wrestling. Even today, Takhti’s name as the greatest legend of wrestling is the
epitome of Javanmardi and Jahan Pahlevan in Iran. Takhti was a fervent sup-
porter of Prime Minister Mossadeq and of the National Front. After the 1962
Buyin‐Zahra earthquake disaster, he came onto the streets of Tehran and took the
lead in gathering a lot of finance and material resources for survivors of the earth-
quake. Almost seven years after the Buyin‐Zahra earthquake, on 7 January 1968,
governmental authorities made an official announcement that Tahkti had com-
mitted suicide and had been found dead in the Atlantic Hotel in Tehran. His death
c08.indd 130 11/26/2019 8:27:09 PM

was subject to controversy and there were many rumors about the involvement
in his death of the SAVAK (secret police during the last Shah Pahlavi). Other
rumors supported the theory of suicide and the fact that Takhti was very deeply
affected by the death of Mossadeq as well as personal problems. However,
according to Islamic beliefs, suicide is a terrible sin. The family would encounter
difficulties in the accomplishment of funerary rituals and burial in a cemetery.
Nationalists considered Takhti very much connected with their movement and as
one of their heroes. His funeral ceremony took place at Ebn Bābuya in Rey, south
of Tehran, and was attended by many of Mossadeq’s followers. The anniversary of
Taḵhti’s death has been commemorated at his tomb every year since his death,
and is attended by many people (EI, 2012).
8.5.8.4 Martyrdom, war and death

The term for martyrdom, shahada, can be translated as “testimony” or “affirma-
tion” and usually describes individuals who die for religious beliefs and for truth
(Shirazi, 2012). During the Iran–Iraq war, which took place from 1980–1988 and
took the lives of more than half a million people, martyrdom occupied a prominent
place both in the official discourse and the collective memory of Iran (Shirazi,
2012). The wartime dead, regardless of the circumstances of death, received the
honorific title of shahid (martyrs). Deaths during the Iran–Iraq war had meaning
as a martyrdom for Iran, for the Imam Hussein and for the religious leader of
Iran. The martyrdom was glorified, the life was seen as of low importance, and
the death through martyrdom highly regarded. The martyrdom was seen as a
reward, and the martyr seen as a blessed and fortunate person. The largest
cemetery in Tehran, together with many cemeteries around the country, accom-
modates many graves of shahid. Most of the shahid were young people, even
children, and their graves are situated in specially designated parts of cemeteries
(Shirazi, 2012) (see Figure 8.6).
Figure 8.6 The designated part of a cemetery for the burial of shahid (left), and the graves
of three brothers (all three died in the same year) shahid (right). Photos by Michaela
Ibrion, Yazd, Iran.
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8.6 Discussions and concluding remarks
The beliefscape of Iran is complex, and various aspects have presented in the sec-
tions above. It can be noted that the beliefs linked to death and the interactions
between the living and dead are well represented in Iran. Moreover, the theme of
death is very strong and well supported by disaster risk governance in connection
with the beliefscape of Iran. The capacities of resilience linked with the beliefscape
of Iran are shown in Figure 8.7.
The beliefscape of Iran has been shaped over a long time span and has suffered
changes and accommodated adaptations. Moreover, the beliefscape of Iran has
influenced the resilience of Persia/Iran, the risk culture and the disaster risk gov-
ernance in Iran, and this influence is evaluated as both positive and negative. The
disaster risk governance of Iran has negatively impacted the beliefscape of the
country and its risk culture, particularly the earthquake culture (see Figure 8.8).
Capacity of Capacity of
Learning Response
The
Beliefscape
of Iran
Capacity of Capacity of
Monitoring Anticipation
Figure 8.7 The beliefscape of Iran and the capacities of resilience.
Resilience
of Iran
The
Beliefscape
of Iran
Risk Disaster
Culture- Risk
Earthquake Governance
culture
Figure 8.8 The interrelations among beliefscape, risk culture, resilience and disaster risk
governance.
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However, the disaster risk governance still has the potential to negotiate the
building of an earthquake culture in Iran and to make a significant positive and
constructive impact on the beliefscape and risk culture of the country. In case this
is done at the earliest, it could have a positive impact on the resilience of people
and the country.
Iranian society encompasses an amalgamation of various beliefs that empha-
sizes the predominance of death, death‐related rites and rituals and behaviors and
even lifestyles. Aramesh (2016) also highlighted the complexity of beliefs and
attitudes in Iran and the role of poems, particularly during the last decades. The
poems of Hafez and Khayyam have become very popular, particularly because
they emphasize the importance of life versus the harshness and inevitability of
death. Moreover, these poems highlight the centrality of happiness in this earthy
life and the importance of discovering both basic and significant human values.
Iran is considered to be one of the most resilient countries and nations of the
world, and its resilience is very much linked to the beliefscape that has been
shaped over a very long time span – centuries and even millennia. However, this
beliefscape is continuously created and re‐created, and the rhythm of changes and
adaptations is very accentuated in the last 100 years, and particularly the last half
century. Paradoxically, these changes and adaptations are not among those that
might support and enhance the resilience of communities and of the country.
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CHAPTER 9
The search for the missing

from a humanitarian approach
as a Peruvian national policy
Director of Search for the Missing, Ministry of Justice and Human Rights of Peru
9.1 Introduction
In a Constitutional Rule of Law, public policies are technical tools to materialize

the guaranteeing and protection of rights, in particular human rights in all its cate-
gories; therefore, to establish a public policy is to commit the government and its
officials to implement specific measures to attend the needs of a given population.
In this context, it is important to note the progress and visibility given to the
needs of the families of the missing, a subject that has remained hidden and unat-
tended by the State for decades. Thus, with the elaboration of a specific public
policy it is possible to advance in the search for the missing and provide the
answers that their families have yearned for so long.
When I refer to “progress” I am speaking of beginning to build the foundations
of the public policy: for example, to centralize the information available to start
investigating, to listen to the needs of the families of the missing, to provide psy-
chosocial accompaniment and the material and logistical support for their partic-
ipation in the process, to articulate the public and private entities involved in
order to break bureaucratic obstacles, to sum technical and scientific knowledge,
to shorten the waiting time for an answer, and so on.
To fulfill international standards and guarantee the rights of the missing and
their families, it was clear that we needed to create alternative mechanisms to
ordinary justice, which prioritize a humanitarian search and care for the needs of
the families, in addition to the administration of justice. This means that while the
competence in the investigation for penal action and to establish the responsibility
and authors of a crime remains with the Prosecutor’s Office and Court of Justice,
as a complement, there is a mechanism of humanitarian search with the purpose
135
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of recovering the human remains of the disappeared, identifying them and return-
ing them to their families in dignified conditions.
Perhaps the question is: why establish these parallel processes, when there is
already a penal process in which the alleged authors are investigated, and the
remains recovered? The answer is that in an ideal scenario a penal process should
satisfy the needs of the victims and their families in an integral way, that is, it
should sanction the authors and restore the recovered human remains to their
families; however, reality is a lot more complex. There are events – forced disap-
pearances – that take place during times of mass violation of human rights, such
as the period of violence that occurred in Peru between 1980 and 2000, and many
other situations of disappearance, involving different actors and variables.
9.2 Peruvian scenario regarding the search

for missing persons
Considering the time passed since then, we are talking about over 30 years of
search in most cases. There is also the need to consider the geographical and
accessibility conditions; soil features that deteriorate skeletal remains and make
identification more difficult each day; structural conditions of vulnera-
bility – poverty, a mother language different from Spanish, social stigma, most
close relatives are now old, and so on. Besides, on many occasions the penal
investigations, which can be delayed for years due to the complexity of finding
proof, do not reach a definitive sentence that identifies and sanctions the people
responsible and/or recovers human remains and restores them to their
families.
To respond to this situation of dissatisfaction regarding the protection of human
rights, the government approved Law No. 30470, the Law for the Search of the
Missing during the Period of Violence 1980–2000, as an alternative to provide
answers to the families of the missing and prioritize their needs. Thus, the public
policy for the search of the missing from a humanitarian approach constitutes a
mechanism of transitional justice that aims to relieve the suffering, incertitude
and need for answers of the families of the missing (Art. 2, Law 30470).
On a national level, the policy is being implemented by the Office for the Search
for the Missing (Direccion General de Busqueda de Personas Desaparecidas – DGBPD)
of the Ministry of Justice and Human Rights (MINJUSDH), an office recently cre-
ated by Supreme Decree No. 013‐2017. This office is responsible for the
management of the National Registry of Missing Persons and Burial Sites (Registro
Nacional de Personas Desaparecidas y Sitios de Entierro – RENADE) and the
implementation of the National Plan for the Search for the Missing.
The structure of the search for the missing from a humanitarian approach
involves three stages: (1) humanitarian investigation, understood as the process
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The search for the missing as Peruvian national policy 137
of gathering, filtering and systematizing information, establishing contact with

the families and local authorities, visiting the area where the events took place,
locating possible burial sites and proposing hypotheses for recovery and
identification; (2) joint intervention, which includes the recovery, analysis and
identification of human remains, in a joint venture in which the DGBPD acts in
coordination with the Prosecutor’s Office; (3) the third and last stage consists of
the restitution of the recovered remains to their families, when the recovery has
been possible, and includes a ceremony and proper burial.1
However, the results of the search may present three scenarios: (a) the restitu-
tion of the recovered remains; (b) the cases where it is not possible to recover
remains or establish the destiny of the missing person,2 in which case a symbolic
ceremony may be conducted with the families; and (c) the cases where the person
reported missing is found alive.3
In all three scenarios, the families receive a report indicating the actions taken
by the State for the search and identification of the missing person, and that the
available search mechanisms have been exhausted; this helps fulfill the public
duty to exhaust all means for the search of the missing and guarantee the right to
know.
Access to the truth is transcendental for the families, as was already stated in
the Truth and Reconciliation Commission’s Final Report: “one of the most fre-
quent demands among the families of missing people is linked to their need to
know. They manifest that, in order to move on with their lives and recover their
peace, they need to learn the truth about the whereabouts of their relative and
their current situation (…) They express the need, if the person were dead, to
recover their remains in order to hold a vigil and bury them. At the core of this
demand is the intention of performing the funerary rituals that secure rest for the
missing and mental peace for their families.”4
These aspects have been included in the public policy for the search of the
missing from a humanitarian approach, in order to provide integral answers to
the families. All this implies shorter periods of time for the recovery, identification
1
Directive No. 001-2017-JUS/VMDHAJ-DGBPD, which regulates the process of search for the missing with a
humanitarian approach, Article 5.3. Stages of the process of search for the missing with a humanitarian approach.
2
Different circumstances can make it so that it is not possible to find and restore the human remains of the missing
(for example, if they were incinerated). This is one of the reasons why an adequate psychosocial accompaniment
is necessary, so that the families can be helped to process the information and heal. Other examples are the cases
of bodies thrown into the sea or into rivers, such as the Huallaga River. We have found that, in these situations,
the families are in a continuous search for the missing person, but, mostly, in search for an answer from the State.
3
There is also the possibility of finding living persons, in a different country or region, with a new identity.
Although it is not a large number of people, there have been cases like these reported by the Special Registry of
People Absent by Forced Disappearance and by the Unified Registry of Victims (RUV). This requires a different
strategy and a different kind of answer for the family.
4
Truth and Reconciliation Commission, Final Report, Volume VIII, pages 217–218. Available in Spanish: http://
www.cverdad.org.pe/ifinal/pdf/TOMO%20VIII/TERCERA%20PARTE/I-PSICOSOCIALES.pdf
c09.indd 137 11/26/2019 8:31:45 PM

and restitution of remains to their families, guaranteeing psychosocial accompani-

ment5 across all the stages of the process, and the material and logistic support6
(coffin, niche, transportation, board and lodging for the families, etc.) for an active
participation of the families in the process, facilitating a truly restorative process
with respect for cultural and religious diversity.
To include psychosocial accompaniment in its three levels – individual, familial
and community – across the whole investigation is an important milestone in the
design of the process, given that, before, in those penal processes that requested
it, the accompaniment was limited to the moment of recovery of skeletal remains
and/or the restitution ceremony, which is insufficient to build trust and comfort.
Therefore, it is significant progress to have a support network that communicates
with the families, professionals that inform them of the progress and results of the
process in a clear way and in their native language, aside from generating oppor-
tunities to build collective memory and rebuild the social fabric of the affected
community.
In the context of transitional justice, four fundamental rights or pillars are guar-
anteed: truth, justice, reparation mechanisms and guarantees of no repetition;
these are mechanisms for reconciliation in a society that has been through a
period of violence or armed conflict. The search for the missing from a humani-
tarian approach answers directly to two of these rights: truth and reparation
mechanisms, considering this as symbolic reparation. However, it also interacts
with the right to justice and the guarantees of no repetition, considering that in
the processes under penal investigation, the DGBPD contributes to the search for
the missing by providing strategic information from the RENADE, and coordi-
nates the psychosocial accompaniment and logistic support for the families: both
actions important for the recovery, identification and restitution of human remains
in penal processes.7
Likewise, the public ceremonies and the activities conducted by the DGBPD for
the collective construction of memory, in which the State recognizes the events
occurred and commits to the citizens never to let this violation of human rights
happen again, are an important aspect of the guarantees of no repetition.
Thus, the process of search for the missing from a humanitarian approach, led
by the DGBPD of the Ministry of Justice and Human Rights, is a mechanism of
transitional justice that contributes to peace, reconciliation, and dignifies the
5
Law No. 30470, Article 2, literal (e) Psychosocial Accompaniment: Is the group of actions at an individual,
familiar, communal and/or social level, oriented to prevent, attend and confront the psychosocial impact of disap-
pearance and, so, favor the development of processes for the search of missing persons, accompanying the families
in all the stages of forensic investigation and restitution of remains, favoring the recovery and emotional wellbeing
of the families.
6
Law No. 30470 Article 2, literal (f) Material and logistic support for the families: Is the group of actions deployed
by different sectors of State so that the families participate in the process for the search, recovery, analysis,
identification, restitution and proper burial of the remains of missing persons.
7
Directive No. 001-2017-JUS/VMDHAJ-DGBPD, which regulates the process of search for the missing with a
humanitarian approach, Article 5.2.2 Competence of the DGBPD.
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people who disappeared during the period of violence in Peru (1980–2000), rein-
forcing the compromise for the protection and guarantee of human rights in a
Constitutional Rule of Law.
9.3 Progress made by the DGBPD
The Office for the Search for the Missing (DGBPD) was created in June 2017 by
Supreme Decree No. 013‐2017‐JUS; since then, it has been working in the four
regions with the highest number of missing people during the period of violence
between 1980 and 2000: Ayacucho (9927 missing people), Junín (2978), Huánuco
(2536) and Huancavelica (1054).8 To provide integrated support to the families of
the missing, the DGBPD has offices in Lima, Ayacucho, Huanuco, and Junin.
One of the first and main achievements of the DGBPD is the implementation of
the National Registry of Missing People and Burial Sites (RENADE), which cen-
tralizes, systematizes and filters information from pre‐existing archives and data-
bases of public and private entities related to the search for the missing. So far, it
includes information from the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, the Unified
Registry of Victims (RUV), the Especial Registry of People Absent by Forced
Disappearance of the Ombudsman Office, the Interamerican System of Human
Rights, the National Association of Families of Kidnapped, Detained and
Disappeared People of Peru (Asociación Nacional de Familiares de Secuestrados,
Detenidos y Desaparecidos del Perú – ANFASEP) and part of the information in
the Antemortem Database of the Peruvian Forensic Anthropology Team (Equipo
Peruano de Antropología Forense – EPAF), plus the new information being gath-
ered by the DGBPD.
With this information, in April 2018 the DGBPD presented the first list of
missing people of RENADE, establishing that at least 20,329 people disappeared as
a consequence of the period of violence in Peru. This number includes both the
people whose destiny is unknown and the cases of unrecognized deaths, in which
the destiny is known, but there is no legal certification of death (Article 2 of Law
30470).9 It is important to note that this was the first time that an official number
of missing persons during the period of violence was presented in the country,
including their names, place of disappearance, the date when it occurred, and the
sources of information, so as not to subject the families to new interviews for
information that they have already provided.
RENADE is also a tool for the development of search strategies and the recon-
struction of contexts. Within the processes being conducted by the DGBPD, there
8
Source: Registro Nacional de Personas Desaparecidos y Sitios de Entierro (RENADE) – database under construction.
9
Law No. 30470, Law for the Search for Missing Persons during the Period of Violence 1980–2000. Available in
Spanish:https://busquedas.elperuano.pe/normaslegales/ley-de-busqueda-de-personas-desaparecidas-durante-el-periodo-
ley-n-30470-1395654-1/
c09.indd 139 11/26/2019 8:31:45 PM

are approximately 294 cases in the first stage of humanitarian investigation10 with
different levels of complexity and available information about the destiny of the
victims; the DGBPD has developed a classification that proposes different strat-
egies for these cases.
There are also 38 cases in which this stage has ended and the joint interven-
tion11 with the Prosecutor’s Office has been programmed to recover the human
remains found. Among these cases, we can emphasize the recovery of 14 missing
people in the region of Ayacucho, in the districts of San José de Ticllas, Acocro,
Vinchos and Cangallo, whose restitution took place in an ecumenical ceremony in
the Cathedral of Huamanga.
Likewise, there have been joint interventions in the district of Chinchao, in the
region of Huanuco, where the remains of a couple that disappeared in 1991 were
recovered, whose family had searched for them for over 27 years; in the district of
Anchonga, in the region of Huancavelica, the remains of six people that disap-
peared between 1982 and 1983 were also recovered; and in the district of Vinchos,
in the region of Ayacucho, seven bodies from people who disappeared in 1984
were recovered from different burial sites.
The skeletal remains of one person were found during the preliminary work for
the construction of the Mental Health Community Center of Angaraes
(Huancavelica), in the area previously occupied by the military base of Lircay;
they were recovered by the forensic team of the Prosecutor’s Office, and the
DGBPD provided psychosocial accompaniment to the families that approached
the area. Due to the urgency of moving forward with the construction of the
Mental Health Community Center, so that the Regional Government would not
lose the funding, the Prosecutor of Huancavelica designated the team of the
DGBPD as forensic experts to conduct an exploratory excavation of the area. This
exploration recovered some fragments of human remains and associated objects.
The DGBPD also gathered biological samples from the relatives of the missing
people associated with the ex‐military base, in order to incorporate them into the
Genetic Databank for the search of the missing in Peru, perform the genetic anal-
ysis, and contribute to the identification of the human remains recovered.
The Genetic Databank (Banco de Datos Genéticos – BDG) was created by
Legislative Decree No. 1398,12 to contribute to the identification of the people
10
Humanitarian Investigation: First stage of the search process, led by the Ministry of Justice and Human Rights,
which includes the group of investigative actions, be it documental, in the field or other kind, for the generation,
gathering, verifying and analysis of information about contexts and circumstances related to the disappearance of
people, which allow the determination of the destiny of the victims and, if possible, to locate and identify the burial
sites where their mortal remains may be deposited. Directive No. 001-2017-JUS/VMDHAJ-DGBPD.
11
Joint intervention: Second stage of the search process, planned and coordinated by the Office of the Prosecutor
and the Ministry of Justice and Human Rights, it includes the group of actions related to the recovery, analysis and
assessment of the evidence, which, scientifically studied, may permit the identification of the missing persons and
their restitution to their families, the determination of the cause of death and, if possible, to obtain information
that can serve as proof in court. Directive No. 001-2017-JUS/VMDHAJ-DGBPD.
12
Legislative Decree No. 1398, Legislative Decree that creates the Genetic Databank for the Search for Missing
PersonsinPeru.AvailableinSpanish:https://busquedas.elperuano.pe/normaslegales/decreto-legislativo-que-crea-el-banco-de-
datos-geneticos-par-decreto-legislativo-n-1398-1689445-1/
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who disappeared during the period of violence (1980–2000). The BDG stores the
genetic profiles from the biological samples of the close relatives of missing people
and from the human remains recovered during the investigations, to conduct its
analysis, match and validation, in order to establish kinship indexes that con-
tribute to identification. Thus, this scientific tool constitutes a great support for the
search process from a humanitarian approach.
Joint interventions were conducted in the districts of Acos Vinchos and Santiago
de Pischa in Ayacucho, recovering the remains of eight people that disappeared
between 1990 and 1991. In Acos Vinchos, five victims were taken by the mem-
bers of the Shining Path, then murdered and their bodies disappeared, and now
have been found in a collective grave in the community of Andaraccay. In Santiago
de Pischa, people who had organized to defend themselves from the rebels were
killed by the Shining Path in 1991 and 1998, and their bodies disappeared. From
June to December 2018, the remains of 38 people missing due to the period of
violence were recovered.
To guarantee adequate psychosocial accompaniment,13 these interventions
have had support from the DGBPD, the Ministry of Health through the Community
Health Center of Acobamba (Huancavelica), the Health Post of San Juan de
Cullhuancca (Ayacucho) and the Regional Health Offices (Dirección Regional de
Salud – DIRESA) of Huanuco and Huancavelica.
It is important to emphasize that the ceremony of restitution is planned in
coordination with the families, with respect for their religious and cultural beliefs,
in order to provide a proper burial and deliver proper answers to them, ending an
anxiety and uncertainty that has extended for over 36 years. If the families prefer
it, the restitution ceremonies are conducted in their community, and the DGBPD
coordinates the material and logistic support14 to facilitate their active participa-
tion across the different stages of the search, which reinforces the humanitarian
approach to the process.
The goal is to conduct the recovery, analysis, identification and restitution in
less than 6 months, in contrast with the current time from recovery to restitu-
tion – 1 year or more15 – in ordinary penal processes.
Finally, during Human Rights Week, a symbolic ceremony was conducted in
Acos Vinchos (Ayacucho) in recognition of the local people who disappeared
13
Law No. 30470, Article 2, literal (e) Psychosocial accompaniment: Is the group of actions at an individual,
familiar, communal and/or social level, oriented to prevent, attend and confront the psychosocial impact of disap-
pearance and, so, favor the development of processes for the search of missing persons, accompanying the families
in all the stages of forensic investigation and restitution of remains, favoring the recovery and emotional wellbeing
of the families.
14
Law No. 30470 Article 2, literal (f) Material and logistic support for the families: Is the group of actions deployed
by different sectors of State so that the families participate in the process for the search, recovery, analysis,
identification, restitution and proper burial of the remains of missing persons. For example: coffins, construction
of burial places, transportation, board and lodging for the families, among other logistic issues to consider.
15
The waiting time from recovery to the restitution of the bodies to their families in penal processes is still a pend-
ing issue for the State, and we cannot forget that over 1500 sets of human remains are stored in the facilities of the
Institute of Forensic Medicine of the Prosecutor’s Office, pending identification and/or restitution. In some of these
cases, more than 10 years have passed since their recovery.
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during the period of violence; this ceremony involved the placing of a commem-
orative plate and the presence of the vice Minister of Human Rights (MINJUSDH),
local authorities, and the families of the missing people from the district.
9.4 Conclusion
The advancement made in the past two years in the search for the people who
disappeared during the period of violence in Peru has been fundamental in estab-
lishing the foundations of a public policy that prioritizes a humanitarian approach,
and provides the answers that the families of thousands of missing persons have
been waiting for for decades. It is a complementary mechanism to the system of
justice, whose goal is to sanction those responsible for committing the crime; it
guarantees the search, recovery and proper restitution of the recovered remains,
putting the families in the center of the process, so that it can contribute to miti-
gation of the pain and uncertainty.
The DGBPD of the Ministry of Justice and Human Rights fulfils a fundamental
role for the implementation of the scientific tools that make the search more
effective, such as the RENADE and the Genetic Databank, which guard both ante‐
mortem and post‐mortem information about the victims and the context of their
disappearance, which feed each other internally to establish hypotheses for the
search and identification of the victims, thus building a more efficient process
than the alternatives previously used in Peru.
On 7 September 2018, the President of the Republic reaffirmed his commit-
ment to the families of the missing by moving forward in the search from a
humanitarian approach, by approving the Legislative Decree that creates the
Genetic Databank, a proposal formulated by the Ministry of Justice and Human
Rights, in an unprecedented public event in the Presidential Palace with the par-
ticipation of representatives of the families of the victims. This commitment is
essential for implementation of a public policy; the political will of the authorities
involved is key to its success, as implementation is a path with high and low
grounds, requiring budget assignation, and consensus among different actors,
both public and private.
Thus, the process for the search for the missing led by the DGBPD is a joint
effort that requires the work and commitment of public actors (the Prosecutor’s
Office, the Ministry of Health, regional and local governments, etc.), private actors
(NGOs) and the families of the victims, including their active participation, with
respect for the cultural and religious differences in a multicultural land such as
Peru, and under a constitutional and democratic rule of law.
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CHAPTER 10
Humanitarian forensic action

in the Marawi crisis1
Sarah Ellingham1 and Derek C. Benedix2
1
International Committee of the Red Cross, Iraq
2
International Committee of the Red Cross, Athens, Greece
10.1 Introduction
Ranking second on the list of natural disaster‐prone countries worldwide, the

Philippines frequently faces the need for forensic human identification (Ching et al.,
2015; McPherson et al., 2015). Geographically located between the South China
Sea and the Pacific Ocean, the 7100 island archipelago that comprises the Philippines
lies in the centre of typhoon, tectonic and volcanic belts (Luna, 2001). The country
is affected on average by nine typhoons per year. Frequently these storms include
flooding in both urban and rural areas, which leads to common and deadly occur
rences. The Philippines is also located within the boundaries of the Circum‐Pacific
seismic belt between the Pacific and Eurasian plates. Since 1599, 74 destructive
earthquakes have been recorded throughout the Philippines (Luna, 2001), the
most recent occurrence in July 1990 resulting in the deaths of 1666 individuals.
Further, there are also more than 200 volcanoes distributed along five volcanic
belts, of which 23 are still active, the most deadly incident in recent decades being
the 1991 eruption of Mt Pinatubo which cost 773 people their lives (Luna, 2001).
In addition to constant threats by natural disasters, since the 1970s there has
been an ongoing conflict between the Philippine government and several militant
groups, such as the communist‐led New People’s Army (NPA) and Muslim sepa
ratist groups such as the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) (Luna, 2001).
Most prominently, this continued fighting culminated in the Marawi crisis
(Mindanao) of 2017. The crisis encompassed a five‐month non‐international
armed conflict (NIAC) costing the lives of over a thousand individuals.
The views expressed here are solely those of the authors and do not represent the views of the International
1
Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC).
143
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Against this backdrop, this chapter’s aims are threefold: to explore the forensic
setup and response capacity of the Philippines; to examine how this was applied
in practice during the forensic humanitarian response to the Marawi crisis; and
finally to discuss the forensic challenges that were encountered in this complex
context.
10.2 The Philippine forensic response capacity
10.2.1 The Management of the Dead and Missing (MDM) Cluster

Between 2000 and 2012, a recorded 207 natural disasters claimed the lives of
12,899 people (Ching et al., 2015). In 2007 the Department of Health (DoH) for
mulated and released Administrative Order 18, namely the first outline of the
management of the dead and missing during emergencies, recommending the
adoption of the Interpol Disaster Victim Identification (DVI) forms (Go, 2018;
Duque, 2007). However, little changed regarding the forensic response proce
dures at the governmental level until 2013 when Typhoon Haiyan (referred to as
Super Typhoon Yolanda in the Philippines) caused the reported deaths of over
6000 people, the vast majority of whom were never identified. This, in turn, led
to the formation of the Management of the Dead and Missing (MDM) Cluster.
There are nine governmental agencies that are considered the lead groups of the
MDM cluster: the Department of Health (DoH), the National Disaster Risk
Reduction Management Council (NDRRMC), the Department of Social Welfare
and Development (DSWD), the Office of Civil Defense (OCD), the Department of
Interior and Local Government (DILG), the Department of National
Defence – Armed Forces Police (DND–AFP), the National Bureau of Investigation
(NBI), and the Philippine National Police (PNP), as well as the Local Social Welfare
Department Office (LSWDO). In addition to national government agencies there
are local government units (LGUs), the Philippine Red Cross (PRC), as well as the
International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) in an advisory capacity.
Depending on the nature of the event, each of these agencies fulfils specific roles.
The MDM Cluster is administratively led by the Department of Health (DoH),
which is in charge of establishing guidelines, protocols and policy formations as
well as human resource development, including the development of standardized
training units and drill exercises. For its activities, the DoH is financially supported
by the National Disaster Coordination Council – Office of Civil Defence (NDCC),
which, in turn, is in charge of keeping a database of all search and rescue units in
the country, including accredited civilian volunteer groups.
When a mass fatality event occurs, the coordination of the search and recovery
for human remains is to be led by the armed forces (DND–AFP) task force and
carried out by the agencies under the Search and Recovery Group, which include
the PNP, the Philippine Coast Guard (PCG), the DILG, the Bureau of Fire Protection
Special Rescue Unit (BFP), LGU Leagues and the PRC. In situations where the
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Humanitarian forensic action in the Marawi crisis 145
AFP are not immediately present, the local Chief of Police has the instant site
command, which is then to be handed over to the AFP upon their arrival.
As mentioned above, there are many agencies involved in the MDM Cluster;
with that in mind there is a protocol for which agency takes the lead on identifi
cations of the dead. The choice of agency in charge is dependent largely on the
nature of the event. In cases of natural disasters, such as typhoons or earthquakes,
the NBI has the lead, whereas mass fatalities due to human‐generated activities
are handled by the PNP (Duque, 2007). However, both agencies should coordi
nate with one another, as well as other related subject‐matter experts, such as
academics or external forensic personnel. The disposition of the dead, in cases
where identification is not possible, ultimately falls under the responsibilities of
the LGUs, who bury the unidentified in marked collective graves. Identified
remains are released to the next of kin by the LGU after issuance of a death certif
icate. In situations where deceased foreign nationals are identified during the pro
cess, the NDCC liaises with the respective embassies to arrange repatriation or
other means of disposition.
It is well understood by the agencies within the MDM Cluster that the Philippines
is prone to natural disasters, and subsequent to the challenges faced and sobering
identification rates of the victims of Typhoon Haiyan, the MDM Cluster embraced
the approach of training civilian first‐responders on the management of the dead
in mass fatality events. Within this framework, and with support (both material
and forensic expertise) from the ICRC, the PRC trains volunteers from all of its
chapters. These current trainings are largely oriented with, and focus on, the
WHO/ICRC manual for the Management of Dead Bodies after Disasters (Cordner et al.,
2016). They are also targeted towards untrained lay personnel (i.e. volunteer
first‐responders), but the ultimate goal will be to feed into a coordinated DVI
response in the future (Cordner et al., 2016; Ellingham et al., 2016).
10.2.2 Forensic human identification in the Philippines

Education and training in the forensic sciences predominately fall under the
purview of the National Forensic Science and Training Institute (NFSTI) of the
Philippine Public Safety College, which operates under the auspices of the
Department of Interior and Local Government (DILG). Further, the DILG also
provides training for uniformed personnel such as the PNP, BFP and the Bureau
of Jail Management and Penology (Go, 2018). There is a wide array of speciali
zations which include: legal medicine, forensic chemistry, questioned docu
ments, ballistics, forensic photography, polygraphy, physical identification and
dactyloscopy, all of which are in concordance with the departments of the NBI
(Go, 2018). Medico‐legal death investigations, which include the analyses of
skeletonized remains, fall under the remit of medico‐legal officers employed
with either the PNP or NBI. Whilst entry requirements for these positions require
a medical doctorate, no previous training or experience in pathology or forensics
are compulsory (Go, 2018). Recently, however, there has been a major push
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forwards in the development of forensic science capacity and forensic human

identification regulations in the Philippines. Go (2018) provides several legislative
propositions from the Philippine Senate and House of Representatives which are
currently pending adoption, such as a mandatory autopsy bill, which, amongst
others, calls for autopsy investigation in cases of unidentified and unclaimed
remains, as well as a bill requiring the collection of ante‐mortem information
and data prior to any cremation. In 2017, there was approval of House Bill 417
with the aim of establishing a national Forensic Science Institute (FSI) within
the University of the Philippines (Escudero, 2016). Parallel to these develop
ments, individual disciplines of forensic science have recently seen an increase
in capacity‐building. In 2016, the first Filipino skeletal research and reference
collection (comprising modern human remains from a large public cemetery)
was created. This synoptic collection is curated at the University of the Philippines’
Archaeological Studies Programme department (Go et al., 2017) and forms the
basis of research into Filipino‐specific population standards with the goal of
more accurate identification procedures.
Fingerprint analyses are not yet used in DVI operations in the Philippines.
Whilst fingerprints are frequently taken during an individual’s registration for
employment, not every citizen is required to register their fingerprints. Moreover,
these databases are not cross‐linked to the NBI dactyloscopy department or their
Automated Fingerprint Identification System (AFIS). Because of this, it makes
post‐mortem matches extremely difficult and rare.
With regards to utilizing odontology for the DVI process, the country does
have an existing law (PD 1575) requiring all dental practitioners to retain the
records of their patients. The law states these records should be turned over to
the NBI for archiving purposes after a time period of 10 years. However, based
on personal communication with numerous agencies, compliance with this law
is poor and its enforcement is weak. An additional factor to keep in mind is the
relatively low number of Filipinos using a dentist or dental services at all. While
discussions exist for stricter enforcement of law PD 1575, as well as including
dental examinations in basic healthcare delivery, the current status quo demon
strates that odontology is not widely used as a means of human identification in
the Philippines.
Currently the DVI process in mass fatality events is predominantly reliant on
DNA analysis, and both the NBI and the PNP have and use DNA laboratories. Both
agencies however, are dealing with a heavy backlog of samples from previous
mass fatalities (such as Typhoon Haiyan), and previous identification rates have
been staggeringly low. There are a number of reasons for these low rates, including:
limited laboratory capacity; improper procedures during the early recovery and
post‐mortem sample collection stages; and incomplete ante‐mortem reference
sample collections. The agencies of the MDM Cluster recognise these challenges
and, with the support of the ICRC, are currently working on building and raising
the country’s forensic capacity at all levels.
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10.3 The conflict in Mindanao and the Marawi crisis
Having been challenged by the frequent occurrences of natural disasters previ

ously, the Philippine forensic capacity faced new challenges stemming from the
Marawi crisis of 2017. The southern island of Mindanao has seen a four‐decade
long ongoing conflict between the government and Muslim separatist groups.
Historically, there has been unrest in this region that dates back as early as the
Spanish conquest and missionary attempts of the sixteenth century (Noble, 1976;
Ragandang III, 2018). The majority Muslim population of Mindanao resisted
cultural and religious assimilation to the then predominantly Christian population
of the rest of the country; though sharing an increasing Islamic consciousness,
there remain divides in the Filipino Muslim communities, who were divided by
languages, varying cultures and geographical location into three major and ten
minor ethno‐linguistic groups, as well as exhibiting additional rifts through family
and clan structures as well as political rivalries (Noble, 1976; Ragandang III, 2018).
Feeling further economically and socially alienated under the politics of the
Ferdinand Marcos presidency in the 1960s, the Muslim Independent Movement
(MIM) was founded in 1968, calling for an independent State of Sulu, Palawan
and large parts of Mindanao (Noble, 1976). After the government forced disband
ment of the MIM in 1970, the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) was formed,
signalling the commencement of an assertion of and for self‐determination which
escalated into organized armed antagonism against the state after President Marco’s
declaration of Martial Law in 1972. These struggles have continued to the present
day, with conflict lasting more than four decades (Ragandang III, 2018; Noble,
1981). During the 1990s, five Moro underground groups were operating in the
southern Philippines, of which only one, the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF)
exists today, as well as the militant Islamist guerrilla Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG). The
latter at first was regarded as a merely criminal organization, but in the following
decades it cultivated close ties to al‐Qaeda and later (in 2014), along with other
jihadist groups in Mindanao, pledged allegiance to the Islamic State of Iraq and the
Levant (ISIL) (Ragandang III, 2018; Frake, 1998).
In 1989, an attempted peace catalyst was offered in the creation of the
Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao (ARMM). This was accomplished
through Republic Act No. 6734, and included the provinces of Basilan, Lanao del
Sur, Maguindanao, Sulu and Tawi‐Tawi. Nonetheless, almost 30 years later and
despite promises of developing the economy and improving welfare, the ARMM
regions still rank in the lower tiers by all physical and socioeconomic measures of
wellbeing (Ragandang III, 2018; Lara and Champain, 2009), the realities of which
continuously breed contempt.
By 2016, the jihadist groups who declared their loyalty to ISIL received full
recognition by the ISIL leadership in the Middle East, who designated them to
create a Daulah Islamiyah Wilayatul Mashriq (Islamic State – Eastern Division)
(Heydarian, 2017). It was under this backdrop that the Marawi crisis of 2017
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erupted, which was unprecedented with regards to the scale of the fighting, its
urban nature, and its duration (Franco, 2017a). The Marawi crisis was triggered
on 23 May 2017, when the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) conducted an
operation in the attempt to arrest Abu Sayyaf leader Isnilon Hapilon (Franco,
2017b, 2018). Hapilon’s forces fought back and additionally called for reinforce
ment from the Maute Group (which is also known as the Islamic State of Ranao
and is comprises former MILF guerrillas who have pledged their allegiance to IS,
as well as foreign fighters) and the Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Fighters (BIFF),
a breakaway group of the MILF. A firefight between government troops (Armed
Forces of the Philippines (AFP) and the Philippine National Police (PNP)) and
militants that subsequently erupted led to the rebel groups laying siege to the city
of Marawi. Due to this, President Duterte declared martial law for the entire island
of Mindanao on 24 May 2017, less than 24 hours after the fighting began
(Heydarian, 2017). The Marawi crisis turned into a five‐month urban warfare
operation including both the deployment of large numbers of troops, as well as air
raids across the city. As a result of the fighting, the human cost was devastating:
400,000 internally displaced persons (IDPs), leaving a reported death toll of 978
militants, 168 government troops and 87 civilians (Reyes, 2017).
10.4 Forensic humanitarian response to the Marawi crisis
Following conflict or disasters, the management of the dead (to include the
protection of their dignity, as well as proactive means towards their identification
to prevent them from becoming missing persons) is regarded as one of the three
pillars of humanitarian response, together with care for the survivors and the
restoration of basic services (Cordner and Tidball‐Binz, 2017; Cordner and Ellingham,
2017). Under international humanitarian law (IHL) the dead are a distinct category
of victim, and as such have the right to have their personal dignity and identity
protected (Petrig, 2009; ICRC, 1977, 2002).
The Marawi crisis posed several complexities and challenges to the humani
tarian response. In effect, the declaration of martial law dictated all response
activities, including the management of the dead, to be coordinated through the
AFP. During the initial three weeks of the conflict, it was categorized as a localized
incident, which left the local PNP in charge of disaster victim identification (DVI)
activities. One of the challenges first encountered with this approach was the
limited experience in the subject matter by the local PNP personnel. This changed,
however, once the declaration of the Marawi siege became a national disaster, and
the MDM Cluster was activated from 14 June 2017. In effect this meant: first
responders trained and advised by the ICRC/PRC and/or the military’s Search,
Rescue and Retrieval (SRR) teams could collect human remains; the PNP Manila
SOCO (Scene of Crime Officer) team then took overall charge of DVI (and the NBI
forensic team was alerted and on standby should their support be requested by
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the PNP); the collection of information on the missing, including ante‐mortem

data (AMD) if presumed dead, fell under the responsibility of the Philippine Red
Cross and the Department of Social Welfare and Development in the evacuation
centres, as well as in PNP stations; the local government units then had charge of
the coordination of burials, the distribution of benefits such as burial assistance to
families, as well as social support, including mental health support, of affected
individuals. The ICRC was asked to provide advisory support to the forensic
humanitarian response in Marawi.
10.4.1 Body recovery

The recovery of bodies proved particularly challenging due to the active fighting
in Marawi city, posing severe security risks for recovery teams and severely lim
iting access. The Bureau of Fire Protection (BFP) was assigned as the lead agency
for the search and retrieval of human remains, with retrieval operations sched
uled to occur as soon as the armed forces (AFP) (who were in charge of the secu
rity detail) provided clearance. Recovery teams included a minimum of two
PNP‐SOCO personnel for the purpose of proper documentation of the remains.
Retrieval operations were further complicated by high weapons contamination as
well as emerging reports of bodies being deliberately booby‐trapped by the mili
tants, underlining the necessity for AFP‐EOD specialists to be included in the
recovery teams. Average weather conditions of approximately 30°C with 80%
humidity further added challenges, as there was noticeably rapid decomposition
of bodies. These security restrictions not only limited the windows of time in
which recoveries were able to take place, but also precluded the involvement of
specialists such as forensic anthropologists in the retrieval process. The lack of
presence of forensic anthropologists at the scenes was recognized, and this would
have been highly desirable in the recovery of decomposed and skeletonized
remains. Due to these highly specific circumstances, the Philippine Red Cross and
ICRC jointly conducted training on the appropriate and dignified management of
the dead for the designated recovery teams, taking all above limitations into
consideration. The teams were able to retrieve the bodies of 16 civilians during a
brief opening of a negotiated peace corridor in the first week of the conflict. After
this, recovery opportunities were severely limited by the ongoing fighting, and
only possible peu à peu as city districts were reclaimed by government forces.

and disposition of the dead
Once recovered and evacuated from the city, bodies were brought to a funeral
home in Iligan City (located approximately 40 km north‐northwest of Marawi)
and handed over to the PNP‐SOCO team for the DVI process. The process followed
procedures according to the Interpol DVI protocols. Where and if possible, finger
prints were taken, with the notion that any and all post‐mortem data available
should be collected. Additionally, DNA samples were collected from all remains,
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to be processed by the PNP DNA laboratory in Manila for future comparison with
collected family reference samples of missing people. Due to the rapid decompo
sition of remains, no bodies were released to families based on visual identification
without corroboration of the identification by primary indicators. Once bodies
were received at the funeral homes, they were externally embalmed in an effort
to delay the decomposition. This measure was taken as there were no available
refrigeration units at that time. Unidentified and unclaimed remains were buried
“apartment style” in above‐ground burial crypts, which are common in cemeteries
in the Philippines and are typical temporary burial options for lower socioeco
nomic members of the community, as these crypts can be leased for five years at
a time. Crypts were to be marked with the unique reference number assigned to
the bodies by the PNP. Above‐ground burial crypts are ideal as temporary burial
solutions for unidentified remains, as they allow for easy extraction of the bodies
upon identification.
10.4.3 Religious considerations

An additional layer of complexity in the management of the dead that had to be
considered was the inability to determine victims’ religious preference in most
cases. Although the majority of the ARMM population comprises those of Muslim
faith, several witness reports testified to the targeted killing of Christian civilians
by the militant rebels, meaning both faiths would have to be considered in the
management of the dead.
Although the people of the Philippines are predominantly Roman Catholic,
burial customs of the Filipino Christian population, Mindanao not being an
exception, still incorporate many ancient funerary traditions, superstitions and
traditions specific to certain tribes and regions (Hays, 2015). Overall, however, the
dignified treatment and laying the body to rest is the most paramount, with
processes such as autopsies and embalming not posing any ethical problems.
Islamic burials traditionally follow more strict guidelines on what is and is not
acceptable when it comes to the disposition of the dead. In the Muslim faith the
dead are to be washed, shrouded in clean white cloth, and to be buried in soil in
a sub‐terrain grave as quickly as possible, ideally within 24 hours of death
(Mohammed and Kharoshah, 2014).
Whilst it is customary in Islam to bury the bodies of the dead quickly, excep
tions to this can be made in cases of criminal activity (Al‐Dawoody, 2018). With
regards to autopsies, although they are generally avoided where possible in Islamic
contexts, the Qur’an does not address the issue, and it therefore is not explicitly
forbidden, but rather depends on cultural acceptance and the interpretation of
religious scholars who may then issue a fatwa, a legal interpretation, of the Qur’an.
Typically there are no “omnibus” fatwas that apply to all situations; they are rather
individualized to a time, person and place. It is therefore possible to have several
fatwas issued on the same topic, with varying interpretations. Autopsies are gen
erally routinely carried out in Muslim countries in cases of criminal or suspicious
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deaths (Mohammed and Kharoshah, 2014; Sajid, 2016). Embalming, particularly

hypodermic, arterial or cavity embalming, however, is seen as highly problematic
throughout the Muslim world, as it violates the customs of “purifying” the body,
compromises the physical integrity of the remains, and delays the burial process
without the legal necessity that would justify such practice (Kasule, 2006). The
fact that bodies recovered from Marawi were in most instances kept in the funeral
homes for several days prior to the PNP post‐mortem data collection, underwent
forensic medical examinations, were embalmed as well as laid to rest in above‐
ground crypts rather than in soil burials, whilst practical from a forensic stand
point, raised some concerns regarding the adherence to all religious customs. In
order to address these concerns, the ICRC liaised with both the Muslim and
Christian religious authorities explaining the scientific forensic process and the
equal and respectful treatment of all unidentified remains. The Grand Mufti of
the Philippine Dar al‐Ifta (Fatwa council) released a formal statement accepting
the scientific processing of bodies, including forensic examinations and embalm
ing, as well as the temporary burials in above‐ground crypts. Both the Grand
Mufti as well as the Cardinal of Cotabato were present and conducted an inter
faith ceremony at the first burial ceremony of unidentified remains, together
performing their respective burial rites on the remains.
10.4.4 Ante‐mortem data (AMD) collection

In order to facilitate reliable forensic identification of the deceased, comprehen
sive lists of all missing from the incident need to be compiled and ante‐mortem
data and familiar reference samples need to be collected; without this information,
it is not possible to achieve a significant number of identifications, regardless of
how well the post‐mortem data are collected (Cordner and Ellingham, 2017). This
process is time‐consuming and can take weeks or even months. It also poses
significant challenges in all mass fatality events, but even more so in active conflict.
During the first month of the Marawi crisis, the PRC was collecting tracing requests
for the missing; however, no forensic AMD from families were collected because
of the chaotic nature of the unfolding events. According to the Administrative
Order 18 and the MDM Cluster plans, AMD should be collected by the PNP
according to Interpol protocol. AMD collection should ideally only be carried out
by personnel who have been specifically trained for these tasks, who are familiar
with the complexities of the Interpol forms, and finally, who are trained in (at a
minimum) basic psycho‐social awareness, as the beneficiaries are bereaved and
frequently traumatized. It is crucial that families are sensitized on the forensic
process and their expectations are managed. One of the delaying factors was the
fact that the majority of AMD collection officers were based in Manila and their
movement to Marawi was not immediate. Moreover, it is not uncommon in some
communities for there to be a history of weak trust between the population and
the police (Cordner and Ellingham, 2017). This hesitation to approach author
ities, let alone provide them with information on their missing loved ones, was a
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widespread phenomenon in the early stages of the Marawi response. For example,
some individuals with family ties to the rebel groups feared being suspected or
even arrested themselves if they came forward to the PNP (Crisis Committee
2017, personal communication). The 400,000 IDPs were spread between different
surrounding cities as well as several evacuation camps, many of whom had been
separated from family with no means of contacting them. It was therefore decided
by the MDM cluster and the ARMM Crisis Management Team to set up Family
Assistance Centers (FACs), which would also function as AMD collection points,
in seven different evacuation centers. These AMD collection points were to be set
up in tents for privacy reasons and manned by two AMD collection‐trained and
un‐uniformed PNP staff. These collection points were set up for purely humani
tarian reasons to facilitate the identification of missing and suspected deceased
individuals; no information for prosecution of any kind should be collected. PRC
helpdesks throughout the camps acted as referral points for families, and PRC staff
were given sensitization training on AMD collection in order to be able to brief
families on the process and manage their expectations. All collected data were
planned to be centralized and managed by the PNP.
10.5 Discussion
The Marawi crisis exemplified the cohesive, integrated approach that was envi
sioned in the creation of the multi‐agency MDM Cluster. This was especially
visible in both the deployment of trained first‐responders as well as the professional
forensic capacity using the Interpol DVI protocols in the processes of identification.
In particular instances where time is limited and swift action and decision‐making
are required (i.e. during the opening of the peace corridor for access to human
remains), having the framework in place for rapid crash‐course training sessions
for staff without any previous experience in management of the dead (MotD) has
proven vital. The PRC, who provide recurring MotD training to first‐responders as
part of their cluster duties, have developed programme curricula which can be
rapidly adapted to varying circumstances. Therefore, the forensic response
demonstrated the compatibility of this first‐responder approach with identifi
cation procedures following international standards and guidelines (Cordner and
Ellingham, 2017).
The Marawi Crisis further highlighted the importance of planning and
coordination in order to conduct a successful disaster response. Disaster
management plans, including provisions for the management of the dead, should
be developed and in place in advance (Cordner et al., 2016). The Philippine
Management of the Dead and Missing Cluster does just that: it develops plans for
the response and promotes coordination amongst the different agencies to deliver
on it. However, the MDM Cluster has only recently been formed (i.e. it was initi
ated five years ago), and it is primarily focused more on the response to natural
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disasters than to armed conflict. Because of its recent establishment, the MDM
Cluster has not yet been involved on the ground level very many times. Evidence
for this was manifested in the different coordination exhibited at the Manila level
(e.g. a high level of coordination), which has not yet trickled down to all provin
cial level groups. In the provincial areas, not all relevant staff have received
training, and in some instances there was a lack of awareness of the structure and
role divisions that were agreed upon by the MDM Cluster. Because of these chal
lenges, getting all relevant personnel up to speed caused some delays in the initial
response to the Marawi crisis. Taken together, these issues highlighted the need to
ensure there are sufficiently trained personnel on standby and ready to deploy in
all provinces of the country when the need arises.
Another factor impeding the response to management of the dead in Marawi
was the lack of access and opportunity for the recovery teams due to the ongoing
conflict and the associated security risks, such as active shooting and air strikes,
strategically placed improvised explosive devices, and so on. Safety and security of
first‐responder recovery personnel is paramount, and under no circumstances
should they ever be exposed to unnecessary risks. It was therefore vital to await
the necessary security clearances before proceeding in the recovery process. These
delays, coupled with the hot and humid climatic conditions, contributed to rapid
decomposition rates of human remains, which in turn further complicated the
work for the recovery teams. A closer integration between the MDM Cluster and
forensic specialists, many of whom are affiliated with the academic rather than
the humanitarian sector, would further facilitate a smoother identification process
in the future.
The response to the Marawi crisis has further highlighted the importance of
cultural and religious sensitivities to the forensic procedures involved. The prime
aim of humanitarian action is to alleviate the suffering of those affected by war
and conflict, and the approach of humanitarian forensics is no exception.
Communication and coordination needs to include the multicultural commu
nities and all religious leaders. Further, sensitivities to all beliefs and customs, and
incorporating this awareness into the forensic response, is equally as important
and crucial as the scientific process in the management of the dead.
The forensic response to the Marawi crisis demonstrated the benefit of an
integrated humanitarian forensics in action approach. There were challenges
encountered, and some of these proved to be a huge learning curve for the field.
Responders were faced with a multitude of unanticipated challenges, highlighting
the need for extensive planning and preparedness, not just at central but also at
provincial level, even before an incident happens, and cross‐discipline training
and capacity‐building. It also showed the value of integrating trained first‐
responders into the forensic process. The field of forensic humanitarian action is
still evolving, and due to precisely the humanitarian mission, there is no “once
size fits all” – each response will be different depending on the context, taking the
specific needs and circumstances of the affected population into consideration.
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The Philippines, however, while still in the process of developing their technical
forensic capacity, have fully embraced the multidisciplinary and integrated approach,
and are on the way to being at the forefront of forensic humanitarian action.
Acknowledgements
The authors would like to express their gratitude to the entire ICRC team in the
Philippines (particularly the Manila Delegation, Davao Sub‐Delegation and
Cotabato Office) for their unwavering support during the forensic support mis
sions. Thanks especially to Pamela “Sarji” Muldong and Archiebald Molos (PRC)
for sharing their in‐depth knowledge on the Philippine MDM file, as well as J.C.
Pagaling for not only going above and beyond, tirelessly pulling his weight on the
ground, but also for his invaluable input and fact‐checking in the preparation of
this manuscript.
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c10.indd 155 11/26/2019 8:27:14 PM

SECTION II
Forensic basic information
to trace missing persons
s02.indd 157 11/26/2019 8:32:41 PM

CHAPTER 11
Integration of information on missing

persons and unidentified human
remains: Best practices1
Institute of Legal Medicine and Forensic Sciences, Colombia
Search Commission of Missing Persons, Colombia
11.1 Introduction
The search for missing persons has been, in recent decades, one of the humani-
tarian processes that brings together thousands of victims in various countries and
for which there are transnational projects, institutional programs, regional plans,
and multiple working documents, built from judicial, forensic and sociological
contexts, as well as from international organizations.
In Colombia, the sociopolitical conditions and forms of crime associated with
forced disappearance involve the action or omission of state agents, armed groups
outside the law, drug trafficking, criminal gangs, dissent, and common crime – a
context that has enabled forensic specialization in the collection and analysis of
ante‐mortem and post‐mortem information, identification of human remains and
in the process of finding missing persons.
This forensic expertise translates into rigorous procedures of case documentation,
recording, and storage of information that, from the outset, must have scientific
relevance and reliability, supporting qualified conclusions to guide the search and
identification of bodies. This process corresponds to the integration of information.
To address this issue, this article will present key operational definitions for the
standardization processes and the actors involved in the integration of information,
premises to consider in the proper handling of useful data related to the search
and identification procedures, as well as better practices partially implemented in
Colombia, which have allowed the finding of missing persons and the identification
of human remains, subject to medico‐legal necropsy.
The views expressed here are solely those of the author and do not represent the views of the Institute of Legal
1
Medicine and Forensic Sciences or Search Commission of Missing Persons.
159
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11.2 The integration of information
11.2.1 Conceptualization
To advance the process of information integration in the search for missing per-
sons and identification of human remains, it is necessary to define the following
operational concepts:
• Missing person: Any person who is missing from their natural environment. This
definition does not exclude the person’s report, considering that, due to
personal, family and social conditions, the disappearance may not be reported
to the authorities responsible for the report.
• Unidentified body: Corresponds to a corpse (regardless of its status), where there
is no report of its name (identification data) at the time of discovery and/or
burial.
• Ante‐mortem information: All the data collected from sources in a technical way
that identifies and characterizes a person, before disappearance or when alive.
• Post‐mortem information: All the data collected from the basic file of the corpse
subjected to a medico‐legal autopsy,2 and supported during the identification
process.
• Documentation: The review, compilation, and verification process of ante‐mor-
tem and post‐mortem data obtained from primary sources (documents, regis-
ters, databases, among others), which provide reliable information. The
documentation process starts with the technical collection of information and
runs throughout the search and identification process, considering the source’s
variability and accessibility.
• Characterization: An analysis and interpretation tool of the individual’s
information based on human behavior, allowing the definition of characteristics
that identify or include the person within a population. This tool guides the
search and identification processes, limits the population analysis, and defines
space–time characteristics.
• Technical consultation: This procedure allows location of the target population
(candidates), based on consulting specific variables selected through the anal-
ysis of probabilities, prioritization and/or relevance, and defined by the indi-
vidual’s previous characterization (unidentified corpse or missing person).
• Technical cross‐referencing: This is a procedure by which the available information
of a missing person or an unidentified body (ante‐mortem and post‐mortem),
or candidate (unidentified corpse or missing person) is cross‐checked to rule out
or confirm that the information produced is about the same person or not. The
technical cross‐referencing procedure is subsequent to the technical consultation,
when many cases are analysed and cross‐checked.
The basic file of unidentified bodies contains the description and photographic documentation of morpho-chro-
2
matic characteristics, signs, clothing, accessories for personal use, dental information and medical history, post-
mortem fingerprints, oral autopsy and biological sample for genetic analysis; data obtained from the autopsy.
c11.indd 160 11/26/2019 8:27:18 PM

Integration of information: Best practices 161
• Integration: Integrating information in the search for missing persons and

identification of human remains, corresponding to the collection, processing
and technical storage of ante‐mortem and post‐mortem data. The adjective
“technical” is key in this definition, considering that each advanced procedure
must comply with the scientific method, suitability of the technical and/or
professional staff assigned, appropriate technological means and scientific
management of the process.
• Closed population: Regarding human identification, this definition corresponds to
the limitation of candidates (unidentified bodies or missing persons) based on
specific events, where the identification data of the associated victims are
available in a previous list, as may be the case for massacres, mass events or
air disasters.
• Open population: Unlike a closed population, this definition corresponds to victims
without prior delimitation due to multiple, geographical, temporal, social
(migrations and/or displacements) and political factors, as well as criminal
modalities, actions of armed groups, and other circumstances.
• Insufficient data: Corresponds to the information that, when reviewed, does not
give enough ante‐mortem and/or post‐mortem information to do a cross‐check.
Insufficient information classifies as incomplete or non‐existent.
• Incomplete data: Corresponds to the information that, when reviewed, does not
include every one of the ante‐mortem and post‐mortem variables applied in a
cross‐check. A common example of incomplete information is when basic data
are missing, such as the cause (traumatic, natural), shape, dimension, color,
particularities, treatment, or medical center attended, among others.
• Non‐existent information: Corresponds to unavailable information that has not
been excluded in the review by an absence in the evidence studied or in the
source consulted. An example is the data missing from the Dental Clinical
History or the Oral Autopsy Report, despite being aware that the missing person
had dental treatment and that the unidentified corpse was found complete
(with jaws and dental structures).
11.2.2 The information integration process

The process of integrating information about unidentified bodies and missing per-
sons is divided into six fundamental procedures described below:
11.2.2.1 Gathering information

Ante‐ and post‐mortem information gathering must meet specific criteria such as
available and qualified staff and/or technicians, quality of the data collected, the
systematization and standardization of data‐gathering tools and procedures (when
possible and according to the context variables), as well as at inter‐institutional
and national levels.
Each of the above aspects includes, on behalf of the process managers, recog-
nizing procedures and intervening factors, as well as the organizational, political
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and budgetary characteristics that require standard maintenance in the long‐term,

considering that the results of efforts to find missing persons and identify human
remains depends on the effective collection of useful data.
11.2.2.2 Documentation
The documentation procedure is a fundamental part of the verification, correction,
and traceability of the collected data. It is essential to bear in mind that, in cases
of ante‐mortem data collection, the first primary source is the memory of family
members, who, depending on various situations such as the type of interview, the
interviewer’s ability, the relationship with the missing person and the circum-
stances of disappearance, may or may not remember useful details in identification
processes. The foregoing does not imply that ante‐mortem information is
subjective; actually, applying the scientific method in techniques such as the
“forensic interview for identification purposes”3 and the documentation procedure
will cross‐check the data, producing high levels of reliability for forensic experts
who use non‐genetic information as a support for expert integrated identification
reports, as explained in later chapters.4
11.2.2.3 Characterization
Characterization implies knowledge in context, analysis, integrability of vari-
ables, and criminological and victimological projection of the case. This can be
considered a highly complex procedure; however, the routine in handling cases,
regional immersion, and forensic suitability allow that, in an incipient and almost
unconscious way, many of the technicians as well as professionals assigned to the
search and identification processes carry out these tasks in their everyday work
and permanently at the local level.
The characterization procedure is carried out and standardized within the
processes of human search and identification; its usefulness is fundamental as a
technical support for cross‐referencing.
11.2.2.4 Cross‐referencing
According to Colombian regulations,5 cross‐referencing is the “process of analysis
and set of tasks aimed to correlate the data included in the National Registry of
Disappeared Persons or those available in other sources of information, allowing
to orientate or reference the identification of a body, the search for a missing
person or a case investigation”, which implies the processing (consultations and
3
The forensic interview for identification purposes is an information-gathering technique, which starts from
recognizing the psychosocial impact on the missing person’s family members, and includes within its activities and
tasks the concept of “do no harm” and forensic work with a psychosocial focus as fundamental axes of the integral
attention to the victims.
4
Chapters 32 and 45.
5
Article 6 of Decree 4218 of 2005, regulated by article 9 of Law 589 of 2000.
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technical cross‐checking) of the available ante‐mortem and post‐mortem information

in context, collected through technical and suitable means.
11.2.2.5 Monitoring
The monitoring process is the constant review of ante‐mortem and post‐mortem
data, which allows, from a cycle of cross‐referencing, the supply of data for
missing persons and unidentified corpses into the permanent data collection
when storage does not provide finite populations, that is, when the data system-
atization continues, due to unfinished information entry or the ongoing crime of
enforced disappearance. Information monitoring is fundamental in the search
for missing persons and identification of human remains, making it possible to
recognize the lack of information available in the consultation processes and
technical cross‐referencing.
11.2.2.6 Intervening parties or actors

The intervening parties or actors in the processes described previously depend on
the characteristics of the phenomenon, the victim’s characterization, the alleged
perpetrators, political will, the State organization, and the available resources.
In many contexts, the technicians and/or professionals appointed to collect and
process the data are part of civil society, and might be subject to institutional
mistrust (i.e. they might have acted as perpetrators). However, States have entities
in charge of the search of missing persons and identification of human remains, with
recent regulations and mechanisms to discuss crimes of forced disappearance.6
11.3 Premises to take into account

be completed
Sometimes it is believed that the procedures as well as forensic studies are com-
pleted in the first phase, and cannot be complemented in later stages, which is not
true for all cases. Procedures such as documentation and/or characterization
allow, in many cases, the verification, correction and addition of complementary
data that, for different reasons, were not entered or linked to the case under
study. This aspect emphasizes the need to comply with information integration
procedures to consider the data quality and, therefore, guarantee the cross‐
referencing of available information, understanding the latter as complying with
completeness standards and utility, according to the sources consulted.
6
An example is Mexico’s General Law on Forced Disappearance of Persons, Disappearance Committed by
Individuals and the National Missing Persons Search System. Current text as of 01-16-2018. New Law published
in the Official Gazette of the Federation on 17 November 2017; and Law No. 30470, the “Law on the Search for
Missing Persons” who disappeared during the 1980–2000 period of violence in Peru, published on 22 June 2016,
in The Official Gazette El Peruano.
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is a specialized process
Although multiple documents show the minimum forensic standards applied
in the search for missing persons and identification of human remains, the
possibility of differentiating the collection of ante‐mortem and post‐mortem
information by applying the scientific method is very common in some forensic
contexts.
In the first place, the subject described changes considerably when talking about
ante‐mortem and post‐mortem information. On the one hand, there is a story, the
family members’ description and/or memory, while the body (regardless of its
status) is seen, measured, weighed and documented (from photographs, X‐ray
examinations, and so on).
In various contexts in the world, ante‐mortem information will not necessarily
be provided by relatives from physical data, such as dental charts, x‐rays, and so
on; if not, then the only option remaining is based on the memory of particular-
ities about the missing relative. This does not mean that the information should
be discarded; on the contrary, it requires more forensic expertise to consolidate
this type of information.
11.3.3 All data must be cross‐checked

Cross‐checking ante‐ and post‐mortem data is fundamental in the identification
of human remains and in finding missing persons. Data cross‐checking is the
technical basis of information processing. This concept is very useful in the
design, implementation and monitoring process of ante‐ and post‐mortem data
systematization.
11.3.4 The technical cross‐checking process is cyclical until all

missing persons are located and found
Searching for missing persons in most contexts, complex or not, from closed or
open populations, in armed conflict or not, concludes when finding each one of
the victims. Current contexts do not facilitate this work, because many of the vic-
tims have been cremated, thrown into the sea or in complex water systems, using
animals as a means of destroying the evidence, or exposed to chemical and
physical agents, thus not allowing scientific identification. Nevertheless, all fam-
ilies have the right to know, and State institutions should use all technological and
scientific means to aid the search.
11.4 Best practices
The following should be considered to ensure integration of information on

unidentified bodies and missing persons.
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11.4.1 Normative
Although international instruments of relevance for the prevention, attention, and
investigation of enforced disappearances exist, internal regulations must provide
States with working guidelines that allow the attainment of minimum standards in
the integration of ante‐mortem and post‐mortem information. These guidelines
must include means of transfer, disclosure and cross‐checking, integration methods,
data entry and IT security, and responsibilities for administration, supervision and
data entry. Its initial standard design is intended for the operational support of the
administrative, intervening and supervising entities.
11.4.2 Awareness of data quality

Current technology has provided new generations with access to multiple chan-
nels of information, accessible means of data and working mechanisms for adapt-
ability and reduction in activities that include handling data, images and
documents, among other products. However, the data quality reduced in symbols
or acronyms has not been optimized. Working with the user on the process of
consultation, entry, and data cross‐referencing is essential in guaranteeing the
quality of ante‐mortem and post‐mortem data.
11.4.3 Systematizing information

Systematizing ante‐mortem and post‐mortem information depends initially on
the goals and purposes considered within the regulations established in each
affected country. In this respect, defining figures, characterizing the problem,
recognizing the victim for reparation purposes, and the technical search for
missing persons, among others, may prevail. However, the process of integrating
information has technical requirements.
Currently, many information systems designed to address this issue7 use inno-
vation and differentiation of factors such as the phenomenon’s magnitude, avail-
able resources, the political system, and the distribution of powers and functions
within the applying countries. However, progress made in this matter should be
reviewed in each country’s context, as well as its scope from the user’s perspec-
tive, regarding the information system’s functionality and operability.
11.4.4 Category agreement

Establishing an information system requires category definition and coordination
with the users involved. This agreement at the intra‐institutional level in central-
ized organizational systems may not require further discussion. However, at the
time of implementation, relevance and application at a local level in territories
Ante-Mortem/Post-Mortem Database, AMPM, International Committee of the Red Cross; National Register of
7
Missing People, RND (Colombia); National Registry of Data on Missing and Disappeared Persons, RNPED (México);
National Registry of Missing Persons and Burial Sites, RENADE (Peru).
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with fewer resources (human, professional and technological) may cause diffi-
culties in the timeliness and quality of the data in the designed system.
On the other hand, carrying out inter‐institutional processes can be more of a
challenge compared with those described previously. First, the institutions
involved may or may not share the same skills and tasks, limiting internal
processes, but on the other hand, it facilitates allocation of differentiated profiles
for the system administrator. However, achieving consensus is an ongoing and
complex inter‐institutional process that requires leadership from the administrative
or supervisory entity to guarantee the convening and spaces for discussion, despite
changes in directives, governments, regulations, or the interposition of mecha-
nisms, such as in the case of transitional justice.
11.4.5 Homologation of variables

The standardization of categories includes the homologation of variables. In this
sense, information systems designed to integrate ante‐mortem and post‐mortem
information cannot be isolated from different systems and/or databases that pro-
vide information in the research and identification of persons. This homologation
includes the review and verification of norms and standards regarding the
differentiation of demographic, biographical, physical and morpho‐chromatic
variables and other useful data used in cross‐referencing.
11.4.6 Assignment of roles and/or responsibilities

The allocation of roles and/or responsibilities is key for allowing the system adminis-
trator to define user profiles, based on the operational scope within the system modules.
This aspect is fundamental in guaranteeing the security of the IT system and data.
11.4.7 Selection of qualified staff

The staff assigned to manage information systems have a task and responsibility
in the search and consultation processes. However, this cannot be the only selec-
tion mechanism. Initially, qualified staff fulfill operational tasks of consultation,
entry and information cross‐referencing – tasks that must be differentiated at the
point of defining the profiles (aptitudes and attitudes) to carry out the actions the
system requires. Then comes the definition of general criteria to be considered in
the process of staff–system user selection:
Consultation: Consulting ante‐ and post‐mortem information requires rigorous
handling of the data; consulting is a search process from specific data, which,
although simple (names, identification data, dates, places), must be verified in
ranges, by spelling differences, context, among others. The user with a consul-
tation profile must be thorough and rigorous. This profile may involve access to
useful reports in characterization processes for criminological observations and
monitoring of human rights violations.
Entry: Entering ante‐ and post‐mortem information is not the same as data tran-
scription. First, information related to the search for missing persons and
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identification of bodies is sensitive data that requires a careful and verified

record in order to decrease the risk of error. Users with entry profiles must have
high levels of concentration and attention, use different verification techniques
to handle the data, and have expertise in the subject (according to the case).
The adequate entry of information can contribute to the monitoring and audit-
ing of the data.
Data cross‐referencing: Cross‐referencing ante‐ and post‐mortem information
requires expertise in forensic data analysis and synthesis, useful in identification
processes, as well as signs and symptoms described in files (from missing per-
sons and unidentified bodies), to guide processes of identification and search.
The aspects described above only mention part of the profiling characteristics of
the system user, considering that academic training, general and personal experi-
ence, as well as behavioral traits, make up part of the skills assessment that each
position requires.
11.4.8 Information system training

The ante‐ and post‐mortem information systems form part of a computer tech-
nology that is constantly evolving, as well as the dynamics of procedures associ-
ated with the search for missing persons and identification of human remains.
This means there are constantly new versions of information systems available
and defined by the administrator and supervisor. To face this issue, users must
receive constant, face‐to‐face or virtual training to guarantee up‐to‐date
knowledge and the proper operation of the information system.
11.4.9 Monitoring information and computer systems

Monitoring is fundamental for maintaining standards in quality, sufficiency, and
timeliness of the data. Regarding ante‐ and post‐mortem information systems,
monitoring must focus on the form and content of the data. Initially, there are
mechanisms to verify the form of the data – one can build revision matrices and/
or checklists to help in the procedure – but regarding the content, the labor is
more associated with its functionality and usefulness, making it a more complex
procedure. Nevertheless, it can be registered, measured and evaluated by experts
in the field.
In the case of inter‐institutional systems, each entity must have intra‐ and
inter‐institutional monitoring procedures to optimize data quality.
11.4.10 Information cross‐checking expert report

Information cross‐checking, in referential technical terms (ante‐mortem vs post‐
mortem), is a highly specialized procedure carried out by experts who have access
to registration documents with identified variables, techniques, bibliographic
support, results obtained, discussions reached, and conclusions. The expert’s
report in the formalization of the information cross‐checking guarantees the
personnel’s permanence and resources assigned, as well as their location in the
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institutional systems of quality management, and ensures their applicability within

the search processes for missing persons and identification of human remains.
Appendix: Colombian normative references
• Decree 1260 of 16 December 1970, Art. 1 Marital status of a person Title II Right
to name and guardianship Art. 3 “Everyone has the right to individuality and
therefore to the name given by law.”
• Decree 786 of 1990, “By which title IX of Law 09 of 1979 is partially regulated,
regarding the practice of clinical and medico‐legal autopsies, as well as vis-
cerotomies and other dispositions, are dictated”.
• Law 38 of 1993, “For which the fingerprinting system is unified, and the dental
chart is adopted for identification purposes”.
• Law 589 of 2000, “By which genocide, enforced disappearance, forced displace-
ment and torture are typified; and other provisions are dictated”.
• Law 600 of 2000 Code of Criminal Procedure (24 July 2000) Chapter VIII
Special Provisions – Inspection of the scene Art. 290 Literals 3, 4, 5, 6, 7 and 9.
• Resolution 248 of 2001 from the Institute of Legal and Forensic Medicine, “by
which provisions are dictated for the functioning of the corpse identification
network”.
• Law 906 of 2004 Code of Criminal Procedure (31 August 2004) Chapter IV ‐–
Methods of identification Art. 251. – Methods.
• Decree 4218 of 2005, regulatory decree of article 9, law 589 of 2000, Chapter II
art. 4., Chapter III art. 6 literal 2, and subsequent, Chapter IV of the National
Register of Disappeared Persons Art. 7., art. 8 and subsequent.
• Law 975 of 2005 (Justice and Peace Law – 25 July 2005) Article 48 “The mea-
sures of guarantees and non‐repetition, adopted by the different authorities
directly involved in the process, must include: 49.2 The search for missing or
deceased persons and aid for identifying and returning them to be buried,
according to their family and community traditions”.
• Law 971 of 14 July 2005, by means of which the urgent search mechanism is
regulated, and other provisions are dictated. The urgent search mechanism for
preventing the crime of enforced disappearance.
• Law 1408 of 2010, whereby memorial honors are paid to victims of the crime
of enforced disappearance and measures are issued for their location and
identification.
• Law 1418 of 2010, by means of which the “International Convention for the
Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance” is approved and adopted
in New York on 20 December 2006.
• Resolution 5194 of 2010 from the Ministry of Health and Social Protection,
which regulates the services of cemeteries, exhumation, burial, and cremation
of human remains.
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• Law 1448 of 2011 by which measures of attention, assistance and integral

reparation are dictated to victims of the internal armed conflict and other
dispositions are dictated.
• Law 1531 of 2012 (May 23) by means of which the Declaration of Absence Due
to Enforced Disappearance and other forms of involuntary disappearances and
its civil effects are created.
• Decree 303 of 20 February 2015, by which Law 1408 of 2010 is regulated.
• Resolution 3481 of 31 October 2016, from the Attorney General’s Office,
through which guidelines are established on the processes of search, exhumation,
identification, and delivery of missing persons.
• Decree 589 of 5 April 2017, by which the Special Search Unit for Persons
reported as Missing in the context of and due to the conflict, is put in place.
• Circular 014 of 2017 from the Attorney General’s Office, by means of which
compliance with Law 1408 of 2010 and Decree 303 of 2015 is given.
• Resolution 41 of 24 January 2018, from the National Institute of Legal Medicine
and Forensic Sciences, by means of which the support group for the unit to
search for people who are considered disappeared (UBPD), in the context and
by reason of the armed conflict is created.
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CHAPTER 12
Forensic archaeology and humanitarian

context: Localization, recovery and
documentation of human remains
Flavio Estrada Moreno1 and Patricia Maita2
1
Department of Forensic Anthropology, Institute of Legal Medicine and Forensic Sciences, Lima, Peru
2
Specialized Forensic Team, Institute of Legal Medicine and Forensic Sciences, Lima, Peru
12.1 Introduction
It is widely accepted that forensic archaeology is the incorporation of methods and

techniques from prehistoric archaeology into forensic investigation. However,
viewed from the current perspective, forensic archaeology is also historical
archaeology as it attempts to analyse and reconstruct events of the recent past
using both written and oral sources, and excavation and recovery of human
remains, and their associated elements. Forensic archaeology is not restricted to
human rights, but in their broader scope have been applied to the search for
persons disappeared during internal armed conflicts.
Traditionally forensic archaeology has been immersed in a legal framework and
medico‐legal procedures. The archaeologist leads the fieldwork, applying proce-
dures orientated to recovery of humans remains and associated elements according
to standardized processes, mainly as evidence for legal requirements and the jus-
tice system. But forensic archaeology transcends its traditional boundaries since
archaeologists are in the position to provide valuable information for reconstruc-
tion of the site formation process, patterns of body deposition, alteration of
deposits, and even the patterns of behavior of the perpetrators. This means that
the forensic archaeologist has the capacity to tell the story of what happened, and
corroborate the stories about who was responsible. That information, in humani-
tarian situations, can assist survivors to confirm and understand what has
happened to their loved ones, as well as enable exhumations in order to give them
a proper burial, as is necessary to put an end to mourning.
Unlike common cases, forensic archaeology in contexts of serious human rights
violations must confront the search and recovery of missing persons on a mass scale.
171
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The facts surrounding disappearances are varied, and consequently archaeological

interventions need to be diverse. Added to this, the deliberate purpose of the
perpetrators to disappear all evidence of the crime involves developing local and
regional search plans.
History has documented the magnitude of human rights violations during the
last century around the world, and particularly Latin America exemplifies some of
the greatest human rights violations against civilian populations, which continue
to date in some countries. Perú was no exception, with an armed conflict between
1980 and 2000 which left around 20,000 people dead or missing (Ministry of
Justice [MINJUS], 2018; International Committee of the Red Cross [ICRC], 2018)
and 4644 burial sites (Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Peru [TRC], 2004),
of which 2600 have been investigated through archaeological techniques.
Archaeologists working in human rights violations are constantly faced with a
set of circumstances of localization, recovery and documentation of human
remains that require a unique approach. This approach will be the focus of this
paper. It has been constructed according to extensive observations made from
survey and excavation of forensic archaeological contexts formed at the time of
the Peruvian armed conflict, and suggests ways in which they can be accounted
for when planning fieldwork methodologies in a humanitarian context.
12.2 Localization and recovery strategies
Two strategies can be adopted depending on the level of certainty about the
whereabouts of the victims: closed or open population. “Closed population”
corresponds to victims located through testimonies of relatives or eyewitnesses
who were present when the person was deceased and/or buried, so they gave
detailed information concerning the disposal location (mainly cemeteries or places
where the crime happened) as well as number of deaths, identities, date of death,
disposal containers and treatment of the corpses prior to burial. As many of them
were disposed inside niches, the archaeologist’s function is limited to removing
the tombstone, recording the disposal container, and recovering and documenting
human remains and their associated elements. Only underground funerary struc-
tures require conventional excavation with soil removed. In those cases, forensic
archaeology is able to corroborate the validity of the witness testimony and to
ensure that physical evidence of the crime had been left undisturbed since the
deposition.
In another group, “open population” corresponds primarily to people whose
relatives are unaware of their whereabouts and are believed to be buried in mass
graves. Suspected mass graves pointed out by witnesses to the burial were exca-
vated both within military facilities and among scattered hills near communities
where massacres took place, all confirming the presence of remains after survey
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Localization, recovery and documentation of human remains 173
of the surrounding area and digging exploratory trenches. Mass graves contain
bodies buried without names or identifying documents, although clothing and
personal items have been found; many of them are not recognizable or recalled by
acquaintances since decades have already passed. There is no evidence of when
death occurred, and it is commonly found that associated elements, such as bags
around the head, blindfolds and ropes, strongly suggest torture prior to death.
Localization of mass graves without witness accounts is a major challenge.
Failure can be attributed to the fact that bodies were buried in unmarked graves
and, due to several decades having passed since deposition, it is difficult to find
them by conventional visual survey. Evidence of a mass grave is masked through
natural landscape change, hence mounds and sunken areas of refilled dirt have
been covered by homogeneous vegetation and debris over time. In Peruvian cases,
remote sensing techniques were employed to find buried remains in former
military establishments where buried evidence is already known, such as aerial
photography, ground‐penetrating radar (GPR) and satellite images searching for
disturbed soil and differential vegetation growth, but with a lack of success.
The fieldwork recovery of human remains in mass graves may become more
complex, especially because many of them had been subsequently disturbed and
recovery is restricted to body parts rather than bodies. Perpetrators dismembered
bodies before burial and scattered the remains across multiple graves, with the
goal of hiding their crimes, and even unearthed the bodies to re‐deposit them in
secondary mass graves. These were also occasionally disturbed to incinerate
remains, which were then redistributed in tertiary deposits.
12.3 Sites with human remains and their associated

elements
An archaeological site is analogous to a forensic scene, in which archaeologists

need to reconstruct behaviors, identifying their locations and sequences (Scott
and Connor, 1997).
The recurrence principle is one of the fundamental norms of archaeology, and
refers to the identification of patterns in human behavior expressed in the repeti-
tion rate of traits that firmly belong to the same conduct in a given space and time
(Lumbreras, 2005). The identification of patterns of human behavior are thus the
key to understanding the spatial disposition of the recovered materials, and infer-
ring the behavior which they themselves form (Scott and Connor, 1997).
From a forensic viewpoint it is useful to establish connections between the sus-
pect, the victim and the crime, hence the reason why forensic archaeological
deposits must be analysed in relation to other deposits, whether they are in the
same place or in another distant location, in order to establish generalizations.
Each one of the actions carried out by the organizations that intervened in the
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formation of sites with human remains have defined their modus operandi, that is,
the set of useful characteristics that establish the identity of the perpetrator based
on the finding of recurrences in actions, the repetitive use of elements and the
selection of places. These particularities allow us to establish characteristics easily
distinguishable in the pre‐, peri‐ and post‐depositional treatment of human
remains. Under the principle that human behavior has patterns, it is to be expected
that the mass disposition of the dead would reflect those patterns of behavior.
However, it is important to bear in mind that criminal behavior can introduce
extreme variations in the disappearance and destruction of both human remains
and archaeological contexts.
As result of human rights violations, bodies have been deposited in caves, cem-
eteries, dumps, ossuaries, isolated graves, sepultures, and so on, but all of them
have been listed synonymously under the generic term “burial sites” (TRC, 2004),
denoting a lack of classificatory systems as they consider that all human remains
are underground without exception. This restricted connotation is not appro-
priate to refer to mutually exclusive categories, for example, human remains
within funerary structures (sepultures) or human remains disposal on the surface
(Estrada, 2016). Therefore, problems are encountered in distinguishing between
different forms of disposal and locations.
In response, we proposed the term “site with human remains and their associ-
ated elements”. This site is the physical location of final disposal of human remains
and is defined as a spatial and temporal location of human activity of the recent
past related to human rights violations, including non‐human actions that occur
over time, which generate a visible change in the landscape. In order to systema-
tize the information, a typology has been drawn up. Three mutually exclusive
categories are proposed, established from (a) final form of disposal,1 (b) differential
treatment of the body prior to deposition,2 and (c) disposal agent:
1. Site with human remains and their associated elements buried underground:
contains the remains of unknown victims buried in mass graves. Body deposi-
tion was clandestine and denoted careless burial.
2. Site with human remains and their associated elements on the surface: corpses
were intentionally left scattered on the surface, unburied, and consequently
the remains were exposed. This was part of the “exemplary punishment”
carried out by terrorist movements.
3. Site with human remains and their associated elements within funerary
structures: corpses were deposited inside an excavated or constructed cavity
(niche, grave, sepulture). They were deposited according to the desires of their
families, according to their traditional funerary customs.
1
This category could involve several stages at different times that reduce the amount of material to be disposed
(Sprague, 2005). For example, a body could be left on the surface for a time, then disposed of in a funerary
structure.
2
Differential treatment reflects attitudes of respect, disrespect or purposeful destruction.
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Within the sites themselves, forensic archaeological contexts are composed of

the following elements:
• The physical space: any space in which human remains were disposed.
These spaces can be natural (e.g. caves, rock shelters, soil strata) or artificial
(e.g. funerary structures, pits, floors) or a combination of both.
• The time: a specific period in which the formation of the archaeological context
occurred. Relative chronology is used to set out the timeline of events, taking
into consideration one well‐known event reported in the recent past.
• The individual: the corpse of one human being. It is the biological and cultural
unity that was deposited in the physical space.
• Associated elements: all the artefacts (personal and non‐personal effects) and
natural items deposited intentionally or unintentionally at the same time with
the individual. Unintentional items could be anthropic, like bullets, or biological
elements like fly pupae.
12.4 Recovery of human remains
Before any recording procedures, a nomenclature is instituted from the beginning.

This consists of three elements: Localization (Department‐Province‐District)/
Correlative number assigned to the mass grave/number of the individual, for
example, AYA‐AYA‐HUA/CG1/C01. This nomenclature is tagged on all containers,
documents and photography.
When a site contains evidence of human remains, the role of the archaeologist
is to map the location with a global positioning system based on the Universal
Transverse Mercator (UTM) grid, world Geodetic System 1984 Ellipsoid. The exca-
vation is sketched in plain view and section, given a clear reference of the margin
and shape of the grave proper. Structures built over the grave should be described,
including dimensions (length, width, depth), raw material, inscriptions, and tools
used in their construction.
The human remains and associated elements are ready for removal when all
soil has been removed from on top and laterally by archaeological techniques, and
thus can be clearly seen for recording and photographing. Mapping human
remains involves taking datum points of the center of the skull, shoulders, elbow,
wrist, pubic symphysis, knee and ankle. These measurements must be registered
from a datum (unique reference point) using a cord, a string bubble level and
measuring tape.
Once human remains and associated elements are exposed, recording takes
place of the body in situ: preservation (poor, fair, good), integrity (complete or
incomplete) and associated elements, as well as the category of deposit according
to the number of individuals, the placement, temporal criteria, and treatment of
the corpse prior to final deposition.
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If the individual is dressed in clothes, they serve to enfold the remains, keeping
the anatomical connection of trunk and arms, and pelvis and legs. In the absence
of clothes, right and left sides are bagged up separately, and labeled by side.
Once the deposit is emptied, the bottom of the grave and the depth below
ground surface must be established.
12.5 Recording human remains
12.5.1 Body deposition

Deposition is the arrangement of the body in the archaeological deposit (Ubelaker,
2003; Sprague, 2005). In the medico‐legal context, it is commonplace to use the
term “decubitus” to refer to the body position of the corpse. Decubitus refers to
a body lying down, as in a sleeping position. Four variants are known, depend-
ing on the position of the axial skeleton relative to the horizontal plane that
supports it:
a. Dorsal decubitus: The individual is in a lying down position, with the back
resting on the horizontal plane. This position is commonly known as “face
upwards”.
b. Lateral decubitus: One side of the body (right or left) rests on the horizontal
plane. Two variants derive from this position: right lateral position (the
individual is lying on his right side) and left lateral position (the individual
is lying on his left side).
c. Ventral decubitus: The chest and abdominal area rest on the horizontal plane.
This position is commonly known as “face down”.
d. Seated position: The ischium and sacrum rest on the horizontal plane, while
the spinal column lies on a vertical plane. This position is commonly known as
“sitting”.
12.5.2 Body position

Body position involves only the body. The position is defined by the location of
the upper and lower limbs in relation to the trunk, and should be thought of as
though the body were floating in space, completely unrelated to the grave, cardinal
points or any natural landmark. Body position should be recorded taking into
consideration the following anatomical segments: head, neck, upper body (from
the neck to the hips), arm (from the shoulder to the elbow), forearm (from the
elbow to the wrist), hand (from the wrist to the distal fingertips), thigh (from
the hips to the knee), leg (from the knee to the ankle) and feet (from the ankle to
the distal phalanges of toes).
The degree of flexure must be calculate starting from 0° in a lying down posi-
tion, completely extended. The angle formed by the elbow, as well as the angle
formed by the trunk and the axis of the femur has clockwise rotation, while the
angle formed by the knee has a counterclockwise rotation (see Table 12.1).
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Table 12.1 Body positions
Degree of flexure
Position Upper limbs Lower limbs

Elbow Thigh (femur)/trunk Knee
Extended 180° Near to 0° 180°

Semi‐flexed Between 90° and 180° Less than 90° Between 90° and 180°
Flexed Less than 90° Between 90° and 180° Less than 90°
Hyperflexed Near to 0° Near to 180° Near to 0°
Upper and lower limbs must be recorded considering the sagittal plane (midline)
of the body. The following terms are used: (1) abduction: a body part turned away
from the midline of the body and (2) adduction: a body part close to the midline
of the body.
Hands can take different positions. These can be found crossed, closed fist,
extended, or each hand in different positions. Generally, in a funerary context,
hands could be located on the pelvis, on the chest (attitude of prayer), on the
opposite shoulder, on the face, or around the legs in cases of seated bodies.
12.5.3 Orientation of the body

Orientation is the direction in which the body was deposited. This is determined
by the alignment of the axial shaft, specially the direction of the head with respect
to geographical north. Sprague (2005) pointed out that the orientation could be
recorded in terms of degrees or azimuth, cardinal points and their subdivisions
considering some natural features. In a funerary context it is usually related to a
geographical or cultural reference.
12.6 Recording associated elements
Associated elements, when they appear with human remains, may be a source of
information about the victims or for reconstruction of events surrounding the
death. For example, clothing style might give us an approximate time when the
crime happened, while biological elements like leaves and fly pupae could indi-
cated the season when the bodies were buried. These must be carefully docu-
mented in relation to their proximity to the individual and must be bagged with
the same nomenclature in the same box assigned to the body.
Unique personal effects may be immediately associated with their owners and
could be used to identify an unknown victim, while others could be artefacts used
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in the murder and could give clues about the identity of the perpetrators; subse-
quently they will serve as forensic evidence.
Clothes are the most recurrent elements found with human remains.
Documentation must differentiate between dressed clothes (on the body) and
clothes located off the body. Generally, funerary contexts contain dressed bodies
and the disposal container can contain additional clothes used as an improvised
pillow for stabilizing the head of the deceased. Non‐funerary contexts may con-
tain dressed corpses, with additional ligatures and blindfolds on the body, with
few personal artefacts, and generally isolated.
A mixture of natural and synthetic fabrics can be found. Clothes made with
natural fibers (cotton and wool) often disintegrate quickly, while body decay
occurs. This may give the false impression that individuals were naked when they
were deposited. In the other hand, synthetic fabrics are resistant to the humid
environment and soil acidity, and consequently in many cases they help with
bone preservation and have prevented the dispersal of the human remains. Also,
clothes can preserve traces of wounds, so they should be recorded before removing
the body to provide evidence as a possible indicator of cause of death, especially
when bullets are absent in the record.
12.7 Disposal container
The disposal container refers to receptacles that hold the corpse (Sprague, 2005).
Common receptacles include the following:
• Coffin: Portable container made of metal or wood. It has a rectangular shape at
present, but in earlier times had a trapezoidal shape.
• False coffin: Structure made with wooden strips that simulate a real coffin. The
wooden strips are placed around the corpse defining a frame. The vertical
accumulation of these wooden strips subsequently defines a box.
• Wrapper: Corpses have been found wrapped with fabrics and plastic bags.
• Covered: Corpse was partially or full covered on top by fabrics or plastics.
12.8 Recording forensic deposits
The term deposit came originally from geology. In archaeology the term deposit
refers to a set of accumulated elements generated intentionally or accidentally by
humans, environmental and biological agents, or a combination of these factors.
The forensic deposits consist of four basic components: space, time, human
remains and associated elements. Based on these terms and according to the con-
tributions of Duday (1997), Fondebrider and Mendoça (2001), Roksandic (2002),
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Ubelaker (2003), Sprage (2005) and Komar and Buikstra (2008), the following
terms for classification of forensic deposits are proposed:
(a) According to the number of individuals:
• Individual deposition: The human remains belong to a single individual.
• Multiple deposition: More than one individual was disposed of in the same
place and at the same time. According to the disposal order, these are
subdivided into two categories:
–– Collective deposition: Human remains were placed one after the other in
an orderly manner, with enough space between them. It is very common
to find individuals in dorsal decubitus position and aligned in the same
direction.
–– Massive deposition: Human remains were placed simultaneously in an
overlapping and disorganized manner, lying in all directions. Any align-
ment can be observed.
(b) According to the interment of the human remains:
• Primary deposition: Human remains are recovered at the same place where
they were deposited. This means that the processes of decomposition
occurred in situ (Duday, 1997) and generally the anatomical connections
are preserved. Where it has been disturbed, the deposit fill contains loose
bones and destroyed associated elements.
• Secondary deposition: It is not the original placement of the human remains.
The primary location was intentionally disturbed and remains subsequently
re‐deposited. Has been recorded in cases where burial practices have been car-
ried out by family members (second funeral/ossuaries), or in an attempt by the
perpetrators to hide evidence in a clandestine manner. Generally, the assem-
blage contains broken and loose bones, disarticulated body parts and partial
bodies with evident taphonomic damage. Associated elements are scarce.
• Tertiary deposition: As for a secondary deposition, human remains have
been moved from their primary location, but they then received a specific
treatment, usually incineration to reduce them, and were subsequently
disposed in another place.
(c) According to temporal criteria:
• Synchronous deposition: Humans remains were disposed of simultaneously
in the same place. Corresponds to one unique event.
• Diachronic deposition: Human remains were disposed of in different events,
reflecting the reutilization of the same space.
(d) Body preparation prior to final deposition:
• Funerary treatment: Funerary practices were carried out by the community
(relatives, neighbors and friends). The corpse is arranged according to
custom and burial rites shortly after death. These include diverse practices
such as washing the corpse and dressing it with religious habit or day‐to‐
day clothing. Bodies are disposed at local cemeteries or in desolate places
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where the individual was murdered, always in dorsal cubitus position

according to traditional Catholic orientation, with the hands crossed over
the lower torso or on each side of the pelvic girdle. Usually the corpse is
deposited with personal effects (combs, toothbrushes, hair clips, handker-
chief, blankets, flipflops, boots, earrings, dishes, spoons, etc.). Some post‐
sepulchral practices had been recorded, like the collection of bones and
re‐deposit in secondary burials.
• No funerary treatment: Corresponds to illegal disposal of the dead by the
perpetrator in order to hide evidence. This treatment includes dismember-
ment of corpses, clandestine burial in common graves, re‐deposition in
secondary burial sites, and incineration.
• Other treatment: Interventions can find bodies with autopsies performed,
as indicated by incisions to open up the skull and trunk (separation of the
sternal plate at the level of the costochondral union). As an associated
element there is cord that is used to sew and close cavities. The most
common methods of opening the thoracic and abdominal cavities are inci-
sions in the form of I, Y or U. Another treatment is embalming, which was
primarily done with industrial alcohol or formaldehyde injected into the
trunk or abdomen, as well as the placement of small cotton rolls into nos-
trils, the oral cavity and external auditory canals.
12.9 Evaluating relative chronology
It is common to encounter archaeological and historical human remains during

forensic archaeological interventions. Therefore, findings must be evaluated care-
fully, paying attention to the relative chronology with the aim of excluding the
possibility of recovering remains with no humanitarian interest. This can be
inferred by a careful observation of body position, funerary practices, associated
elements, and the location of the remains.
Archaeological remains: Correspond to the period up to Spanish occupation of the
New World, around 1532. The main indicators of this period are human
remains with intentional modification of the skull as well as tattoos, fashioned
hairstyles and earlobe expansion, associated with material culture, such as
non‐industrialized artefacts, pottery, fabrics manufactured from natural fibers,
and metals worked by hand. Human remains were buried seated and wrapped
in a funerary bundle or extended in funerary litters.
Historical remains: In contrast with the archaeological period, bodies were dis-
posed in trapezoidal coffins, in dorsal decubitus position at the areas around
churches. Dress styles are similar to the present, but with buttons of mother‐of‐
pearl, clay, bone, wood or metal. Associated elements correspond to coins,
Catholic artefacts and glass beads.
Contemporary remains: This implies close to the present time in terms of material
culture. Associated elements are synthetic and industrialized items.
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12.10 Conclusions and recommendations
Forensic archaeology brings rigor to the fieldwork, applying controlled recovery

techniques to retrieve bodies, and specific documentation of the human remains
and associated elements in the framework of human rights violations that have
happened in the recent past.
Forensic archaeology is also historical archaeology that combines both written
and oral sources and archaeological excavation, with the main aim of confirming
whether the place where the remains were found are compatible with testimonies,
whether physical evidence has been disturbed since disposal, and comprehen-
sively documenting and characterizing a wide range of evidence types as well as
patterns of behavior of the agents of body deposition. This means that, through
interventions with mass graves, the forensic archaeologist has the capacity to tell
the story of what happened and can corroborate the stories about who was respon-
sible. That information, in humanitarian situations, can assist survivors to confirm
what happened, reconstructing and understanding the real picture of events. To
exhume buried bodies, as well as understand the conditions of the crime and pro-
vide a dignified burial, are necessary steps for completing the mourning process.
Forensic archaeologists should be actively involved in the humanitarian efforts
to locate and recover human remains. In the future, the goal should be to consol-
idate forensic archaeology from a standardized methodology. However, it must
always be borne in mind that there are no common recipes applicable to all con-
texts, and consequently experts must make use of their own criteria based on
experience and knowledge. In the same way, archaeologists from any part of the
world should adopt a common terminology to enhance mutual understanding.
Recovery techniques in humanitarian situations must be framed in guidelines
for the recovery of human remains in forensic contexts, but flexibility in proce-
dures according to circumstances must be implemented. Within this context,
archaeologists should be able to adapt conventional archaeological techniques to
the goals of a forensic investigation in humanitarian circumstances.
References
Duday, H. (1997) Antropología biológica “de campo”, tafonomía y arqueología de la muerte. In
El cuerpo humano y su tratamiento mortuorio (eds E. Malvido, G. Pereira and V. Tiesler). Centro
de Estudios Mexicanos y Centroamericanos, Concejo Nacional para la Cultura y las Artes,
México, pp. 91–126.
Estrada, F. (2016) Términos y conceptos para la descripción y caracterización de sitios y contex-
tos con restos humanos y elementos asociados en arqueología forense. Arqueología y Sociedad,
31, 271–285.
Fondebrider, L. and Mendoça, M.C. (2001) Protocolo modelo para la investigación forense de muertes
sospechosas de haberse producido por violación de derechos humanos. Oficina del Alto Comisionado
para los Derechos Humanos de las Naciones Unidas, México.
International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) (2018) Perú: autoridades presentan lista oficial de
más de 20,300 personas desaparecidas durante la violencia armada. https://www.icrc.org/es/peru‐
personas‐desaparecidas‐listado‐base‐renade (accessed 19 August 2018).
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Komar, D. and Buikstra, J. (2008) Forensic Anthropology: Contemporary Theory and Practice. Oxford:
Oxford University Press.
Lumbreras, L.G. (2005) Arqueología y sociedad. Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos.
Ministry of Justice (2018) Plan nacional para la búsqueda de personas desaparecidas. https://www.
minjus.gob.pe/wpcontent/uploads/2017/01/Plan __busqueda_personas_desaparecidas.pdf
(accessed 19 August 2018).
Roksandic, M. (2002) Position of skeletal remains as a key to understanding mortuary behavior.
In Advances in Forensic Taphonomy (eds W. D. Hanglund and M. H. Sorg). Boca Raton, FL: CRC
Press, pp. 95–113.
Scott, D. and Connor, M. (1997) Context delicti: Archaeological context in forensic work. In
Forensic Taphonomy: The Postmortem Fate of Human Temains (eds M.H. Sorg and W.D. Hanglud).
Boca Raton, FL: CRC Press, pp. 27–38.
Sprague, R. (2005) Burial Terminology. A Guide for Researchers. London: Altamira Press.
Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Peru (2004) Hatun Willakuy. Abbreviated Version of
the Final Report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission. Lima: Transfer Commission of
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Ubelaker, D. (2003) Enterramientos humanos. Excavación, análisis, interpretación. Munibe, 24.
Gehigarria. Aranzadi, España.
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CHAPTER 13
Applications of physiological bases

of aging to forensic science:
New advances
Sara C. Zapico1,2, Douglas H. Ubelaker2 and Joe Adserias‐Garriga3
1
International Forensic Research Institute, Florida International University, Miami, Florida, USA
2
3
Forensic Anthropology Center, Texas State University, San Marcos, Texas, USA
13.1 Introduction
From the point of view of forensic anthropology, the first step for the identification
of human remains is the reconstruction of a biological profile, which is a descrip-
tion of the individual’s sex, age, ancestry and stature. Age is one of the key com-
ponents towards this purpose (Cunha et al., 2009). Aging is defined as the
accumulation of cellular changes to the body over time, due to either stochastic
defects or the regulated developmental process (Garinis et al., 2008). Colloquially
speaking, aging is measured chronologically, although sometimes it cannot accu-
rately match with “biological age”, which is influenced by intrinsic and extrinsic
factors, like genetics, disease and lifestyle (Song et al., 2010).
Based on forensic anthropology methodologies, age can be estimated very accu-
rately in childhood using developmental techniques on teeth (Demirjian, 1973;
Gustafson, 1950; Hagg and Matsson, 1985; Liliequist and Lundberg, 1971) and
bone (Hoffman, 1979; Pfau and Sciulli, 1994; Albert, 1998; Ubelaker, 1987).
However, the “transition phase” (between 20 and 25 years) marks the end of
skeletal growth and development, and only a few characteristics can then be cor-
related with age, like the development of the third molar (Blankenship et al.,
2007) and the fusion of the sternal end of the clavicle and the iliac crest epiphysis
(Meijerman et al., 2007; Schmidt et al., 2007; Izumi, 1995), among others. In
adulthood, there is a physiological degeneration of skeletal and dental structures
with some correlation with age, although the estimation of these parameters in
this stage of life is a challenge because these changes are influenced by endoge-
nous and also exogenous factors. While several methods have been proposed to
183
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determine age in adulthood (Lamendin et al., 1992; Brooks, 1955; Iscan et al.,
1984; Kerley and Ubelaker, 1978; Lovejoy et al. 1985; Rissech et al., 2007), these
techniques estimate physiological age, which is different from chronological age,
as described above, increasing the difficulties of accurately determining this
parameter as the person gets older (Cunha et al., 2009).
Consequently, new methodologies for age estimation are required. Newly
developed approaches are based on the natural process of aging, which leads to
alterations of tissues and organs on different biochemical levels (Balin and
Allen,1989). This chapter will divide these techniques into two groups: chemical
and molecular biology.
13.2 Chemical methodologies
These approaches for age estimation are based on chemical alterations during the
aging process. These include a broad range of modifications, and, as a result, the
induction of changes on protein configuration, leading to aging progression.
13.2.1 Aspartic acid racemization

In living organisms, enzymes only utilize the L‐form of amino acids (Helfman and
Bada, 1975). Racemization is a natural process that converts L‐amino acids into
their enantiomer form, D‐amino acids, creating a racemic mixture. Racemization
takes place in any metabolically stable protein that is not turned over during the
lifetime of long‐lived mammals. As a consequence of introducing D‐amino acids
into proteins, these will cause alterations in their conformation leading to changes
in their biological activities or chemical properties, contributing to the progressive
changes associated with the aging process (Masters et al., 1977; Kuhn, 1958; Ritz
and Schutz, 1993).
Among all amino acids, aspartic acid has the fastest racemization rates, making
it suitable for forensic studies. In 1975, Helfman and Bada demonstrated the high
correlation between D/L ratios of aspartic acid and age in tooth enamel from living
humans. This was the first study that pointed out the usefulness of this technique
in forensic science. In contrast, they did not find this correlation in human hae-
moglobin due to the rapid turnover of this protein. From this first study, this tech-
nique has been tested and applied in a variety of tissues containing metabolically
stable proteins, such as highly bradythropic tissues, with a low rate of protein
turnover (Ritz and Schutz, 1993; Helfman and Bada, 1976; Ohtani et al., 1995;
Garner and Spector, 1978; Dobberstein et al., 2010; Ohtani, 1998; Tiplamaz et al.,
2018; Ohtani et al., 2002), finding a positive correlation between aspartic acid
racemization and age. Amongst analysed tissues, dentin seems to be the most
accurate for age estimation in adults. In fact, the standard error estimation is
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Applications of physiological bases of aging 185
±1.5–4 years with correlation coefficients around 0.97–0.98 (Ritz‐Timme et al.,
2000a). This could be related to the fact that dentin is in greater proportion than
enamel and suffers less contamination and alteration such as attrition (Helfman
and Bada, 1976). Additionally, the preferred technique to carry out this estimation
is gas chromatography.
Despite the accuracy and simplicity of this methodology, it has some disadvan-
tages. It depends on the type of tooth because the period of dentin synthesis in the
first years of life varies from tooth to tooth (Yekkala et al., 2007; Ohtani and
Yamamoto, 1991a, 1991b, 2005). Moreover, different values were observed when
labial and lingual portions of the same tooth were compared (Ritz et al., 1993).
However, the analysis of the “entire dentin of central longitudinal sections” and
the standardization of sampling is recommended to overcome this drawback (Ritz
et al., 1993; Ohtani and Yamamoto, 1992). Additionally, this technique requires
the use of healthy teeth (Griffin et al., 2008). Also, it is influenced by temperature,
making this technique unsuitable for corpses exposed to fire (Ohtani, 1997). It
also requires several control teeth of the same type as the specimen, although this
disadvantage can be solved by using artificial standards (Ohtani and Yamamoto,
2010; Ohtani et al., 2005).
In comparison with classical forensic anthropology techniques, this method is
extremely consistent and its accuracy makes it suitable for use in bodies with long
post‐mortem intervals (Ritz‐Timme et al., 2000b).
13.2.2 Lead accumulation

As one of the most significant pollutants in the environment, lead concentration
in blood, reflects its exposure (Al‐Qattan and Elfawal, 2010). In teeth, its
concentration is a cumulative function of earlier exposure (Steenhout and
Pourtois, 1981). Dentin is the main site for lead deposition, providing evidence of
early exposure until the tooth is extracted. In many countries, children’s teeth
have been used as indicators of lead pollution (Fosse and Justesen, 1978; Haavikko
et al., 1984); the age range in these studies was narrow. In adults this range is very
large, more than 50 years. If age affects lead accumulation, the relationship bet-
ween duration of exposure and lead accumulation could be different between age
groups (Drasch and Ott, 1988).
Of these studies, some authors found a correlation of lead levels with age
(Steenhout and Pourtois, 1981; Drasch and Ott, 1988; Somervaille et al., 1985),
while others did not (Nusbaum et al., 1965). However, only one study has anal-
ysed lead accumulation for its application to forensic age estimation (Al‐Qattan
and Elfawal, 2010), finding a significant correlation between lead levels and age
in a Kuwaiti population, and pointing out a sexual dimorphism in this parameter.
The estimation was relatively accurate (1.3 ± 4.8 years). However, based on the
few studies of lead accumulation and age, further research is needed to test the
applicability of this technique to actual forensic age estimation.
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13.2.3 Collagen cross‐links

The collagenous matrices of cartilage, bone, dentin, and other skeletal connective
tissues are stabilized by covalent cross‐links between collagen molecules (Eyre,
1987; Mechanic et al., 1971). These are formed through the intermolecular
reactions of aldehyde residues made on the protein monomers of lysyl oxidase
(Piez, 1968). There are two cross‐link pathways, one based on the precursor lysine
aldehydes, the other on precursor hydroxylysine aldehydes (Eyre et al., 1984).
A decrease in the reducible cross‐links with age was demonstrated in samples of
skin, tendon, articular cartilage, and bones of rat, bovine and human (Bailey and
Shimokomaki, 1971), finding an increase in two unidentified compounds.
Hydroxylysine aldehyde pathway was also analysed in rat and human costal
cartilage and Achilles tendon (Moriguchi and Fujimoto, 1978). An increase in
pyridinoline content (the main maturation product of this pathway) was found
with age up to around 20 years old in humans. Then a decrease was found, sug-
gesting its transformation into other compounds.
Other studies demonstrated a decrease in the content of the total reducible
cross‐links from birth until about 25 years of age in collagen samples of bone and
cartilage from humans. In contrast, the content of the mature cross‐links shows
an increase from birth to 25 years old. After that, the contents of both types of
cross‐link level off, with a downwards tendency still evident from the reducible
compounds (Eyre et al., 1988).
An increase of hydroxypyridinium residues in bovine and human dentin with
age was found, as the content of reducible cross‐links fell (Walters and Eyre,
1983). However, a significant level of reducible cross‐links remained throughout
the tooth’s adult life.
Martin‐de las Heras et al. (1999) analysed deoxypyridinoline (DPD) in
permanent molars from patients aged between 15 and 73 years, finding an increase
in the DPD ratio of dentin with age; however, the error of this technique was
high, ±14.9 years at the 65% level of confidence.
13.2.4 Chemical composition of teeth

With aging, dentin mineralizes around the dentinal tubules (peritubular dentin)
and there is a gradual reduction of the dentinal tubules. This induces the formation
of a noncarious transparent dentin, starting at the apex of the root and sometimes
extending into the coronal dentin (Micheletti Cremasco, 1998; Vasiliadis et al.,
1983a, 1983b; Amprino and Engstrom, 1952). Some studies demonstrated that
dentinal tubules become thinner with increasing age, and these are accompanied
by changes in chemical composition, such as a decrease in the Ca:P ratio with age
in peritubular (hypermineralized) dentin (Kosa et al., 1990).
Raman spectroscopy has been used to study the chemical composition of teeth.
Different dentinal areas were tested and a multivariate analysis model was cre-
ated; the standard error was around 5 years (Tramini et al., 2001). However, some
predictors of the model seemed to follow a nonlinear progression with age.
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Raman spectroscopy coupled with UV resonance (UVRRS) seems to be the

elected technique to analyse age‐induced changes in cortical bone and teeth (Ager
et al., 2006), finding in both cases alterations in the amide I peak height, with an
increase with age.
13.2.5 Advanced glycation endproducts (AGEs)

The Maillard reaction is a complex series of reactions between reducing sugars
and amino groups of proteins, which leads to browning, fluorescence and cross‐
linking of protein (Baynes, 2001). AGEs, formed during the later stages of the
Maillard reaction, accumulate in long‐lived tissue proteins and may contribute to
the development of complications in aging (Thorpe and Baynes, 1996). Glyoxal
(GO), methylglyoxal (MGO), and deoxyglucosones belong to a series of dicar-
bonyl compounds, identified as intermediates in the Maillard reaction. GO and
MGO react with lysine and arginine residues in proteins to yield well‐character-
ized compounds, such as the N‐(carboy‐alkyl)lysines, N‐(carboxymethyl)lysine
(CML) and N‐(1‐(1‐carboxy)ethyl)lysine (CEL), and imidazolones and dehyro-
imidazolones (Ahmed et al., 1986, 1997; Henle et al., 1994).
The majority of the studies related to AGEs have been developed for aging/dis-
eases purposes. On the tested tissues, an accumulation of AGEs with age has been
found (Miura et al., 2014; Marques et al., 1995; Verzijl et al., 2000, 2002; Dyer
et al., 1993).
With forensic applicability, Sato et al. (2001) found an increase of AGEs with
age in hippocampal pyramidal neurons, applying immunohistochemical tech-
niques. The accumulation of AGEs was higher in older individuals. Additionally,
the authors pointed out the possibility of using this technique in fire death cases,
since they found a good correlation with age.
Based on color changes associated with AGEs, Pilin et al. (2007a, 2007b, 2007c)
tried to find a correlation with age in intervertebral disc excisions, Achilles
tendons, and rib cartilage. However, the color changes and correlation coefficients
were different among tissues, with no correlation in Achilles tendon, and being
more conspicuous in the rib cartilage than in the intervertebral discs. Additionally,
age estimation was only reliable up to 45 years old, reducing in accuracy beyond
that age.
Based on these color changes, Martin‐de las Heras et al. (2003) tried to find a cor-
relation with age in dental tissues. However, the standard error was around 13.7
years, and with differences in dental color depending on the post‐mortem interval.
Recently, Greis et al. (2017) analysed AGEs in dentin, particularly the levels of
pentosidine by HPLC, finding a high correlation with age, although the error was
high at ±9.4 years. However, this methodology cannot be applied to teeth of indi-
viduals with diabetes mellitus, because accumulation of AGEs occurs in this
condition. Also, this study pointed out the lack of suitability of this technique in
fire death cases, thereby not overcoming one of the main drawbacks of aspartic
acid racemization.
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13.3 Molecular biology methodologies
Molecular biology approaches for age‐at‐death estimation are based on different

modifications to the DNA during the aging process. These include both autosomal
DNA as well as mitochondrial DNA.
13.3.1 Telomere shortening

Telomeres are located at the end of eukaryotic chromosomes. These are special-
ized structures of six bases, TTAGGG in humans. Their function is to protect
chromosomes from degradation and abnormal recombination events (Moyzis
et al., 1988). DNA polymerase cannot replicate the extreme 3’end of a parental
DNA strand due to the requirement of a RNA primer. As a result, in the absence
of compensatory mechanisms, telomeres shorten with each cell division (Counter
et al., 1992). Telomerase, a reverse‐transcriptase, establishes the length of the
telomeres. This length is highly variable among species, within the species and
organism, and between organs from the same individual. Additionally, it is affected
by a combination of genetic, epigenetic and environmental factors, including
sexual dimorphism and diseases (Hastie et al., 1990; Bekaert et al., 2005a, 2005b,
2005c; Oeseburg et al., 2010; Shammas, 2011).
Several studies have pointed out how telomeres shorten during the aging pro-
cess in several types of cells. Few studies have been developed with forensic pur-
poses. Among them, Butler et al. (1998) found an inverse correlation between
telomere length and age of individuals in blood in skin tissues. The same correla-
tion was found in peripheral blood samples aged from 0–85 years (Tsuji et al.,
2002); however, the standard error was 7.037, giving almost the same estimates
as the ones obtained with anthropological techniques. Additionally this latter
study demonstrated the influence of environmental factors on this determination.
Ren et al. (2009), confirmed these findings, but also indicated the suitability of
using this methodology in different populations. However, the error was even
higher (9.832 years). In pulp tissue, Takasaki et al. (2003) demonstrated the same
correlation, but again the error between chronological and estimated age was
high (7.52 years). Also, they discovered that the cause of death and post‐mortem
period could influence this measurement; it cannot be applied to drowning cases,
for example. Thus, additional studies are required to ensure the applicability of
this methodology to forensic age estimation.
13.3.2 Mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) mutations

According to the “free radical theory” of aging presented by Harman (1960), the
production of free radicals rises with age, leading to aging and associated degen-
erative diseases. There is a variant of this theory, the “mitochondrial theory of
aging” based on the production of the reactive oxygen species (ROS) in the elec-
tron transport chain (ETC) of the mitochondria, inducing damage to phospho-
lipids, proteins and nucleic acids. This produces mtDNA mutations that lead to the
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synthesis of functionally impaired respiratory chain subunits, increasing ROS pro-

duction, which also creates a “vicious cycle” inducing accumulation of nonre-
paired lesions on mtDNA over time, resulting in aging and associated degenerative
diseases (Lemieux et al., 2010; Springo et al., 2015; Horan et al., 2012). Different
studies demonstrated a variety of alterations in mtDNA‐like point mutations,
large‐scale deletions and tandem duplications in various post‐mitotic tissues
(Calloway et al., 2000; Wei et al., 2009).
Deletions on mtDNA have been studied in depth for forensic purposes, particu-
larly the 4977 bp deletion, called the “common deletion”. This is frequent in well‐
differentiated cells with a low mitotic rate, such as brain and muscle cells, as
observed in biopsy and autopsy material from individuals aged 20 years and older
(Simonetti et al., 1992; Cortopassi et al., 1992). Different studies developed by
Meissner et al. (1997, 1999) demonstrated the increase of this deletion with age
and its application to forensic age estimation.
Another mutation, the adenine to guanine transition at position 189 (A189G),
was widely analysed in skeletal muscle and demonstrated an increase in aged
individuals (Del Bo et al., 2002; Wang et al., 2001). The accumulation of this
mutation with age was also confirmed in mitotic buccal cells and postmitotic
muscle tissues applying three different techniques (Theves et al., 2006). These
techniques were also applied in bone tissues, reaching the same conclusions
(Lacan et al., 2009).
Lacan et al. (2011) also detected three types of miniduplications in bone and
muscle samples, finding a correlation with age, although the detection of these
duplications was tissue‐specific.
Other studies have focused on analysing general deletions in mtDNA. In bone
tissue from patients up to 70 years old, deletions were detected (Papiha et al.,
1998). Mornstad et al. (1999) demonstrated a decrease in the amount of mtDNA
in dentin with age. A study from our group (Zapico and Ubelaker, 2016) demon-
strated a strong negative correlation between mtDNA amplification and age in
dentin. Also, our study showed a lack of this correlation in pulp tissue, probably
due to the fact that the majority of mitochondria are located in dentin. Additionally,
our study indicated a difference in the correlation between populations, suggest-
ing the role of an ancestral component.
13.3.3 sjTREC rearrangements

The central role of the thymus in the generation of a diversified population of
peripheral T lymphocytes is well established. The thymus atrophies at a rate of
approximately 3% per year until middle age, and at a rate of 1% per year there-
after, reducing the function of this organ (Bodey et al., 1997). T‐cell emigrants
from the thymus contribute to the naïve T‐cell pool, whose residents remain for a
finite period and whose survival depends upon T‐cell receptor (TCR) ligation with
self MHC (major histocompatibility complex), while their expansion and
differentiation into memory T cells requires successful recognition of foreign
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antigen (Tanchot et al., 1997). Towards the creation of a broad repertoire of TCR
molecules, each immature T lymphocyte experiences unique somatic rearrange-
ments in its TCR loci during intra‐thymic development, deleting the intervening
DNA sequences and circularizing into “episomal DNA molecules”, also called
signal joint TCR excision circles (sjTRECs). These products do not replicate during
cell division and are present in higher concentrations in the most recent thymic
emigrant population, after which they are diluted out by cell division. Previous
studies pointed out an age‐related decline in the number of these sjTRECs within
the peripheral T‐cell pool (Douek et al., 1998; Kong et al., 1998).
Based on these previous studies, some authors analysed sjTREC rearrangements
for forensic purposes. Pido‐Lopez et al. (2001) demonstrated a decrease of sjTREC
rearrangements with age based on PCR analyses of peripheral blood. The authors
also noted a sexual dimorphism in these levels. Other authors (Zubakov et al.,
2010) quantified sjTRECs, finding a strong correlation with age; however, the
error between chronological and estimated age was high (±8.9 years). Although
this study confirmed the sexual dimorphism demonstrated previously, including
this factor in the prediction model did not improve age estimation. Studies by Ou
et al. (2011, 2012) demonstrated a significant alteration with age in sjTREC levels
in peripheral blood samples (Ou et al., 2011) with an error between chronological
and estimated age of 10.47 years, and in their most recent study (Ou et al., 2012)
in bloodstains, with an error of 9.42 years. In this latter work they also tested the
influence of short‐ or long‐term storage time. Although they did not find differ-
ences up to 4 weeks of storage, they found them on samples with storage of
longer than 1.5 years. Additionally, in 20‐year‐old bloodstains they found a time‐
dependent decrease in the correlation coefficient, possibly due to deterioration of
the material.
13.3.4 Epigenetic modifications

Epigenetics is defined as the study of heritable changes in gene function that do
not change the DNA sequence – a mechanism that enables cells to respond quickly
to environmental changes and provides a link between genes and the environ-
ment (Egger et al., 2004; Turan et al., 2010). There are three types of epigenetic
modifications: chromatin conformation and changes in histone proteins; non‐
coding RNAs (ncRNA); and DNA methylation. Among these modifications, DNA
methylation has been studied with age‐at‐death estimation purposes.
DNA methylation is a covalent modification of cytosine residues in cytosine/
guanine regions, called CpGs islands. These islands are placed in gene regulatory
elements like promoters, intergenic regions and repetitive elements (Mehler,
2008). Although these methyl‐CpG islands seem to be related to transcriptional
repression, activation has also been reported.
There is an “epigenetic theory of aging” that points out that non‐adaptive epi-
genetic alterations are fundamental to aging, accumulating epimutations with
age, leading to the activation of genes normally epigenetically downregulated
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(Salpea et al., 2012). There have been several studies demonstrating the correla-
tion between methylation levels and age (Bocklandt et al., 2011; Garagnani et al.,
2013; Zbiec‐Piekarska et al., 2015a; Weidner et al., 2014, 2015; Bacalini et al.,
2015) in blood samples, finding a difference between chronological and predicted
age of around 5 years. ELOVL2, EDARADD, ASPA, ITG2B seem to be the key
genes in these estimations. Zbiec‐Piekarska et al. (2015b) combined ELOVL2,
Clorf132, TRIM59, KLF14 and FHL2 to get a more accurate estimation, with 3.9
years difference between chronological and predicted age.
Bekaert et al. (2015) used four age‐associated genes ASPA, PDE4C, ELOVL2
and EDARADD, for age prediction in blood samples, getting the highest accuracy
with ELOVL2, with an error between chronological and predictive age of 3.75
years. This study was extended to teeth samples, with an accuracy of 4.86 years.
This latter study in teeth complemented a recent one (Giuliani et al., 2016) where
the authors analysed methylation levels with age in different tooth tissues
(cementum, dentin and pulp) and three genes ELOVL2, FHL2 and PENK, finding
accuracy differences among tissues that vary from 2.25 years (pulp) to 2.45 years
(cementum) and 7 years (dentin). This points out the usefulness of this method-
ology for forensic anthropology applications.
13.4 Conclusion
This chapter summarizes the potential usefulness of biochemical techniques for

forensic age estimation. It seems like the most accurate and reliable methodology
is aspartic acid racemization. However, it is not without its drawbacks, and other
approaches, like epigenetics, deriving from aging and aging‐related disease
research, have emerged and are currently under development. The application of
one technique or another should be considered case‐by‐case, as well as the possi-
bility of their combination with other forensic anthropology/odontology methods
to give more accurate age‐at‐death estimation.
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CHAPTER 14
Adult skeletal sex estimation and global

standardization
Heather M. Garvin1 and Alexandra R. Klales2
1
Medicine and Health Science, Des Moines University, Des Moines, Iowa, USA
2
Forensic Anthropology Recovery Unit at Washburn University in Topeka, Kansas, USA
14.1 Introduction
When faced with a set of unidentified skeletal remains, correctly sexing the
individual can significantly reduce the pool of potential identifications. To estimate
sex, the analyst relies on a combination of morphological features and/or mea-
surements of skeletal elements that are known to be sexually dimorphic between
males and females. Human skeletal remains exhibit sexual dimorphism in both
size and shape, with these sex differences resulting from a combination of genetic
and environmental factors that are generally expressed at or around the time of
puberty. Moore (2012) provides a detailed description of the intrinsic and extrinsic
factors related to sexual dimorphism and sex estimation. While we understand
that hormones, genetics, nutrition, and life history activities can contribute to var-
iable expressions in sexually dimorphic traits, the exact contributions of each of
these factors and how they interact is not yet understood. This is further compli-
cated by the fact that different sexually dimorphic traits are likely under different
influences. For example, morphological sex differences in pubis shape do not
serve the same sexually dimorphic function as sex differences in browridge pro-
jection, and thus are not likely to be under the same influences. The role of sexual
selection in human sexual dimorphism must also be considered. Population dif-
ferences in expression of dimorphism have been documented repeatedly. In this
chapter, we will briefly describe the primary variables used by forensic anthropol-
ogists for sex estimation, what we know regarding variables influencing the
expression of those traits, and how practitioners are trying to reconcile these var-
iations to create global standards in sex estimation.
199
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14.2 Sexual size dimorphism
Within each population, males are generally taller and weigh more than females.
Thus, measurements of body length (related to stature) and joint size (related to
body mass) can be informative in differentiating the sexes. There are two caveats
that must be considered when using size variables for sex estimation. First, recog-
nize that we said that males are on average larger than females. Body size is not a
bimodal variable with a clear separation between males and females. There is a
gradient of body sizes with a large overlap of male and female sizes, with some
females being larger than some males. The average male within each population
is always larger than the average female, however, and the distribution is such
that sex can be estimated with a fairly high accuracy. Second, note that we stated
within each population. Populations vary not only in their overall size, but also in
their degree of sexual size dimorphism. For example, while males tend to be
overall about 7% taller than females (Alexander et al., 1979; Fink et al., 2007;
Gaulin and Boster, 1985; Gustafsson and Lindenfors, 2004; Holden and Mace,
1999), sex differences in stature range from 4–11% depending on the population
(Gaulin and Boster, 1992; Holden and Mace, 1999; Stini, 1976). There is even
more population variation when it comes to body mass, with sexual dimorphism
ranging from 7–28% (with an overall average of 15%) (Ruff, 1994, 2002; Smith
and Jungers, 1997; Stini, 1972, 1976).
Rensch’s Rule (Rensch, 1960), which is used to explain dimorphism variation
in mammals, suggests that variations in size dimorphism are due to an allometric
effect of body size. Rensch predicted that across a taxonomic lineage, sexual size
dimorphism increases with increasing body size. Multiple studies support this
concept (Abouheif and Fairbairn, 1997; Clutton‐Brock et al., 1977), while others
believe the relationship is more variable (Lindenfors and Tullberg, 1998; Ralls,
1977). Similarly, there is no consensus on the applicability of Rensch’s Rule to pri-
mates or modern humans (Gaulin and Boster, 1985; Gustafsson and Lindenfors,
2004; Wolfe and Gray, 1982). Sexual selection has also been proposed to play a
role in population differences in sexual size dimorphism, as has mating systems
(Gray and Wolfe, 1980), phylogenetics (Gustaffson and Lindenfors, 2004; Kemkes‐
Grottenthaler, 2005), and nutrition (Gray and Wolfe, 1980; Greulich, 1951;
Stinson, 1985). None of the proposed variables appear to explain all of the
observed variation in sexual size dimorphism among populations, and it remains
possible that all of the variables play some role. To further complicate things, dif-
ferences in levels of dimorphism among populations or across time can be a result
of changes in male body size (increase or decrease), female body size (increase or
decrease), or a combination of both.
Population differences in body size and sexual size dimorphism, however, means
that when forensic anthropologists are utilizing metric methods for sex estimation,
they need to utilize population‐specific equations in order to obtain the most accu-
rate results. Using equations from a larger‐bodied population on a male from a
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Adult skeletal sex estimation 201
smaller‐bodied population could result in an incorrect female sex assignment. It

also means that populations exhibiting greater amounts of sexual size dimorphism
will be able to be accurately sexed with greater confidence, while those exhibiting
smaller sexual size differences are not going to be able to obtain such high accu-
racy rates. In such cases, it is not a result of a poor method, but the actual lower
level of size variation within the population. The most reliable skeletal measure-
ments also vary by population (Jantz and Ousley, 2005; Spradley et al., 2015).
Given the population‐specificity of sexual dimorphism, the literature is scattered
with articles reporting population‐specific methods (e.g. Celbis and Agritmis, 2006;
Colman et al., 2018; Spradley et al., 2015) or illustrating how methods derived
from one population perform more poorly when applied to another (e.g. Bidmos
and Dayal, 2004; Guyomarc’h and Bruzek, 2011; Kotěrová et al., 2016).
In order to use population‐specific methods, however, the population may first
need to be determined. In most cases, this means estimating the broader ancestry
(i.e. geographical descent) of the individual. Ancestry estimation has its own chal-
lenges, and an incorrect estimation could consequently affect the accuracy of the
sex estimation. Use of a global equation, on the other hand, even if it is shown to
have a decent overall accuracy rate, is going to be biased towards the averaged‐
size populations and individuals, with biases towards misclassifying smaller‐
bodied populations as females and larger‐bodied populations as males. The overall
accuracy rate reported for a global equation, even if at an acceptable level, repre-
sents its average performance and does not highlight these biases or the lower
classification potential in less sexually dimorphic populations. So, while a global
equation may superficially appear as an adequate answer, it is less representative
at the individual level, and provides less information about the sex classification
and accuracy when applied to a single individual, which is the aim of the forensic
anthropologist. A global equation may be appropriate for palaeoanthropological
or large cross‐cultural analyses, but ultimately the forensic anthropologist needs
to utilize whatever will provide the most accurate and precise estimate for the
specific individual they are analysing.
14.3 Morphological traits
Morphologically, the greatest sex differences exist in pelvic shape due to the
functional constraints and adaptations of childbirth in females. Females tend to
display a transversely “stretched” pelvic morphology, resulting in broader, greater
sciatic notches, relatively longer pubic lengths, greater subpubic angles, and
sharper ischiopubic rami, amongst other traits. Morphological variation has also
been documented in skull form, primarily related to degree of robusticity. Males
tend to have more prominent browridges, chins, muscle markings, and larger
mastoid processes than females. Females tend to display more vertical foreheads
with evidence of frontal and parietal bossing. To a lesser extent, postcranial
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morphological differences have been noted between the sexes, for example,
humeral olecranon fossa shape and trochlear extension (Rogers, 1999); however,
these traits are not as reliable as skull and pelvic characteristics or postcranial
metric analyses and are not frequently employed in sex estimation (Klales, 2013).
The adaptive function of the morphological skeletal traits used for sex estimation
vary greatly. Sexual dimorphism in some traits, such as mastoid process size and
prominence of nuchal crests, are the result of relatively larger musculature in
males compared with females (on average). The ventral arc of the pubis, although
also a site of muscle attachment, varies not in size between the sexes, but in the
angle relative to the pubic symphysis. Budinoff and Tague (1990) suggest that sex
differences in the ventral arc can be explained by the relatively longer pubis in
females which results from post‐adolescent growth. This transverse elongation of
the female birth canal also explains sex differences in the subpubic angle and
associated subpubic concavity, as well as the thinner ischiopubic rami in females,
and perhaps even the broader, greater sciatic notch. The broader male ischiopubic
ramus has also been attributed to the need for greater area of attachment for the
crus penis (Phenice, 1969). Other sexually dimorphic traits, such as the browridge
(or supraorbital torus/supraciliary arches) and the mental eminence have more
enigmatic adaptive functions. Some have suggested both the browridge and
mental eminence have biomechanical functions related to mastication (Daegling,
1993; Endo, 1970; Russell, 1985), but there has been little empirical support for
this hypothesis (Baab et al., 2010; Hylander et al., 1991). Structural hypotheses
based on bridging the viscero‐ and neurocranium for the browridge (Moss and
Young, 1960; Ravosa, 1988) and on the receding mandible in Homo sapiens for the
mental eminence (Reisenfeld, 1969; Weidenreich, 1936) have also been proposed
with mixed support. Overall, however, none of these theories seem to adequately
explain the presence of these traits in modern humans, nor the sexual dimor-
phism observed or variation in sexual dimorphism.
Although not well understood, we also know that overall body size does not
explain the degree of morphological sexual dimorphism in traits, and that varia-
tion between skeletal regions within individuals exists. Garvin et al. (2014) looked
at the influence of age and body size on cranial trait expressions and found that
any significant correlations were very low and did not uphold across all subgroups.
These body size results were confirmed by Horbaly et al. (2019). Thus, larger indi-
viduals within each sex do not necessarily have more pronounced cranial sex
traits, again suggesting that different intrinsic and extrinsic variables play a role in
different aspects of skeletal sexual dimorphism. This is also an important note
when dealing with commingled remains; one cannot assume that a cranium with
more prominent male cranial traits necessarily belongs to larger postcranial ele-
ments. Best et al. (2018) used geometric morphometrics to look at sexual dimor-
phism of the cranium and os coxae, and similarly found that a more male cranium
is not necessarily associated with a more male pelvis. This may not surprise
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practitioners that have worked with a skeleton that displays ambiguous or contra-
dictory sex indicators across different regions. In such cases it is well documented
that the pelvis provides the more reliable sex assessment (Best et al., 2018).
What we do know is that sexual trait expressions and levels of dimorphism
vary among different populations. Walker (2008) documented such population
variation in his seminal article re‐describing his five cranial traits and ordinal
scoring method, which was first presented in Buikstra and Ubelaker (1994) and
provided discriminant functions for sex estimation. Despite acknowledging
population differences in trait scores and dimorphism (e.g. noting that the English
sample was more gracile than the US samples), he pooled the English, US White
and US Black to create “modern” equations. We might expect such a pooled
equation to then misclassify more US samples as males and more English samples
as females. This could explain the sex bias reported by Garvin and Klales (2017)
where they found that the Walker method correctly sexed 93% of their US male
sample but only 68% of their US female sample. Garvin et al. (2014) and Tallman
(2016) also illustrated population differences in cranial trait expressions. Garvin
and Ruff (2012) found more population differences in geometric morphometric
(i.e. shape) analyses of chin morphology than actual sex differences, and also
noted more subtle shape variations in chin and browridge morphologies across
populations. While considerably more accurate than the skull for sex estimation,
population differences in morphological pelvic traits have also been documented
(Davivongs, 1963; Iscan, 1983; Patriquin et al., 2003; Walker, 2005). For example,
the pubis traits of Phenice (1969) were shown to exhibit population variation
when applying them within the context of the Klales et al. (2012) method.
Specific groups such as Thai and Hispanic populations have lower levels of overall
sexual dimorphism (i.e. smaller stature and body size compared with African and
European groups). Overall, these two populations had less trait variation and/or
a greater frequency of lower/gracile scores in males when compared with the
populations for which the method was developed, US Whites and Blacks.
Generally, when the Klales et al. (2012) equation was utilized in groups with
lower sexual dimorphism, accuracy dipped below 90% (~87%), while accuracy
remained over 90% in groups with similar levels of sexual dimorphism as the US
calibration sample (Kenyhercz et al., 2017). Attempts have since been made to
begin generating population‐specific equations, for example in Mexican groups
in Gomez‐Valdes et al. (2017) and for use with undocumented border crossers
discovered in the US in Klales and Cole (2017). Further complicating the use of
morphological traits are the documented secular changes occurring in skeletal
size and morphology (e.g. Jantz and Meadows Jantz, 2000; Klales, 2016). Again,
given all of this variation and potential influencing factors (and unknown factors),
population‐specific methods should be utilized. Use of global equations or
equations derived from other populations would have similar consequences as
those discussed above.
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14.4 Global standardization
As previously mentioned, global equations may not always be the best answer for
sex estimation. Yes, you can improve global equations by ensuring the derivation
of those equations from large and diverse reference samples, ensuring that the
reference samples encompass extreme populations, and population samples are
equally distributed to reduce any bias towards one or another (e.g. Kenyhercz
et al., 2017). And it is also true that those global equations may report adequate
accuracy rates. But those accuracy rates represent its overall performance. The
global equations would not adequately reflect the precise sexual dimorphism or
sexual expression of each population group. Thus, we argue that global equations
are not the right answer when the goal is individual identification. In such sce-
narios, equations that best represent the population from which the individual is
derived should be utilized, if available, to obtain the most accurate results.
The need for population‐specific sex estimation methods/equations poses a
number of issues. How realistic is it to develop equations for each population? Are
journals willing to publish such niche studies? What if skeletal collections are not
available to derive equations for a population? What if you don’t know the
ancestry or population of the individual? With the increased accessibility of med-
ical imaging, such as CT scans, many populations who may lack large skeletal
collections still have an opportunity to create standards from clinical or post‐mor-
tem medical images. While it is not realistic to have population‐specific standards
for every single method and every single skeletal element, studies can focus on
the smaller subset of traits that have proven to be the most reliable and are most
commonly utilized by practitioners. And based on current publications, it appears
that journals recognize the need for population‐specific methods and are willing
to publish such studies. In many human rights scenarios, the population at hand
is also generally known or at least suspected. In other scenarios where the
population is unknown and cannot be reliably estimated, a global equation, such
as the one presented by Kenyhercz and colleagues (2017), can still provide impor-
tant information and facilitate identification; it just may not be as accurate or pre-
cise as a comparable population‐specific equation. Thus, global equations do have
their place in forensics, but it is important for practitioners to understand the
implications of using a broad, global equation and to be sure to take those impli-
cations into consideration when interpreting their results and searching for the
identity of the individual. The same is true if the practitioner decides to apply an
equation derived from a “similar” population group, or equations that may not be
global but incorporate multiple population groups; differences in trait expressions
and dimorphisms between the groups need to be considered.
Familiarity with the range of trait expressions and sexual dimorphism within
the population at hand is pertinent. Numerous studies have shown that experi-
ence plays a significant role in sex estimation accuracy (Klales et al., 2012; Lewis
and Garvin, 2016). In mass causality situations, seriation may prove a useful tool
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for sex estimation, especially if the number of males and females contained within
the situation is known. But even in the absence of such information it can help
the practitioners get an overview of the trait and size variation. Keep in mind,
however, that sexual trait expression cannot be used to associate remains from
different anatomical regions in commingled situations. Thus, care should be taken
to keep documented provenience from any excavations with the skeletal remains
and associated skeletal remains together.
Another option to address population variation in sexual dimorphism is to build
global databases of trait scores and skeletal measurements and to make those
databases and resultant equations accessible to all. The software program FORDISC
3.1 (Jantz and Ousley, 2005) is a good example. FORDISC 3.1 contains 13 modern
(1930 onwards) populations to which analysts can compare skeletal measure-
ments of their unknown individual for combined sex and ancestry estimation
(Ousley and Jantz, 2012). The groups within FORDISC are restricted to American
(White, Black, Native American, Guatemalan, and Hispanics from Pima County)
and East Asian (Japan, Vietnam, China) populations for the skull. The postcranial
measurements are further restricted to only US Whites and Blacks. Also contained
within FORDISC 3.1 are the skull measurements for 27 worldwide populations
from Howells (1973).
More recently two large databases have been undertaken in an attempt to gen-
erate global standards for sex estimation. The MorphoPASSE database (www.
morphoPASSE.com) includes options for both population‐specific equations and
standardized global equations for sex estimation using pubis traits (Phenice, 1969;
Klales et al., 2012) and skull traits (Garvin et al., 2014; Klales, 2018; Walker,
2008). Similarly, the DSP: Diagnose Sexuelle Probabiliste includes a worldwide
sample of pelvic measurements from 12 different populations (Murail et al.,
2005). The sample sizes are large in both databases (n = 2162 MorphoPASSE; n =
2040 DSP) and are being continuously updated to integrate more populations
throughout the world. Noticeably absent from all of these worldwide databases
are some of the populations and countries where human rights work is currently
or has been conducted, including the Philippines, Cyprus, Guatemala and
Argentina. Thus, efforts to increase reference databases need to be a continued
process, and when utilizing such large resources, the practitioners still must keep
in mind the implications of using a global equation or a population‐specific
equation derived from a group other than that of the decedent. It is important for
all practitioners to be familiar with the study samples, not just including popula-
tions, but also temporal periods and sample sizes, behind each method/equation
utilized.
While the creation of global equations is challenging, global standardization
goes beyond presenting equations. It is important to standardize best practices and
procedures. In the US, scientific working groups have been established to draft
forensic best practices, and the Forensic Anthropology Working Group does have
documents on sex estimation (https://www.nist.gov/topics/forensic‐science/
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anthropology‐subcommittee). Their Sex Assessment document acknowledges

inter‐ and intra‐population variation in trait expression and dimorphism, advising
that method reference populations should be considered in all applications. It also
emphasizes the preference of the pelvis over other anatomical regions for sex
estimation, and use of multivariate/multitrait methods over a single indicator. It
also states that subadult sex assessment is an unacceptable practice (particularly
for individuals less than 12 years of age, but cautions assessments on young ado-
lescents as well), since appropriately validated techniques are not yet available.
Beyond such broad conclusions, however, the working group does not designate
specific methods or studies that should be utilized, acknowledging that each case
is unique and a plethora of variables must go into each decision.
There have also been attempts to standardize data collection procedures.
Documents such as Standards for Data Collection from Human Skeletal Remains
(Buikstra and Ubelaker, 1994) as well as the more recent Data Collection Procedures
for Forensic Skeletal Material 2.0 (Langley et al., 2016) provide standardized defini-
tions for osteometric landmarks and measurements utilized in common methods.
Osteoware (Smithsonian Institution, 2011) provides an online framework for
metric and morphoscopic data collection. Standardized landmark and measurement
definitions are key if data are going to be compiled into large databases or used to
create new methods. Often the traits or measurements selected by the analyst are
based on their own experience and personal preferences, and the methods
employed by one person, laboratory, or humanitarian team may not be congruent
with those used by others. Thus, it is also important to have an open dialogue bet-
ween practitioners (both old and new), between teams, and globally. Ultimately,
increased global communication and awareness, along with accessibility to collec-
tions and resources, are key to developing any type of global standardization in
sex estimation or other areas of forensics.
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CHAPTER 15
Sexual dimorphism in juvenile

skeletons and its real problem
Department of Forensic Anthropology. Institute of Legal Medicine and Forensic Sciences, Lima, Peru
15.1 Introduction
Sexual dimorphism in subadults and its applicability in forensic investigation has

been explored from diverse populations; however, it is not yet fully clarified. For
this reason, sex estimation in subadult bones is not yet considered as a standard-
ized methodology by forensic handbooks. Despite this, it is quite surprising that
several manuals of forensic anthropology widely circulated in Latin America
(Rodríguez Cuenca, 1994: 137–139; 2003: 111; 2004: 108–110; Sanabria Medina,
2004: 300–303; Krenzer, 2006: 3–5) include the method of Schutkowski (1993)
as if it were a method with proven validity and therefore applicable to all subadult
populations in general.
It is essential to maintain a minimum standard in the Latin American scientific
world to avoid generalizations of methods that have not been evaluated or vali-
dated in contemporary subadult osteological collections. Such criteria are also
important from the legal point of view, since forensic anthropologists must support
their expertise to the prosecution, and therefore the testimony of experts must
meet requirements such as the so‐called Criteria of Admissibility, also known as
the Daubert Criterion. The discussion on the estimation of sex in subadult remains
in this chapter will be based on Schutkowski’s (1993) method for juvenile sex
determination, taking into account the following questions: (1) Is it possible to
estimate the sex of subadults based on morphological characteristics of the jaw
and the ilium? (2) From what age range is it possible to estimate sex in subadult
skeletal remains? And (3) what is the degree of precision and reliability of the
visual criteria used to estimate sex in subadult skeletal remains? What criteria are
applicable to forensic contexts?
211
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15.2 Is it possible to estimate the sex of subadults based

on morphological characteristics of the jaw
and the ilium?
The method proposed by Schutkowski (1993) is based on three morphological

characteristics of the mandible (chin pronouncing, anterior dental arch shape and
eversion of the goniac region) and four features of the ilium (sciatic notch angle,
depth of the notch sciatica, the criterion of the arch and curvature of the iliac
crest). The method was developed from 61 individuals (24 women and 37 men)
with known sex and ages (birth to 5 years), from the historical collection of
Spitalfields, London, UK.
One of the main limitations of Schutkowski’s (1993) method is that it does not
include individuals older than 5 years. Moreover, the sample documented at the
age of 4 years comprised a single individual. Additionally, it is important to note
that Schutkowski (1993) did not perform intra‐observer or inter‐observer error
evaluations.
Several investigations have evaluated Schutkowski’s (1993) method based on
skeletal series of subadults of diverse populations. Ridley (2002) provides one of
the most “encouraging” results about the applicability of the Schutkowski (1993)
method, using a sample of 112 jaws (49 female and 63 male), and having reached
an accuracy of 85.1% and 91% for each sex respectively. The evaluation con-
cluded that the method is quite effective and applicable to fetal osteology of
forensic interest, but it is important to note that Ridley (2002) did not perform
intra‐ and inter‐observer error evaluations, so the reliability of the method was
established based on only one observer at a single time.
Sutter (2003) suggested that the depth of the greater sciatic notch, the angle of
the greater sciatic notch and the iliac curvature can be useful for forensic cases
involving children from two to five years. Sutter (2003) made an evaluation of
the applicability of each one of the components of the method, concluding that
the criterion of the arch and the angle of the sciatic notch reached a score of
82.3% and 80.7% respectively. On the other hand, the depth of the sciatic notch
reached 79% accuracy, while the shape of the dental arch achieved 77.6% accu-
racy. Likewise, he pointed out that 81.5% accurate assessment is obtained when
using the sciatic notch and the criterion of the arch in individuals up to 5 years,
being acceptable for use in forensic cases. These results are encouraging; however,
it must be taken into account that dramatic differences in the degree and range of
sexual dimorphic expressions could occur due to changes in androgen production
by genetic and environmental factors at fetal level; this could mean that accept-
able techniques in a population may not be useful when applied to another
population (Sutter, 2003). One of the problems observed in this research is that
the collection on which the success was evaluated only consisted of certain age
ranges, with 1 to 2 individuals for ages ranging from 8 to 14 years, with most of
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Sexual dimorphism in juvenile skeletons 213
their sample from 6 months to 7 years old at the time of death. Furthermore, it
should also be remembered that the researches listed above were carried out using
archaeological samples.
It has been suggested that morphometric‐geometric techniques should be
included to increase the consistency in sexual estimation (González et al., 2005)
and prioritize the use of techniques that are based on quantifiable characteristics
to eliminate subjectivity (Luna and Aranda, 2005). Vlak et al. (2008) included
measures and landmarks in its evaluation of the ilia of 56 known‐sex juveniles,
but they did not find statistically significant differences. They point out that the
recorded correlation of age characteristics needs to be explored in the context of
ontogeny of sexual dimorphism. Likewise, the evaluation of the intra‐ and inter‐
observer error carried out by Cardoso and Saunders (2008) concludes that the
morphological features have little accuracy and results are not reproducible due
to the enormous variation in the morphology, difficulties in interpreting the cri-
teria, and perhaps a lack of association between the expression of traits and sex.
A modification of the Schutkowski method, with acceptable results, had been
made by Rissech and Malgosa (2004), who analysed the growth of the ilium using
six variables to diagnose sex and age. Results show that ilium length may be used
for diagnosing sex from 16 years old, while the ilium index is useful as a sex
discriminant from 15 years old.
15.3 From what age range is it possible to estimate sex

in subadult skeletal remains? Skeletal growth, bone
maturation and sex steroids
Morphological differences between men and women begin after seven weeks ges-
tation (Moore and Persaud, 2007). During skeletal growth, sex steroids affect size,
shape and mass peak of the human skeleton, influencing the formation of both
endochondral and intramembranous bone, and reabsorption of endocortical bone
(Turner et al., 1994). The bone mass and the growth range is about 5 cm per year
in both sexes before puberty. Upon reaching puberty, sex steroids, predominantly
estrogens in women and androgens in men, have several main effects in
combination with other hormones: they are responsible for the sexual dimor-
phism in the skeleton, initiate the increase in the speed of pubertal growth, and
are responsible for the closing of the epiphysis platforms, resulting in the cessation
of longitudinal growth of the long bones.
During adolescence there is a transient phase of approximately two years, in
which bone growth undergoes a sharp increase due to the differential production
of sex steroids in concert with the action of growth hormone, thyroid hormone
and cortisol. An average peak speed of about 9 cm per year is reached in women
at approximately 11 years of age, while men reach a peak of 10.5 cm near to
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13–14 years old (Turner et al., 1994). The sexual dimorphism of the skeleton is
therefore dependent on the production of the sexual steroid. Men are typically
taller and have more cortical bone than women (Turner et al., 1994).
Changes in the speed and acceleration of growth in adolescents affects almost
all parts of the body, but not all parts of the body experience the adolescent out-
break at the same time (Bogin, 1999). The female pelvis reaches the upper adult
pelvic strait only between 17 and 18 years of age (Marquisa La Velle, mentioned
by Bogin, 1999: 212), showing that the outbreak of adolescent growth, which
occurs before menarche, did not influence the size of the pelvis in the same way
as the rest of the body. It concludes that the pelvis and the female pelvic upper
stratum follow their own slow pattern of growth, which continues for several
years even after reaching adult height (Bogin, 1999). Hromada (mentioned by
Scheuer and Black, 2004: 343) identified two growth phases in the fetal pelvis
between the second and the seventh month, where there was no discernible
sexual difference between the dimensions, while the sexual dimorphism becomes
more apparent between 7 months and birth.
Graeme (2003) pointed out that estrogen is essential for epiphyseal maturation
and pubertal growth, since it is the main hormone responsible for the acquisition
and maintenance of bone mass in both men and women. He pointed out that tes-
tosterone seems to play a relatively tiny role and appears to help maintain bone
formation and serves as a substrate for the aromatization of estrogen in the testes
and also in peripheral tissues, including bone.
From the point of view of physiology, the bones that comprise the pelvic complex
do not have specific receptors for sex hormones, so the differences in sexual dimor-
phism are established according to the pattern of growth and maturation. Coleman
(1969) pointed out that there is a differential growth in the pelvic complex between
male and female, mainly in relation to the total growth of the pubic and internal ace-
tabular regions. Coleman (1969) indicated that the growth of the pelvic bone has a
multidirectional dynamic, a complex process that exhibits certain sexual differences
and innumerable individual differences. The parts are growing essentially like long
bones with metaphyses present at the opposite ends of the same. A complex of bones
such as the pelvis should be considered in relation to the total growth of the area
being studied, as during its increase in size it is remodeled to maintain its relationship
with the changing and dynamic soft tissues that surround it (Coleman, 1969). These
accommodate themselves to the tensions installed by the growing bone. The impor-
tance of the spatial relocation of the bone components of the pelvic complex becomes
evident when their dimensions must be increased to accommodate the growing soft
tissues lodged in the interior (Coleman, 1969). Delaere and Dhem (1999) argue,
from a microscopic and microradiographic point of view, that the ilium grows exactly
like long bones and closely related to the local distribution of stress mechanisms.
A corollary that springs from the discussion is the question of when did the
modern human pattern of sexual dimorphism emerge. According to Rosemberg
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and Trevathan (1995), modern human differences in the pelvis reflect different
balances and selective contrasts between men and women imposed by locomo-
tion and birth. On the other hand, Bruzec and Murail (2006) pointed out that the
dimorphism of the pelvis is the result of a functional modification and evolu-
tionary adaptation. The man’s pelvis is adapted to perform a biped walk while the
woman’s pelvis reflects a compromise between locomotion and parturation that
requires a voluminous pelvic girdle for the safe passage of a large fetal head
through the birth canal.
15.4 What is the degree of precision and reliability

of the visual criteria used to estimate sex in subadult
skeletal remains? What criteria are applicable to
forensic contexts?
The so‐called Test Admissibility Criteria (also known as the Daubert Criteria)
marked a “before and after” in the forensic sciences. These criteria are the
following:
a. Be testable, evaluated and demonstrate security.
b. Have a low error range.
c. Be accepted by the scientific community.
d. Have been submitted to review by the scientific community.
With this, it is expected that the methods of analysis of human remains used in
forensic investigation have acceptable margins of reliability and safety.
Schutkowski’s method is questionable by the simple fact of comparing a figure
of the ilium and the jaw in which it is difficult to recognize the morphognostic
characteristics that discriminate between both sexes. It turns out to be even more
complicated to perform the evaluation based on qualitative characteristics “more”
or “less than”. Taking these criteria into account, we can be sure that the method
proposed by Schutkowski (1993) cannot be accepted as a safe method for esti-
mating sex in forensic cases. Its application would be difficult to sustain since, in
practice, it has shown difficulties in reproducing the same results in different bone
samples in different parts of the world (Sutter, 2003; Vlak et al., 2008, Cardoso
and Saunders, 2008). In general, the results obtained allow us to conclude that it
is impossible to estimate the sex of non‐adult individuals based on morphological
criteria recorded with the naked eye.
A very usual practice, without much support, has been to repeat the techniques
presented in the manuals of forensic anthropology. It is not enough, then, that a
method is presented in a specialized journal to be considered as a method appli-
cable to all populations (Rodríguez Cuenca, 1994: 137–139; 2003: 111; 2004:
108–110; Sanabria Medina, 2004: 300–303; Krenzer, 2006: 3–5). Its external
validity is pending verification.
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15.5 Comments and discussion
At this level, the following question should be asked: does the subadult ilium rep-
resent sexual dimorphism?
At this time, investigations carried out seem to indicate that the sexual dimor-
phism in the subadult skeleton is based solely on growth and maturation issues.
Men take longer to mature but reach a greater stature with respect to women,
who mature more quickly but reach a shorter height with respect to men.
Additionally, men have denser bones with respect to women. As noted by Coleman
(1969), LaVelle (1995), Humphrey (1998) and Vlak et al. (2008), these differences
would be expressed in relation to the ontogeny of sexual dimorphism. This growth
is affected by the action of the surrounding soft tissues of the pelvic complex that
influence their fetal development (Delaere and Dhem, 1999).
Now, accepting that sexual dimorphism is due to issues of growth and matura-
tion, and our interest is to use the method in forensic cases, one might ask then:
is it methodologically correct to use archaeological osteological collections to
estimate the reliability of a method developed from a historical collection
(Spitalfield)?
If we take into consideration that the bones of the pelvic complex are acting as
long bones, in addition to the fact that the human population undergoes constant
changes in their growth pattern, the answer to this question could be a definitive
no. Within this same perspective it is important to point out that subadult individ-
uals found in cemeteries are those that were not “successful” in their development,
possibly due to endocrine abnormalities, diseases or malnutrition which may have
delayed or affected their normal development (Loth and Henneberg, 2001).
15.6 Conclusions
Considering the admissibility criteria, we can be sure that the method proposed by
Schutkowski (1993) cannot be accepted as a general method for sex estimation in
forensic cases. The application in different populations generates different levels
of success, and the method does not satisfy the conditions of reproducibility or
verifiability. Its application can give random results.
In the meantime, we suggest the genetic diagnosis of sex for subadult remains.
DNA analysis has a crucial interest in the field of human identification, but when
DNA cannot produce a profile or is not always available, a useful option is to do a
molecular test of amelogenin protein. This test is based on the identification of X
and Y chromosomes, does not need a big investment, and is commonly available
in laboratories attached to universities. Testing of amelogenin offers the possibility
of a reliable method to determine the sex of subadult remains in forensic
investigation.
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Cardoso, H.F.V. and Saunders, S.R. (2008) Two arch criteria of the ilium for sex determination
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Coleman, W.H. (1969) Sex differences in the growth of the human bony pelvis. American Journal
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González, P., Bernal, V. and Barrientos, G. (2005) Estimación del dimorfismo sexual en el esqueleto
pélvico y mandibular de individuos subadultos: comparación de técnicas visuales de morfome-
tria geométrica. Revista Werken No. 6, Primer Semestre, Santiago de Chile, pp. 49–61.
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Humphrey, L. (1998) Growth patterns in the modern human skeleton. American Journal of
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LaVelle, M. (1995) Natural selection and developmental sexual variation in the human pelvis.
Loth, S.R. and Henneberg, M. (2001) Sexually dimorphic mandibular morphology in the first
few years of life. American Journal of Physical Anthropology, 112 (2), 179–186.
Luna, L.H. and Aranda, C.M. (2005) Evaluación de marcadores sexuales de individuos subadul-
tos procedentes del Sitio Chenque I (Parque Nacional Lihué Calel, Provincia de La Pampa,
Argentina). Revista Española de Antropología Física, 25, 25–40.
Moore, K. and Persaud, T.V.N. (2007) Embriología clínica. El desarrollo del ser humano (7th ed.).
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Ridley, J. (2002) Sex estimation of fetal and infant remains based on metric and morphognostic
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c15.indd 217 11/26/2019 8:27:33 PM

CHAPTER 16
Dental aging methods and population

variation
Joe Adserias‐Garriga1 and Joel Tejada2
Forensic Anthropology Center, Texas State University, San Marcos, Texas, USA
1
General Direction of Searching for Missing Persons, Ministry of Justice and Human Rights, Lima, Perú
2
16.1 Introduction
Age estimation in the living and the dead represents a crucial parameter in forensic
and humanitarian contexts. Forensic age estimation in the living is often related to
adoption and imputability (Cunha et al., 2009); and it has become a more frequent
demand in recent years due to the migration crisis, whereby 29% of births world-
wide remain unregistered, sub‐Saharan Africa being the area with the lowest rate
of birth registration (Bhatia et al., 2017). This situation leaves millions of children
without any documentary evidence of their age. Also, as a consequence of that,
age estimation is required in cases of unaccompanied minors seeking asylum.
Regarding age estimation of the deceased, building up a biological profile is the
first step in the identification process, which is a general description of the indi-
vidual’s age, sex, ancestry and stature. This information narrows the search among
the possible missing that could match with such a description. Therefore, age‐at‐
death estimation is one of the main pieces of information used to identify the
remains.
In both cases (aging the living and the dead), forensic professionals must apply
objective, scientific and validated methods of age estimation. This process of
documentation not only applies for identifying a body, but also in understanding
the demographic distribution of the victims (Kimmerle et al., 2008).
Age estimation can be achieved by different approaches. Macroscopic skeletal
age estimation consists of the analysis of certain areas of the skeleton that are
informative for age estimation. In the same way, dental age estimation consists of
the analysis of the dental tissue changes that are correlated with age. In addition,
histological analysis of bone and dental samples can also be carried out to estimate
219
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age‐at‐death. And more recently developed chemical and molecular techniques

can also be applied to estimate an individual’s age.
Anthropological approaches of skeletal analysis can be used to estimate age of
adult and subadult individuals. Age estimation techniques and methods on sub-
adults are based on growth and development of the skeleton, according to which
the presence of ossification nuclei and long bone development can be used to
estimate age of fetal individuals (Kosa et al., 1990; Scheuer and Black, 2000). Later
on in development, the presence of ossification centers and the fusion of the epiph-
yses can be used to estimate ages of infants (Ubelaker, 1989; Lynnerup et al., 1998).
However, once growth and development are complete, they can no longer be
used to estimate age. Skeletal development is considered complete when the
spheno‐occipital suture and sternal end of the clavicle have fused (Scheuer and
Black, 2000), which are considered to be the skeletal indicators of the transition
from the juvenile to adulthood. From then on, skeletal age estimation techniques
and methods on adults must rely on the degenerative changes of the skeleton.
Adult skeletal indicators include cranial suture closure, ossification of the sternal
end of the ribs, degenerative changes of the medial end of the clavicle, pubic sym-
physis, and auricular surface of the ilium and acetabulum (Brooks and Suchey,
1990; Falys and Prangle, 2015; Harth et al., 2010; Isçan et al., 1984a, 1984b;
Lovejoy et al., 1985; Mann et al., 1991; Rougé‐Maillart et al., 2009).
In the same way that skeletal growth and development are used to estimate
skeletal age in subadults, tooth formation and eruption can be used for dental age
estimation. In fact, dental development has been demonstrated to correlate more
accurately with chronological age than skeletal development, because dental
development seems to be under stronger genetic control and it is less affected by
environmental factors than skeletal development (AlQahtani et al., 2010). Once
the third molars achieve their complete development, dental age estimates must
rely on post‐formation changes on dental tissues and their correlation with chro-
nological age.
The combination of different dental and skeletal methods increases the accu-
racy of the estimate (Schmeling et al., 2004). However, it must be taken into
account that when applying a dental or skeletal age estimation method, the accu-
racy of the age estimate decreases as the age of the individual increases. Due to an
increasing need for accuracy, especially in adult age estimates, other methods
have been developed based on histology and biochemistry.
Bone histological methods rely on the quantification of remodeled bone by
osteon or Harvesian canal counting. This approach provides reliable and accurate
age‐at‐death estimates (Kerley, 1965; Crowder et al., 2012). Biochemical tech-
niques can also be applied to estimate ages of individuals belonging to any age
group. All biochemical methods for determining age are based on the natural pro-
cess of aging, which induces alterations in tissues and organs at different
biochemical levels (Balin and Allen, 1989). According to this, methods for deter-
mining age are divided into chemical and molecular methods.
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Dental aging methods 221
However, Bocquet‐Appel and Masset (1982) were the first ones exposing the
limitations of age estimation in human skeletal remains, emphasizing the lack of
reference sample characteristics, which was understood as a concern to generate
optimal results (Parra, 2009). The disproportion between human populations
and their secular changes have been studied in biological anthropology, and
differences between human groups have been demonstrated. These differences
correspond to the population variation according to inheritance and the environ-
ment, as well as processes of biological vulnerability. Although human population
variation is a phenomenon frequently interpreted by biological anthropology,
recent approaches in forensic anthropology have indicated that efforts should
focus on multidisciplinarity (Komar and Buikstra, 2008).
16.2 Dental age estimation: its application

in forensic science
As stated previously in this chapter, the scientific rationale of dental age estimation
relies on the processes of dental development and post‐formation changes, and
their correlation with chronological age. Thus the aim of dental age estimation is
to provide the best and most accurate assessment of chronological age of the
individual using scientific methodology.
The accuracy of dental age estimation is defined by how close the difference
between chronological age and estimated dental age is to zero and how that can
be predicted and reproduced (Cardoso, 2007; Cameriere et al., 2008).
Different methods based on tooth developmental changes and eruption timing
have been developed that offer accurate age estimates from weeks intra‐utero
until the individual reaches adulthood (considering the transition from subadult
to adult individual as the end of dental and skeletal development). After that,
dental age estimation methods can only rely on post‐formation changes, as the
third molars have already completed their development. Thus, development and
eruption can no longer be aging criteria. Post‐formation changes such as root
translucency, periodontal condition, apical root resorption or attrition are influ-
enced by nutrition, pathology, parafunction, occupation, as well as sex and
ancestry. According to that, population‐specific studies are necessary in order to
determine whether a certain method is suitable to be applied or not in a specific
individual.
16.3 Tooth developmental changes
Tooth formation or odontogenesis consists of a complex series of physiological

events that encompass cell induction, proliferation, differentiation, morphogen-
esis and maturation. Deciduous dentition begins its formation during embryonic
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and fetal periods of prenatal development, and permanent dentition begins its
formation during the fetal period. However, deciduous and permanent dentition
development will continue for years after birth. Thus odontogenesis is the longest
developmental period of any set of organs in the human body (Feherenbach and
Popowics, 2016).
As mentioned above, the odontogenesis of the primary dentition starts in the
embryonic period, between the sixth and seventh week of prenatal development.
The process of odontogenesis can be divided into five stages or phases: initiation,
bud stage, cap stage, apposition, and the maturation stage. The first stage of tooth
development is initiation, where ectoderm induces the mesenchymal tissue to ini-
tiate the whole formation process. First the ectoderm lining the stomodeum gives
rise to oral epitelium, and later, the oral epitelium will give rise to the dental
lamina, which is the structure that will give rise the dental germs. The dental
lamina forms in the developing jaws where the future dental arches of the pri-
mary dentition will form, and its formation progresses posteriorly from the mid-
line (Feherenbach and Popowics, 2016; Sadler, 2014). In the eighth week of
prenatal development, the bud stage begins, where the dental lamina grows and
gives rise to ten buds in the upper jaw and ten other buds in the lower jaw that
penetrate the ectomesenchyme; those buds are the primordia of the deciduous
teeth (Sadler, 2014). Later, the deepest surface of the bud invaginates, creating a
depression that results in the enamel organ. In addition, a condensation of cells
forms around the epithelial bud, that results in the dental papilla. The enamel
organ is responsible for the synthesis and secretion of enamel, while the dental
papilla is responsible for the formation and secretion of dentine and pulp. Thus, in
the apposition stage, enamel, dentine and cementum are produced by enamel
organ and dental papilla cellular byproducts. Finally, the maturation stage is
reached when the matrices of hard dental tissue types subsequently fully miner-
alize to their correct levels (Feherenbach and Popowics, 2016).
But the start time of tooth formation is different for the different teeth. So, for
deciduous dentition, central incisors are the first to develop, followed by the first
molars, and then lateral incisors, canines and second molars. Following this
fashion, the mandibular teeth are the first in initiating their development, and
slightly after, the maxillary teeth will start their formation. And in the same way
for permanent dentition, the first teeth to develop are the first molars, followed by
central incisors, canines, lateral incisors, first premolars, second premolars, second
molars and finally the third molars. Regarding the permanent dentition, the first
molars are the first ones to develop, followed by central incisors, lower lateral inci-
sors, canines, upper lateral incisors, first premolars, second premolars, second
molars and finally the third molars. So the different teeth will show different stages
of formation and mineralization according to their starting time of development.
The crown is first developed, and once the enamel is formed on the crown, the
root begins its formation; at the same time, eruption movements start from the
bone towards the oral cavity. In the same way as tooth development, different
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Table 16.1 Beginning of the mineralization, complete development of the crown

and roots and the eruption times for deciduous dentition.
Mineralization Developed Developed Eruption

crown root
Central Maxillary 14th week iu 1.5 months 1.5 years 7.5 months
incisor Mandibular 14th week iu 2.5 months 1.5 years 6 months
Lateral Maxillary 16th week iu 3 months 2 years 9 months
incisor Mandibular 16th week iu 2.5 months 1.5 years 7 months
Canine Maxillary 17th week iu 9 months 3.5 years 18 months
Mandibular 17th week iu 9 months 3.5 years 16 months
1st molar Maxillary 15.5th week iu 6 months 2.5 years 14 months
Mandibular 15.5th week iu 5.5 months 2.5 years 12 months
2nd molar Maxillary 19th week iu 11 months 3 years 24 months
Mandibular 18th week iu 10 months 3 years 20 months
iu, intra‐uterine.
teeth erupt at different times. Primary dentition begins its eruption at approxi-
mately 6 months of age, and concludes at approximately 2 years of age. Around 6
years of age, the permanent first molar erupts. So, from 6 to 12 years of age
mixed dentition is shown in the oral cavity, meaning that primary and permanent
dentition are visible in the mouth. From approximately 12 years of age, only
permanent dentition is present, as all primary teeth have been replaced by the
permanent ones (Scheid and Weiss, 2012).
Tables 16.1 and 16.2 show the beginning of the mineralization, the complete
development of the crown and roots, and the eruption times for deciduous and
permanent dentition.
16.4 Dental age estimation methods using tooth

development and eruption
Tooth development is a good age indicator even in intra‐uterine life. As stated pre-
viously, mineralization of the deciduous teeth begins in the 14th week of prenatal
development, which means that from the 14th week of prenatal development,
mineralized dental structures can be easily visualized and evaluated through
radiography.
In addition, histological analysis of the striae of Retzius can be informative as
well. During the secretory stage of enamel development, ameloblasts produce
approximately 4 μm of enamel matrix everyday. However, a rhythmic variation of
the enamel deposition occurs every 4 days. As a result of that, microscopic growth
lines named “striae of Retzius” can be detected in the enamel (Lewis and Senn, 2013).
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Table 16.2 Beginning of the mineralization, complete development of the crown

and roots and the eruption times for permanent dentition.
Mineralization Developed Developed Eruption

crown root
Central incisor Maxillary 3–4 months 3–4 years 10 years 7–8 years
Mandibular 3–4 months 4–5 years 9 years 6–7 years
Lateral incisor Maxillary 10–12 months 4–5 years 11 years 8–9 years
Mandibular 3–4 months 4–5 years 10 years 7–8 years
Canine Maxillary 4–5 months 6–7 years 13–15 years 11–12 years
Mandibular 4–5 months 6–7 years 12–14 years 9–10 years
1st premolar Maxillary 1.5–1.75 years 5–6 years 12–13 years 10–11 years
Mandibular 1.75–2 years 5–6 years 12–13 years 10–12 years
2nd premolar Maxillary 2–2.5 years 6–7 years 12–14 years 10–12 years
Mandibular 2.25–2.5 years 6–7 years 13–14 years 11–12 years
1st molar Maxillary 0 months (birth) 2.5–3 years 9–10 years 6–7 years
Mandibular 0 months (birth) 2.5–3 years 9–10 years 6–7 years
2nd molar Maxillary 2.5–3 years 7–8 years 14–16 years 17–21 years
Mandibular 2.5–3 years 7–8 years 14–16 years 17–21 years
But if a physiological disturbance occurs, the enamel mineralization process is

interrupted and the developing striae of Retzius show darker, as a consequence of
the hypomineralization of that striae. The physiological stress of birth causes the
appearance of the darkest and largest striae of Retzius in the deciduous teeth,
which is the neonatal line (Bath‐Balogh and Feherenbach, 2011). However, the
neonatal line does not form immediately at birth; its formation can take 6 to 10
days after birth (Smith and Avishai, 2005). Nevertheless, since all deciduous teeth
are developed at birth, the presence of the neonatal line can be used in forensic
casework as a simple marker of a child’s live birth.
But teeth developmental processes continue for years after birth, so that dental
formation and development is an excellent age indicator from the fetal period
until late adolescence. Tooth formation and development can be divided in two
types: the atlas or scheme style, and the incremental staging of the developing
teeth.
Schour and Massler (1941), Ubelaker (1989), and the London Atlas by AlQahtani
et al. (2010) are the most frequently used atlases in odontology and anthropology.
The dental development is assessed by radiographs, and are applicable in both
archaeological and forensic settings.
The Ubelaker dental development chart was developed in 1989; it represents
age estimates with their standard deviation from 5 months in utero until 15 years
± 36 months of age (Ubelaker, 1989). Later on, AlQahtani and colleagues
developed the London Atlas representing age estimates from 30 weeks in utero to
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23.5 years ± 1.12 (AlQahtani et al., 2010, 2014). While no sex differences are
reflected in the atlases, AlQahtani’s computer application permits male, female
and unknown data to be entered; even though there is no statistical significance
between sexes, the results obtained when entering male or female data are slightly
different (Adserias‐Garriga et al., 2018).
When using these atlases, special attention must be paid to the concept of
eruption, because while Ubelaker defines eruption as the point in time that the
tooth emerges through the gingival tissue, AlQahtani defines eruption as emer-
gence through the alveolar bone (Lewis and Senn, 2013).
Regarding the staging systems, the Moorrees system (Moorrees et al., 1963a,
1963b) and the Demirjian system (Demirjian et al., 1973; Demirjian and Goldstein,
1976) are the most often used in forensic odontology. The Moorrees system pro-
vides sex‐specific graphs for developmental staging of deciduous and permanent
maxillary and mandibular teeth, including incisors, canines, premolars and molars
(Moorrees et al., 1963a, 1963b). In 1973 Demirjian developed a chart, updated in
1976, consisting of eight stages of dental development (from A to H), which
included the evaluation of all left mandibular teeth except the third molar
(Demirjian et al., 1973; Demirjian and Goldstein, 1976). Even though this system
was based on the left mandibular quadrant, contralateral teeth can also be
evaluated if the left quadrant presents one or more missing or not recordable
teeth. The Demirjian method is gender‐specific and it has been validated for
different populations (Koshy and Tandon, 1998; Willems et al., 2001; Blenkin and
Evans, 2010; Cruz‐Landeira et al., 2010; Gungor et al., 2015; Melo and Ata‐Ali,
2017; Kelmendi et al., 2018).
As the teeth development process progresses and the different teeth achieve
their complete development, fewer dental age indicators remain available. Around
the age of 14 years, the only remaining tooth undergoing growth and formation
is the third molar. Even though the third molar is the most developmentally
variable tooth, it is the most reliable biological indicator during adolescence and
early adulthood (Harris et al., 2010; Lewis and Senn, 2013).
In 1993 Mincer developed a scoring system applying Demirjian’s eight develop-
mental stages on third molars, labeled A to H. This method is widely used to
assess the legal majority of age, thus when stage “H” is achieved there is a high
probability that the individual is at least 18 years old (Lewis and Senn, 2013).
UT‐Age is a computer application that simplifies and expedites age assessment
based on the Mincer method (Lewis et al., 2008; Lewis and Senn, 2013). This
computer tool allows the selection of ancestry based on different population‐
specific studies (Arany et al., 2004; Blankenship et al., 2007; Kasper et al., 2009;
Mincer et al., 1993).
Since the combination of age estimation techniques results in an increase in
accuracy of the estimation, Schmeling et al. (2004) proposed an age estimation
method combining dental and skeletal indicators, using third molar, hand and
wrist bones and clavicle development.
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Recently, age estimation studies have been performed using magnetic reso-
nance imaging (MRI) on third molars. The great advantage of the use of MRI
rather than radiographs or computerized tomography is that MRI does not need
ionizing radiation emission, which is a key point when dealing with living indi-
viduals. Nevertheless, it must be taken into account that the appearance of MRI
molars differs greatly from that on radiographs; thus, a specific staging technique
is required to classify the maturity of the third molars on MRI. Research con-
ducted by De Tobel et al. is giving promising results for its application, achieving
accurate age estimates and opening a new technical field for development of
further age estimation methods (De Tobel et al., 2017a, 2017b, 2017c).
16.5 Post‐formation changes in dental tissues
Once tooth development is completed, dental tissues undergo degenerative

changes that are related to age, but they are also affected by nutrition, disease,
lifestyle, toxic habits, and the individual process of aging itself. Those degenerative
or postformation changes include attrition, periodontal recession, secondary den-
tine apposition, cementum apposition on the root, dentine translucency, root
resorption and roughness, and color changes.
Attrition consists of reduction in dental tissue by contact with the antagonist
teeth, causing wear facets on the occlusal and incisal surfaces. Although
physiological age‐related attrition exists, there are several factors that affect this
parameter, such as erosion, bruxism, dental treatment, cultural habits, diet, and
many other population‐specific factors (Solheim, 1988a; Lewis and Senn, 2013).
Periodontal recession is measured as periodontal attachment loss, which is the
maximum distance in millimeters between the cemento‐enamel junction and the
line indication soft tissue attachment (Lewis and Senn, 2013). It has been
established that there is a physiological age‐related destruction of the periodontal
fibers in the cervical margin progressing towards the apex (Lamendin et al., 1992).
However, this parameter is hard to record objectively and accurately in skeletal
remains. In addition, it can be affected by periodontal disease and treatment,
dental crowding, orthodontic treatment and hyperocclusion, among others.
Secondary dentine has two forms: physiological and reparative. Physiological
secondary dentine is produced once tooth development is completed, and due to
its formation and apposition, the pulp cavity is reduced in size (Solheim, 1992).
Reparative secondary dentine is formed as a result of trauma on dental struc-
tures such as bruxism, hyperocclusion, caries or dental treatment (Lewis and
Senn, 2013).
Cementum apposition on the tooth root occurs throughout life. This apposi-
tion can increase in thickness threefold between the ages of 11 and 70, and it is
thicker in the apical third than it is near the cemento‐enamel junction (Onder
and Yakan, 1997).
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Dentine translucency results from the deposition of hydroxyapatite crystals

within the dentine tubules over the years, causing the root to increase its translu-
cent surface, beginning at the apex and progressing towards the crown.
This phenomenon appears from the age of 20 (Lamendin et al., 1992).
Even though root resorption has been classically considered an age‐related
post‐formation change, it is more closely related to dental trauma, which leads to
a localized inflammatory response that causes osteoclasts to resorb the dental root
(Lewis and Senn, 2013). Root surface also increases in roughness, becoming a
more irregular surface over time (Solheim, 1990).
Teeth color changes over time. Age‐related color changes in the enamel are
caused by the increase in nitrogen content and surface cracking, which result in
light refraction modification; while age‐related color changes in the dentine are
caused by alterations in its mineral and organic content (Solheim, 1988b; Martin‐
de las Heras et al., 2003).
16.6 Methods of dental age estimation using tooth

post‐formation changes
Once the third molars have completed their development, showing a closed apex,
developmental changes can no longer be used to estimate the individual’s age. So
adult age estimation techniques and methods can only rely on post‐formation
changes in dental tissues.
Several age estimation techniques and methods that rely on post‐formation
changes have been developed. All those methods are based on the evaluation of
one or more post‐formation changes by simple visual macroscopic evaluation, the
use of imaging technology or microscopy.
Gustafson published in 1950 a method for dental age estimation of adult indi-
viduals by the evaluation of six post‐formation changes: attrition, periodontal
recession, secondary dentine and cementum apposition, root resorption and root
translucency. Each parameter is scored between 0 to 3, and the addition of all six
scored traits is applied to a formula that calculates the estimated age (Gustafson,
1950). However, this study assumes that the effects of all variables are equal on
age, and it considers that all variables are independent (Harris et al., 2010), which
are significant limitations of that study. However, this publication is widely referred
to and it has been the basis of later studies on forensic dental age estimation.
In 1971 Johanson developed a modification of the Gustafson method, evalu-
ating the same six post formation parameters microscopically on sectioned teeth.
The traits are scored in a seven‐stage system, and they are applied to a regression
formula that weights differentially the effects of each parameter on age estimation
(Johanson, 1971). No consideration is made for sex or ancestry differences.
As previously mentioned, not all post‐formation changes have an equal effect
on age estimation. Maples established a correlation between dental post‐formation
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changes and chronological age. In that sense, root transparency showed the best
correlation followed by secondary dentin apposition, attrition, gingival recession,
cementum apposition, and finally root resorption was the variable that showed
least correlation with chronological age (Maples and Rice, 1979). Accordingly,
new methods were developed by the reduction of variables, focusing on those
that showed more accurate correlation with chronological age.
Due to the important contribution of root transparency, Bang and Ramm in
1970 based their age estimation technique just on this variable. The Bang and
Ramm method accounts for tooth position and provides age estimation data for
intact and sectioned teeth. Therefore, it is a destructive technique (Bang and
Ramm, 1970; Adserias‐Garriga et al., 2017).
Maples (1978) developed a method of age estimation generation regression
formulae considering root translucency and secondary dentin apposition. Also
considering the differential impact of post‐formation changes on the age esti-
mates, Lamendin et al. (1992) considered root transparency and periodontal
recession for age estimation; however, Lamendin’s method does not consider sex
and ancestral differences in the estimates, whilst Prince and Ubelaker modified
Lamendin’s method by taking into account sex and ancestry, developing different
formulae for black and white individuals, as well as for males and females (Prince
and Ubelaker, 2002).
Kvaal and Solheim (1994) developed a method to estimate age that relies on
the progressive pulp size changes due to secondary dentin apposition. This method
was modified by Kvaal et al. (1995) using ratios of pulp/root length, pulp/tooth
length, and pulp/root width at different unirradicular tooth locations. The use of
ratios instead of direct measurements avoids any potential angulation or magnifi-
cation radiographic errors (Kvaal et al., 1995). Also, based on the pulp size
reduction, Cameriere and colleagues developed an age estimation method by
evaluating the ratio pulp/tooth area in digitized radiographs (Cameriere et al.,
2007, 2012).
Unlike other methods previously mentioned in this chapter, Lamendin, Prince
and Ubelaker, Kvaal and Cameriere methods use non‐destructive techniques, and
thus they can be applied to the dead and the living.
Color changes in dental tissues can also be used to estimate age. Tooth color
evaluation by visual comparison using a tooth shade guide shows a significant
inter‐observer error, but the use of spectrophotometry offers a more objective and
accurate color evaluation (Martin‐de las Heras et al., 2003). Age‐related changes
can be measured in dentine and enamel. Since dentine is more isolated within the
dental structure, it is less affected by external factors than the enamel. Nevertheless,
dentine color evaluation requires the tooth extraction and dentine exposure, so
dentine color changes can only be evaluated in the dead, whilst enamel color
changes can be evaluated in the living.
Even though tooth wear is traditionally used to estimate age in ancient remains
(Brothwell, 1989), it is of little use in contemporary populations since in recent
times attrition is very moderate even in old age. There several external factors that
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must be considered because they can affect age estimation, such as orthodontic
treatment, root canal therapy, dental restorations, trauma and occlusion (Adserias‐
Garriga et al., 2018).
16.7 Dental age estimation methods and their application

in forensic casework
Age‐at‐death estimation is one of the main goals in forensic identification, and it

is doubtless the major contribution of forensic odontology to the reconstruction of
the biological profile. On the other hand, dental age estimation in living individ-
uals has increased in demand in recent years, especially due to the worldwide
migration crisis. Several dental age estimation methods have been developed for
the dead and for the living. However, some considerations should be taken into
account at the time of applying certain dental age estimation method in forensic
or archaeological cases. According to that, the aging method selected for each case
will depend on whether the individual is dead or alive; if the individual is alive,
techniques that require tooth extraction would not be eligible. In addition,
ionizing radiation emission implied in certain dental age estimation techniques
should be a consideration.
An initial overall evaluation is required to classify the individual into a specific
age group. According to that, methods based on tooth formation and development
will be applied to individuals ranging from fetal to adolescents or young adults;
while methods based on post‐formation changes will be applied to adults.
Also, population studies validating the method to be used should be taken into
account when applying a determined age estimation method. Moreover, there are
circumstances when dealing with skeletal remains where the destruction of the
sample is not possible. Therefore, destructive methods could not be applied in
those cases.
In addition, whenever possible, dental age estimation should be combined with
skeletal and biochemical methods in order to achieve more accurate results. That
means that, in age estimation as in all other fields of forensic science, multidisci-
plinarity represents a clear benefit for the results.
Similarly, international database cross‐referencing can be an extremely useful
tool to support this issue; the evaluation of the accuracy and precision of the
results can define the standardization of the method (Parra, 2009). The closer the
observations are to the known or standard value, the more precise the method is
considered; whereas when the observations are concentrated close one to each
other, although not necessarily in the average region, the method is considered
precise but not necessarily accurate (Ferrante and Cameriere, 2009). So, regarding
age assessment, precision would be the closeness of two or more estimates; and
accuracy would be the closeness of an estimate to the chronological age.
It is important to remark that the effect of population variation on accuracy and
precision is better known in subadult than adult individuals, due to aging processes
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Table 16.3 Dental age estimation methods available and whether applied to living or
dead individuals, whether they are sample‐destructive or not, and whether ionizing
radiation is used.
Method Application Sample Ionizing

destruction radiation
Methods Shour and Dead/alive No Yes

based on Massler (1941)
formation and Ubelaker 1989) Dead/alive No Yes
development AlQahtani et al. Dead/alive No Yes
(2010)
Moorrees, Fanning Dead/alive No Yes
and Hunt
(1963a,b)
Demirjian (1973) Dead/alive No Yes
Mincer et al. (1993) Dead/alive No Yes
De Tobel et al. Dead/alive No Yes
(2017a,b,c)
Methods based Gustafson (1950) Dead No No
on post‐ Johanson (1971) Dead Yes No
formation Lamendin et al. Dead No No
changes (1992)
Prince and Dead No No
Ubelaker (2002)
Bang and Dead Yes No
Ramm (1970)
Kvaal et al. (1995) Dead/alive No Yes
Cameriere et al. Dead/alive No Yes
(2004)
Martin‐de las Heras Dead/alive No No
et al. (2003)
that can have an important impact on the estimates, affecting accuracy and preci-
sion (Parra, 2009).
Table 16.3 presents the different dental age estimation methods available,
whether they can be applied to the living or dead individuals, whether they are
sample‐destructive or not, and whether ionizing radiation is implied with the
method.
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four teeth. Annals of Human Biology, 3, 411–421.
Demirjian, A., Goldstein, H. and Tanner, J.M. (1973) A new system of dental age assessment.
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De Tobel, J., Phlypo, I., Fieuwr, S., et al. (2017a) Forensic age estimation based on development
of third molars: A staging technique for magnetic resonance Imaging. Journal of Forensic
Odonto‐stomatology, 2 (35), 117–140.
De Tobel, J., Hillewig, E., Bogaert, S., et al. (2017b) Magnetic resonance imaging of third molars:
Developing a protocol suitable for forensic age estimation. Ann Hum Biol., 44 (2), 130–139.
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De Tobel, J., Hillewig, E. and Verstraete, K. (2017c) Forensic age estimation based on magnetic
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44 (2), 121–129.
Falys, C.G. and Prangle, D. (2015) Estimating age of mature adults from the degeneration of the
sternal end of the clavicle. American Journal of Physical Anthropology, 156 (2), 203–214.
Feherenbach, M.J. and Popowics T. (2016) Illustrated Dental Embriology, Histology and Anatomy
(4th edn.). Saunders, Missouri: Elsevier.
Ferrante, L. and Cameriere, R. (2009) Statistical methods to assess the reliability of measure-
ments in the procedures for forensic age estimation. International Journal of Legal Medicine,
123 (4), 277–283.
Gungor, O.E., Kale B., Celikoglu, M., et al. (2015) Validity of the Demirjian method for dental
age estimation for Southern Turkish children. Niger J Clin Pract, 18 (5), 616–619.
Gustafson, G. (1950) Age determinations on teeth. J Am Dent Assoc., 41 (1), 45–54.
Harris, E.F., Mincer, H.H., Anderson, K.M. and Senn, D.R. (2010) Age estimation from oral and
dental structures. In Forensic Dentistry (2nd ed.) (eds D.R. Senn and P.G. Stimson). Boca Raton,
FL: CRC Press, pp. 263–291.
Harth, S., Obert, M., Ramsthaler, F., et al. (2010) Ossification degrees of cranial sutures deter-
mined with fl at‐panel computed tomography: Narrowing the age estimate with extrema.
Iscan, M.Y., Loth, S.R. and Wright, R.K. (1984a) Metamorphosis at the sternal rib end: a new
method to estimate age at death in White males. American Journal of Physical Anthropology,
65, 147–156.
Iscan, M.Y., Loth, S.R. and Wright, R.K. (1984b) Age estimation from the rib by phase analysis:
White males. Journal of Forensic Sciences, 29, 1094–1104.
Johanson, G. (1971) Age determinations from human teeth: A critical evaluation with special
consideration of changes after fourteen years of age. Odontologisk Revy, 22, 1–126.
Kasper, K.A., Austin, D., Kvanli, A.H., et al. (2009) Reliability of third molar development for
age estimation in a Texas Hispanic population: A comparison study. Journal of Forensic Sciences,
54 (3), 651–657.
Kelmendi, J., Vodanović, M., Koçani, F., et al. (2018) Dental age estimation using four
Demirjian’s, Chaillet’s and Willems’ methods in Kosovar children. Leg Med (Tokyo), 33,
23–31.
Kerley, E.R. (1965) The microscopic determination of age in human bone, American Journal of
Kimmerle, E.H., Jantz, R.L., Konigsberg, L.W. and Baraybar, J.P. (2008) Skeletal estimation and
identification in American and East European population. Journal of Forensic Science, 53,
524–532.
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determination of individual age. Medicine, Science, and the Law, 30, 109–114.
Koshy, S. and Tandon, S. (1998) Dental age assessment: The applicability of Demirjian’s method
in South Indian children. Forensic Science International, 94, 73–85.
Kvaal, S.I. and Solheim, T. (1994) A non‐destructive dental method for age estimation. Journal
of Forensic Odontostomatology, 12, 6–11.
Kvaal, S.I., Kolltveit, K.M., Thomsen, I.O. and Solheim, T. (1995) Age estimation of adults from
dental radiographs. Forensic Science International, 74, 175–185.
Lamendin, H., Baccino, E., Humbert, J.F., et al. (1992) A simple technique for age estimation in
adult corpses – the 2 Criteria Dental Method. Journal of Forensic Science, 37 (5), 1373–1379.
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ed.) (eds D.R. Senn and R.A. Weems). Boca Raton, FL: Taylor and Francis Group, pp.
221–255.
Lewis, J.M., Senn, D.R. and Silvaggi, J. (2008) UT‐Age 2008: An update. Paper presented at the
Annual American Academy of Forensic Sciences Meeting, February 18–23, Denver, Colorado.
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Lynnerup, N., Thomsen, J.L. and Frohlich, B. (1998) Intra‐ and inter‐observer variation in his-
tological criteria used in age at death determination based on femoral cortical bone. Forensic
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Mann, R.W., Jantz, R.L., Bass, W.M. and Willey, P.S. (1991) Maxillary suture obliteration: a
visual method for estimating skeletal age. Journal of Forensic Sciences, 36 (3), 781–791.
Maples, W.R. (1978) An improved technique using dental histology for estimation of adult age.
Maples, W.R. and Rice, P.M. (1979) Some difficulties in the Gustafson dental age estimations.
Martin‐de las Heras, S., Valenzuela, A., Bellini, R., et al. (2003) Objective measurement of
dental color for age estimation by spectroradiometry. Forensic Science International, 132 (1),
57–62.
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chronological age in a Spanish sample of 2641 living subjects using the Demirjian and Nolla
methods. Forensic Science International, 270:276, e1–276.e7.
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development and its use as an estimator of chronological age. Journal of Forensic Sciences, 38
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Moorrees, C.F.A., Fanning, E.A. and Hunt, E.E. Jr. (1963a) Formation and resorption of three
deciduous teeth in children. American Journal of Physical Anthropology, 21, 205–213.
Moorrees, C.F.A., Fanning, E.A. and Hunt, E.E. Jr. (1963b) Age variation of formation stages for
ten permanent teeth. Journal of Dental Research, 42, 1490–1502.
Onder, B. and Yakan, B. (1997) Coronal displacement of cementum: Correlation between age
and coronal movement of cementum in impacted teeth. Australian Dental Journal, 42 (3),
185–188.
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aplicaciones internacionales en restos humanos de contextos forenses. Pontificia Universidad Católica
del Perú, Lima.
Prince, D.A. and Ubelaker, D.H. (2002) Application of Lamendin’s adult dental aging technique
to a diverse skeletal sample. Journal of Forensic Sciences, 47, 107–116.
Rougé‐Maillart, C., Vielle, B., Jousset, N., et al. (2009) Development of a method to estimate
skeletal age at death in adults using the acetabulum and the auricular surface on a Portuguese
population. Forensic Science International, 188 (1–3), 91–95.
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Scheuer, L. and Black, S. (2000) Developmental Juvenile Osteology. New York: Academic Press.
Schmeling, A., Olze, A., Reisinger, W. and Geserick, G. (2004) Forensic age diagnostics of living
people undergoing criminal proceedings. Forensic Science International, 144, 243–245.
Schour, I. and Massler, M. (1941) The development of the human dentition. Journal of the
American Dental Association, 28, 1153–1160.
Smith, P. and Avishai, G. (2005) The use of dental criteria for estimating postnatal survival in
skeletal remains of infants. J. Archaeol. Sci., 32, 83–89.
Solheim, T. (1988a) Dental attrition as an indicator of age. Gerodontics, 4 (6), 299–304.
Solheim, T. (1988b) Dental color as an indicator of age. Gerodontics, 4 (3), 114–118.
Solheim, T. (1990) Dental cementum apposition as an indicator of age. Scand. J. Dent. Res., 98,
510–519.
Solheim, T. (1992) Amount of secondary dentin as an indicator of age. Scand. J. Dent. Res., 100
(4), 193–199.
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Washington, DC: Taraxacum.
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children: Demirjian’s technique revisited. Journal of Forensic Sciences, 46, 893–895.
c16.indd 233 11/26/2019 8:27:38 PM

CHAPTER 17
Age assessment in unaccompanied

minors: A review
José Luis Prieto
Madrid Complutense University, Madrid, Spain
17.1 Introduction
Identification of dead bodies or living persons is, given the humanitarian and legal
(civil or criminal) implications, one of the main challenges usually faced by
forensic practitioners.
Age is an innate characteristic of a person’s identity and determines the rela-
tionship between the person and the state. Depending on national legislation,
persons acquire specific rights and obligations (criminal responsibility, consent for
marriage or sexual relations, access to the labor market, emancipation…) according
to a specific age (EASO, 2018).
In some cultures, chronological age is not the criterion for a child to become
an adult, but certain physical changes or cultural behavior (e.g. marriage).
For instance, Islamic law takes into account the concept of rushd or mental
maturity, and children’s maturity is considered on a case‐by‐case basis (Smith and
Brownless, 2011).
On the other hand, Art. 1 of the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC),1
the framework of all international guidance in relation to children, defines a child/
minor as any person below 18 years of age and restricts the application of the
rights contained within the CRC to those who are below that age. Additionally,
Art. 7 establishes the obligation to register the child after birth.
Convention on the Rights of the Child. Adopted and opened for signature, ratification and accession by General
1
Assembly resolution 44/25 of 20 November 1989, entry into force 2 September 1990, in accordance with article 49.
235
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Low birth registration in countries of origin2 (UNICEF, 2011), difficulties in

issuing birth certificates in countries suffering armed conflicts, or belonging to a
particular social group, are common reasons for lacking identity documents
proving a child’s age.
In Spain, as in many other European countries, relevant age limits range bet-
ween 14 and 21 years of age. Children under 14 years of age are considered not
responsible for criminal actions; between the ages of 14 and 18 the Child’s Law
provides a special treatment for those who commit a crime; and up to the age
of 21, even when they are of legal age, the law contemplates a reduction of
responsibility.3
In cases of asylum‐seekers or unaccompanied minors, interest is focused upon
determining whether an individual is a child or an adult, which is set in most
countries at 18 years of age.
Although statistics about the number of unaccompanied minors (UAMs)
having to undergo medical examinations to determine their age are unavailable,
as a consequence of growing migratory flows, demand for age assessment of
young people of unknown or questionable age is continually increasing,4 and it
involves the need to protect and guarantee the rights of minors recognized in
international treaties and agreements.5,6 In Spain, the total number of UAMs
brought forward by security forces for forensic examinations related to age
estimation was 1572 in 2008.7
17.2 Age assessment methods in unaccompanied minors
Unregistered, displaced and migrant children are vulnerable to different forms of

discrimination and abuse. So, age assessment processes should be as reliable and
sound as possible, based on a holistic and multidisciplinary approach under the
basic guiding principle of “the best interest of the child” (BIC).
However, methodologies and criteria followed in different countries for the
application of those techniques are disparate, and there is no consensus on the
methods to be used, sometimes even within the same country. Some of them only
2
According to UNICEF publications, only half of the children under five years old in the developing world have
their births registered.
3
Ley Orgánica 5/2000, de 12 de enero, reguladora de la responsabilidad penal de los menores.
4
According to UNICEF, the number of unaccompanied and separate children (USAC) applying for asylum in the
European Union increased from 4000 in 2010 to some 20,000 in 2017. https://www.unicef.org/eca/what-we-do/
emergencies/latest-statistics-and-graphics-refugee-and-migrant-children.
5
Geneva Declaration of the Rights of the Child of 1924, adopted Sept. 26, 1924, League of Nations O.J. Spec.
Supp. 21, at 43 (1924).
6
Declaration of the Rights of the Child, G.A. res. 1386 (XIV), 14 UN GAOR Supp. (No. 16) at 19, UN Doc. A/4354
(1959). Convention on the Rights of the Child, G.A. res. 44/25, annex, 44 UN GAOR Supp. (No. 49) at 167, UN
Doc. A/44/49 (1989), entered into force Sept. 2, 1990.
7
Ni ilegales ni invisibles: realidad jurídica y social de los menores extranjeros en España. Fundación UNICEF-
Comité Español, Consejo General de la Abogacía Española (CGAE) (2009). UNICEF España.
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Age assessment in unaccompanied minors 237
rely on non‐medical methods (documents submitted, physical appearance, inter-

view, social service assessment, psychological examinations), while others only on
medical (dental examination, physical development, sexual maturity, carpal,
collar bone and dental X‐ray, and others), although a combination of both medical
and non‐medical is the most frequent approach.
Psychological examination should be considered, not only to evaluate age but
to demonstrate an immaturity or cognitive and psychological disabilities, limiting
the capacity to understand the process, or to gain an special protection.
Along with childhood and juvenile age, some authors recommend the use of
morphological methods based on radiological examinations of bone and dental
development.8 Using techniques developed for clinical purposes (to seek possible
pathologies), evaluating the degree of maturation for a specific age has been con-
sidered a perversion, as it inverts the application with the aim of searching for
evidence to deduce the age of an individual from their maturation level, when
there is no clinical reason justifying such use (Ritz‐Timme et al., 2000).
In fact, a number of countries only allow radiographic tests in criminal cases,9
citing the scant validity that many scientific papers currently give to this type of
test, whose margins of error do not allow estimations with the reliability required
(Schmeling et al., 2011).10,11,12
Table 17.1 provides an overview of the different methods used in European
Union countries (modified from EASO, 2018).
Despite this, programs developed by official institutions and non‐governmental
organizations have established protocols of good practice. Those include the
elements corresponding to the estimation of age (Schmeling et al., 2004a, b)13
resulted from the balance of physical, developmental, psychological, environ-
mental and cultural factors under a multidisciplinary approach, considering age
assessment procedures as a measure of last resort when there are significant
doubts after interviews or document‐gathering failed.14
The European Asylum Support Office (EASO) has formulated a series of key
recommendations in response to the challenges faced during the age assessment
process (EASO, 2018):
• BIC should be observed not only when a child is identified as such but also
when there are doubts as to whether the applicant may be a child.
• Age assessment should not be a routine practice and should be duly justified.
8
UNHCR Newsletter. Separated Children in Europe Programme. 2000 Dec–2001 Jan.
9
UNHCR, Guidelines on Policies and Procedures in dealing with Unaccompanied Children Seeking Asylum, Geneva 1997.
10
UNHCR Newsletter. Separated Children in Europe Programme. 2001 Feb–2001 Mar.
11
UNHCR Newsletter. Separated Children in Europe Programme. 2001 Oct–2001 Nov.
12
UNHCR Newsletter. Separated Children in Europe Programme. 2002 Jun–2002 July.
13
Age Assessment for Unaccompanied Minors. When European countries deny children their childhood. Vivien Feltz. MdM
International Network Head Office. 2015.
14
Separated Children in Europe Programme (SCEP) Statement of Good Practice, 2009.
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Table 17.1 Procedural safeguards in use during age assessment processes (according to EASO, 2018)
EU state Non‐medical methods Medical methods
Documents Estimations Age Social service Psychological Dental Physical Sexual Carpal Collar Dental Other
submited based on assessment assessment interviews observation development maturity (hand/ bone X‐ray
physical interview observation wrist) X‐ray
appearance X‐ray
Austria ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓
Belgium ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓
Bulgaria ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓
Croatia ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓
Cyprus ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓
Czech ✓ ✓
Republic
Denmark ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓
Estonia ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓
Finland ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓
France ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓
Germany ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓**
Greece ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓
Hungary ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ***
Ireland ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓
Italy ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓* ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓
Latvia ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓
Lithuania ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓
Luxembourg ✓ ✓ ***
Malta ✓ ✓ ✓
Netherlands ✓ ✓ ✓
Norway ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓
Poland ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓
Portugal ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ****
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EU state Non‐medical methods Medical methods
Documents Estimations Age Social service Psychological Dental Physical Sexual Carpal Collar Dental Other
submited based on assessment assessment interviews observation development maturity (hand/ bone X‐ray
physical interview observation wrist) X‐ray
appearance X‐ray
Romania ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓
Slovakia ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓
Slovenia ✓ ✓
Spain ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓
Sweden ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ *****
Switzerland ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓
United ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓
Kingdom
27 19 17 11 6 16 11 7 23 12 19 4
* For victims of trafficking in human beings or vulnerable persons.

** Visual assessment.
*** Pelvic bone X‐ray.
**** Fourth rib.
***** MRI of the knee.
c17.indd 239 11/26/2019 8:27:42 PM

• The implementation of the principle of BIC requires the child at the centre and
to be adapted to the specific needs of the applicant (gender, range of disputed
age, cultural background, and so on).
• BIC must be applied as soon as doubts over the claimed age appear. The appli-
cant should be considered and treated as a child until he or she is found to be
an adult.
• The child, or the presumed child, must be appointed a guardian/representative
who ensures that the child can participate in the assessment, has been informed
about the age assessment process in a child‐friendly, gender‐sensitive and
age‐appropriate manner in a language that the child can understand, and does,
in fact, fully understand the assessment process.
• The age assessment process must be conducted using a holistic and multidisci-
plinary approach.
• Since no single method currently available can determine the exact age of a
person, a combination of methods assessing not only the physical development
but also the maturity and the psychological development of the applicant can
reduce the range of age in question.
• No method involving nudity, or the examination, observation or measurement
of genitalia or intimate parts, should be used for age assessment purposes.
17.3 Age definition: What does age mean?
Age is defined as “the period of time someone has been alive or something has
existed”.15 That definition places birth as the starting point from which an indi-
vidual’s age is calculated under a chronological criterion, which corresponds to
the legal criterion. But chronological is not the only criterion of age. Others, like
social, psychological or biological, can be approached.
As forensic age estimation is requested by authorities when age cannot be docu-
mented, it is usually based on the individual’s maturation process according to the
stage of development of certain biological structures (bones, teeth). But although
the sequence is common to all individuals (every individual passes through the
same stages), chronology (age at which every stage is reached) varies depending
on genetic and environmental factors (sex, ethnicity, socioeconomic status). That
means that biological and chronological age are not synonyms. Chronological age
follows a continuous and unstoppable course (tomorrow or in three years we will
be one day or three years older than today), while biological age, defined as the
age a person reaches a particular stage of development, follows a much more
irregular and inconstant evolution, as bone or teeth developmental processes
sometimes speed up and sometimes slow down or even stop, influenced by a
variety of genetic and environmental factors. Every child has their own rate of
Cambridge Advanced Learner’s Dictionary online, https://dictionary.cambridge.org/dictionary/english/

15
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growth and maturation, and it is not merely a reflection of their chronological age
(Logan and Kronfield, 1933). Scientific studies correlating both chronological and
biological age aim to limit this variability range within predictable margins.
17.4 Choosing a suitable method
Discrepancies among the numerous published papers concerning age estimation,

like samples of different or unknown size and age structure, use of different
statistical procedures and lack of details regarding the procedures used, and
statistical inconsistencies, demand the adoption of a series of criteria to ensure
enough accuracy for an age assessment method to be considered scientifically
acceptable to achieve the exigencies of a particular case.
Apart from the fact that the election of a method has to consider the individual
circumstances of each case, in accordance with the guidelines proposed by Ritz‐
Timme et al. (2000), any selected method should satisfy the following
requirements:
• The method must be transparent and provable, presented to the scientific
community, as a rule by publication in peer‐reviewed journals.
• Clear information concerning accuracy of age assessment by the method should
be available.
• The method needs to be sufficiently accurate to fulfill the specific demands of
the single case to solve the underlying questions.
• In cases of age assessment in living individuals, principles of medical ethics and
legal regulations must be considered, especially if medical intervention is involved.
Additionally, reference material used must fulfill certain requirements (Solari
and Abramovitch, 2002):
• Adequate sample size. The number of subjects of each sex and age group should
be ten times the number of the examined features.
• The age indicated by the subjects should be verified.
• An even distribution of subjects is required across all age groups.
• All data have to be collected separately for both sexes.
• The time of the examination should be recorded.
• The examined features should be defined unambiguously.
• The technique used in the examination should be described precisely.
• Information on genetic‐geographical origin, socioeconomic status and health of
the reference population is indispensable.
• The sample size mean value and statistical parameters of deviation should be
provided for every feature examined.
• Information on inter‐ and intra‐observer error is desirable.
In the opinion of the aforementioned authors, published data that fulfill the
demands listed above, in childhood and adolescence, are those based on the exam-
ination of dental and/or skeletal development, applied by trained personnel.
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17.5 Forensic age assessment medical methods
Legal determination of age is a task that falls to the corresponding authority

(in Spain, a magistrate or a special juvenile prosecutor) who should take into
consideration all the information gathered throughout the process, integrating
physical, psychological, developmental, environmental and cultural factors.
Medical assessment should be considered just one more of them.
Under the general advice of employing the least intrusive methods, it is very
difficult to achieve a consensus on which methods are more intrusive than others.
So this should be assessed on a case‐by‐case basis under a multidisciplinary
perspective.16
The three main approaches to age assessment have been summarized as follows
(Hancilova and Knauder, 2011):
• Non‐medical: evaluation of existing documentation, physical appearance,
interviews and psychological assessment.
• Medical: physical examination and bone and dental maturation imaging
(X‐rays, CT scans, MRI).
• Data Integration: from both non‐medical and medical approaches.
According to Article 25.5 APD recast17 in EU, “Member States may use medical
examinations to determine age of unaccompanied minors […] where following
general statements or other relevant indications, Member States have doubts
concerning the applicant’s age”.
Most authors recommend carrying out the following tasks:
• Interview and medical history
• Physical examination
• Social and psychological evaluation
• Dental development
• X‐ray examination of the hand
• Collar bone imaging
Pros and cons have been summarized by De Sanctis et al. (2015).
Each part of the examination is advised to be performed by a specialist experi-
enced in carrying out expert reports and participating in regular ring experiments
for quality assurance (Schmeling et al., 2011, 2007), and the final age estimation
carried out by a coordinating expert combining methods, giving a holistic
assessment and improving accuracy (Schmeling et al., 2016).
16
Separated Children in Europe Programme. Position Paper on Age Assessment in the Context of Separated
Children in Europe 2012.
17
Directive 2013/32/EU of the European Parliament and of the Council of 26 June 2013 on common procedures
for granting and withdrawing international protection (recast). Official Journal of the European Union
L 180/60 - 29.6.2013.
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17.5.1 Interview and medical history

As a proceeding to start medical examination, AGFAD18 recommends carrying out
an interview including the age declared by the applicant and a brief summary of
their vital and medical history, with questions about illnesses and medical treat-
ments with a potential influence on the individual’s development (Schmeling
et al., 2011).
Professionals carrying out age assessment examinations need specific training
not just in conducting examinations, but in acknowledging the importance of the
cultural, linguistic, religious, ethnic, socioeconomic or environmental background
of the presumed minor, as factors to be considered to properly drive the interview,
and later discussion of final results.
Given the far‐reaching consequences for those undergoing the process, it must
be conducted with the support of a representative, and the procedure, outcome
and consequences of the assessment explained in a language the individual can
understand. Additionally, informed consent must be gained for any medical
examination.
17.5.2 Physical examination

Physical examination includes the recording of anthropometric data (height,
weight, body type and body mass index), externally visible sexual characteristics,
and any sign suggestive of a pathological condition that may interfere with the
maturation rate of the child (Ritz‐Timme et al., 2000).
Sexual maturation is usually based on the Tanner staging method (Marshall
and Tanner, 1969, 1970) using a five‐stage scale to evaluate secondary sexual
characteristics: genitalia (testes, scrotum and penis) in boys, breasts in girls, and
pubic hair in both of them. But the timing of the onset of puberty shows significant
variation depending on different factors such as ethnic origin, with a significantly
earlier age for both thelarche and pubarche in black girls vs. white girls (Wu et al.,
2002; Herman‐Giddens et al., 1997), or body somatotype showing leptomorphic
girls with an average of 3 years slower development than pyknic girls (Greil and
Kahl, 2005), making the evaluation of sexual maturation the least precise of the
recommended forensic methods.
Moreover, examination of genitalia or intimate parts, or any method involving
nudity, are currently criticized (EASO, 2018) by EU institutions, with special rel-
evance to avoiding revictimization of children who may have suffered sexual
abuse or any other trauma or distress.
However, evaluation of physical development is recommended to assess
discrepancies with bone and dental development, as a possible expression of path-
ological conditions potentially affecting growth and maturation processes exam-
ined by other means. Most diseases delay biological development, hence causing
18
AGFAD: Study Group on Forensic Age Diagnostics. Founded in Berlin in 2000, the group has published guide-
lines on age diagnosis on living individuals for criminal, civil and asylum proceedings among others.
c17.indd 243 11/26/2019 8:27:42 PM

underestimation of age, but some endocrine disorders (precocious puberty,

adreno‐genital syndrome, hyperthyroidism) can provoke overestimation of age,
which is ethically unacceptable.
Whenever a physical examination is conducted, it must be done taking into
consideration the individual’s cultural and religious background.
17.5.3 Dental development

Dental age can be assessed accurately in childhood, as many of the teeth are
developing simultaneously, from dental eruption and dental maturation.
17.5.3.1 Dental eruption

Visual inspection of dental eruption was the first and, in many countries, is the
most usual method for dental age assessment.
The method involves the comparison of teeth development with a set of devel-
opmental stages established in eruption charts or reference values, with a result-
ing age range. It is fast, cheap and not very influenced by intra‐ and inter‐observer
error, but it is not considered a good age indicator when used alone, due to the
effects of individual or population variation (Garn et al., 1959), systemic or local
diseases (Ungar, 1937), the elapsed time without changes or premature dental loss
(Teivens and Mörnstad, 2001), among others. So, it is usually employed just to
confirm whether the rate of development is in the average range or not, instead
of estimating a chronological age.
Influence of sex in dental eruption is clearly recognized at least in permanent
dentition, where females show 1–6 months faster development than males
(Nystrom et al., 2001; Kaczmarek, 1994), while in deciduous dentition this is
more controversial, with some authors arguing no differences and others (e.g.
Spanish) observing some advance in males (Burgueño Torres et al., 2018).
Ethnicity is also an element to be considered in dental eruption. Deciduous
dentition is delayed in Asian and African populations with respect to American
and European, while in permanent dentition the tendency is the opposite (Olze
et al., 2004).
For those reasons, chronology and sequence of eruption have been investigated
in different populations (Foti et al., 2003; Fulton and Price, 1954; Giles et al., 1963;
Logan and Kronfield, 1933; Olze et al., 2007; Planells et al., 1993; Prieto et al.,
2007; Saunders et al., 1993; Tanguay et al., 1984; Van der Linden, 1980), focusing
on the correlation between dental eruption and other developmental parameters.
17.5.3.2 Dental maturation

The dental development process correlates with different morphological stages of
mineralization that can be observed using radiographic techniques, and undergoes
much more uniform and gradual changes than eruption: more controlled by
genetic and less influenced by external factors than all other measurable criteria
of maturity (Frucht et al., 2000).
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All the age assessment methods based on dental maturation follow the same
procedure. First, developmental stage of each tooth is evaluated from radio-
graphic records. Next, the stage of development is related to the age of each
tooth, obtained from the study of a sample of known age. As dental maturation
processes differ for the two sexes, sex must also be taken into consideration
(Levesque et al., 1981).
Due to differences between methods and populations of different origins, these
factors must be expressed as well as the confidence interval. Numerous studies
have provided maturation scales in both deciduous and permanent teeth popula-
tions, identifying the successive states of development, although they show differ-
ences in the methodology employed (longitudinal versus transversal methods,
definition of the developmental stages, etc.) (Demirjian et al., 1973; Moorrees
et al., 1963a, b; Nolla, 1960).
During childhood, when simultaneous development of several teeth can be
observed, most methods show variations of around 2 years to the average for
confidence intervals of 90–95%, indicating rather low accuracy. Studies carried
out on samples of known ages (Liversidge, 1994; Saunders et al., 1993) show
differences of some six months compared with the real ages.
The two most recognized systems to evaluate the degree of dental development
are those proposed by Moorrees et al. (1963a, b) and Demirjian, Goldstein and
Tanner (1973).
The Moorrees method presents the chronology of the formation of the
permanent mandibular posterior teeth (C‐M3) and the later stages of development
of the permanent maxillary and mandibular incisors (I1 and I2) in charts designed
for determining the dental maturation of an individual for each tooth separately,
expressed in terms of standard scores. The range of variation (± 2 SD) was less
than 1 year for crown development in early infancy, 3–5 years for root formation
after 2 years of age, about 6 years for the apical closure of premolars and second
molars, and 8 years for the third molar (Moorrees et al., 1963a, b).
The Demirjian method evaluates from radiographic records, from a sample of
French‐Canadian children, the degree of calcification of the seven permanent
teeth in the left mandibular hemiarch, excluding the third molar. Eight matura-
tion stages (A to H) are defined for each tooth, from the beginning of crown
calcification to the root apex closure. Each tooth is attributed a formation stage,
then converted into a score depending on the sex. The scores of the seven teeth
are added to obtain the so‐called dental maturity score on a scale from 0 to 100.
This score is transformed through the corresponding tables into dental age. As the
method does not include a valuation of third molars, it can only be used for pre-
adolescent ages (Demirjian et al., 1973).
The widespread use of this method as an infant age assessment procedure has
meant that the results of the Demirjian study have been tested in other
populations. Numerous studies over recent decades show a slight delay in matu-
ration of the original French‐Canadian population, causing overestimation when
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the original results of the method are applied to other populations (Davis and
Hagg, 1994; Eid et al., 2002; Frucht et al., 2000; Koshy and Tandon, 1998;
Liversidge et al. 1999; Loevy and Goldberg, 1999; McKenna et al., 2002; Nykanen
et al., 1998; Nystrom et al., 1986; Prabhakar et al., 2002; Willems et al., 2001).
This overestimation varies between some months and several years in age, and it
is recommended that standard values based on studies of the same population to
which the method is applied are used. For that reason, the method has been val-
idated in other different populations, modifying the scores according to the results.
The easiest and most accurate adaptation of Demirjian’s dental maturity scoring
system seems to be the one proposed by Willems (Prabhakar et al., 2002; Willems
et al., 2001). It provides non‐gender specific scores when dealing only with teeth,
without any information about sex (Willems et al., 2010). Using the Willems
method, the corresponding score of each tooth is expressed directly in years, and
the result after adding the partial scores will be the estimated age.
Analysis of populational origin has shown significant influence also when using
the Willems method. Papers have been published in recent years comparing both
methods of Demirijan and Willems in different populations, with contradictory
conclusions on which of the two methods estimate age more accurately (Hegde
et al., 2017; Zhai et al., 2016; Duagnto et al., 2016).
This means that estimation of age based on dental maturation should be done
with caution, considering it one more tool to help us to get the most accurate
diagnosis, based on as many methods as available.
Attempts to standardize, calibrate and evaluate procedures have been scarce up
to now, pointing to the need for guidelines on this and all other aspects. The
International Organization for Forensic Odonto‐Stomatology (IOFOS) has pub-
lished recommended procedures for quality assurance in forensic dental age
estimation19.
17.5.3.3 Third molar as an age indicator

Age assessment becomes more complicated once the root apex of the second
permanent molar has closed (at around 14 years of age) due to the variability of
third molar development.
The continual increase in migration of young people from developing to indus-
trialized countries, and the need to have a reliable and sound age assessment
procedure in the absence of documents showing a date of birth, have for some
years now prompted studies based on third molar development (Harris and Nortjé,
1984; Micci and Buzzanca, 1998; Robetti et al., 1982, 1993). The third molar is the
only tooth undergoing maturation during juvenile years and is especially attractive
as a study subject because the degree of mineralization can be easily ascertained
through radiological methods.
Of the numerous methods for third molar maturation evaluation, there seems
http://www.odont.uio.no/foreninger/iofos/quality/Age-IOFOS.htm
19
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to be a broad current consensus that the Demirjian method is the most suitable,
for several reasons. Demirjian stages are defined by morphological changes that
are more objectively evaluated than speculative estimates of length (Olze et al.,
2005, 2006). Stages of root formation are more clearly defined and show the
highest values for inter‐observer and intra‐observer agreement and for correla-
tion between the defined stages and true age (Dhanjal et al., 2006).
Liversidge and Marsden (2010) recommend two new methods of age estimation
using third molar root stages after calculating dental age based on 30 previously
published methods using Demirjian and Moorress. The two new methods
(Levesque et al. adapted and Liversidge adapted) show absolute differences as
1.45 and 1.71 years respectively, a standard deviation of bias around 2 years and
95% confidence interval of estimated age at least ± 4 years. According to their
results, if the third molar is “A½” (apex closure) or “Ac” (apex closure complete),
on the “balance of probabilities, age is at least 18”. They also offer values of
likelihood ratio being at least 18 (LR = 13.61) once the third molar is mature, and
consequently age cannot be estimated from root stage.
Different studies show that third molar development is completed earlier in
black than white individuals, indicating that ancestry‐specific data should be used
to prevent overestimation in black individuals (Uys et al., 2018) However, the
similarity found in maturity between some world groups makes Liversidge sug-
gest that population‐specific reference studies are unnecessary to estimate age “at
the individual level”.
Results of the published works agree in stating that once the third molar reaches
the H stage of Demirjian, the probability that an individual is of legal age is greater
than 90%, independent of ethnic origin, sex or the tooth evaluated (Arany et al.,
2004; Meinl et al., 2007; Mincer et al., 1993; Solari and Abramovitch, 2002). For
this reason this element can be considered a useful marker to resolve the question
of whether an individual of unknown age can be considered an adult for legal
purposes.
17.5.4 Skeletal maturation

17.5.4.1 X‐ray examination of the hand
Carpus and hand have been the most researched anatomical region for age
assessment, and forms one of the principal bases of forensic age estimation
(Garamendi and Landa, 2003).
Based on the evaluation of the size, shape and degree of epiphyseal ossification
of bones through hand radiographs, the two main approaches are:
1. Radiographic atlas: This involves the comparison of a hand‐wrist X‐ray of the
individual in question to standard radiographs based on a series of known sex
and age individuals. The most frequently employed method is the Greulich and
Pyle (GP) method (Greulich and Pyle, 1959), a revision of the previous Todd’s
atlas. It was published in two editions (1951 and 1959) based on data from a
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population of North American healthy, middle–upper class children. It presents

antero‐posterior radiographs of known age and sex individuals ranging from
birth to 19 years of age, showing radiographic developmental intervals every
three months up to one year of age; every six months between one year to five
years of age; and every year from five years to 19 years of age in boys, and 18 in
girls (Franklin et al., 2015).
The observed accuracy of the GP method is between 0.6 years and 1.1 years
(Greulich and Pyle, 1959), shows good intra‐ and inter‐observer reproducibility
(King et al., 1994), and is simple and fast. The estimated bone age ranges ± 2 years
in normal immature individuals, although it may be greater in the presence of
conditions affecting maturation, as is the case for genetic anomalies, chronic dis-
eases or endocrine disorders (De Donno et al., 2013).
Validation studies state that the GP method tends to overestimate age. The key
factor seems to be the socioeconomic development of the concerned population
(Schmeling et al., 2006) and not the ethnicity, having shown very good applica-
bility to a multi‐ethnic population (Chaumoitre et al., 2017). Application of the
standard values to a child with a lower socioeconomic status than that of the ref-
erence sample, which is usually the case in UAMs, tends to underestimate age,
which is acceptable as it is in the best interest of the child (BIC).
2. Single bone method (numerical method): The degree of maturity is determined for
individual bones, given a progressive score according to the stage of development,
and combined by adding them up to calculate an overall maturity stage. The
Tanner and Whitehouse (TW) method (Tanner et al., 1983) is the most popular
numerical method for bone age assessment. The method assesses specific ossifica-
tion centers of the hand and wrist through two systems: RUS (radio, ulna and
selected metacarpals and phalanges) and Carpal, which analyses the carpal bones
except for the pisiform. The individual bones are matched to a series of written
criteria describing eight or nine standard stages, labeled A to H or I, through which
each bone passes in its progression to maturity. Each stage is defined by up to three
criteria and is assigned a specific score. The sum of the scores results in a skeletal
maturity score (SMS) that can be transformed into skeletal age.
To improve accuracy and reproducibility of the TW method, the scoring system,
maturity stages, skeletal ages and equations have been modified throughout the
years, yielding three different versions (Tanner et al., 1983, 2001).
Although numerical methods would seem to be more reliable than those based
on a radiographic atlas, TW is technically more challenging than GP, is far more
expensive in terms of time, and bone age ends at around 16.5 years for boys and
15 years for girls, which makes it less suitable for age assessment when the
threshold is 18 years (Schmeling et al., 2007). Whichever the method applied,
radiographic examination of the hand is a very useful tool indicating a highly
probable minority of age when hand bone development is not attained (Schmeling
et al., 2016).
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17.5.4.2 Imaging examination of the clavicle

Determination of the ossification stage of the middle clavicular epiphysis repre-
sents the methodology currently recommended for bordering adults, that is, if a
living individual has completed 18 or 21 years of life.
The original method of Schmeling et al. (2004b) established a five‐stage
classification system based on chest X‐ray images according to the following
criteria:
Stage 1: Ossification centre has not yet ossified.
Stage 2: Ossification centre has ossified, the epiphyseal cartilage has not ossified.
Stage 3: Epiphyseal cartilage is partially ossified.
Stage 4: Epiphyseal cartilage is fully ossified; the epiphyseal scar is visible.
Stage 5: Epiphyseal cartilage has fused completely, and the epiphyseal scar is no
longer visible.
Results showed that the earliest age at which Stage 4 was observed was 21 for
males and 20 for females, with no statistically significant differences between the
left and right clavicle.
Conventional radiography is currently considered obsolete, since a reliable
assessment of ossification stage is not possible in many cases due to the superim-
position of other structures either in standard posterior–anterior (PA) radiographs
or in oblique images, and developmental stage is recommended to be observed by
means of thin‐slice computerized tomography (CT) (Wittschieber et al., 2016;
Schmeling et al., 2008; Kellinghaus et al., 2010a, 2010b).
Based on CT images, Kellinghaus et al. (2010b) divided each of the ossification
stages 2 and 3 into an early (a), intermediate (b) and late (c) phase depending on
the extent of the features (a third or less, a third to two‐thirds, and over two‐
thirds). The minimum age at which stage 3c could be observed (the epiphyseal‐
metaphyseal fusion completes over two‐thirds of the former gap between
epiphysis and metaphysis) was 19.7 years in males and 19.5 years in females,
with a high reproducibility of results in different parts of the world without
remarkable influence of ethnic origin (Schmeling et al., 2000, 2004b). Individuals
in stages 4 and 5 are at least 18 years old. Additionally, all males in stage 3c are
also at least 18 years old, although caution is required for the same stage for
females, and each team of medico‐legal physicians should make collective
decisions (Hermetet et al., 2018).
Moreover, like any other skeletal approach, undernourishment or other factors
related to a low socioeconomic status makes age more likely to be underesti-
mated, which would not result in a disadvantageous situation for individuals
undergoing criminal proceedings.
In cases of stage dissimilarities, the minimum age of the more advanced side
provides the lowest possible age in a specific case, in accordance with the approach
of most reference studies (Rudolf et al., 2018).
In view of the need to avoid unnecessary radiation exposure, establishing
non‐X‐ray methods for investigating the clavicle has long been a main goal in
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forensic age assessment research. A prospective study of a reference sample car-

ried out by Schmidt et al. (2017) from a sample of German individuals aged from
12 to 24 using a 3‐T MRI scanner, according to the clavicular ossification staging
systems described by Schmeling et al. and Kellinghaus, concluded that, in both
sexes, ossification stage 3c is first diagnosed on MRI scans after the age of 18 and
ossification stage 4 after the age of 21.
Finally, evaluation of medial clavicular epiphyseal ossification by ultrasound
has been tested by Wittschieber as a rapid and economic non‐ionizing method,
although results should be confirmed in a larger number of cases (Wittschieber
et al., 2014).
Unfortunately, radiation‐free methods still lack published reference data.
17.6 Final estimation and report
Difficulties involved in diagnosis and the potential sources of evaluation make it

necessary to draw up common guidelines for action, based on scientific evidence,
and unifying the criteria to be followed, as per the widely accepted recommenda-
tions of AGFAD (Schmeling et al., 2007).
Regarding these recommendations, discrepancies of criteria among experts
have been highlighted, between those who only wish to apply a statistical method
and report on the results, and those who prefer to express an expert opinion
taking into consideration the life conditions of the individual, such as state of
health and nutrition, clinical findings and, of course, the results of the statistical
scientific methods (Solheim and Vonen, 2006) using appropriate population‐
specific standards.
Suitable proficiency in their field of expertise, including technical qualifications
and proper training in the rights and necessities of children, is a mandatory
requirement for a coordinating expert. They have the role of consolidating the
results of all of the methods employed (physical examination, X‐ray of the hand,
dental examination, radiological evaluation of the clavicle), considering the effect
of sex, ethnicity and/or socioeconomic status, and documenting in the report the
margin of error (Schmeling et al., 2016).
Just as Ritz‐Timme et al. (2000) recommend, efforts should be made to develop
external quality control, something perfectly possible in the field of age assessment,
with the aim of guaranteeing quality standards, enabling an adequate response
given the important role played by forensic medicine in the legal and social fields
of age assessment.
Recently, Schmeling et al. (2016) have pointed out two possible results when
reporting medical estimation of age:
1. the most likely age, and/or
2. the minimum age.
According to them, when at least one of the examined processes of development
(physical, skeletal or dental) remains immature, the authors are advised to report
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the most likely age based on the combined individual findings and a critical discussion
of the case. If the most likely age is above the legally relevant age threshold, the
age limit has probably been exceeded. In those cases, reports should take into
account the legal benefit of the doubt, given the lack of reference studies with
physical, skeletal and dental features collected concurrently, so it is not yet
feasible to know the statistical variability when they are used in combination.
If the relevant age limit is surpassed with probability bordering on certainty, they
apply the concept of minimum age, that is, the minimum age of the reference study
(age of the youngest person in the reference population). When several fea-
tures are examined, the minimum age corresponds to the highest established
minimum age.
According with what is proposed by EASO (2018), results are conclusive when:
• They ae agreed by two experts (when only one method was required) or by a
multidisciplinary panel of experts (when several methods are required).
• The margin of error of the final result is documented.
• The lowest age of the margin is established as final.
Reports must be written in a non‐technical language that can easily be
understood by decision‐makers, usually a magistrate or prosecutor.
17.7 Conclusions
Age assessment is a complex process with possible far‐reaching consequences for

those affected by it. In comparison with other age diagnosis methods, those used
in estimating legal age or minor status should minimize false positives with the
aim of avoiding mistaken classification of a minor as of legal age.
Medical assessment is perceived as the most reliable and accurate way of assess-
ing age, and has been given an undue weight in making final decisions about a
child’s age. Nevertheless, it should only be undertaken as a measure of last resort,
when other approaches (documentary evidence, interviews) fail.
When medical assessment is indicated, it should be based on the integration of
results from a series of methods including physical examination, dental and bone
development and maturation, carried out by a multidisciplinary team coordinated
by an expert with proven knowledge and experience who consolidates the results
to reach a conclusion. That conclusion should not be considered more than a part
of the whole information gathered by the authority in charge.
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CHAPTER 18
Forensic complex scenarios

and technological innovation:
Brief case report from Colombia
Colombian Interdisciplinary Forensic and Psychosocial Assistance Team (EQUITAS), Colombia1
18.1 Introduction
The investigation of human rights violations in Colombia, which include disap-

pearances, massacres, homicides and extrajudicial executions, faces important
obstacles and challenges that affect the clarification of facts, the determination of
responsibilities and integrated reparations for victims, placing Colombia in third
place on the Global Impunity Index.
Although this dishonorable position is a direct result of the structural problems
of the country’s political and justice system, it is also related to the continued use
of “traditional” contextual and forensic investigation methods. These methods do
not consider or value the merits of other methodologies, techniques, scientific dis-
ciplines or technologies to make the investigation of human rights violations in
the country more effective.
Faced with these limitations, EQUITAS has carried out applied research to iden-
tify alternative methodologies for dealing with cases of human rights violations,
1
EQUITAS is a non‐profit organization that was founded in 2004 in response to the need for an independent
forensic team to investigate serious human rights violations in Colombia.
257
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with different tools used for different types of cases in accordance with their
complexity.2
The adequate characterization and analysis of these complex variables in cases
involving human rights violations is fundamental, not just to determine the type
of forensic approach, but also to define methodological strategies and alternative
techniques that significantly contribute to the effective investigation of these cases.
This chapter presents the actions proposed and promoted by EQUITAS for the
documentation, approach and integrated analysis of cases involving serious viola-
tions of human rights based on an interdisciplinary perspective that includes
methodological and technological innovations. To achieve this, specific case
studies are discussed.
18.2 Case 1: Predictive spatial and statistical modeling

(MESP) as a tool to support the search for missing
persons in the department of Casanare
In Colombia, state authorities have favored search strategies based on witness and
perpetrator testimonies as the main source of information used to locate clandes-
tine graves. Although this has facilitated the discovery of approximately 9000
bodies at the national level, it is clear that the methodology has limitations in
terms of the quantity and quality of information available, which has prevented
the discovery and recovery of an increased number of victims.
As a result, there is a clear need to implement innovative, interdisciplinary,
participatory and systematic regional research methodological strategies. With
this objective in mind, EQUITAS has developed a search strategy called Predictive
Statistical Spatial Modeling (MESP), focused on the municipalities of Recetor and
Chámeza in the department of Casanare (Figure 18.1).
The MESP strategy is based on: an initial stage of collecting and analysing
information associated with cases of disappearances, such as criminal investigation
2
EQUITAS has been active in the conceptualization and categorization of complex cases of human rights viola-
tions – especially those involving the search, recovery, analysis and identification of bodies – using two main cate-
gories of complex variables: (1) variables associated with the circumstances of death and scenarios of the location
or disposal of the body, which include: adverse biogeographical conditions that hinder access; ecologically complex
spaces (fluvial environments, tropical rainforest, high mountain areas); scenarios with secondary disturbance
(secondary pits, areas that have been altered or disturbed by the presence of crops, energy/mining projects and
areas with landmines, all of which affect the integrity of the body disposal sites. Additionally, the factors involved
in the burial of multiple bodies with synchronous or multiple timeframes, and the disposal of a body in multiple
zones (multi-location) are included in these types of variables. (2) Variables affecting forensic analysis and
identification of the body, such as the age of the case or the use of destructive mechanisms such as dismember-
ment, the use of acid, crematory ovens or the actions of predatory animals. This category also includes variables
associated with the quality of forensic analysis, particularly in scenarios involving the presence of multiple forensic
investigations on the same body at different periods of time. These cases represent a challenge as they involve the
disruption of the bodies using inadequate criminalistic or forensic approaches. These cases can also negatively
affect the gathering of information due to absences or deficiencies in the documentation process.
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Forensic complex scenarios in Colombia 259
W E
MUNICIPALITY OF CHÁMEZA
MUNICIPALITY OF RECETOR
CASANARE DEPARTMENT
COLOMBIA
Figure 18.1 Municipalities of Recetor and Chámeza in the department of Casanare

(Colombia).
files, data from exhumation proceedings, documentation associated with disap-

pearance cases and testimonial information from relatives of victims in the region;
a second stage that involves the construction of a geographical information system
(GIS),3 which allows the correlation of variables from the context, information
related to the modus operandi of the armed actors, where victims’ bodies have been
disposed of in other cases, and official information on search and recovery actions;
a third stage in which results are validated in the field and an analysis is carried out
of high‐resolution satellite images;4 and a fourth stage for the modeling of the data.
This chapter focuses on the description and results of the GIS and modeling stages.
The construction of the GIS in the municipalities of Recetor and Chámeza was
based on two types of information: (1) cartography at a scale of 1:25,000, which
included coverage of municipal and local administrative boundaries, urban areas,
vegetation coverage, hydrography, contour lines, soils, climate, primary roads,
secondary roads and roadways, housing, educational establishments and
geographical reference points such as highways or road junctions; and (2) forensic
information, which includes information from search and exhumation procedures,
as well as testimonial information referring to the location of armed actors’ camps,
bases and access roads, which in this case was related to the actions of a p
aramilitary
group operating in the area (Figure 18.2).
3
Quantum GIS (or QGIS) is a free geographical information system for GNU/Linux, Unix, Mac OS and Microsoft
Windows platforms.
4
Information obtained through a partnership with the United Nations agency UNOSAT.
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Figure 18.2 GIS interface for searching for missing persons in Recetor and Chámeza.
The left bar shows the coverage ranges used as information and the central area shows
the data display. In green is the influence area (buffer) of the zones with increased
density of exhumations.
The layers of information contained in the GIS were used for the development
of the predictive model, organizing them by information type into four categories:
location of burials (dependent variable); environment; infrastructure; and modus
operandi of the paramilitary group as independent variables. This information was
processed using the MaxEnt 3.3.3k5 (Phillips et al., 2006) distribution analysis
software, which produced a heat map with the zones that are the most similar to
areas where clandestine burials have occurred, based on statistical predictions
made from the information entered into the software.
Once the modeling was carried out, a heat map was generated with the size of
each pixel representing 160 × 160 m, covering a total area of 2800.64 Ha, which
identified areas that have the highest probability of finding clandestine burial
sites: 581.12 Ha with a probability between 0.80 to 0.89, 1548.8 Ha with a proba-
bility between 0.70 and 0.79, and 670.72 Ha with a probability between 0.60 and
0.69. The modeling of this information in the municipalities of Recetor and
Chámeza identified the Guruvita, Coimogo and Vijagual trails as the points where
most burials are concentrated. In addition, the El Vive, El Vijúa and El Vegón
sectors demonstrated a probability of finding similar clandestine burial sites of
between 0.6 and 0.79 (Figure 18.3).
It is important to emphasize that the success of this tool depends on the quantity
and quality of the georeferenced information that it uses for modeling. In this
sense, EQUITAS is updating the modeling process by including new information
5
Maxent is a program originally used for the prediction of the distribution of specific species, and allows users to
calculate the probable distribution of a species using partial or deficient information.
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Figure 18.3 Heat map for areas of probability of clandestine burial.
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associated with mobilization routes, camps, and paramilitary control points in

order to delimit search areas and validate the points with the highest probability
of having clandestine burial sites (EQUITAS, 2015a). The monitoring of the avail-
able information related to the sites where clandestine graves are presumed to be
located allows for the identification of zones that need to be searched and contrib-
utes to the planning of field interventions, as it also evaluates technical and
security needs for staff.
18.3 Case 2: Modeling the estimated universe of persons

reported missing: The cases of Casanare and Norte de
Santander
The challenges facing the search for missing persons make alternative methods
and techniques an opportunity to increase the efficiency of these processes. Tools
provided by GIS and predictive modeling are not just used for documentation,
visualization and spatial analysis, but also for the identification of patterns that
guide decision‐making in relation to search processes. These are based on the
evaluation and relationships of analytical variables in a given scenario.
EQUITAS has carried out two applied investigations to determine the universe
of missing persons. Universe estimation contributes not just to the quantification
of a phenomenon, but also to its characterization and classification, which means
that it contributes to answering the questions: who are the victims? How many
are there? What happened to them? Where are they?
The first experience involves a statistical estimate carried out in 2007 by the
Human Rights Data Analysis Group (HRDAG) from the Benetech organization in
partnership with EQUITAS (Guzman et al., 2007). Following the analysis of six
information sources, a total of 512 individual disappearance cases were
consolidated, from which an estimate of 2553 disappeared persons was made for
the department of Casanare based on the statistical pattern of disappearances
between 1997 and 2004 in 14 municipalities.
Taking into account the results and recommendations for this applied method-
ology, EQUITAS made improvements for the implementation of a second investi-
gation in the department of Norte de Santander.
The applied research that was conducted in this department consisted of mod-
eling the universe of missing persons using the Multiple Systems Estimation (MSE)
procedure6 available from the RCapture package (Rivest and Baillargeon, 2015)
and achieved using the RStudio Team integrated development environment
(RStudio Team, 2017) and the R program (R Core Team, 2017). The estimation of
underreporting was carried out using a 95% confidence interval.
6
The Multiple Systems Estimation takes into account the underreporting of human rights violations and has been
used to address this phenomenon in several countries (Ball, 2016).
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For the investigation, 15 databases were requested, of which 11 were accessed

and only 8 were used due to the quality of the information (3 were government
databases). A total of 18,683 records were consolidated that covered four types of
disappearances7 associated with the armed conflict and sociopolitical violence in
Norte de Santander: disappearance, forced disappearance, extrajudicial execution
and kidnapping.
The databases were cleaned up, leaving a total of 7218 valid records that met the
necessary conditions for modeling. Different records in terms of location, typology,
unidentified person records (NIP) and duplicate records (intrasystem) were
excluded. Matching records were identified between databases (intersystem),
which, combined with the exclusive records, facilitated the calculation of the size
of the population associated with each typology (EQUITAS and dhColombia, 2018).
This process involves a randomized combination of the records found in the
databases to make multiple estimates. From this, the estimate with the lowest
Bayesian Information Criterion (BIC) value was selected, in addition to calcu-
lating a value for the total population. This model had a 95% confidence interval
(Rivest and Baillargeon, 2015).
The distribution of the records is between the years 1967 and 2017. The typology
with the highest number of records was disappearance (56.6%), followed by forced
disappearance (28.8%), extrajudicial execution (18.6%) and finally kidnapping (4%)
(Figure 18.4). In terms of sex, 77% of the victims were men and 23% were women.
3000
2500
2000
# Records
1500
1000
500
0
< 1990 1990 – 1998 1999 – 2004 2005 – 2017
PERIOD
Missing Forced Disappearance Extrajudicial Executions Kidnapping
Figure 18.4 Typologies of disappearances by periods in Norte de Santander (Colombia).
7
The typologies were associated with all forms of the loss of freedom and attacks on physical integrity that can lead to
the person being classified as a disappeared person, without distinction to his or her status as a living or deceased person.
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Table 18.1 Result of the population universe estimation models by typology

and consolidated result.
Crimes Registration Under‐ Total Confidence Under‐

registration level (±) registration (%)
Missing 4085 11,835 15,920 3093 74

Forced 1501 34 1535 13 2
disappearance
Extrajudicial 1340 116 1456 29 8
execution
Kidnapping in 292 1701 1993 1368 85
armed conflict
Consolidated 7218 11,162 18,380 748 61
As a result of the modeling, the under‐reporting values for the universe were
obtained as shown in Table 18.1. The result obtained by independently calculating
the under‐reporting for each typology and for the consolidated result is consis-
tent, because the total of the estimate for the typologies was 20,904, which is close
to the upper limit of the confidence interval calculated for the consolidated
result (19,128).
In making an estimate with the four consolidated typologies, the result was
61% under‐reporting: 18,380 victims ± 748. This reveals the magnitude of the
phenomenon in the department and forms an urgent appeal to the authorities to
search for these disappeared persons and prevent and punish this crime.
18.4 Case 3: Proposal for the retrospective and integrated

analysis of environmental and contextual elements
for a differential forensic genetic approach
This case presents multiple elements that combine to create a high level of com-
plexity, particularly in relation to the identification stage. It involved 29 adult
victims who died in violent situations that generated a profound corporal affecta-
tion, characterized by the presence of lacerations, fractures, mutilations or
dismemberment.
For this type of scenario, the forensic disaster protocols and approaches suggest
an interdisciplinary intervention that facilitates an integrated analysis of all
corporal elements in order to achieve the correct identification of the person
(INMLCF et al., 2016; ICRC, 2016). However, an additional element of this case
was the adverse environmental and safety conditions, which affected the minimum
working conditions required for forensic analysis.
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Faced with this situation, it was necessary to carry out two forensic approaches
for the identification of these victims: the first approach included a medical‐legal
necropsy and an anthropological, odontological and genetic analysis of body ele-
ments that were in an advanced state of decomposition; the second approach,
implemented after more than a decade, takes into account this analysis in relation
to the characteristics of the bones that were found.
The benefits offered by forensic genetics for identification processes in these
adverse situations are clear, since they facilitate the recovery and analysis of DNA
obtained from bone tissue and its subsequent comparison with the genetic
information of the victim’s family members (Martinez‐Espin et al., 2009;
Hombreiro, 2013). However, there are documented cases in which the level of
degradation and contamination is so high that multiple genetic processes are
necessary to collect sufficient information that will allow identification (Figueroa
et al., 2012).
Considering this scenario, and taking into account the negative effects of the
re‐processing of biological samples, in terms of both cost and the time it takes,
EQUITAS conducted a retrospective analysis of technical information obtained
from the first forensic analyses in order to develop a differential identification
strategy.
Environmental and contextual characteristics that were previously reported as
conditions that may affect the capacity for analysis of genetic material were con-
sidered and assigned to two main categories: (1) variables associated with the
victim’s biological profile, which did not just use information from the forensic
technical analysis of the first approach, but also ante‐mortem information col-
lected by EQUITAS through semi‐structured interviews; (2) variables associated
with the context of death, which collected information about the number and
type of injuries present in the victim and the environmental conditions in which
the body was found.
In order to determine the effect of these variables on genetic analysis, a success
rate value was estimated. This estimate included the number of amplified loci for
each of the 90 biological samples used in the analysis, and the recommended
minimum standard of amplified loci for complex samples (16 loci) (INMLCF
et al., 2016).
This analysis used the multivariate nonparametric Regression and Regression
Tree Analysis tool (CART, classification and regression tree). Although it does not
in itself constitute a model that can predict what type of samples presented a neg-
ative genetic result, it does present a descriptive result that makes it possible to
detect which of the variables that were associated with this particular case had the
greatest effect on the genetic result.
The generated regression tree explains 85% of the data that were used in the
analysis (Figure 18.5). It suggests that the variable that generates the first branch
of the tree, providing 10.62% of the variability in the model, is the PMI (Cat_PMI),
that is, the time elapsed between death and the first legal–medical analysis. There
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Cat_PMI = <9,>40
30
Age >= 30 Cat_Bod_ = Tth,Mol
< 30 Can,L_b,Ab_
Gender = M Clothing = Iwr
F Lwr,No,U_L
Frag_bod = Yes
Not
Size < 166

>= 166
8 9 10 44 45 23 6 7
1.062 1 0.688 0.875 0.75 1.125 1.438 1.5
14% 16% 9% 17% 8% 12% 12% 12%
Figure 18.5 Classification tree and regression proposed for the analysis of the success rate of genetic analysis.
c18.indd 266 11/26/2019 8:31:17 PM

are other associated variables that affect the success of genetic analysis related to
the age of individuals (Age1) and associated clothing (Clth); however, it is impor-
tant to highlight the variable body fragmentation (Frg_bod) variable that is related
to the presence of fracture‐type lesions, given that it groups 25% of the samples
(nodes 44 and 45) that have a success rate of less than 88%.
Given these results, it is possible to raise the need for a differential genetic
approach in which alternative methodologies proposed for the recovery of genetic
material from complex samples are prioritized (Edson et al., 2018). This approach,
as described by other authors, refers to the use of alternative laboratory method-
ologies and techniques. In this case, these are not proposed as a support system for
negative results, but as the first option for analysis.
It is necessary to carry out retrospective analyses that are more in‐depth,
including an increased number of cases that would better highlight the contrast-
ing different environmental and contextual conditions. This and other approaches
could strengthen this model, making it possible to generate complex sample pro-
files that allow researchers to better select, prior to genetic analysis, the best
technical alternatives for analytical purposes. This would optimize not just the use
of resources, but also the use of the samples, meaning that a larger amount of
victims’ bone tissue can be delivered to their families with dignity.
18.5 Case 4: Tools for the forensic analysis of cases

of alleged extrajudicial executions
The occurrence of extrajudicial executions of civilians, officially presented as

armed actors killed in combat within the framework of state security operations,
implies the need to investigate the circumstances and mechanisms of death in a
comprehensive manner. In these cases, the criminal and forensic sciences repre-
sent valuable technical tools for contextual analysis, determination of modus
operandi patterns and characterization of injury patterns of victims, in order to
establish whether these cases are extrajudicial executions or deaths that occurred
in combat.
To address this issue, EQUITAS developed the “Deaths in Conflict” research
group, which has carried out two notable studies.
The first investigation analyzed information related to 183 individual victims of
alleged extrajudicial executions that occurred between 2002 and 2012 in different
regions of Colombia (EQUITAS, 2015b). The variables that were analysed were
taken from corpse inspection reports, necropsy expert reports and operational
reports produced by military units. Descriptive statistical analyses were performed
and indexes were generated to evaluate the probability that a case would be clas-
sified as an extrajudicial execution using a principal component analysis (PCA).
The main findings included: (a) the presence of a high number of lethal injuries
produced by firearm projectiles (FFP) in anatomical regions with a distribution
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different to that reported in scientific literature for deaths in combat; (b) the omis-
sion of observations of trauma from blunt objects or other unexpected injuries
allegedly suffered in combat; and (c) the absence of relevant information in the
records of the inspection of corpses, which makes it difficult to reconstruct the
context in which the events occurred.
For the second investigation, a sample of cases from a specific subregion in
Colombia was selected (Antioquia and Coffee Region), since these cases have a
geographical relationship and are supported by military records. A total of
177 records of fatalities were consolidated for the period 2003–2009 in order to
carry out an in‐depth analysis of the context of deaths reported as combat casu-
alties, characterize the injuries and possible injury patterns, determine survival
rates and thus determine whether or not these were alleged extrajudicial
executions.
A methodology was constructed based on a protocol for classifying mixed
variables using a classification and regression tree (CART). This methodology
evaluated which of the input variables (independent or predictive) have the
greatest impact on the output variable (dependent or response). Independent var-
iables included information related to the biological profile of victims, descriptions
of where the events occurred and the content of military reports. The dependent
variable corresponded to the mechanism of death of victims, and the typology and
description of firearm projectile injuries8 (Giannou and Baldan, 2011).
The Rpart package (Therneau and Atkinson, 2018) was used to calculate the
classification tree, Rpart.plot (Milborrow, 2018) was used to graph the tree, and the
entire procedure was carried out using the RStudio Team (RStudio Team, 2017)
integrated development environment for the R program (R Core Team, 2017).
The ordering protocol produced 9 terminal nodes with the inclusion of data
from 131 of the 154 individuals selected for analysis (Figure 18.6). These nodes
are subject to the probabilities of survival that the method assigns.
Likewise, the tree identified the input variables in the model that most influ-
enced the output result for each of the nodes, that is, they showed the variables
that had the greatest effect on the model (Table 18.2).
To understand the structure of the tree, take Node 4 for example, the first from
left to right. This node groups 5% of the sample and indicates an average proba-
bility of survival of the victims (0.444), which is the lowest probability of survival
in the whole tree. These cases possibly had very high scores in the description and
typology of the injuries. In Node 4, the vital structure variable “vit_est” = w3_4,
w5_6, which means that the PAF injuries suffered by victims associated with this
group involved between 3 and 6 serious wounds that affected the vital tissue;
these wounds and their representation in the tree are related to 8 battalions “army
bas” = b,d,g,k,m,ñ,q,s. The patterns that group the other variables not reflected in
8
The analysis methodology was based on the ICRC’s Injury Assessment Scale and Classification System for War
Injuries (Giannou and Baldan, 2011).
c18.indd 268 11/26/2019 8:31:17 PM

army bas = b,d,g,k,m,ñ,q,s,
a,c,e,f,h,i,j,l,n,o,p,r,t,u,v,w
vit_est = w3_,w5_ army bas = f,h,l,t,v
w1_ a,c,e,i,j,n,o,p,r,u,w
army bas = c,e,i,n,p,r,w
a,j,o,u
vit_est = w3_,w5_ Age = yna
w0,w1_ adl,tng,ynb
coin_ter = yes Age = yna
no adl,ynb
4 5 6 56 57 58 59 30 31
0.444 0.833 0.611 0.611 0.556 0.778 0.833 0.667 0.722
5% 12% 22% 7% 10% 12% 13% 10% 8%
Figure 18.6 Classification tree for forensic analysis of suspected extrajudicial executions and probability of survival.
c18.indd 269 11/26/2019 8:31:18 PM

Table 18.2 Input variables with greater variance (influence) on the model.
Variable Score % variance
Army base 9.4 33.19

Vital structure 5.47 19.31
Age 3.62 12.78
Coincidence terrorist acts 2.41 8.51
Year 1.66 5.86
Military garments 1.39 4.91
Death mechanism 1.13 3.99
the tree were analysed directly from the database. This established that the
classification of this node corresponds mostly to cases related to the battalion “s”
and mechanisms of cardiogenic or neurogenic death.
Another of the representative findings is shown in Node 6, which grouped 22%
of the cases; within the ordering code, the tree shows that this node includes the
analysed cases of 5 battalions (f,h,l,t,v), with one of these battalions producing the
highest frequency of records (“f”). In the case of deaths associated with this bat-
talion, the ranking showed a high probability of survival (0.61).
In conclusion, this type of analysis makes it possible to evaluate predictive var-
iables that affect responses or output variables, based on the information available
from contextual, medical, legal and military reports, and effects on vital tissue,
bone tissue, injury distribution, death mechanism, among others. This makes it
possible to identify patterns in reported cases.
References
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Group Everybody Counts. https://hrdag.org/tech‐notes/basic‐mse. html#datasetup
Edson, S.M., Root, K.A., Kahline, I.L., et al. (2018) Flexibility in testing skeletonized remains
for DNA analysis can lead to increase success. In New Perspectives in Forensic Human Skeletal
Identification (eds K.E. Latham, E.J. Bartelink and M. Finnegan). London: Academic Press.
EQUITAS (2015a) Un radar para encontrarlos MESP: Modelamiento Espacial y Estadístico Predictivo
Plan Regional de Búsqueda para las personas desaparecidas de Recetor y Chámeza, Casanare. Bogotá,
Colombia.
EQUITAS (2015b) Muertes en conflicto: aproximación epidemiológica descriptiva a una muestra de pre-
suntas ejecuciones extrajudiciales ocurridas en Colombia en el periodo 2002‐2012. Bogotá, Colombia.
EQUITAS and dhColombia (2018) Plan Regional Integral de Búsqueda en Norte de Santander: Bajo y
Medio Catatumbo y Zona Metropolitana. Bogotá, Colombia.
Figueroa, R., Romero, R., Terreros, G., et al. (2012) Identificación de personas desaparecidas en
el marco del conflicto armado colombiano mediante análisis genético de restos humanos
durante 2009 en el INMLCF de Bogotá, D.C. Revista Colombiana de Medicina Legal y Ciencias
Forenses, 1–6.
Giannou, C. and Baldan, M. (2011) Cirugía de guerra. Trabajar con recursos limitados. Comité
Internacional de la Cruz Roja (CICR).
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Hombreiro, L. (2013) El ADN de Locard: Genética forense y criminalística. Reus, Spain.

ICRC (2016) Management of Dead Bodies after Disasters: A Field Manual for First Responders. (2nd ed.).
Geneva: ICRC.
Instituto Nacional de Medicina Legal y Ciencias Forenses (INMLCF), et al. (2016) Estándares
forenses mínimos para la búsqueda de personas desaparecidas, y la recuperación e identificación de
cadáveres. Bogotá, Colombia.
Martinez‐Espin, E., et al. (2009) Forensic strategies used for DNA extraction of ancient and
degraded museum sturgeon specimens. In Biology, Conservation and Sustainable Development of
Sturgeons (eds R. Carmona, A. Domezain, M. García Gallego, et al.). Springer, pp. 85–96.
Milborrow, S. (2018) rpart.plot. R package. http://www.milbo.org/rpart‐plot
Phillips, S., Anderson, R. and Schapire, R. (2006) Maximum entropy modeling of species geo-
graphic distributions. Ecological Modelling, 190, 231–259.
R Core Team (2017) R: A language and environment for statistical computing. R Foundation for
Statistical Computing, Vienna, Austria. https://www.R‐project.org/
Rivest, L.P. and Baillargeon, S. (2015) RCapture: Loglinear Models for Capture‐Recapture
Experiments. R package V1.4‐2. https://CRAN.R‐project.org/package=Rcapture
RStudio Team (2017) RStudio: Integrated Development for R. RStudio, Inc., Boston, MA. http://
www.rstudio.com/
Therneau, T.M. and Atkinson, E.J. (2018) rpart: Recursive Partitioning and Regression Trees. R
package. https://CRAN.R‐project.org/package=rpart
c18.indd 271 11/26/2019 8:31:18 PM

SECTION III
Stable isotope forensics and
the search for missing persons
s03.indd 273 11/26/2019 8:32:38 PM

CHAPTER 19
The role of stable isotope analysis

in forensic anthropology
Department of Anthropology, National Museum of Natural History, Smithsonian Institution,
Washington, DC, USA
19.1 Introduction
In recent decades, forensic anthropologists have added chemical analysis of

human tissues to their methodological toolkits. Laboratory examinations of
chemical composition have facilitated estimations of time since death through
bomb‐curve radiocarbon analysis (Ubelaker, 2014) and amino acid racemization
(Bada and Schroeder, 1975). Chemical approaches now also assist in the estimation
of age at death (Zapico and Ubelaker, 2015). Analysis of trace elements and, more
recently popularized, stable isotopes can reveal important details of diet and the
life history of individuals. New research on variations of the geographical distribu-
tion of quantities of stable isotopes in human tissues offers exciting possibilities
for addressing key issues of migration. Such information is vitally needed to assist
identification efforts and to investigate acts of terrorism and civil strife.
Isotopes are forms of a chemical element that differ in the number of neutrons
that exist in the nucleus of the atom. This results in a series of the same element
with different atomic masses, and as a result differing physical properties, despite the
same chemical properties. There are two forms of isotopes: radioactive and stable.
Radioactive isotopes are unstable and as a result the atom will spontaneously
decay. Stable isotopes are nuclides that are not radioactive, and while they could
theoretically spontaneously decay, the probability of such is insignificant. We can
safely assume they are stable and will not decay (Sharp, 2007).
Stable isotopes have proven to be of great use to the field of archaeology, and
more recently in forensic anthropology. In bioarchaeology, stable isotopes in
human remains are largely used to determine the diet of ancient populations,
following reduced interest in use of trace elements due to diagenesis.

275
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This application of stable isotopes is used in forensic investigations; however,

stable isotopes have recently proven to be very useful in locating an individual’s
origin prior to death. The analysis of stable isotopes from forensic remains has
further been able to discern where the individual was born, where they lived most
of their life and where they had travelled to prior to their death. Isotope analysis
can also clarify whether or not they died in the region where their remains were
found, or if they had been moved post‐mortem.
Isotopes exist in different proportions in various regions of the world. These
regions are referred to as isoscapes. This variance in isotope proportions exists due
to isotope fractionation. This process results from the variance in atomic masses in
the isotopes, which allows certain isotopes to form stronger chemical bonds with
certain other elements. This forms a preferential equilibrium for specific isotopes
in some chemical reactions, which creates isotopologues that occur naturally in
the world (Sharp, 2007). Over time, this has fostered the formation of global
isoscapes. In the past, isoscapes have primarily been used in ecological studies of
migratory patterns of animals (birds, fish, mammals, crocodiles). As of late, they
have also proven to be very useful when applied to forensic cases.
19.2 Trace element analysis
The academic roots of the use of stable isotopes in forensic anthropology origi-
nated with trace element analysis, primarily aimed at dietary reconstruction.
Trace elements enter the food chain from the soil and then through plant growth
(Comar et al., 1957). As humans drink water and eat the plants and/or animals
that feed on plants, trace elements are transferred to human tissues. Laboratories
are equipped to measure the concentrations of these trace elements (Sowden
and Stitch, 1957; Stitch, 1957; Fassel, 1978), offering information about the
foods consumed and potentially the location of the soils involved in plant
growth. The proportion and quantity of trace elements in water and the food
chain varies geographically (Schroeder et al., 1972). The quantities of trace ele-
ments such as strontium (Odum, 1951) also reflect the trophic level of human
consumption within the food chain. Levels of trace elements largely decrease
with movement up the food chain. Concentrations are greatest in root crops,
followed by leafy plants and then herbivores. Concentrations in humans reflect
the proportion of their diet involving these different levels of the food chain.
Anthropologists have analysed extensively trace elements like strontium to dis-
tinguish plant‐eaters from meat‐eaters (Sillen and Kavanagh, 1982) and to
reveal historic status differences in diet (Schoeninger, 1979). Further, strontium–
calcium ratios of juveniles have provided evidence of the age of weaning
(Sillen and Smith, 1984). Analysis has also recognized variation of levels of trace
elements within different tissues of the skeleton (Hodges et al., 1950; Tanaka
et al., 1981; Grupe, 1988).
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The role of stable isotope analysis 277
Although anthropologists were first attracted to the use of trace elements to

iscern diet (Christ, 1995) and geographical origin, some raised concerns about
d
the impact of diagenesis. Lambert et al. (1983) employed electron microprobe
analysis to reveal that taphonomic factors impacted some elemental concentra-
tions. Lambert et al. (1984) suggested that, in particular, the presence of copper
and barium likely reflected contaminants. By 1993, the strong effect of diagenesis
on trace element concentrations was recognized (Hancock et al., 1993). Although
analysis of trace elements continues to offer information, if factors of diagenesis
can be detected and accounted for (Sandford, 1992; Katzenberg and Harrison,
1997), analysis of isotopic structure has become more favored.
19.3 Diet and isotopic analysis
Chesson et al. (2018) provide a recent review of the history of isotope analysis and
applications to forensic anthropology. They note that quantities of elemental isotopes
found in food and water vary geographically. These quantities shift following human
consumption and subsequent deposit in various body tissues. Different elemental iso-
topes offer distinct information about human consumption (Klepinger, 1984). Carbon
isotopes reflect consumed plants from different photosynthetic pathways. Most plants
use a C3 pathway and produce lower values than those such as maize and sugar cane
that involve a C4 method of photosynthesis (Vogel and van der Merwe, 1977). In
contrast, nitrogen isotopes reveal the extent of protein consumption (DeNiro, 1987),
legumes vs. non‐legumes, or aquatic vs. terrestrial dietary components (DeNiro and
Epstein, 1981). Hydrogen and oxygen isotopes reflect geographical variation in water
content. Strontium isotopes reveal geographical variation in geological structure
(Chesson et al., 2018). The plant uptake of strontium reflects root depth and contact
with subsurface soils and minerals (Dambrine et al., 1997). In broad‐based research,
isotope analysis has been used in studies of human evolution (Schoeninger, 1995)
and ecological niche definition (Newsome et al., 2007).
Combined use of different isotope analyses can elucidate many aspects of diet
(Ambrose, 1986). Katzenberg and Schwarcz (1986) demonstrated how analysis of
strontium coupled with carbon and nitrogen isotopes clarified palaeonutrition in
archaeological remains from southern Ontario, Canada. Van der Merwe et al.
(1993) analysed light, stable isotopes to elucidate the subsistence base of forma-
tive cultures at Valdivia, Ecuador. Lee‐Thorpe et al. (1993) used a similar approach
for dietary reconstruction of prehistoric farmers in South Africa. Richards et al.
(1998) relied mostly on carbon and nitrogen isotopes for dietary reconstruction
from individuals recovered from a cemetery site in England.
When present, hair provides a resource for dietary/isotope analysis. Roy et al.
(2005) utilized carbon and nitrogen isotope analysis to evaluate diet in preserved
hair samples from ancient Plains Indians. In a similar study, Britton et al. (2018)
analysed carbon, nitrogen and sulfur isotopes from hair from a precontact site in
c19.indd 277 11/26/2019 8:29:54 PM

Alaska. Honch et al. (2006) used carbon and nitrogen isotope values for palaeodi-
etary investigation in both human and non‐human skeletal remains from Copper
Age cemeteries in Bulgaria.
As noted by Balasse et al. (1999), isotope analysis can be conducted on pre-
served collagen and/or apatite. Since these materials and other body components
represent distinct patterns of formation and remodeling, they reveal different
information about dietary timing (Ambrose and Norr 1993; Tieszen and Fagre,
1993). Ubelaker et al. (1995) examined carbon isotope concentrations in bone
collagen and apatite as well as nitrogen isotope values in bone protein in remains
from a precontact site in highland Ecuador. Excavations at the Ecuador site
revealed evidence suggesting the presence of very high status individuals as well
as those of low status. Analysis suggested great maize consumption among the
elites, likely in the form of beer (chicha).
Coupled with other anthropological data, stable isotope analysis can address
key issues. For example, White and Schwarcz (1994) studied temporal change in
dietary values in samples of Nubian mummies from Sudan. Katzenberg and
Pfeiffer (1995) used nitrogen isotope evidence to establish weaning ages in a
nineteenth century Canadian sample. In a similar study, Wright and Schwarcz
(1998) studied stable carbon and oxygen isotopes in tooth enamel to establish the
timing of breastfeeding and weaning in prehistoric samples from Guatemala.
Isotopic research has focused extensively on the methodology of analysis (Bada
et al., 1989; Sealy et al., 2014), in addition to understanding how stable isotopes
relate to bone metabolism (O’Flaherty, 1992). Yet, it should be noted that age at
death must be considered in isotope analysis (Katzenberg, 1993). Katzenberg
et al. (1993) found that age at death was a factor in their study of carbon and
nitrogen isotope ratios in prehistoric maize horticulturalists from Ontario, Canada.
19.4 Variation within individuals
How much variation of isotope values can be found within individuals? This
question is important since its answer will dictate what tissues should be sampled.
DeNiro and Schoeninger’s (1983) early study of carbon and nitrogen ratios of
bone collagen in rabbits and mink found little variation within skeletons, between
sexes and among individuals with the same diet. Later, Ambrose (1990) and Price
et al. (1994) noted some variation within the skeleton. Fricke and O’Neil (1996)
detected variability of oxygen isotope values within tooth enamel, and Ben‐David
and Flaherty (2012) reported differing stable carbon and nitrogen isotope values
in different tissues.
19.4.1 Quality control

Given the earlier concerns with the effects of diagenesis on trace element
concentrations, some attention has focused on taphonomic factors in isotopic
analysis. Balzer et al. (1997) noted that soil bacteria can affect bone collagen
c19.indd 278 11/26/2019 8:29:54 PM

decomposition. DeNiro (1985) reported that post‐mortem alterations of isotopic

values in bone collagen can occur. He also noted, however, that it was possible to
detect such changes and choose unaffected material. In addition, Moore et al.
(1989) cautioned that preservatives such as alvar that have been used to treat
bone in conservation efforts may affect analysis. Meier‐Augenstein (2010) also
warns of recrystallization and microbial attack of bone that can react with bio‐
apatite, altering levels of 18O. Thus, certain procedures are recommended when
analysing bone in these conditions.
19.4.2 Residence
The geographical place of residence during tissue formation represents the
primary focus of stable isotope analysis in contemporary forensic anthropology.
Such information is vital in determining the geographical origin of unidentified
migrants and individuals who perish in terrorist attacks. The questions are usu-
ally: “Were they from here; if not, from where?” Analysis of stable isotopes offers
hope in answering these questions.
As early as 1985, Schoeninger noted geographical area can impact measures of
both carbon and nitrogen isotopes used in trophic level dietary analysis. Also,
Ericson (1985) noted that strontium isotopes offered information on residence
patterns.
Katzenberg and Krouse (1989) showed that analysis of multiple stable isotopes
offered valuable information on geographical origins. Their key study examined
isotopes of carbon, sulfur, oxygen, nitrogen and hydrogen in human hair of indi-
viduals from five different countries and three regions of Canada. They found
differences that collectively offered diagnostic evidence of origin. They also noted
that study of different tissues and fluids within one individual likely would reveal
geographical features of the life history of that person. Bol et al. (2007) later
found that multiple stable isotope analysis of human hair revealed migration
evidence in their study in southwest England.
Follow‐up studies by Schwarcz and Schoeninger (1991) noted that values of
carbon and nitrogen show geographical variation that might have forensic impli-
cations. Sealy et al. (1991) highlighted the potential of strontium isotope ratios to
pinpoint geographical location. Katzenberg (1992) reported on the great potential
of stable isotope analysis to detect residence patterns if proper quality controls
were in place. Schoeninger and Moore (1992) agreed with Sealy et al. (1991) that
strontium isotope analysis had great potential for geographical analysis, but added
that sulfur isotopes were useful as well. Working with archaeological samples,
Sealy et al. (1995) used isotopes of calcium, nitrogen and strontium from different
tissues to examine place of residence. Grupe et al. (1997) employed strontium
isotopes in bone and tooth to detect geographical mobility within late Neolithic
samples from Bavaria. Ezzo et al. (1997) also used strontium isotopes to distin-
guish locals from migrants within a prehistoric sample from east‐central Arizona.
At the turn of the century, anthropologists emphasized analysis of different
tissues to reveal aspects of the life history of migration within individuals

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(Meier‐Augenstein, 2007; Chesson et al., 2018). Beard and Johnson (2000) pre-
sented three examples of this approach involving a deer killed illegally, commin-
gled human remains from Vietnam, and archaeological human samples from the
southwest area of the United States. Remien et al. (2014) and Vautour et al.
(2015) report how hair length corresponds to chronological life history migration,
which can be revealed through isotope analysis.
In 2008, Juarez published her study of strontium isotope analysis focusing
specifically on identification issues related to unidentified migrants along the US/
Mexico border. Her study constructed a database of strontium values gleaned
from analysis of tooth enamel within four different Mexican states. The prelimi-
nary report showed promise that regional isotopic values could be documented to
help place the origin of migrant remains recovered further north. Bartelink et al.
(2014a) noted that in addition to strontium, carbon, nitrogen, sulfur, oxygen and
lead isotopes can contribute information. Database construction of isotope values
from different tissues can facilitate geolocation of unidentified human remains in
many forensic contexts (Bartelink et al., 2018). Meier‐Augenstein (2010) also
emphasizes that stable isotope analysis of remains in poor condition can aid in
narrowing down the region in which the individual resided, so that more local
DNA databases can be searched to speed identification efforts.
Bartelink et al. (2014b) demonstrated how carbon and nitrogen isotopes could
be used to predict region of origin of human remains recovered in relation to past
military conflicts. Their study distinguished humans from North America from
those originating in Asia.
19.5 Summary
Clearly, analysis of multiple isotopes from different tissues can provide useful
information to determine geographical origin of unidentified human remains.
The research summarized above illustrates the importance of quality control, espe-
cially detection of diagenesis or other factors that might compromise interpreta-
tion. Future developments likely will feature database construction of isotopic
values in different areas of the world (isoscapes). Such comparative data should
allow answers to the questions “is the skeleton from here; if not, from where?”
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CHAPTER 20
Basic principles of stable isotope analysis

in humanitarian forensic science
Lesley A. Chesson1*, Wolfram Meier‐Augenstein2*, Gregory E. Berg3,
Clement P. Bataille4, Eric J. Bartelink5 and Michael P. Richards6
1
PAE, contractor at DPAA Laboratory, Joint Base Pearl Harbor‐Hickam, Hawaii, USA
2
School of Pharmacy and Life Sciences, Robert Gordon University, Aberdeen, UK
3
DPAA Laboratory, Joint Base Pearl Harbor‐Hickam, Hawaii, USA
4
Department of Earth and Environmental Sciences, University of Ottawa, Ottawa, ON, Canada
5
Department of Anthropology, California State University, Chico, CA, USA
6
Department of Archaeology, Simon Fraser University, Burnaby, BC, Canada
20.1 Introduction
While the identity of a victim of a localized disaster – such as a train or bus

crash – may be established quickly through personal effects, fingerprints, dental
records, and a comparison of decedent DNA to family reference specimen DNA, a
different scenario presents itself in mass disasters, such as the Asian Tsunami of
2004. In the aftermath of the tsunami, visual appearance was initially used to
assign “foreign” or “indigenous” classifications to the remains of thousands of
victims. However, this visual identification approach was undermined by the
speed with which bodies deteriorated under the hot and humid conditions. Time
was spent populating ante‐mortem DNA databases for different nationalities,
which led to problems when creating a post‐mortem DNA database because
recovery of viable DNA was compromised due to rapid decomposition. As a
consequence, only 1.3% of victims were identified by DNA; in contrast, 61%
were identified based on dental examination (Morgan et al., 2006), although this
process took several months and a significant number of deceased from the 2004
Asian Tsunami still remain to be identified.
Although not challenged by the numbers typically encountered in mass fatal-
ities, investigations of serious crime against a person can be hampered when a
victim’s body is badly decomposed, or when mutilation (usually post‐mortem)
has taken place, making it difficult to establish identity. Mutilation typically
* Co-lead authors.
285
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involves destruction of facial features including dentition or complete decapita-

tion and can extend to the removal of hands and feet. Decapitation rules out
craniofacial comparisons and approximations (Stephan and Claes, 2016;

Wilkinson, 2007) as well as dental examination, while fingerprints – if available
and recoverable – may not lead to an immediate identification if the victim’s
fingerprints have never been taken and entered into a database. Without other
distinguishing features such as jewelry, clothing or body art (Starkie, 2011),
identification of mutilated murder victims becomes nigh impossible using tradi-
tional investigative techniques.
Common to both situations is the need for screening tools in support of human
identification. Isotope ratios of hydrogen (H), carbon (C), nitrogen (N), oxygen
(O), sulfur (S), strontium (Sr) and lead (Pb) act as “nature’s recorders” (West
et al., 2006). Chemical recording devices such as hair, nail, bone or teeth provide
an information repository as to where a person lived and the types of foods they
consumed. Differences in tissue formation or remodeling rates result in time‐
averaged records going back months (hair, nail) or years (bone, tooth enamel).
Once the isotope record has been measured, it can be translated into information
about geographical life trajectories and dietary patterns (Meier‐Augenstein and
Fraser, 2008). This information can aid in the process of identification, typically by
eliminating scenarios but potentially by revealing life history details that could be
included in a public appeal for information. It must be stressed, however, that
the isotopic profiles recorded in human tissues cannot directly identify a person
outright. We note that while identification may rely in part on isotopic data, inves-
tigation of unidentified human remains will likely also include examination of
other physical evidence and genetic analyses.
Here we provide some background and applications of stable isotope analysis in
the context of humanitarian forensic science to illustrate the contribution that
isotopic profiling can make to an investigation of an unidentified decedent. We
also describe a few of the isotopic tools and data resources currently available to
forensic investigators. Building many of these tools required a massive under-
taking over several years, and future revisions will require skilled scientists,
sufficient funding, and political will in equal measure.
20.2 Background on isotopes
Almost all natural chemical elements occur in more than one isotopic form, with
the vast majority being stable isotopes. Stable isotopes do not decay, unlike radio-
isotopes (radionuclides). Compartmental isotope abundances are not fixed but in
a continuous state of flux. For example, the natural abundances on Earth for
carbon‐12 (12C) and the one neutron heavier stable isotope carbon‐13 (13C) are
typically given as 98.9 and 1.1 atom%, respectively. However, when comparing
13
C abundances in sugar from sugar beet (C3 photosynthesis) and sugar cane (C4
photosynthesis), we typically find they are 1.0827 and 1.0986 atom%,
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Basic principles of stable isotope analysis 287
respectively, even though in every other respect the sugar made by these two
plants is chemically identical.
Since expressing the difference as atom% would mean dealing with very small
numbers (the aforementioned difference is 0.0159 atom%), the 𝛿‐notation was
introduced to link sample isotopic composition to an internationally agreed isotopic
composition of a standard zero‐point. The 𝛿 value of the heavier isotope h of a
chemical element E for a given sample reported versus a given standard is defined
by Equation 20.1 where Rsample is the ratio of the heavier isotope over the lighter
(e.g. 2H/1H or 13C/12C) for the sample and Rstandard is the ratio for the zero‐point. For
𝛿2H values, that zero‐point is Vienna Standard Mean Ocean Water (VSMOW); for
𝛿13C values, it is defined by Vienna Pee Dee Belemnite (VPDB) (Coplen, 2011).
h
Esample/standard h
Estandard R sample / R standard 1 (20.1)
For carbon and the example of the two sugars, the corresponding Rsample for beet
sugar and for cane sugar would be 0.0108894 and 0.0110510, respectively. With
Rstandard for VPDB equal to 0.0111796 (Coplen, 2011), the corresponding 𝛿13CVPDB
values are −0.02596 and −0.01150, respectively, with the minus signs denoting a
13
C abundance in the samples less than that of the standard VPDB (which by
virtue of Equation 20.1 has a 𝛿 value of 0). Since 𝛿 values derived from Equation 20.1
are numerically very small, for reasons of convenience they are typically expressed
in parts per thousand (‰); e.g. −0.02596 × 10−3 = −25.96‰ and −0.01150 × 10−3
= −11.50‰. It is important to note, ‰ is neither a unit nor a unit modifier in the
SI (Système International, or International System) but is purely a mathematical
convention for expressing small numbers.
The 𝛿 notation as defined by Equation 20.1 has been adopted for reporting stable
isotope ratios of non‐metal elements (e.g. H, C, N, O and S), although the
corresponding standard zero‐points and their agreed Rstandard differ. As mentioned
previously, relative isotope abundance values of 2H and 13C are anchored by VSMOW
and VPDB, respectively. Oxygen isotope abundance values (𝛿18O values) of carbonate
minerals are traditionally anchored by VPDB. However, in all other matrices – be it
water, inorganic or organic compounds – 𝛿18O values are anchored by VSMOW.
Nitrogen isotope abundance values (𝛿15N values) are reported relative to atmosphere
(air), while 𝛿34S values are reported relative to Vienna Canyon Diablo Troilite (VCDT).
While “light” element (non‐metal) H, C, N, O and S stable isotope systems are
the most commonly used for isotopic profiling of human remains, “heavy” element
(metal) isotope systems can provide useful information too. In particular, metal
isotope systems that contain a radiogenically stable isotope (a product of the decay
of a long‐lived radionuclide), such as Sr or Pb, are increasingly used in archaeology
and forensics (Beard and Johnson, 2000; Crowley et al., 2017; Keller et al., 2016).
The application of these tracers is not dependent on isotopic fractionation because
any isotopic fractionation is corrected for during analysis (Faure and Mensing,
2005). As such, stable isotope ratios of metal systems are typically reported as
Rsample, with no conversion to 𝛿 notation – for example, 87Sr/86Sr or 207Pb/204Pb.
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Variations in Sr or Pb isotope ratios are controlled by changes in the compart-

mental abundance of the radiogenic isotope, which increases through time due to
the radiogenic decay of the parent radionuclide (Faure and Mensing, 2005).
Sr and Pb isotope ratios of geological materials do not vary at human timescales
because the parent radionuclides have very long half‐lives. However, over millions
of years, radiogenic isotopes can accumulate at different rates in rock reservoirs of
different ages and geology, leading to variations in Sr and Pb isotope ratios in the
environment; these spatial isotopic variations are then propagated/mixed in water
and ecosystems, providing a baseline for provenance applications (Bataille and
Bowen, 2012; Keller et al., 2016).
20.3 Isotopes in human tissue
Paraphrasing the adage “you are what you eat,” isotopically, you are what you eat
and drink – give or take a few ‰ for the non‐metal elements. The isotopic abun-
dances of H, C, N, O, S, Sr and Pb in human tissues reflect the isotopic make‐up
of food consumed and water consumed or used during bathing, and thus reflect a
person’s life history including geographical travel‐movements and dietary choices
(Bol et al., 2007; Dickson et al., 2000; Fraser et al., 2006; Hu, 2015; Macko et al.,
1999; O’Connell and Hedges, 1999b, 1999a; O’Connell et al., 2001; Richards
et al., 2001, 2003; Tipple et al., 2013; Wilson et al., 2007). In other words, geolo-
cation and diet influence the isotopic composition of tissues such as hair, nail,
bone and teeth, and can be used to aid human identification.
Isotopic profiles of human tissues can provide life history or life trajectory
information about an unidentified decedent, at longer‐term or more recent time-
scales – or both – depending on the tissues available for analysis. Approximate
time periods represented by the body’s chemical recording devices are presented
in Table 20.1. In contrast to the aforementioned traditional means of identification
(e.g. DNA, fingerprints or dental records), isotopic profiling does not necessarily
rely on an individual‐specific database. By comparing the isotopic profile of one
tissue with that of another or to patterns of isotopic variation observed at the
population level, it may be possible to provide information useful for identification.
The body’s major source of hydrogen is water (H2O), be it from water directly
consumed through liquid intake; water indirectly consumed in foods such as fruits
and vegetables; water used to prepare meals and beverages; or hydrogen chemi-
cally bound in food. Although water consumed directly as liquid intake could
come from a bottle or the tap, bottled water is ultimately derived from precipita-
tion and highly correlated with local tap water (Bowen et al., 2005b). Necessary
resources for inferring geographical life histories include global databases of
water,1 interpolated isotope landscapes or isoscapes (Figure 20.1) (Ehleringer
et al., 2008), and spatial or functional models for the distribution of H and O
1
The Global Network of Isotopes in Precipitation: http://www-naweb.iaea.org/napc/ih/IHS_resources_gnip.html;
or Waterisotopes.org.
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Table 20.1 Chronology of stable isotope records in human tissues.a
Tissue Time‐frame Sample Component Stable Information

isotope/s
Scalp hair Months prior to 5 mm hair Keratin 2

H; 18OGeographic
death segments (whole hair) historyb
5 mm = 0.5 13
C; N; S Diet; lifestyle
15 34
month
Fingernail Months prior to 3 mm nail Keratin 2
H Geographic
death segments (whole nail) historyb
(thumb) 3 mm = 1 month 13
15 34
Toenail Months prior to 1 mm nail Keratin 2

H Geographic
death segments (whole nail) historyb
(big toe) 1 mm = 1 month 13
15 34
Cortical 10 to 15 years Mid‐shaft Carbonate 13

C; 18O Diet;
bone prior to death bonec (bioapatite) geographic
history
(humerus) approx. 10 years (diaphysis) Phosphate 18
O Geographic
(average) (bioapatite) history
Collagen 13
C; 15N; 34S Diet; lifestyle
fraction
C; 18ODiet;
history
(tibia) approx. 15 years (diaphysis) Phosphate 18
O Geographic
(average) (bioapatite) history
Collagen 13
15 34
fraction
C; 18O Diet;
history
(femur) approx. 20+ (diaphysis) Phosphate 18
O Geographic
years (average) (bioapatite) history
Collagen 13
C; 15N; 34S Diet; lifestyle
fraction
Teeth Childhood/ Enamelc Carbonate 13
C; 18O Geographic
adolescence (bioapatite) history
(M2, M3) 6 to 15 years of Phosphate 18
O Geographic
age (bioapatite) history
a
Time‐frames given for bone are approximate and should not be mistaken for fixed points in time. For further information on
bone remodeling rates refer to Meier‐Augenstein and Fraser (2008); Martin et al. (2015); Hedges et al. (2007); Pearson and
Lieberman (2004].
b
Analysis of Sr isotopes in hair and nail can provide complementary information on geographic history: see Tipple et al. (2013,
2018); Vautour et al. (2015); Mancuso and Ehleringer (2018), Font et al. (2012).
c
Bone and enamel can also be analysed as bulk or “whole” material for Sr and Pb isotopes: see Font et al. (2015); Kimmerle
and Kamenov (2015); Kamenov and Curtis (2017); Kamenov (2008) .
c20.indd 289 11/26/2019 8:31:04 PM

δ18O (‰)
–3.5 to –1.6
–5.5 to –3.5
–7.5 to –5.5
–9.4 to –7.5
–11.4 to –9.4
–13.3 to –11.4
–15.3 to –13.3
–17.3 to –15.3
–19.2 to –17.3
Figure 20.1 Example isoscape, presenting predicated mean annual precipitation 𝛿18O
values for Europe. Image reprinted with permission from waterisotopes.org.
isotopes in precipitation and drinking water (Bowen et al., 2007; Bowen and
Revenaugh, 2003; van der Veer et al., 2009) and how these correlate with the
corresponding isotopic compositions of human tissues (Bowen et al., 2009;
Ehleringer et al., 2008; Fraser and Meier‐Augenstein, 2007; Podlesak et al., 2012;
Thompson et al., 2010).
The basic principle behind establishing dietary lifestyle using isotopic profiles is
the fact that the body’s only source of C, N and S is a person’s staple diet. This can
result in significant differences in the carbon isotopic composition of tissues of
people living in different world regions – for example, Europe and Asia versus
North America – due to the different levels of C3 plant‐derived carbon (e.g. sugar
beet, rice, or wheat with a relatively low 13C abundance) versus C4 plant‐derived
carbon (e.g. sugar cane or corn with a relatively high 13C abundance) in their
respective diets (Valenzuela et al., 2011, 2012). In North America, there is a per-
vading influence of C4 carbon derived from sugar cane, but primarily corn; corn is
used as animal feedstock (Chesson et al., 2008, 2012) and corn syrup even
serves as a cheap source of sweetener in processed foods, including beverages
(Brooks et al., 2002).
The nitrogen isotopic composition of body tissues can be used as an indicator of
a person’s consumption of animal protein, that is, carnivore versus omnivore
versus vegan. In general, due to trophic level shift, 𝛿15N values increase by
c20.indd 290 11/26/2019 8:31:05 PM

approximately 3.4‰ when moving up from one trophic level in a food web to
another (Fry, 2008; Post, 2002). However, factors such as nutritional stress, health
status, or pregnancy can also influence an individual’s overall N balance and thus
isotopic profile (Fuller et al., 2004, 2005). Furthermore, results from a controlled
diet study suggest it may take more than four weeks before 𝛿15N values of tissues
such as hair, plasma, or urine are changed by variations in the level and source of
daily protein intake (Petzke and Lemke, 2009).
The sulfur isotopic compositions of an individual’s tissues are also related to
diet, and primarily indicate from where the dietary protein came (Richards et al.,
2001). Sulfur in humans is present in two amino acids, cysteine and methionine,
and there is very little isotopic fractionation when these amino acids are incorpo-
rated from diet into body tissues, such as bone collagen or hair keratin (Richards
et al., 2003). Sulfur in soil, the source of sulfur for most plants and animals, comes
mainly from underlying S‐containing bedrock with a contribution from rainfall
(and sea‐spray) (Fry, 2008). Oceans have a relatively similar 𝛿34S value, freshwater
systems have a wide range of 𝛿34S values worldwide, and inland locations have
predictable 𝛿34S values based on bedrock 𝛿34S values. As a consequence, the mea-
sured 𝛿34S values of plants and animals in a region are distinct to that geographical
location. It is thus possible to measure sulfur isotope ratios of human tissues to
determine the geographical source of that S (consumed as dietary protein) as a
tool for human provenancing. It is useful in distinguishing between inland and
coastal locations (Buchardt et al., 2007; Krouse and Grinenko, 1991; Zazzo et al.,
2011), and variations in diet and geography can result in significant differences in
the sulfur isotopic profiles of tissues from people living in Europe and North
America (Valenzuela et al., 2012). The use of sulfur isotope analysis in this way is
analogous to Sr and Pb (see below); however, the advantage of including sulfur
isotope ratio measurements is that S is present in shorter‐term memory tissues
such as hair, whereas Sr and Pb are often measured in teeth, which form at earlier
periods of life.
The Sr and Pb isotope ratios of human tissues have strong potential to
complement and refine geographical life history information derived from
non‐metal isotope systems (Font et al., 2015; Tipple et al., 2018; Vautour et al.,
2015). In contrast to H and O, which are sourced from the atmosphere (via the
hydrological cycle) and isotopically fractionate following large‐scale climate
processes, Sr and Pb in soils, waters, plants and animals are sourced primarily
from rocks (Bataille and Bowen, 2012; Beard and Johnson, 2000; Gulson, 2008;
Hodell et al., 2004; Nakano, 2016; Sharpe et al., 2016). As such, spatial patterns
of Sr and Pb isotopic variation differ drastically from those of H and O and relate
to the age and lithology of geological units. These geology‐derived isotopic pat-
terns are propagated and/or mixed in water and ecosystems (Bataille and Bowen,
2012; Bataille et al., 2012; Keller et al., 2016). However, in the case of Pb isotopes,
industrial activities have added considerable anthropogenic Pb to the environ-
ment, which often dwarfs the natural Pb isotopic variations (Kamenov and
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Gulson, 2014); anthropogenic sources of Pb, particularly aerosols, are the primary
control of Pb isotopic variations in the present day. The spatiotemporal Sr and Pb
isotopic variations from natural and anthropogenic sources are ultimately trans-
mitted to human tissues through food/water ingestion or surface exposure.
When considering the isotope record contained within, human tissues can be
categorized in one of two ways: (1) tissues with a longer‐term “memory,” such as
bone and teeth; and (2) tissues with a shorter‐term “memory,” such as hair and
nail (see Table 20.1). The biomineral and proteinaceous fractions of bone and
teeth reflect geography and diet over years by recording isotopes present in
drinking water and food (D’Angela and Longinelli, 1990; Daux et al., 2008; Font
et al., 2015; Longinelli, 1984). For the isotopic analysis of Sr or Pb in bone or tooth
enamel, tissues are typically analysed as bulk or “whole” material (Font et al.,
2015; Kamenov, 2008; Kamenov and Curtis, 2017; Kimmerle and Kamenov,
2015). Hair and nail can provide a record of both geographical history and diet
ranging from 14 days up to 20 months or more, depending on the length of hair
or nail available for analysis (Bol et al., 2007; Fraser et al., 2006; Mancuso and
Ehleringer, 2018, 2019a, 2019b; O’Connell et al., 2001; Sharp et al., 2003; Tipple
et al., 2013).
20.4 Longer‐term “memory” tissues: Bone and teeth
Bone and teeth are often the longest surviving human tissues post‐mortem, and
if conditions are favorable, can remain pristine for hundreds or even thousands of
years (Lee‐Thorp, 2008). While a tooth, in particular tooth enamel, once fully
formed does not remodel and thus provides information about a person’s early
childhood and adolescence, bone does remodel, or turnover, though at rates rang-
ing from 4% to 20% per year (see below). These characteristics make bone and
teeth an excellent source of information in applications of isotopic profiling
(Meier‐Augenstein, 2018; Meier‐Augenstein and Fraser, 2008; Rauch et al., 2007;
Schwarcz and Walker, 2006). It also makes them an excellent resource for research
in the fields of anthropology and bioarchaeology and we note that current forensic
applications of isotope analysis rely heavily on work carried out in an archaeolog-
ical context (Chenery et al., 2010; Longinelli, 1984; Luz et al., 1984; Price et al.,
2004). As such, any interpretation of isotope data from the tissues of present‐day
people has to account for the uncertainty arising from the lack or limited extent
of corresponding databases and knowledge derived from them.
20.4.1 Oxygen isotopic composition of bioapatite

Of particular interest is the relationship between the oxygen isotopic composition
of bioapatite (a group of minerals present in bone or tooth enamel) and water,
since this can provide information on past geographical life trajectory. Longinelli
(1984) published some of the first oxygen stable isotope analyses of human bone
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and teeth. More recently, a comprehensive review of studies correlating 𝛿18O

values of human bioapatite with 𝛿18O values of drinking water has proposed a
revised, unified correlation equation (Daux et al., 2008).
Water is the predominant precursor pool of oxygen found in the phosphate and
carbonate components of bioapatite (D’Angela and Longinelli, 1990; Daux et al.,
2008; Lee‐Thorp and Sponheimer, 2003; Longinelli, 1984). Compared with the
inorganic mineral calcium hydroxyapatite Ca10(PO4)6(OH)2 (Grynpas, 1993;
Holden et al., 2009; Simmons et al., 1991), carbonate ions replace some of the
hydroxyl ions and, to a lesser degree, some of the phosphate ions in bioapatite,
thus changing its crystal structure (Wopenka and Pasteris, 2005). Since water
consumed by a person contributes to the oxygen precursor pool for the formation
of the bioapatite constituents [PO43−] and [CO32−], 𝛿18O values of bioapatite are
strongly correlated (R2 = 0.76) to 𝛿18O values of water (Daux et al., 2008).
18
Owater/VSMOW 1.54 0.09 18
Ophosphate/VSMOW 33.72 1.51 (20.2)
Considering the isotopic composition of drinking water reflects that of meteoric

water (precipitation), 𝛿18O values of water calculated from 𝛿18O values of bioapa-
tite can be used as an indicator of – or, conversely, exclusion criterion
for – geographical provenance. Since both phosphate and carbonate ions in
bioapatite are ultimately closely linked to the same precursor water pool, in the
absence of diagenesis of the biomineral fraction of bone or tooth enamel, 𝛿18O
values for carbonate and phosphate are also strongly correlated (R2 = 0.98).
This correlation is given by the equation proposed by Iacumin et al. (1996).
18
Ophosphate/VSMOW 0.98 18
Ocarbonate/VSMOW 8.5 (20.3)
Most early work on bioapatite focused on the analysis of the phosphate compo-
nent, but the sample preparation process is difficult and time‐consuming as phos-
phate must be precipitated as silver phosphate from fairly large sample sizes using
the acute poison hydrogen fluoride to demineralize samples prior to precipitation.
Oxygen isotope analysis of the carbonate component of bioapatite offers a valid
alternative approach to gain information on geographical provenance, provided
that diagenesis has not significantly affected the bioapatite. After a simple sample
preparation process to isolate bioapatite from powdered bone using hydrogen per-
oxide or sodium hypochlorite, the powder is soaked in a weak solution of acetic
acid, and then the carbonate component is acid digested at a constant temperature
(Kusaka and Nakano, 2014; Passey et al., 2007) and the evolved CO2 analysed for
its 18O isotopic composition.
It is important to note that the temperature at which carbonate is acid digested
will affect the fractionation of 18O from [CO32−] into CO2 and H2O, and researchers
have shown that the temperature‐dependent acid fractionation factors (α) for
“modern” enamel, “archaeological” enamel, and pure carbonate minerals follow
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different temperature relationships. This effect can be corrected provided the

temperature of acidification is known and “raw” 𝛿18O data are available (Chesson
et al., 2019). Because the apparent acid fractionation factor for all carbonate‐
containing materials is assumed to be the same at 25°C (α = 1.01025), as a general
practice acidifying both samples and standards/reference materials at room
temperature is recommended.
It is also important to note that, as is the case for 𝛿18O values of water, 𝛿18O
values of phosphate are reported on the VSMOW scale. However, in an exception
to the general rule that all 𝛿18O values should be reported against VSMOW, 𝛿18O
values of carbonate are typically reported against VPDB. The 𝛿18OVPDB values of a
given carbonate sample X (CO32− [X]) can be converted into its corresponding
𝛿18OVSMOW value using Equation 20.4 (Kim et al., 2015).
18
OVSMOW CO32 X 1.03091 18
OVPDB CO32 X 30.91(20.4)
20.4.2 Carbon isotopic composition of bioapatite and collagen

The carbon isotopic composition of bioapatite – as well as the structural protein
collagen – may also provide information on the past geographical life trajectory of
an unidentified decedent. This is due to dietary preferences among human
populations living in different regions of the globe. Variation in agricultural prac-
tices and cultural dietary habits have resulted in some populations, such as North
Americans, consuming more C4 derived foods on average than populations living
in Europe and Asia. This variation is reflected in the 𝛿13C values of bone bioapa-
tite, bone collagen and tooth enamel.
Accounting for approximately 25% of all protein found in the body (Stryer,
1975), collagen is a structural protein found in bone, tooth dentin and skin. Unlike
that of bioapatite, which reflects “bulk” diet (Ambrose and Norr, 1993; Tieszen
and Fagre, 1993), the carbon isotopic composition of collagen reflects primarily
the protein content of an individual’s diet (Schoeninger et al., 1983; Schwarcz and
Schoeninger, 1991). Analysis of both bioapatite and collagen can therefore pro-
vide more information on an individual’s dietary choices than analysis of either
material alone.
A practical application of the isotopic profiling of bioapatite and collagen con-
cerns the identification of US war dead. When expending resources to repatriate
remains from past conflicts, it is important to determine whether those remains
may have originated from North America. In her doctoral dissertation, Regan
(2006) noted that the 𝛿13C values of tooth bioapatite “appear to be an excellent
discriminator of natal origin between East Asian and American populations.” This
finding was corroborated by work on skeletal remains recovered by the Joint
POW/MIA Accounting Command (JPAC, reorganized in January 2015 as the
Defense POW/MIA Accounting Agency, DPAA). Results from 30 bone samples
demonstrated that the 𝛿13C values of bone bioapatite and bone collagen were
significantly higher for US Americans than native Asians (Bartelink et al., 2014).
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Case study
The DPAA is charged with the recovery and identification of US war dead, from the years including World War
II up to 1990. The DPAA is a multifaceted scientific and research agency within the US Government that
employs both military and civilian personnel. Innovation of current scientific methods and procedures are part
of DPAA’s mission; in 2012, DPAA (then JPAC) began a collaboration with California State University, Chico, to
explore the use of stable isotope analysis for casualty resolution. This exploration has resulted in multiple
papers and presentations showcasing the role that statistical treatments of isotopic data can have in the
investigations of human remains (Bartelink et al., 2014, 2015, 2018; Holland et al., 2012). In 2018, a US
military member was identified in part through the use of stable isotope analysis. This case study presents an
overview of that identification.
In the late summer of 1965, the pilot of a F101‐C aircraft was on an observation mission of surface‐to‐air
missile sites along coastal central Vietnam. During the mission, the lead aircraft was hit by ground fire and
eventually disabled. After climbing to altitude, the pilot ejected and was blown inland toward a mountainous
region of Vietnam. Voice radio contact was established with him on the ground for multiple hours. During the
ensuing rescue operations, the pilot’s radio contact was eventually lost and never regained, and he was not found.
Interviews with local Vietnamese nationals produced a few case leads in the early 1990s. Four witnesses led
US government and host nation officials to where they claimed the pilot had been found and subsequently
killed during a firefight. While no evidence to substantiate their claim was discovered, a later series of
interviews with new witnesses led to the eventual turnover of two small fragments of bone (a metacarpal and
a phalanx) and several pieces of material evidence. Because the remains were too small for DNA testing in the
1990s, all evidentiary materials were curated pending scientific advancements. By 2017, mitochondrial DNA
(mtDNA) testing was possibly viable; both skeletal fragments were sampled, and one yielded a sequence.
While the comparison with the missing casualty was a match, the commonality of the mtDNA sequence data
was such that an identification could not be easily substantiated, and additional evidence was needed.
Stable isotope analyses of C and N of collagen, and C and O of bioapatite, were attempted for both skeletal
fragments. One sample yielded a poor C/N ratio and isotopic compositions of collagen were not reported. The
second sample had collagen 𝛿13C and 𝛿15N values more similar to US population means (−16.3‰ and +11.8‰,
respectively) than the means of individuals from the Southeast Asian (SEA) countries of Vietnam and Laos
(−19.6‰ and +11.6‰, respectively). Likewise, the 𝛿13C values of bioapatite extracted from both bone
fragments were closest to the US population mean (−10.27‰) than samples that come from SEA (−14.43‰).
(Data for population means were reported from Isolocate (Berg and Kenyhercz, 2017);
see below.)
As noted previously, Bartelink and colleagues (2014) used discriminant function analysis to segregate US
service persons from SEA individuals following stable isotope analysis. Their protocol has been expanded into
a proprietary computer database and graphic user interface, Isolocate, by Berg and Kenyhercz (2017), which
uses linear discriminate function analysis to discriminate between populations based on measured stable
isotope ratios. When the case samples were compared statistically with US and SEA populations, both bone
fragments were classified as being US in origin (posterior probabilities of 0.938 and 0.963); the sample
modeling had cross‐validated accuracy rates of 84% and 91%, respectively.
Interestingly, the O isotope data were difficult to interpret. The bioapatite 𝛿18O values of the two bone
fragments were converted to drinking water 𝛿18O values following Equations 20.2–20.4, mapped onto a tap
water isoscape for the continental United States (Bowen et al., 2007), and then compared with the casualty’s
home of record. The comparison was not particularly compelling as the nearest location with tap water 𝛿18O
values similar to those predicted was much further inland and north (about 300 miles) than the pilot’s home
of record. While not completely discordant, the oxygen isotopic profiles were not considered useful in
identification of the pilot.
The identification of the pilot was constructed through a multi‐pronged scientific investigation and series of
conclusions. First, the two skeletal fragments were found in the location where the pilot purportedly had died.
Second, both skeletal elements were human. Third, mtDNA was eventually extracted from one bone sample,
but not the other, and that mtDNA matched the family reference specimen for the pilot. Fourth, both samples
yielded similar apatite isotopic profiles, confirming an origin from the US and not SEA (i.e. that the individual
consumed a “Western” diet versus an “Eastern” diet). Finally, pilot‐matching identification media, allegedly
discovered near the remains location, was turned over to US officials in 2017. While no single line of evidence
was strong enough to be the basis of the identification, the totality of the evidence, including the isotopic
data linking both bone fragments together, allowed for the clear resolution of the missing pilot.
Epilogue: When the pilot’s identification was briefed to his surviving wife and daughter, the family noted
one fact not present in his military service record – the family was living near Lyon, France, for many years (5+)
prior to the pilot’s call to active duty. The O isotopic profiles of the remains, when converted from bioapatite
𝛿18O values to drinking water 𝛿18O values and compared with a precipitation isoscape for Europe (see
Figure 20.1), were similar to those estimated for regions near Lyon, France.
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20.4.3 Caveats for the oxygen isotope analysis

of bone and teeth
Factors such as intra‐ and inter‐individual variation contribute to the overall
uncertainty of bioapatite 𝛿18O values as well as bioapatite and collagen 𝛿13C values.
Isotopic variability can also be attributed to the sample preparation methods and
analytical techniques used by different laboratories (Pestle et al., 2014), which
highlights the importance of applying well‐controlled and standardized proce-
dures when preparing and analysing skeletal remains in forensic contexts. Another
source of uncertainty is associated with the calculation of water 𝛿18O values from
measured bioapatite 𝛿18O values (Bell et al., 2010; Daux et al., 2008). Last but not
least, as evident from the European 𝛿18O isoscape shown in Figure 20.1, multiple
disparate regions in the world can share similar modeled 𝛿18O values of water.
Narrowing down the number of possible geographical points of origin even further
requires additional exclusion criteria such as Sr or Pb isotopic profiles or other
contextual information.
While tooth enamel once formed does not remodel, it is important to realize
that both bone bioapatite and bone collagen do, which means different bones can
yield information relating to different time periods in a person’s life. Typical f igures
quoted in some textbooks give bone remodeling rates of 10–15% per year.
However, these figures are generalized estimates, averaged over the entire human
skeleton. In reality, bone remodeling rates differ from bone to bone. Cancellous or
trabecular bone, also referred to as spongy bone, remodels quickly while cortical
or compact bone remodels at a slower rate (Teitelbaum, 2000). Typical annual
turnover rates for adult load‐bearing compact bone such as mid‐shaft femoral
bone and spongy bone such as ribs are about 4% and 25% respectively, but there
is variability depending on sex and the particular bone used for analysis (Hedges
et al., 2007; Martin et al., 2015; Meier‐Augenstein and Fraser, 2008; Pearson and
Lieberman, 2004); see Table 20.1.
As mentioned previously, not all permanent teeth are equally “ideal” for forensic
isotopic profiling. The tooth buds of permanent incisors and canines start formation
around the time of birth, but crown growth is not typically complete until 4 to
5 years of age (Hillson, 1996; Scheuer and Black, 2004). Therefore permanent
teeth whose crown mineralization starts during the first year after birth will retain
a record of changes in drinking water/diet due to the weaning process (Fuller
et al., 2001; Jay, et al., 2008; Richards et al., 2002; Wright and Schwarcz, 1998).
Regarding permanent teeth, first molars (M1 teeth) also start formation around
the time of birth (year 0) while late‐erupting second molar tooth buds (M2 teeth)
start formation around 2 to 3 years of age. Crown mineralization of M1 teeth is
complete after 2.5 to 3 years whereas crown growth of second molars is complete
only after 7–8 years of age. In contrast, crown mineralization of third molars (M3
teeth) starts 7 to 10 years after birth and completes between 12 to 16 years of age;
second and third molars erupt between 11 to 13 and 17 to 21 years of age, respec-
tively (Hillson, 1996; Scheuer and Black, 2004). To avoid potential artefact
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signatures, for example due to weaning, whenever possible late‐erupting molars

M2 and M3 should be chosen for isotope analysis.
Last but not least, it is important to consider changes to the isotopic composition
of bioapatite due to diagenesis, which can be caused by chemical or physicochem-
ical processes such as prolonged submersion in (sea)water or burning (cremation
or incineration) (DeNiro et al., 1985; Harvig et al., 2014; Hüls et al., 2010; Munro
et al., 2008; Snoeck et al., 2016). In particular, the 𝛿18O values of the carbonate
component of bone bioapatite are more likely to be affected by diagenesis given
that the carbonate C–O bond is susceptible to hydroxyl group exchange and thus
net oxygen “exchange” with water. Chemical alterations typically increase with
age, and samples from archaeological settings can be severely impacted. However,
bone and teeth encountered in most “modern” investigations should be relatively
unaffected by diagenesis.
20.5 Shorter‐term “memory” tissues: Hair and nail
The fact that human hair and nail grow more or less continuously and at known
rates can be exploited to obtain chronological information useful for reconstructing
an unidentified decedent’s recent life history. This reconstructed record can aid with
victim identification, but also has applications in the investigation of human traf-
ficking and terrorism. While methods to categorize and compare hair on the basis
of morphology, taxonomy, chemical composition and DNA have been established
and used for more than 20 years, the ability to investigate recent changes in
geographical movement and dietary intake based on the sequential isotopic analysis
of hair and nail is largely due to the continued efforts of a handful of research
groups during the last decade (Bol et al., 2007; Bowen et al., 2005a, 2009; Chesson
et al., 2010; Ehleringer et al., 2008; Fraser et al., 2006, 2008; Fraser and Meier‐
Augenstein, 2007; Mancuso and Ehleringer, 2018, 2019a, 2019b; Meier‐Augenstein,
2006, 2018; Meier‐Augenstein and Fraser, 2008; Nardoto et al., 2006; O’Connell
et al., 2001; Santamaria‐Fernandez et al., 2009; Thompson et al., 2010).
Analogous to the forensic application of isotopic profiling to bone and teeth,
isotopic analysis of hair and nail is focused on the relationship between water
source and tissue – specifically H and O isotopic compositions – since this can pro-
vide information on a person’s recent geographical history. Analysing hair and
nail for C and N isotopic compositions can reveal recent changes in diet that may
coincide with a change in H and/or O isotopic composition as a result of movement
from one location to another. In another analogy to the forensic isotopic analysis
of bone and teeth, the current knowledge base regarding isotopic profiling of hair
and nail from modern people owes a lot to research in bioarchaeology and
anthropology (Fuller et al., 2004, 2005; Huelsemann et al., 2009; O’Connell and
Hedges, 1999b; Petzke et al., 2005; Petzke and Lemke, 2009; Sharp et al., 2003;
Wilson, 2005; Wilson et al., 2007).
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Hair and nail share a number of common characteristics. The major constituent
of both by weight is a family of fibrous structural protein called collectively “ker-
atin.” Both hair and nail are static by nature, that is, while both are being contin-
uously formed, neither keratinized hair nor nail is a living tissue. Once formed,
the keratin proteins are isolated from the rest of the body and do not remodel.
Human scalp hair grows at a rate of 7–10 mm/month and beard hair grows at a
rate of 12 mm/month, while the growth rate of pubic hair is typically 6 mm/month
(Wilson and Gilbert, 2007). However, these figures should not be taken to mean
every single strand of hair on a person’s body is growing at a constant rate all the
time. Hair grows by active mitosis in the hair follicle and each follicle goes through
a cyclic pattern of activity that produces 20 to 30 hairs during its lifetime. On the
average human scalp at any given time, 90% of the follicles are in anagen, the
growth phase, which lasts 6–10 years. The anagen phase is followed by catagen,
the regression phase, lasting 14–21 days for scalp hair with ~2% of the follicles on
a normal scalp being in this phase. Telogen is the final phase during which hair is
shed and it lasts 30–90 days (accounting for the balance of 8% of follicles) for
scalp hair, but as long as three years for pubic and chest hairs. As an important
practical consequence of this, a lock of hair comprising 50‐100 individual strands
should be sampled whenever practical to ensure that, for any given analysed seg-
ment, the majority of hair was in the anagen phase thus yielding data representa-
tive of recent life history. In cases where few hair strands are analysed, it may
possible to use inverse models to deconvolute the signal (Remien et al., 2014).
20.5.1 Hydrogen isotopic composition of hair and nail

Hydrogen incorporated into human hair and nail is recruited from two main pre-
cursor pools: “liquid” hydrogen, or hydrogen bound in water (in whatever form),
and “solid” hydrogen, or hydrogen in food either stored as water (in fruits and
vegetables) or chemically bound in carbohydrates and proteins. Based on a tracer
experiment (Sharp et al., 2003), there is evidence suggesting that approximately
30% of hydrogen preserved in human hair is directly derived from ingested water
with the remainder being derived from hydrogen present in food. For this reason,
hydrogen and, similarly, oxygen isotopic compositions of human hair and nail are
highly correlated to the isotopic composition of drinking water (Ehleringer et al.,
2008; Fraser et al., 2006; Fraser and Meier‐Augenstein, 2007). To the best of our
knowledge, only one research group to date has studied the hydrogen isotopes of
human nail as a non‐invasive source of information about a person’s recent
geographical life history (Fraser et al., 2006; Fraser and Meier‐Augenstein, 2007)
and reported an equation correlating 𝛿2H values of water with 𝛿2H values of nail.
When paired hair and nail samples from 36 people in different locations were
compared, the slope of the 𝛿2Hwater/𝛿2Hnail correlation equation was 0.37, which
was shallower than the slope of 0.54 for the 𝛿2Hwater/𝛿2Hhair correlation equation
obtained from the same sample population (Fraser and Meier‐Augenstein, 2007).
Notwithstanding, the 𝛿2Hwater/𝛿2Hnail correlation showed a coefficient of determina-
tion (R2) of 0.6.
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Assuming 30% of the hydrogen in human hair is directly derived from “liquid”
hydrogen (Sharp et al., 2003) it follows that populations with 𝛿2Hwater/𝛿2Hhair
correlation equations that have slopes near 0.3 source their “liquid” hydrogen
locally or at least regionally, while the contribution of “solid” hydrogen comes
from mixed but predominantly non‐local food sources. People living in North
America are a prime example for such a population (Ehleringer et al., 2008). Even
if food is purchased at the local grocery store, its ultimate origin may have been
the “global” supermarket. A study by O’Brien and colleagues clearly demonstrated
this fact: no matter where a selection of food was purchased in various states of
the US (including Alaska), its isotopic composition was essentially the same
(O’Brien and Wooller, 2007).
In contrast, any increase of the 𝛿2Hwater/𝛿2Hhair correlation slope beyond 0.3
would be indicative of an increased uptake of “solid” hydrogen from food of local
or regional origin. In simple terms, the more local (and seasonal) the origin of
food consumed by a given population, the more positive the slope of the 𝛿2Hwater/
𝛿2Hhair correlation equation should be. Studies of populations with different
consumer behavior did indeed yield different slopes for the corresponding 𝛿2Hwater/
𝛿2Hhair correlation equations (Bowen et al., 2009; Fraser and Meier‐Augenstein,
2007; Thompson et al., 2010) with the hair/water correlation equation for people
from indigenous (“non‐globalized”) populations having the steepest slope of 0.78
(Bowen et al., 2009).
20.5.2 Caveats for the hydrogen isotope analysis

of hair and nail
Isotopic profiling of human hair has received a good deal of attention in the past
decade, and a rich repository of published knowledge exists on the particular
challenge that is H isotope abundance analysis of hair in general (Bowen et al.,
2005a; Landwehr et al., 2011; Meier‐Augenstein et al., 2011) and of human
hair in a forensic contexts in particular (Coplen and Qi, 2012, 2016; Ehleringer
et al., 2008; Fraser and Meier‐Augenstein, 2007; Meier‐Augenstein, 2018; Meier‐
Augenstein and Fraser, 2008; Meier‐Augenstein and Kemp, 2012; Sharp et al.,
2003). Between 9 and 15% of H covalently bound in hydroxyl, thiol, amino, and
free carboxyl functional groups will exchange with H in ambient humidity or
moisture (Bowen et al., 2005a; Fraser and Meier‐Augenstein, 2007; Landwehr
et al., 2011; Meier‐Augenstein, 2018; Meier‐Augenstein et al., 2011; Sharp et al.,
2003). The effect of this exchange depends not only on sample nature but also on
three additional factors. Firstly, hair samples handled and analysed at different
times (and temperatures) may have exchanged hydrogen with ambient humidity
of different isotopic composition at different rates of exchange. Samples will be
contaminated with traces of ambient moisture that will make a contribution to
the overall measured hydrogen isotopic composition if they are not, secondly,
thoroughly dried prior to analysis; and thirdly, transferred into a hermetically
sealed autosampler with a protective atmosphere of dry helium (Bowen et al., 2005a;
Landwehr et al., 2011; Meier‐Augenstein, 2018; Meier‐Augenstein et al., 2011).
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A critical review published in 2013 describes some methodological approaches for

determining “true” 𝛿2H values – the 𝛿2H values of the non‐exchangeable or
intrinsic H fraction of proteins such as keratin (Meier‐Augenstein et al., 2013).
Following stable isotope analysis, sample 𝛿 values must not only be linked to
the zero‐point of the appropriate internationally agreed 𝛿 scale, but also be aligned
to the size of the relevant 𝛿 scale through calibration (or normalization) to com-
pensate for an effect called scale compression (Coleman and Meier‐Augenstein,
2014; Dunn and Carter, 2018; Meier‐Augenstein and Schimmelmann, 2018). If a
secondary international measurement standard defines the size of a 𝛿 scale, as is
the case with the VSMOW/SLAP scale for 2H, 𝛿 values should be normalized using
both standards as scale anchors, or two reference materials (two endpoints) whose
𝛿 values adequately cover the size of the 𝛿 scale. Primary reference materials
(RMs) provide the zero‐points of the relevant 𝛿 scale (e.g. VSMOW2) while
secondary RMs (e.g. SLAP2) are natural or synthetic compounds that have been
carefully calibrated relative to the primary RMs. Tertiary RMs are compounds that
have been calibrated using secondary RMs; available from commercial organiza-
tions and universities, these materials often provide a better matrix match to sam-
ples. Laboratories can also calibrate in‐house standards using primary (when
available) or secondary RMs that are matrix‐matched to the samples commonly
encountered during casework.
Good practice guidelines for isotope ratio measurements and reporting results
thereof strongly recommend the use of two end‐points to construct a normaliza-
tion equation of the form 𝛿accepted = s × 𝛿measured + b (Dunn and Carter, 2018). The
slope of the regression line (s) is referred to as the expansion factor, stretch factor,
or simply “stretch,” and the intercept (b) as the additive correction factor, shift
factor, or simply “shift.” The practical consequence of not observing good practice
guidelines with regards to scale normalization can result in measured 𝛿 values that
may be consistent within a single laboratory or working group, but not comparable
to data from other laboratories. It is crucial for comparability, traceability and
repeatability that all measured 𝛿 values be normalized using the same approach
and scale. While scale normalization of measured 𝛿 values based on two end‐
points is recommended for all non‐metal element isotope analyses, it is of
particular importance for hydrogen isotope analysis due to the large dynamic
scale compression associated with H isotope abundances.
20.5.3 Carbon and nitrogen isotopic compositions

of hair and nail
Unlike 𝛿2H or 𝛿18O values, which can be used as indicators of geographical prove-
nance, 𝛿13C and/or 𝛿15N values of hair and nail provide general insights into die-
tary habits, which may or may not vary based on geography (Thompson et al.,
2010; Valenzuela et al., 2011, 2012). In this application, 𝛿13C values may be used
as a contextual qualifier or exclusion criterion. This can be especially useful when
interpreting hydrogen and oxygen isotopic profiles with regards to geographical
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point‐of‐origin or change in geographical location when observed 𝛿2H or 𝛿18O

values are not unique to one particular region but are consistent with several
regions of the world. Here, isotope ratio analysis of other elements (e.g. S, Sr and/
or Pb) may be additionally helpful (Bataille et al., 2018; Tipple et al., 2013; Willmes
et al., 2018).
We note that published data on the carbon and nitrogen isotopic compositions
of human nail are few and far between, but do demonstrate that these tissues in
principle reflect the isotopic composition of diet in a similar way as human hair
(Fraser et al., 2006; Fraser and Meier‐Augenstein, 2007; Hülsemann et al., 2015;
Meier‐Augenstein, 2018; Meier‐Augenstein and Kemp, 2012; O’Connell et al.,
2001). However, there is a difference in 𝛿13C values between paired hair and nail
samples of the order of −0.5 to −0.3‰, while the difference in 𝛿15N values bet-
ween matching hair and nail samples from the same individuals is of the order of
+0.5 to +1.0‰ (Fraser et al., 2006; Hülsemann et al., 2015; Meier‐Augenstein,
2018; O’Connell et al., 2001; Thompson et al., 2010).
As summarized previously, an increase in C4 derived protein in an individual’s
diet is typically associated with an increase in 𝛿13C values of hair and nail. For
example, the preponderance of C4 plants in the North American diet is reflected in
the higher, on average, 𝛿13C values of human hair from North American citizens
compared with European citizens (Valenzuela et al., 2012). An increase in quantity
of consumed animal protein also impacts the 𝛿15N values of keratinous tissues. Hair
or nail 𝛿15N values within a range of approximately +8 to +10‰ are usually indic-
ative of an omnivorous or an ovolactovegetarian diet (Fraser et al., 2006; O’Connell
and Hedges, 1999a; O’Connell et al., 2001; Thompson et al., 2010), while 𝛿15N
values of about +7 to +8‰ are indicative of a vegan diet that includes no animal
protein whatsoever. In contrast, 𝛿15N values in excess of +10‰ are typically indic-
ative of a diet rich in animal protein. For individuals at the apex of a food web,
such as Inuit eating protein from predatory species, 𝛿15N values as high as +18.2‰
have been reported (Bowen et al., 2009; Meier‐Augenstein, 2018).
20.5.4 Caveats for the carbon and nitrogen isotope analysis

of hair and nail
As a word of caution, elevated tissue 𝛿13C values do not necessarily always denote
a high dietary uptake of C4 plant‐derived carbon. Two additional factors to c onsider
when interpreting tissue 𝛿13C values include: (1) that the isotopic shift between
diet 𝛿13C values and tissue 𝛿13C values is tissue‐dependent (Meier‐Augenstein,
2018; O’Connell et al., 2001), and (2) that the isotopic shift associated with trophic
level can result in higher‐than‐expected 𝛿13C values for top predators. For example,
Inuit subsist on a protein‐rich diet from marine sources as well as predatory ani-
mals. Even at the lowest trophic level, marine food webs typically exhibit higher
𝛿13C values than terrestrial food webs. Furthermore, consuming meat from pred-
ators puts the Inuit on the trophic level of a tertiary consumer, or a consumer of
carnivores. As a consequence of their unique position in the food web, 𝛿13C values
c20.indd 301 11/26/2019 8:31:06 PM

of about −15‰ have been reported for Inuit hair (Canada) (Bowen et al., 2009;
Meier‐Augenstein, 2018). By comparison, similarly high 𝛿13C values are found in
hair from people living in South Africa, though here these elevated 𝛿13C values
result primarily from a high level of C4 plant‐derived carbon in the South African
staple diet.
20.5.5 Strontium and lead isotopic compositions

of human tissue
Unlike non‐metal elements, which are the main constituent of the keratin struc-
ture, metal elements such as Sr and Pb are only present in trace concentrations in
hair and nail (Hu, 2015). Previous studies have demonstrated that the 87Sr/86Sr
ratios of keratin tissues of humans correlate strongly with that of water sources
(Font et al., 2012; Mancuso and Ehleringer, 2018; Tipple et al., 2013, 2018;
Vautour et al., 2015), although the contribution of different endogenous sources
(food and water ingestion) and exogenous sources (surface exposure) to the
abundance and isotopic composition of Sr and Pb in keratin is not fully under-
stood. A portion of Sr and Pb in keratin tissues originates from endogenous sources
and reflects the isotopic signatures of the food and water ingested. However, both
elements are soluble in water and can diffuse and exchange through the keratin
structure when wetted (Hu, 2015). This diffusion can alter the abundance and
potentially the isotopic composition. Humans with different bathing habits might
exchange their Sr and their Pb at different rates, complicating the interpretation
of provenance. Exchange also depends on the structure of the tissue. For example,
the 87Sr/86Sr ratio of fingernails from travelers uniformly reflects the isotopic com-
position of the wash water at the last location visited (Mancuso and Ehleringer,
2018) while the 87Sr/86Sr ratios of horsehair reflect movements of individuals
(Chau et al., 2017). Keratin in nail is not protected by cuticle scales, which could
favor faster diffusion and exchange during wetting of nail versus hair. Hands are
also wetted more frequently than hair, which could explain the dominance of
exogenous Sr in nails.
To our knowledge, little isotopic data exist to explain the Pb isotopic variation
in hair and/or nails (Font et al., 2012; Varrica et al., 2018; Vautour et al., 2015).
However, it is understood that identifying and separating the endogenous and
exogenous portion of Pb – and Sr – in keratin tissues is critical prior to interpreting
isotopic profiles. Wetting frequency and residence time of metals in keratin in wet
environments should be considered. Consider forensic cases where a body is
found in a wet environment or following exposure to wet conditions (e.g. rain,
snow, or soil water) – in these cases, it is possible that the keratin tissues will have
exchanged Sr and Pb with local water sources and not necessarily reflect
geographical history.
In contrast to hair, Sr and Pb in both bone and teeth primarily reflect Sr and Pb
present in ingested food and drink (Beard and Johnson, 2000; Bentley, 2006;
Evans and Tatham, 2004; Gulson et al., 1997; Kamenov, 2008; Kamenov and
c20.indd 302 11/26/2019 8:31:06 PM

Gulson, 2014). This does not mean that these isotopic profiles are completely free
from confounding influences. For instance, a predominantly marine‐sourced diet
may shift terrestrial 87Sr/86Sr ratios that could be exploited forensically towards
the range of 87Sr/86Sr ratios found in seawater. An analogous argument could be
made for Pb isotope ratios from influences such as lead emissions from anthropo-
genic sources. However, with careful consideration of the likelihood and potential
magnitude of such confounding factors, measurement of Sr and/or Pb isotope
ratios can help narrow down potential regions of geographical origin when

combined with light element isotope signatures of hydrogen and/or oxygen when
multiple disparate regions in the world share similar modeled 𝛿2H and/or 𝛿18O
values of source water (Kamenov and Curtis, 2017; Kamenov et al., 2014).
20.6 Conclusion
The isotopic profiles of human tissues such as bone, teeth, hair and nail hold great
potential for forensic investigations by providing valuable information regarding
an unidentified decedent’s life history that cannot be obtained by any other ana-
lytical method. Profiling based on temporal records of isotopes in human tissues
can unlock valuable information about a person’s life history, if interpreted in
context and with cognizance of potentially confounding factors. While isotopic
profiling alone will not be able to “identify” a person directly, it holds the potential
to focus an investigation, to provide corroborating information that supports a
particular line of enquiry to the exclusion of others, and to act as a screening tool
for repatriation of victims of multi‐national, multi‐ethnic mass disasters – thus
ultimately helping to assert a person’s most basic human right, their right to their
personal identity.
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CHAPTER 21
Andean isoscapes: Creating and testing

oxygen isoscape models to aid in the
identification of missing persons in Peru
Department of Anthropology, Vanderbilt University, Nashville, Tennessee, USA
21.1 Introduction
Isotope analysis has long been used in archaeological research to establish whether
an individual is local or non‐local to a particular region. Those same methods can
be applied to modern cases and aid in establishing whether a corpse is from the
region where they were found. That premise is expanded upon here to create pre-
liminary isoscapes – predictive surfaces of isotopic values based on field‐sampled
data – to evaluate its utility in excluding regions, and perhaps identifying potential
places of origin, for particular samples. We start by testing the success of three
isoscape models in identifying the source of water samples, and then test its effec-
tiveness at identifying sources of archaeological human remains. The longer‐term
and more pressing concern is to use these and future isoscape models to begin to
narrow down the geographical origins of victims from the Shining Path war in
Peru, during which, in the 1980s to 1990s, approximately 69,000 mostly indige-
nous people were killed.
We use stable oxygen isotope data from surface water samples in the Andes to
construct three oxygen isoscape models. Water sample collection in Peru is
ongoing, and future isotopic research will aim to integrate multiple isotopes to
create a more comprehensive isoscape that can be used to estimate the geographical
origins of corpses. In those regards, this study is preliminary and simply lays the
foundation for ongoing work to create an isoscape model that will enable
researchers to exclude possible regions as the geographical origin for particular
victims and pinpoint other areas as possible homelands. We do not claim that
these isoscape models will immediately lead to positive identifications. Instead,
the hope is that isoscape models will enable human rights workers to concentrate
311
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outreach and identification programs in areas where they are more likely to find
surviving family members. We do not yet have stable isotope data from victims of
the conflict; those data will be collected as part of a separate and ongoing project.
Instead, we use stable oxygen isotope data from well provenienced archaeological
human teeth to test the utility of these preliminary isoscape models. While this
isoscape modeling could potentially be combined with DNA testing, we note that
the isotopic approach is less invasive than DNA analysis (Montgomery, 2010); it
does not require family members to come forward and give biological samples for
DNA testing.
21.1.1 Stable oxygen isotope values in dentition

Stable isotope measurements of 16O/18O in human tissues mirror the isotopic com-
position (with fractionation effects) of the water consumed during the period of
tissue growth and development (Bartelink et al., 2014; Ehleringer et al., 2010).
Therefore, in humans, stable oxygen isotope measurements of the carbonates in
enamel hydroxyapatite provide a proxy for the water consumed during the years
of enamel formation (i.e. childhood) (Daux et al., 2008; Knudson and Price, 2007;
Marsteller et al., 2017; Sponheimer and Lee‐Thorp, 1999; Wright and Schwarcz,
1998). The stable oxygen isotope ratio in enamel does not change during the life
course because enamel does not remodel. In this study we focus on oxygen iso-
topes from dental carbonates, but other tissues have been studied, such as bone
carbonates, which document water consumed during the last years of life (Hedges
et al., 2007), and hair and fingernails, which reflect imbibed water during the last
months and years of life (Bartelink et al., 2014; Bowen et al., 2009; Chau et al.,
2017; Ehleringer et al., 2008; Thompson et al., 2010; Wilson et al., 2007). In
combination with predictive isoscapes, analyses of δ18O values in various human
tissues have aided medico‐legal investigators in identifying unknown decedents
(Bartelink et al., 2016; Kennedy et al., 2011; Thompson et al., 2010).
There are, however, a number of biological and cultural factors that complicate
the interpretation of δ18O values in human tissues. First, δ18O values from enamel
apatite in pre‐weaning teeth are enriched in 18O relative to maternal tissues by
approximately 0.5‰ to 1.2‰ due to the consumption of 18O‐enriched breast milk
(Warinner and Tuross, 2010; Wright and Schwarcz, 1998, 1999). Furthermore,
food and beverage storage and preparation techniques can lead to evaporative
enrichment of 18O relative to source water (Gagnon et al., 2015). For example,
boiling and brewing can lead to δ18O values that are approximately 1.0‰ more
positive than source water and over 10.0‰ higher for stews cooked for various
lengths of time (see summaries in Brettell et al., 2012; Pederzani and Britton,
2019: 94). In the Peruvian Andes, prehistoric and modern δ18O values in human
tissues are likely to have been enriched due to the cultural importance of maize
beer (chicha de maiz), which has an enriched δ18O signature relative to source water
(Gagnon et al., 2015; Gagnon and Juengst, 2018; McCool and Brenner Coltrain,
2018). Currently, there is no consensus on how to correct for the effect of
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Andean isoscapes 313
consuming 18O‐enriched breast milk, boiled, or stored water (Pederzani and

Britton, 2019). As such, cultural knowledge of the region under study is essential,
and our long‐term research in Ayacucho will include ethnographic and documen-
tary research about drinking water sources and beverage preparation. Finally,
inter‐lab error in δ18O values from the same enamel sample show that differences
of less than 3.0‰ may be due to instrument error or sample preparation differ-
ences, rather than a meaningful difference in water consumed during tissue
development (Pestle et al., 2014).
21.1.2 Stable oxygen isotopes and the landscape

Stable isotopes of oxygen vary predictably throughout the landscape due to the
ways that they fractionate as they move throughout the water cycle from vapor, to
liquid, to solid form. Temperature, humidity, altitude, latitude, and distance from
the coast (continentality) can all impact the rate at which heavier 18O molecules
condense and precipitate, and lighter 16O molecules are evaporated (Craig, 1961;
Dansgaard, 1964; West et al., 2014). As clouds move from the coast inland, and
water moves through serial condensation and evaporation events, the relative abun-
dance of 16O and 18O isotopes changes, in a process known as Rayleigh distillation
(Craig, 1961; Dansgaard, 1964; Kendall et al., 2014). When the water cycle is well
understood in a region, the ratio of 16O to 18O (δ18O) in precipitation‐derived mete-
oric water can be used as an isotopic tracer that discriminates between water sam-
ples from higher or lower elevations and latitudes (Bowen, 2008, 2010a, 2010b).
The Peruvian landscape would seem particularly well suited to creating an
oxygen isoscape. The changing altitude from the coast to the high mountains, the
variation in latitude as one transverses the length of Peru from north to south,
and the distinct precipitation water cycles for western and eastern Peru (high
Andes, Amazonian, and Atlantic drainage) should result in distinct stable oxygen
isotope ratios in the precipitation of high‐altitude and high‐latitude regions com-
pared with low‐altitude and lower‐latitude regions. Broadly speaking, those dif-
ferences are observable in existing precipitation isoscape models (Bowen, 2018).
However, precipitation δ18O values may not mirror those of the water consumed
by humans. In regions with sharp topographical relief, such as the Andes, oxygen
isotope values from precipitation vary significantly from the values of the surface
water (West et al., 2014; Yamanaka et al., 2015). Therefore, we must consider
whether the rivers, streams, cisterns, lakes, and natural springs are the likely
sources of people’s drinking water.
Standing water such as lakes or reservoirs and subsurface water such as springs
or wells can have highly variable δ18O values, even within a constrained
geographical area. As 16O evaporates more rapidly than 18O, lakes and reservoirs
are left with higher concentrations of 18O (Gibson et al., 1993: 85). Subsurface
groundwater poses an equally challenging problem as the processes affecting δ18O
may not be directly tied to precipitation‐derived meteoric water (Ingraham et al.,
1990). If these sources are all consumed by humans as drinking water, then these
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values will be averaged in their bodily tissues, making it difficult to connect δ18O
values obtained from human tissues to one specific water source.
Based on previous research for the best water sources to use as proxies for
drinking water in the Ayacucho Basin and Peru more broadly (Knudson, 2009;
Toyne et al., 2014; Tung et al., 2013, 2016), we focus on producing an isoscape
using flowing surface water only (e.g. rivers, streams, canals). We acknowledge
that the victims of the civil war in Peru may have consumed water from other
sources, and this will certainly be given further consideration in the future phases
of this work. For now, we limit our models to flowing surface water isoscapes pro-
duced through three different geospatial techniques: (1) ordinary kriging; (2)
multiple linear regression; and (3) regression kriging, all described below.
Furthermore, while we focus on modeling only one isotope in this current study,
ongoing work is focused on creating a multi‐isotope isoscape.
21.2 Materials and methods
21.2.1 Description of the datasets

The data used in this study falls into three categories: (1) stable oxygen isotope
values from water sources that were collected at known locations; (2) environmental
variables, which were used for the regression analysis; and (3) stable oxygen iso-
tope values from archaeological samples (human dental carbonates), which were
used for testing the models.
21.2.1.1 Surface water samples

The total number of water samples in our initial database is 759: our team col-
lected and analysed 95 water samples, and the other 664 samples are from pub-
lished studies (Bershaw et al., 2016; Buzon et al., 2011; Flusche et al., 2005;
Gagnon et al., 2015; Rohrmann et al., 2014; Turner et al., 2009; Webb et al.,
2013). Sample collection by our team focused on the Ayacucho region, where
many victims’ bodies from the conflict were recovered, and from water sources
near archaeological sites that yielded human skeletons across Peru. Whenever
possible, we sampled at locations along entire river valleys and throughout differ-
ent seasons to capture seasonal fluxes in stable isotope values. Following cleaning
and reduction (described below), the final water sample database of 575 samples
spans from northern coastal Peru to northern Argentina (Figure 21.1).
21.2.1.2 Environmental variables

While many environmental variables may impact δ18O, altitude, temperature,
and distance from the coast are all highly correlated variables in the Andes,
making it impossible to tease apart the effects of each. For this reason, only
altitude and latitude were included in the construction of our models. The altitude
dataset was obtained from a digital elevation model (DEM) provided by NASA’s
c21.indd 314 11/26/2019 8:27:48 PM

–6
–10
–14
–18
–22
Surface water locations (n = 575)

Elevation (masl)
–26 High : 6008
N
Low : –127
0 125 250 500
km
–80 –77 –74 –71 –68 –65
Figure 21.1 Map showing the locations of the 575 surface water samples.
Shuttle Radar Topography Mission project (NASA, 2013), and was downsampled
to a 1 km resolution to lower the computational requirements of the analysis
using the open source GRASS GIS (GRASS Development Team, 2012). Latitude
was calculated in the R statistical programming language using the spatial
dimensions of the DEM.
c21.indd 315 11/26/2019 8:27:50 PM

21.2.1.3 Archaeological samples

The archaeological oxygen isotope data derive from 396 dental enamel samples
from Peru (Figure 21.2) and were all drilled and chemically prepared at the
Vanderbilt Bioarchaeology and Stable Isotope Lab. These include unpublished
–14
Elevation (masl)
High : 6008
Low : –127 N
0 25 50 100
km
–77 –74
Figure 21.2 Map showing the locations of the archaeological (dental carbonate) samples
with the number of samples analysed from each site.
c21.indd 316 11/26/2019 8:27:53 PM

data and data from Tung et al. (2016). The distribution of stable oxygen iso-
tope ratios at each site was evaluated and statistical outliers were excluded
from the archaeological test dataset. Outliers were defined as those smaller than
Q1 − 1.5 × IQR (interquartile range) or greater than Q3 + 1.5 × IQR (Tukey’s rule).
When testing the models against the archaeological dental samples, the archae-
ological data have to be converted to make them directly comparable to the stable
oxygen isotope values obtained from water. The δ18O values obtained from the
archaeological dental carbonates are initially reported in standard Vienna Pee Dee
Belemnite (VPDB), and are then converted to δ18OSMOW (δ18OcarbonateSMOW = (1.0391
× δ18OcarbonateVPDB) + 30.91) (Coplen et al., 1983). Dental enamel carbonate δ18OSMOW
values were then converted to drinking water δ18OphosphateSMOW (δ18OphosphateSMOW =
(0.98 × δ18OcarbonateSMOW) − 8.5) (Iacumin et al., 1996). Finally, given that fraction-
ation alters the ratio of 16O to 18O as it moves through mammalian tissues, the
phosphate δ18OSMOW was finally converted to make it comparable to surface water
values (δ18O drinking waterSMOW = (δ18OphosphateSMOW − 22.7)/0.78) (Luz et al., 1984) (and
for other conversion formulas, see Chenery et al., 2012).
21.2.2 Methods
Data cleaning and reduction of the water sample database excluded samples for
the following reasons: (1) the sample did not fall along the Global Meteoric Water
Line when the hydrogen and oxygen isotope values were plotted against each
other (this would suggest significant evaporative effects and thus poor data
quality) (Craig, 1961); (2) the water samples were not from a flowing water
source (e.g. lakes, cisterns, etc. were excluded); and (3) the water sample was
from an underground water source or natural spring. Finally, samples that were
collected from the same location were averaged together, to provide unique values
for each location. The cleaned dataset was then split into training and testing
sets with 80% used to calibrate the models, and 20% reserved to validate and
compare the models.
21.2.2.1 Model creation

Three approaches were used to generate predictive isoscapes. The first technique,
ordinary kriging (OK), models the spatial autocorrelation (the tendency of spa-
tially closer samples to be more similar) of the data and then uses this model to
predict unknown values in a statistically rigorous way (Cressie, 1992). However,
OK models rely solely on the locations and values of known samples, and
therefore cannot account for variation that occurs between known sample loca-
tions. The second technique was multiple linear regression (MLR), which uses
elevation and latitude as predictors for δ18O. The MLR model, therefore, was
sensitive to environmental effects between samples, but did not account for
spatial autocorrelation. This is a problem because local conditions not captured
by the variables of the linear model, such as persistent wind patterns or other
local meteorological effects, may cause samples to be autocorrelated. The final
c21.indd 317 11/26/2019 8:27:53 PM

technique, regression kriging (RK) combines the other two methods by running
a regression model and performing kriging on the residuals (Hengl et al., 2007:
1303). In this way, the model can adjust to the effects of environmental variation
between known locations while simultaneously accounting for spatial autocor-
relation and local meteorological effects. In addition to a prediction map, each
model provides a map estimating the uncertainty (expressed as the variance of
the prediction distribution) associated with the prediction at all locations. All
data analysis was completed in R using the “gstat” package (Gräler et al., 2016;
Pebesma, 2004; R‐Core, 2018).
21.2.2.2 Model validation and testing

Each model was validated by comparison to the reserved test water data (20% of
the water samples) and also evaluated for its usefulness by testing the models on
archaeological human dental samples. The models’ mean squared error (MSE)
with respect to known values from the test samples provides a metric for assessing
the strength of the model at predicting δ18O values at a given location. However,
a low MSE does not necessarily imply that it is possible to identify the location of
origin of any particular sample. As the ultimate goal of this research is to predict
the location of origin of decedents, it is important to evaluate a model’s effective-
ness at this task directly. In this context, a “good” model will maintain a high
prediction accuracy, while simultaneously eliminating as much of the landscape
as possible, regardless of how accurately it predicts the actual value of a water
sample collected at any given location. Therefore, the models were further tested
by evaluating the success rate of each model at predicting where each test sample
originated, within a 95% confidence interval, and examining the percentage of
the study area eliminated by the model. However, the percentage of the study
area eliminated by a model is not the same for all δ18O values. Samples that fall
near the tail of the landscape’s δ18O distribution are found in far fewer places than
samples that fall near the center of the distribution. The precise relationship bet-
ween δ18O values and the percentage of the study area eliminated for each model
is discussed below. For consistency, the minimum area eliminated is reported for
each dataset tested. A model may perform better than this for some data, but the
minimum area provides a measure of the model at its least effective.
21.3 Results

data from surface water
The initial water sample database had 759 samples. After data reduction (described
above), there were a total of 575 water samples with δ18OSMOW values ranging from
−19.6‰ to −3.5‰ (Table 21.1). The distribution of the δ18O values from the water
sample is multimodal, with modes around −15‰, −9‰ and −5‰ (Figure 21.3)
corresponding to highly spatially‐autocorrelated data clusters in Peru, Bolivia,
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Table 21.1 Descriptive statistics of the δ18O values from the water and archaeological

samples.
Data δ18O n Range (‰) Mean (‰) Median (‰) Standard

(VSMOW) deviation (‰)
Water samples 95 −18.0 – −4.0 −15.0 −15.7 2.8

collected by
Vanderbilt team
Water samples 664 −19.6 – 10 −11.5 −12.0 4.5
from published
sources*
Full water dataset 759 −19.6 – 10 −11.5 −12 4.3
Flowing surface 575 −19.6 – −3.5 −11.4 −11.6 4.2
water dataset
after cleaning
Flowing surface 460 −19.6 – −3.7 −11.3 −11.5 4.2
water training
set
Flowing surface 115 −18.7 – −3.5 −11.6 −12 4.2
water test set
Archaeological 396 −18.4 – −2.8 −13.5 −13.6 1.9
dental enamel
test set
* Bershaw et al. (2016); Buzon et al. (2011); Flusche et al. (2005); Gagnon et al. (2015); Rohrmann et al. (2014); Turner
et al. (2009); Webb et al. (2013).
50
40
Count
30
20
10
–20 –19 –18 –17 –16 –15 –14 –13 –12 –11 –10 –9 –8 –7 –6 –5 –4 –3
δ18OSMOW n = 575
Figure 21.3 The distribution of δ18OSMOW values from the 575 flowing surface water
samples that were used to generate the three models. The three modes are apparent at
−15, −9, and −5‰.
c21.indd 319 11/26/2019 8:27:53 PM

80
60
Count
40
20
–18 –17 –16 –15 –14 –13 –12 –11 –10 –9 –8 –7 –6 –5 –4 –3 –2

δ18O drinking water SMOW n = 396
Figure 21.4 The distribution of δ18OdrinkingwaterSMOW values from the archaeological dental
carbonate samples (n = 396).
and northern Argentina, respectively (Moran’s I = 0.573, z‐score = 4.398, p‐value

< 0.001). Of the 575 samples, 80% (n = 460) were used as training data to build
the models and 20% (n = 115) as a testing set to validate the models.
The δ18OSMOW of the 396 archaeological samples (Tung et al., 2013, 2016; Tung,
n.d.) used to test the models (all of which were collected in Peru) varied
from −18.4‰ to −2.8‰ (Table 21.1), with a slightly right‐skewed distribution
(Figure 21.4).
21.3.2 Ordinary kriging model

The ordinary kriging (OK) model predicts the δ18O values for the study region will
vary between −17.6‰ and −4.2‰ with a mean of −10.7‰ (Figures 21.5 and
21.6a, Table 21.2). Because the OK model interpolates unknown values from
known values at known coordinates, it cannot confidently predict values at loca-
tions with no nearby known values, resulting in its high mean variance of 6.0.
However, in regions of dense sampling, it also shows the highest confidence rates
with prediction variances approaching 1.0. Comparing the predicted values with
the known values from the water test set gives an MSE of ~1.4, though it should
be noted that opportunistic sampling led to significantly spatially autocorrelated
δ18O values, so that most sampled points are surrounded by similar, nearby point
values. The model would not be expected to perform as well at predicting data
that originates from new and unsampled areas. With a 95% confidence interval,
the model correctly predicted the location of the test water sample approximately
96% of the time, while eliminating a minimum of 16% of the survey area.
c21.indd 320 11/26/2019 8:27:54 PM

Surface Water Locations Ordinary Kriging Prediction

δ18O (dwVSMOW) δ18O (dwVSMOW)
–5 - –4 High : –4.24596
–7 - –6 Low : –17.5757
–9 - –8
–11 - –10
–13 - –12
–15 - –14 N
–17 - –16
–20 - –18
0 400
km
Figure 21.5 Locations and δ18O values of the 575 water samples and the Ordinary Kriging
isoscape model generated from those values. Also see Figure 21.6a to see how this the
Ordinary Kriging model compared to the other two models.
c21.indd 321 11/26/2019 8:27:57 PM

Ordinary Kriging (a) Linear Regression (b) Regression Kriging (c)
Lima Lima Lima
–20 –18 –16 –14 –12 –10 –8 –6 –4 –2
Predicted δ18ODrinking Water SMOW
Figure 21.6 Predicted δ18OdrinkingwaterSMOW for the three models across the study region.
(a) Ordinary kriging model; (b) multiple linear regression model; (c) regression kriging
model, which combines the ordinary kriging and multiple linear regression models.
21.3.3 Multiple linear regression model

The MLR model used elevation (coef = −1.106 × 10‐3, p < 0.5) and latitude
(coef = −4.741 × 10−6, p < 0.5) with all units in meters and an intercept term
(coef = −0.9071, p < 0.5) to estimate the δ18O at each location with an adjusted R2
of 0.75. The model predictions range from ~−20‰ to −2.6‰ with a mean of
−12.1‰ (Figure 21.6b, Table 21.2), while the uncertainty surface is nearly uni-
form at 4.5 ± 0.05, despite it having a range of 4.5 to 9.1. The consistency of the
uncertainty values reflects the fact that the model’s confidence is not dependent
on its proximity to locations with known values. As a result, the mean u ncertainty
of the MLR is lower than that for the OK model, but its minimum uncertainty is
also much higher. The MSE is much higher for the linear regression model than
for ordinary kriging at 4.8. Nevertheless, the wide confidence interval allowed the
model to correctly identify the origin of the test samples 97% of the time
when using a 95% confidence interval, while eliminating at least 23.6% of the
study area.
21.3.4 Regression kriging model

Finally, the regression kriging (RK) model predicts the δ18O values for the study
region vary between −27.6‰ and −4.3‰ with a mean of −11.3‰ (Figure 21.6c,
Table 21.2). Because the RK model blends the MLR and OK models, its mean
uncertainty is similar to that of MLR at −4.5, but its range of uncertainty is much
larger with regions of both high and low confidence. Comparing the predicted
values with the known values from the water test set, RK has the best MSE of the
models at ~1.3. Within a 95% confidence interval, the model also correctly
c21.indd 322 11/26/2019 8:27:58 PM

Table 21.2 Summary of the results, comparing the test water samples against the three models generated using the training
water sample dataset.
Model Prediction Mean Model Mean MSE Success Min. area

range prediction variance model rate eliminated
range variance (95% CI)
Ordinary kriging −17.6 – −4.2 −10.7 1.0–11.3 6.0 1.4 96% 16.1%

Linear regression −20* – −2.6 −12.1 4.5 ± 0.05* 4.5 4.8 97% 23.6%
Regression kriging −27.6 – −4.3 −11.3 1.1–25.4 4.6 1.3 97% 18.1%
* Less than 0.07% of the predictions for linear regression were less than −20‰. These strongly negative predictions are likely the result of sensor errors of isolated pixels in the DEM
and do not significantly affect the results. This is also true of the 9.1 value in the uncertainty surface.
c21.indd 323 11/26/2019 8:27:58 PM

Table 21.3 Summary of the results in which the archaeological samples are tested against
the three models that were generated with the water dataset.
Interpolation model MSE Success rate Minimum area eliminated
Ordinary kriging 5.3 65.2% 16.1%

Multiple linear regression 11.2 74.7% 23.6%
Regression kriging 4.8 72.0% 18.1%
predicted the location of the test water sample approximately 97% of the time,
while eliminating a minimum of 18.1% of the survey area.
21.3.5 Testing the model with archaeological samples

The models were also tested against archaeological samples to evaluate the mod-
el’s effectiveness at identifying the origins of actual human remains. The MSE for
the archaeological samples was larger than for the test water samples for all of the
models; however, the pattern remains the same with RK producing the lowest
MSE and MLR producing the highest. Similarly, the rate at which models success-
fully identified the sample’s location of origin declined sharply, with the MLR
model being most successful while only identifying the correct areas 74.7% of the
time. The prediction accuracy of the OK and RK models dropped such that they
are doing no better than random for many samples, with failure rates greater than
or equal to the amount of area eliminated from the study area. The results of the
tests using the archaeological samples are shown in Table 21.3.
21.4 Discussion
Validation of the three models using the test water samples shows slightly differ-
ent outcomes. In terms of the successful identification of possible water sources
and the elimination of areas from which a water source might be derived, the
MLR performed the best, excluding a minimum of 23.6% of the study area while
maintaining a 97% successful prediction rate. However, the MLR also had the
greatest MSE. RK, in contrast, had the lowest MSE, while eliminating at least
18.1% of the bounded area as a potential location for each sample – the second
best performance of the three in eliminating areas. This contrast is only magnified
upon close inspection of the area eliminated metric.
The minimum area eliminated metric provides a way of understanding the
worst‐case scenario for a given model, but it does not provide a full picture of the
model’s capabilities. Figure 21.7 shows how the area eliminated by each model
changes across the measured δ18O values. In addition to having the highest
minimum area eliminated, the MLR also eliminates substantially more of the
c21.indd 324 11/26/2019 8:27:58 PM

100
90
Percentage of Study Area Eliminated by Model
80
70
60
50
40
30
20
–19 –18 –17 –16 –15 –14 –13 –12 –11 –10 –9 –8 –7 –6 –5 –4 –3
δ18O SMOW
Model Ordinary Kriging Multivariate Regression Regression Krigging
Figure 21.7 This graph shows the percentage of the study area eliminated depending on
the δ18O value of the sample submitted to each of the three models.
study area than either of the other two models between δ18O values of −13‰
and −8‰. This portion of the distribution is crucial because, as shown in
Figures 21.3 and 21.4, a substantial proportion of both the water samples and
archaeological samples fall within this range. As such, the MLR model far
outperforms the other models in terms of eliminating portions of the study area,
while maintaining a high rate of success at identifying the locations water samples
were collected, in spite of its much poorer MSE. This demonstrates that a model
with low MSE does not necessarily imply it is the best model for identifying
locations of origin.
21.4.1 Predicting source of water samples vs. archaeological

human samples
All of the models were able to accurately predict the location of 95% or more of
the water samples while eliminating more than 5% of the study area, but their
ability to predict the locations from which archaeological samples were collected
was much worse. Indeed, the ordinary kriging model had a success rate of only
65.2% while eliminating less than 35% of the study area for the δ18O values
between −15‰ and −8‰, according to Figure 21.7. This means that for most
c21.indd 325 11/26/2019 8:27:59 PM

samples, the OK model is actually doing worse than randomly picking locations.
The MLR model, with a success rate of 74.7% and a minimum eliminated area of
23.6%, did no better than random in the worst case, but did better for δ18O values
at the tails of the distribution. However, as shown in Figure 21.4, the peak of the
distribution of archaeological samples is between −14‰ and −13‰: precisely the
range where the MLR model is least capable of eliminating areas (Figure 21.7).
These results suggest that the δ18OdrinkingwaterSMOW found in human dental samples
is distributed differently across the landscape than the δ18O in flowing surface
water. Looking at a couple of case studies from the dataset offers some ideas as
to why this might be. At Beringa (n = 25 archaeological samples; range = −18.2
to −11.5‰; mean = −15.4‰) and Ayacucho (n = 145 archaeological samples;
range = −14.8 to −10.6‰; mean = −12.8‰), the RK predictions of the source
water δ18O, −16.2‰ and −14.0‰ respectively, are within the range of values
found in archaeological samples at the site. However, in each case, the mean of
the archaeological samples is slightly more positive (18O‐enriched) than the model
predicts. This could reflect that the population relied on stored, boiled, or other-
wise prepared water that was subject to evaporative enrichment (see Gagnon
et al., 2015). Alternatively, it is possible that the existing formulae for converting
between isotopic standards and modeling fractionation as oxygen is incorporated
into human tissues are not sufficiently accurate to compare their results to the
isotope models directly (and see Chenery et al., 2012; Coplen et al., 1983; Iacumin
et al., 1996; Luz et al., 1984). The variation and uncertainty that is associated with
these processes and the formulae that model them are not completely under-
stood, making it difficult to evaluate the effect these conversions are having on
the success of the models. More research is needed in this area, and studies such
as this one may aid in clarifying the reliability of existing formulae.
One area of promise is that these models can eliminate certain regions as a
potential source, but this prediction is highly dependent on the oxygen isotope
value from the individual. For example, given the concentration of δ18O values
between −15 to −8‰ in Peru, it would be difficult to eliminate large regions of the
study area if a sample value falls within that range. Values on the left or right tail,
however, will yield larger areas of exclusion (Figure 21.7) and may be able to dis-
criminate between highlands and coast, or northern and southern Peru. This pre-
liminary study has shown that, among the three isoscape models, the MLR model
performed the best in terms of its accuracy in predicting the location of a sample,
while also excluding the largest amount of the landscape as a source. As more
drinking water source samples are collected throughout the region, we estimate
that the accuracy of this model – and the others – will improve. Looking forward,
the addition of other isotopes that are tied to landscape, such as strontium and
lead, will contribute to developing more robust isoscapes, which may ultimately
aid in excluding more areas of provenience and hone in on identifying possible
geographical origins of the unidentified dead.
c21.indd 326 11/26/2019 8:27:59 PM

Acknowledgements
We would like to acknowledge the funding agencies that made this work possible:
National Science Foundation‐Archaeology and Physical Anthropology Divisions
(grant # 1420757 to Tung); Vanderbilt University Chancellor Fellowship to Tung;
National Science Foundation SBE Postdoctoral Fellowship (#1809470 to Scaffidi).
We also thank Manuel Mamani and Anna Fernandez who assisted in collecting
the surface water samples, and Theresa Miller and Edward Zagarra who assisted
in collecting rainwater samples. We are grateful to the editors, Roberto Parra and
Douglas Ubelaker, for inviting us to contribute to this volume.
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Toyne, J.M., White, C.D., Verano, J.W., et al. (2014) Residential histories of elites and sacrificial
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CHAPTER 22
The period of violence in Peru

(1980–2000): Applying isotope
analysis and isoscapes in forensic cases
of the unidentified deceased
Martha R. Palma1, Tiffiny A. Tung2, Lucio A. Condori3 and
Roberto C. Parra4*
1
Department of Anthropology, Vanderbilt University, Nashville, Tennessee, USA

2
Specialized Forensic Team, Institute of Legal Medicine and Forensic Sciences of Peru, Lima, Perú
3
4
22.1 Introduction
Forensic identification of individuals from clandestine graves is an arduous

process that needs to consider several variables to successfully arrive at a positive
identification. The process of forensic identification needs to deal with tapho-
nomic changes that can hinder key observations on the human remains, com-
mingled skeletal elements, which can make it difficult to estimate the number of
individuals present, and cultural alterations that can eliminate essential pieces of
data or important skeletal elements used for identification. These various con-
founding variables require the use of multiple scientific and humanistic disciplines
and diverse investigation strategies to compile sufficient information to allow the
identification of the recovered remains. Given the numerous factors that can
hinder positive identification, this chapter discusses the application of biogeo-
chemical methods as an additional component of the forensic tool kit, and we
suggest that those techniques should be used in Peru when trying to identify
victims from the period of violence from 1980 to 2000. Biogeochemical (isotope)
the United Nations.
331
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analyses have been used in other forensic contexts to narrow down the possible
region of origin of unidentified bodies (Bartelink et al., 2014a; Ehleringer et al.,
2010), and the applications of those techniques may prove to be a valuable strategy
for finding surviving family members and move closer to a positive identification
for an unidentified individual.
22.2 The Peruvian Conflict and the government response
During the early years (1982–1983) of the period of violence in Peru (1980–2000)
disappearances were reported in rural, highland regions, which led communities
to request that the government search for clandestine graves. When clandestine
graves were finally found in the city of Lima in 1993, the government finally
intervened and investigated these cases. This resulted in some action; the
government tried to develop a system by which archeological science was applied
to the recovery of human remains in forensic contexts. Despite those early
attempts, it was not until 2000 that forensic anthropology became important for
prosecutors’ investigations. This led to the need for a unified work protocol in
cases of serious human rights violations. Thus, in 2002, in conjunction with the
Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC, 2001–2003),1 the “Plataforma
Conjunta” (Joint Platform) was established, providing a space for discussion about
international protocols. The main objective was to adapt international guides
about forensic investigations (e.g., see Cordner and McKelvie 2010) to the local
Peruvian context.
A major finding of the Peruvian Truth and Reconciliation Commission was that
the internal armed conflict in Peru between 1980 to 2000 constituted the most
intense, extensive and prolonged episode of violence in the entire history of the
republic (CVR, 2003). According to CVR estimates, the Peruvian internal armed
conflict resulted in the death of around 69,000 persons. With thousands of people
missing, relatives and friends of the disappeared were the first to undertake the
search for their loved ones. This was followed in a few cases by state institutions,
such as the Public Ministry (PM), and non‐governmental institutions interested in
the protection of human rights and the search for missing persons.
In 2003, the Public Ministry created a governmental forensic team (Equipo
Forense Especializado – EFE), and its main duties were to provide technical
support for prosecutors’ legal investigations into the search, recovery, analysis and
identification of human remains recovered from clandestine graves or other
places. This forensic team (EFE) attended 94% of all investigated forensic cases to
date (see Chapter 41), which involved around 4000 recovered individuals; 2200
individuals were identified and returned to relatives for a dignified burial.
Accessed online: http://www.cverdad.org.pe/ifinal/pdf

1
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Applying isotope analysis and isoscapes in Peru 333
Although EFE has made incredible strides in locating, identifying, and returning
the bodies to families, there are still approximately 1800 unidentified individuals
that have been uncovered so far that await personal identification and a return to
their relatives for mourning and proper funerary rites. In those remaining 1800
cases of persons that forensic scientists are actively working to identify, there was
no positive identification for several reasons, including post‐mortem (tapho-
nomic) degradation that inhibited skeletal observations useful for identification.
Moreover, there was insufficient evidence about the ante‐mortem conditions of
the victim (e.g. specific identifying characteristics, lack of dental records, etc.).
There were additional barriers to identification, such as synchronic open contexts,2
unaccounted numbers of disappeared individuals, long periods elapsed since a
family member had seen the victim, and inability to obtain DNA from the victim
or obtain DNA from possible surviving family members. Furthermore, although
the Peruvian government created the DNA Laboratory of the Public Ministry in
2002, there was a dearth of qualified personnel to direct and work within this
facility, a problem that was exacerbated by limited budgets. As a consequence,
there remains some 1800 unidentified bodies for which, in a few cases DNA has
been obtained, but there are grossly insufficient DNA samples from surviving
family members, which are necessary to find matches and make identifications.
Those 1800 unidentified bodies are not the only cases left to resolve; there are
untold thousands of victims’ bodies still to be located, excavated, identified, and
then returned to families to reaffirm human dignity through a culturally appro-
priate funerary rite.
Given the difficulty in making positive identifications based solely on gross
observations of human skeletal remains, combined with the challenges and
expense of using DNA analysis in those identification efforts in Peru, we recom-
mend exploring the use of stable isotope analysis and isoscape modeling (see
Chapter 21) to contribute information that may assist in the positive identification
of unknown remains that are recovered from clandestine graves in Peru. Given
the premise that “you are what you eat and drink,” we can use isotope data to
track an unidentified body back to possible geographical locales where they lived
during their childhood and perhaps adulthood and last few months of life, depend-
ing on which body tissues are examined (Chapter 21). To ensure that this isotopic
and isoscape modeling will be useful, forensic anthropologists and other human
rights workers must obtain information from surviving family members about the
childhood and adulthood locations of missing family members. This information
has already been collated by the Ministry of Justice, and there exists a database of
missing persons, their place of birth and their last known residence before they
were disappeared.
2
This term refers to the existence of more than one open context related to missing persons in the same
geographical area, a situation that complicates information-gathering and the identification process.
c22.indd 333 11/27/2019 3:00:12 PM

22.3 The search for missing persons: “Families remain

walking”3
After various governmental and non‐governmental institutions searched for

missing persons for several years, the Peruvian government passed Law No. 30470
“Law for the Search of Missing Persons during the Period of Violence 1980–2000”
in June 2016. This law established a public policy in which the search for missing
persons would prioritize a humanitarian approach. In other words, this law
focused on the relief of suffering and the need for answers for relatives of missing
persons. A central component of that policy was to direct efforts at identifying the
bodies of the victims from the era of violence in Peru. Currently, the work of the
General Office for the search of Missing Persons (DGBPD is the acronym of this
government agency in Peru) has been conducted through the Ministry of Justice.
The goal of that agency is to investigate the violent events that led to the disap-
pearance of thousands of people, locate and recover their remains, attempt to
secure a positive identification, return the body to the family for a dignified burial,
and provide restitution to the family. In cases where human remains are recov-
ered, the DGBPD coordinates and plans its restitution to the relatives for the
burial, guaranteeing in this process the respect of human dignity through funerary
rites that acknowledge the families’ religious beliefs and cultural practices. The
restitution is done when the disappeared person (or persons) are identified, in
which case the restitution can be individual or collective, according to the request
of the relatives. However, when the disappeared person is not specifically identi-
fied, but their membership in a certain community can be established – for
example, through the analysis of stable isotopes and other material indicators of
community membership – it would be possible to have restitution given collec-
tively to the village, particularly in cases where communities have many victims
and disappeared persons. There is a third possibility in which a body cannot be
associated with a specific identity or community. In this case, the DGBPD would
conduct a ceremony and dignified burial with the understanding that it might be
temporary in case the person ever was identified. Finally, in cases in which all
available information and technological resources for the search have been
exhausted, and there is still no positive identification, the DGBPD and commu-
nities could conduct a symbolic ceremony, which has been done in several
instances in Ayacucho. In these cases, the DGBPD works closely with family
members at the close of the search, performing adequate psychosocial support to
the families, as required by law (Law No. 30470 and its Directiva No. 001‐2017‐
JUS/VMDHAJ‐DGBPD).
In April 2018, DGBPD announced that the Peruvian government concluded
that the official number of missing persons was 20,329 as a result of the period of
3
This is an expression used by relatives of missing persons to describe their visits to several institutions looking
for help in their search for answers about what happened to their missing relatives.
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violence between 1980 to 2000, including thousands of murdered people, missing

bodies and bodies of deceased persons that still require legalization of death. This
estimated number situates Peru as one of the countries in Latin America with the
largest number of missing people, only after Colombia, Mexico, Guatemala and
Argentina. Similarly, these countries faced complex disappearance contexts car-
ried out by diverse agents that, as a result, left variable disappearance patterns and
a fragmented society. The diverse agents involved in the violence and disappear-
ances, combined with the large numbers of missing people, make it difficult to
reconstruct these complex histories and repair the social fabric within these
different countries.
As proposed by Parra and colleagues (Chapter 41) we can identify three
scenarios that will be the target for the humanitarian efforts conducted by the
Peruvian government forensic anthropology teams. The first scenario includes
families that do not have any news about the final whereabouts of their missing
relatives (missing persons). The second scenario includes families that know their
relative died, but do not know where the body is located (missing body). The third
scenario is when relatives know where the body was buried, but there are no legal
documents to prove their death (deaths without a certificate).
The search for missing persons in Peru requires a comprehensive intervention
of a humanitarian nature that will support the families and communities that
were affected by those highly violent and painful events. Given the unfortunately
great number of violent events that have taken place in Peru and throughout the
world during the last century, forensic scientists and human rights workers have
gained much experience in conducting and improving these kinds of forensic
investigations. However, these efforts remain insufficient for the families that still
seek answers regarding what happened to their relatives.
22.4 Applying new isotopic techniques to aid

in identifying victims’ bodies in Peru
Investigators searching for clandestine or unmarked graves are more commonly

using additional techniques, such as ground‐penetrating radar (GPR) (Doolittle
and Bellantoni, 2010; Pringle et al., 2012; Schultz, 2007). This is a positive
advancement in forensic and related fields, as it provides yet one more important
tool aimed at locating missing persons. Similarly, we encourage forensic investiga-
tors in Peru (and elsewhere, where applicable) to expand the toolkit and integrate
additional techniques that can be used to bring us one step closer to identifying
bodies. As stated before, around 4000 unidentified bodies from different regions
of Peru have been recovered during the EFE forensic investigations. The analysis
of those human remains demonstrates that contextual information and gross
physical analysis is a necessary component of the forensic identification
process. However, other techniques should also be employed. Although other
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humanitarian forensic investigations have used DNA analysis to establish, for

example, the number of individuals in a mass grave in Kosovo (Rainio et al.,
2001) and identify some of the victims of a massacre in Timor Leste (Blau and
Fondebrider, 2011), DNA may not always be the best method. For example, DNA
may not be recovered from the victims’ bodies, or some surviving family members
may be reluctant to give DNA samples to officials. Furthermore, studies of DNA
relatedness can be confounded in regions with high genetic homogeneity
(Baraybar, 2008). These limitations require that investigators and scientists eval-
uate the use of biogeochemical data as one of various parts of the forensic inves-
tigation. This is not to say that DNA analysis should not be used; rather, it should
be used in conjunction with isotopic analysis when DNA analysis does not lead to
a positive identification. Indeed, isotopic analysis and isoscape modeling can pro-
vide a source of information that may allow geneticists and forensic investigators
to focus their DNA collection and matching attempts to particular communities.
Thus, this article proposes the use and construction of isoscape models for the
identification of a statistically likely geographical origin of a victim (Chapter 21).
Recent forensic applications of stable isotope analysis have demonstrated its
value as an investigative tool in the identification of unknown decedents (Beard
and Johnson, 2000; West et al., 2006; Bartelink et al., 2014b, 2015; Meier‐
Augenstein and Fraser, 2008; Kamenov and Gulson, 2014). Stable isotope anal-
ysis measures stable isotope ratios from diverse organic and inorganic tissues like
bones, teeth, hair and nails (O’Connell and Hedges, 1999, O’Connell et al., 2001)
in order to provide documentation of a person’s geographical residence pattern
and dietary profile.
22.4.1 Stable oxygen isotopes and strontium isotopes

Stable oxygen isotopes and strontium isotopes in dentition (reflects isotopes incor-
porated in infancy/childhood when teeth were forming) and bone (reflects iso-
topes in the last 5–10 years of life) can be used to help establish the childhood
and/or adulthood provenance of an unidentified body. This is because oxygen
isotopes reflect the source of drinking water and strontium isotopes reflect local
soils (derived from local bedrock and geological formations) in which plants are
grown. The analysis of stable isotopes of oxygen (18O/16O, represented as δ18O) and
strontium (87Sr/86Sr) constitute the most widely applied methods for the determi-
nation of population migration patterns (Bentley, 2006; Crowley et al., 2017,
Knudson et al., 2012).
Assuming that people consume primarily local water sources, which certainly
would have been the case for individuals who resided in most areas of rural Peru
in the 1980s, we can compare δ18O values between a person’s tissues and various
water sources to both eliminate and include possible regions as places of
geographical origin. Given that teeth are formed during infancy and childhood
and do not remodel later in life, the oxygen isotopes obtained from teeth reflect
water consumed in the juvenile years, with some offsets to account for
c22.indd 336 11/27/2019 3:00:12 PM

fractionation. Stable oxygen isotope values in water vary depending on altitude,

latitude, temperature, distance from the coast, source (e.g. river vs. springs, lakes,
or glacial melt), and other variables. In humans, the stable oxygen isotope ratio
can also be influenced by imbibing boiled water (which will be more enriched
because the lighter 16O isotope evaporates more quickly than the heavier 18O).
Breastfeeding infants also have slightly enriched oxygen isotope ratios relative to
the woman who breastfeeds them because of trophic level (fractionation) effects.
Bones, in contrast, remodel throughout the life course, and as such, isotopes
obtained from bone reflect the last 5 to 10 years of life, depending on which bone
and bone part is sampled (e.g. trabecular vs. cortical bone). Finally, human hair
grows at an average of 1 cm per month in most populations, providing the ability
to observe the change in isotopic values, if any, during the last couple of weeks to
last months of an individual’s life (Bartelink et al., 2016; Sealy et al., 1995). In this
way, individuals who have moved during the last months of life, or have been
forced to travel long distances, should have oxygen isotope values in the hair that
differ significantly from those represented in their dentition and/or bones (Sealy
et al. 1995).
Similarly, the strontium (Sr) isotope ratios of different geographical areas vary
because they depend on the composition of the parent rock, which in turn is
determined by factors such as geological age, minerals and weathering. The 87Sr
and 86Sr isotopes pass from the soils to the plants, to the animals that eat the
plants, and then eventually to the humans who eat the plants and animals. The
ratio of 87Sr to 86Sr moves consistently through the food chain and into an organ-
ism’s tissues, where the Sr replaces the calcium in the mineral part of teeth during
development and in the bones throughout life. Because there is no fractionation
with this heavy isotope as it moves through the trophic levels, the ratios of Sr iso-
topes in the bones or teeth of an individual directly reflect the isotopic ratios of the
consumed plants, animals and water, which in turn reflect the isotope ratios found
in the earth or parent rock of that geological zone (Knudson and Price, 2007).
Thus, when the Sr isotope ratio obtained from an individual’s bones is different
from the Sr isotope ratio of the area in which the individual was found, this
difference suggests that the person migrated or was forcibly brought to that final
location where they were buried. Proof of concept has been shown in bioarchaeo-
logical studies in which the residential mobility and forced movement of individ-
uals have been demonstrated by heterogeneous strontium isotope values in
archaeological populations (e.g. Knudson et al., 2012; Knudson and Price, 2007;
Knudson and Tung, 2011; Tung and Knudson, 2011). (There are limits to these
inferences, of course, because some regions have similar bedrock formations, and
thus, same or similar strontium isotope ratios. For this reason, we recommend the
use of multiple isotopes to narrow down the potential geographical region(s).)
The possibility that oxygen and strontium isotope analysis (perhaps in
conjunction with lead isotopes) will yield possible leads toward identification
can also be seen in the fact that there are numerous victims who spent their
c22.indd 337 11/27/2019 3:00:12 PM

infancy/childhood in a location far from Ayacucho (e.g. infancy/childhood on the

coast, in Lima, or northern or southern Peru). In those cases, when a single
individual is examined, we would expect to see oxygen and strontium isotope
values in early‐forming teeth (e.g. crowns of first molars or incisors) that are
highly distinct from the isotope values obtained in the late‐forming third molar
crown (forms in late childhood/early adolescence) and/or adult bone. In short,
individuals who lived early life in one locale and later life in a distinct geological/
geographical locale may provide forensic investigators with more specific
information to create a more detailed life history of a body, which may then be
used toward the efforts of identification. Admittedly, victims from the same cir-
cumscribed regions will be more difficult to disambiguate and identify.
22.4.2 Stable carbon and nitrogen isotopes

Stable carbon and nitrogen isotope analysis of human tissues provide information
regarding a decedent’s diet during childhood and adulthood, which in turn may
provide some insight into a person’s geographical region of origin. For example, a
person who spent their life near the Pacific coast, likely consuming marine
resources, would have higher nitrogen (Schoeninger et al., 1983) and sulfur iso-
tope ratios (Cheung et al., 2017; Nehlich et al., 2012) than a person who spent
their life in the Andes mountains, where they would have had minimal to no
marine resources in their diet. This is particularly likely for indigenous agricultur-
alists and pastoralists in rural Peru in the 1980s. Moreover, given that different
categories of plants have distinct stable carbon isotope ratios (δ13C), a person who
lived in a maize‐growing region is likely to have a higher δ13C value than a pasto-
ralist who lived in the high‐altitude puna where maize cannot grow.4 This is not
an absolute, as we know that there was trade and reciprocal exchange of dietary
resources between different communities and regions in the 1980s, but dietary
differences did exist depending on region, and dietary isotopic analysis can help to
detect those differences. In short, a multi‐isotopic analysis from teeth, bone and
hair (and/or fingernails) can provide a powerful geolocation tool for excluding
certain regions and including possible region(s) of origin or recent travel history
for unidentified human remains (Bataille and Bowen, 2012). Those insights can
then be aggregated with information on diet, age‐at‐death, skeletal sex, and other
identifying characteristics (e.g. healed fractures), to bring the process one step
closer to identification.
Mass graves and commingled and/or cremated remains are common burial
conditions when people are clandestinely killed and discarded. Commingled
remains of more than two individuals seriously compounds the identification pro-
cess, but there are possible technologies, such as X‐ray fluorescence, that may aid
4
Maize is a C4 plant, which has a distinct photosynthetic pathway relative to plant foods like tubers and quinoa,
which are plants with C3 photosynthetic pathways. C4 plants have δ13C values around -9‰, while C3 plants have
δ13C values of approximately -21‰.
c22.indd 338 11/27/2019 3:00:12 PM

in disambiguating skeletal individuals. Given that bones of distinct persons may

have different elemental or chemical compositions, this technique may be useful
in identifying which skeletal elements belong to which person (Christensen et al.,
2012; Dillane et al., 2011; Gonzalez‐Rodriguez and Fowler, 2013; Fowler and
Thompson, 2015). It is possible that this elemental analysis could aid in estimating
the minimum number of individuals in a mass or commingled grave, an impor-
tant first step in the process of documenting the atrocity and numbers of people
affected. Furthermore, X‐ray fluorescence, when properly applied, may serve
other humanitarian concerns and ensure that when bodies are returned to rela-
tives, all of the body elements are from the correct individual. There are other
methods to solve the allocation of skeletal elements to correct individuals in cases
of mass grave commingling (Fowler and Thompson, 2015), but here we aim to
highlight the potential application of forensic methods that are already in use in
other countries, and have them applied in Peru.
22.5 Integrating traditional and non‐traditional methods

to identify missing persons in Peru
Reconstructing a disappearance event requires an effective integration of oral and

documentary information with the scientific data acquired from the context
where the bodies were recovered. The collection of information that can be found
in documentary sources, witnesses’ or relatives’ testimonies, among other sources
(e.g. older newspaper accounts, family photos), are commonly called ante‐mor-
tem information (AM). AM information is always crucial for the identification of
recovered remains, and those details will always be an essential part of the
identification process. However, the addition of isotopic data holds promise to
increase the number of identifications by narrowing down the possible range(s) of
origin of an unidentified body. Outreach efforts can then be deployed in those
possible areas, searching missing person reports in those specific provinces, con-
ducting interviews with families in the region, and perhaps displaying images in
local municipalities of personal effects found with bodies.
Nearly 40% of the unidentified bodies were recovered from military bases in
Peru, and the most probable provenance of those individuals is in a range of 10 to
300 kilometers. Many of those who were disappeared were imprisoned in central
detention centers, brought there from smaller detention centers in more rural
areas. The record‐keeping for those who were admitted into the detention centers
and those who were transferred were unsystematic, and many records are incom-
plete or were destroyed. This makes the process of identification all the more chal-
lenging. Other victims’ bodies come from commingled and open contexts outside
of detention centers. Despite multiple efforts made by state and non‐govern-
mental organizations to identify these deceased persons (Figure 22.1), a significant
percentage is still unidentified due to the lack of information regarding their
c22.indd 339 11/27/2019 3:00:12 PM

Legal process (Public Humanitarian research within the

Ministry) framework of Law No.” 30470.
Preliminary responses to
Evaluating sources
Family, relatives
witnesses and Documentary archives, testimonies, (Within the types of “open
psychosocial Preliminary Truth and Reconciliation Commission, contexts” it is common to record
counselor Forensic Ombudsman's Office, IACHR1 Cases, cases in information that does not provide
Criminal Court, among others. the location of a burial place. It
Investigation
(search for is generally usual to return to the
information evaluation stage in search for
within the more information and resume the
context of the process). In this re-evaluation the
Document Appraisal of the case within the three investigator determines if a
disappearance)
researcher types of contexts and complex burial place is known or we need
(search for situations cited in this text. to suggest that the body will not
information in be found.
documented
sources)
Forensic Archaeology
(Location and recovery of human remains and belongings)
Forensic anthropology analysis

(Reconstructing age-at-death, skeletal sex, mechanism of death.)
Appraisal and assessment of human remains for identification process

according to type of context and complex situation.
Forensic
specialist,
Relatives,
witnesses and Integration of forensic reports
psychosocial by the Identification
counseler Committee to establish identity of individuals
(fluid contact
and exchange
of information) No identification of the
body. Identification of the
missing person (according
to ante-mortem and
post-mortem data)
Analysis of genetic evidence,
isotopic analysis and auxiliary
tests
(comparison of samples of bone or Restitution, dignified
dental tissue and samples from
relatives)
burial when individual
is identified and / or
symbolic answer
Analysis of genetic evidence, non-genetic and other auxiliary
without body.
a (recognition of clothing and other belongings)
Figure 22.1 A flow chart showing the interaction between the various phases of
investigations when searching for victims’ bodies and attempting to identify them in
Perú. Source: Inter‐American Commission on Human Rights.
origin. We are cautiously optimistic about using a mixed‐methods approach that

involves isotope and isoscape analyses for the identification of unidentified skeletal
bodies because thousands of bodies are stored in government laboratories, and
the preservation of those skeletal bodies is sufficient for conducting isotope
analyses, which may aid in eventual identification.
c22.indd 340 11/27/2019 3:00:13 PM

22.6 Conclusions
Positive identification of unidentified persons that were killed during the Peruvian
internal conflict of 1980–2000 is extremely challenging when only gross skeletal
analysis is used. Although this is an essential component of the forensic investiga-
tion, the addition of isotopic analyses of the unidentified person’s tissues in
comparison to the geographical isotope map of Peru (i.e. the isoscape that is built
on known and predicted oxygen and strontium isotope values in various regions
in Peru) should enhance our ability to eventually make more identifications. In
sum, we strongly recommend the integration of isotopic and isoscape analyses
into the forensic science toolkit used in Peru. While we are clear about not claiming
that isotope and isoscape analyses alone will result in positive identifications, we
are clear in suggesting that the isotope information obtained from unidentified
bodies may aid in excluding certain regions as possible geographical origins (e.g.
excluding high altitude zones in the central Peruvian Andes as the place of
residence when the person was an infant/child), while also including certain
regions (e.g. the person likely lived in coastal areas in central to southern Peru
while an infant/child). These geographical suggestions can then be compared with
the missing persons database managed by the DGBPD – General Office for the
Search of Missing Persons within the Ministry of Justice and Human Rights – in
Peru to seek out individuals of the correct sex and approximate age‐at‐death who
were born and resided in particular regions of Peru during their early juvenile
years. Those family members could then be contacted, and with permission,
shown images of personal effects that were found with the particular body, and
possibly obtain DNA from surviving family members and the body. In this way,
the isotope and isoscape analyses become one of several key tools used in moving
towards positive identification. In conclusion, we suggest that the integration of
these methods will aid in supporting the humanitarian spirit of Peruvian Law
No. 30470.
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CHAPTER 23
Utility of stable isotope ratios of tap

water and human hair in determining
region of origin in Central and Southern
Mexico: Modeling relationships
between δ2H and δ18O isotope inputs
in modern Mexican hair
Chelsey Juarez1, Robin Ramey2, David T. Flaherty3 and Belinda S. Akpa3
1
Department of Anthropology, California State University, Fresno, California, USA
2
Fairfax County, Virginia, USA
3
Department of Molecular Biomedical Sciences, North Carolina State University, Raleigh, North,
Carolina, USA
23.1 Introduction
In the last 15 years, there has been growing interest in the application of water
isotope analysis to provenance and migratory behavior for populations of forensic
significance (Thompson et al., 2010; Bowen et al., 2005, 2009; Bowen, 2010;
Ehleringer et al., 2008; Podlesak et al., 2008; Meier‐Augenstein and Kemp, 2010;
Meier‐Augenstein and Fraser, 2008; O’Brien and Wooller 2007; Warner et al.,
2018). More recently, studies have focused on the development and testing of
semi‐mechanistic models to predict region of origin based on the O and H compo-
sition of scalp hair (Thompson et al., 2010; Bowen, 2010; Podlesak et al., 2008).
These models, constructed with assumptions based on modern American popula-
tions, demonstrated that the non‐exchangeable O and H isotopic composition of
hair is dictated in large part by tap water. Other significant contributions come
from non‐locally‐derived foods and locally produced foods, the latter of which is
presumed to be isotopically related to local water resources (Hobson et al., 1999).
Versions of these models with additional adjustable parameters were tested on
historic and modern international populations (Thompson et al., 2010; Bowen,
2010). Successful application of the Bowen model to non‐American populations
indicates that the model may be transferred to other regions.
345
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The deaths of undocumented immigrants from Latin America in the United

States and Mexico present an opportunity where discriminating region‐of‐origin
information would be helpful in initiating identifications (Kimmerle et al., 2010;
Ross et al., 2016). Hair isotopes acclimate to new locations within weeks and record
region‐of‐origin information, as well as migratory data (Podlesak et al., 2008).
Thus, hair isotopes may offer particularly valuable discriminating information in
the case of long‐distance migrants. Beyond the traditional difficulties with
identification in border death cases, deceased undocumented border‐crossers from
Latin America offer unique challenges for region‐of‐origin prediction using water
isotopes (Kimmerle et al., 2010). These challenges include drinking water insecu-
rity, high bottled water dependency, a lack of continuity between drinking water
and food water, and dramatic differences in socioeconomic status (SES) in these
regions (Sosa‐Rodriguez, 2012; Fernando and Cervantes, 2016; Martinez et al.,
2015; Joshua, 2018; National Water Commission (CONAGUA), 2015).
This study explores the relationships between tap water, bottled water, and hair
samples of known Mexican origin from Central and Southern Mexico. The
purpose of this study was twofold. First, we wanted to quantify the relationship
between Mexican hair and tap water values; secondly, we wanted to investigate
whether the semi‐mechanistic model modified by Bowen was an appropriate
choice for Mexican populations, given the established challenges.
23.2 Water stress in Mexico
In Mexico, it is often the case that drinking water, cooking water, and bathing
water come from different sources (Fernando and Cervantes, 2016; Rodríguez‐
Tapia et al., 2017; Rowles III et al., 2017). Water stress is driven by uneven
development, poor water sanitation, epidemics, and municipal deficiencies (Sosa‐
Rodriguez, 2012; Rodríguez‐Tapia et al., 2017; Ayala and O’Rourke, 1989; Borroto
and Martinez‐Piedra, 2000; Davis, 2005; Armienta and Segovia, 2008; Bundschuh
et al., 2012; Espinosa‐García et al., 2015; Arcega‐Cabrera et al., 2017). In the sec-
tion below, we outline how the populations in seven Mexican regions at the focus
on this study are impacted by water stress, and how these nuanced experiences
impact drinking water choices and water isotope mapping. We also investigate
differences in the sources of agricultural water and drinking water in Mexico, and
the impact these differences have on modeling assumptions.
In Mexico, municipal water access is managed by hydrological administrative
regions (HAR), and 60% of municipal water is derived from groundwater sources
(CONAGUA, 2015). Michoacán is classified as a region of high water stress
(CONAGUA, 2015). The region has been negatively impacted by seismic activity,
and water stress comes from leaks in the municipal water system, drought, over‐
extraction of surface waters and industrial pollution (Ayala and O’Rourke, 1989;
Davis, 2005; Chávez‐García and Bard, 1994). Municipal water in Michoacán
c23.indd 346 11/26/2019 8:28:04 PM

Stable isotope ratios of tap water and human hair in Mexico 347
comes mainly from surface waters, and water quality in the Rio Lerma river basin
is not fit for drinking, cooking or bathing (Sedeño‐Díaz and López‐López, 2007).
Mexico State and Mexico City are the most water‐stressed regions in Mexico
(Martinez et al., 2015; CONAGUA, 2015; Kimmelman, 2017). Ground and sur-
face water in the region suffer from the second highest levels of pollution in the
country (Rodríguez‐Tapia et al., 2017; Espinosa‐García et al., 2015; Cifuentes and
Rodriguez, 2005). Consequently, as many as 87% of homes in the region rely
completely on bottled water for drinking and cooking (Cifuentes and Rodriguez,
2005). Morelos is classified as having a high level of water stress due to industrial
and sewage pollution. For Veracruz, water scarcity is a concern due to the unequal
distribution of treated drinking water (Martínez‐Mier et al., 2005; CONEVAL,
2013; Mokondoko et al. 2016). Only 68.1% of rural inhabitants have access to
treated tap water compared with 91.1% of urban populations, which leads rural
populations to rely unsustainably on rivers and streams for water (Pacheco‐Vega,
2015; Návar, 2011). Similarly, in Chiapas, only 78% of the total population have
access to municipal water, and 32% of rural populations have no access to
municipal water (CONAGUA, 2015). In Chiapas, soda is cheaper than water and
the region consumes as much as half a gallon of soda per person per day (Lopez
and Jacobs, 2018). Over 30% of Oaxacans lack municipal water or sanitation ser-
vices, and almost 50% live in poverty (Rowles III et al., 2017). As a result, both
municipal supplied water, well water, and unimproved water sources (stream or
river water) all suffer from unsafe microbial levels. Bottled water usage for
drinking water is as high as 100% in many regions of the state (Rowles III et al.,
2017; Vertiz, 2011; McCulligh and Tetreault, 2017).
Depending on their state of residence, between 80 and 100% of Mexicans
report using bottled water as their only source of drinking water (Joshua, 2018;
Espinosa‐García et al., 2015; Kimmelman, 2017; Guardiola et al., 2013). As a
consequence, expenditure on bottled water can be more than 14% of monthly
income per household (Gutieŕrez et al., 2012). Bottled water is primarily pro-
duced by four major companies in the Mexican industry: Coca‐Cola/FEMSA,
Nestle, PepsiCo and Danone. Together, these companies hold 80% of the bottled
water market share, with more than 6000 small companies constituting the
remaining 20% of market share (Greene, 2014). The large companies have
several bottling plants in the country that draw water from local sources but dis-
tribute their products nationally (Franco et al., 2015). For example, water from
the Chiapas Coca‐Cola plant provides about 5–7% of total bottled water beverages
for the country (Pani, 2017). As bottled water is not strictly regulated in Mexico,
both small and large companies use water from multiple sources including aqui-
fers, groundwater, rainwater and river water. Since 2000, Coca‐Cola alone has
used water from 19 different aquifers and 15 different rivers (Franco et al., 2015).
Sources of agricultural water, which inform the isotopic signature of locally
produced foods, differ by HAR. In Mexico, the majority of agricultural water
comes largely from surface water sources (64%), which are subject to
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evaporative effects (CONAGUA, 2015; McCulligh and Tetreault, 2017). However,

Veracruz, Oaxaca and Mexico State have significant contributions from ground-
water. Given the prevalence of bottled water consumption in Mexico, and the
fact that bottled water is not always drawn from local sources, we cannot assume
that the isotopic composition of agricultural water and drinking water are related.
23.3 Tuning parameters in mathematical models used

for provenance analysis
Practically, the mathematical models proposed for provenance analysis based on

hair and drinking water presume a near‐linear relationship between hair isotopes
and drinking water. A simple regression on isotopic data indicated this assumption
to be valid for paired hair–water data from modern US populations. This led
Ehleringer et al. (2008) to posit that drinking water accounts for a substantial part
of the geographical variation in hair isotopes, and to derive a semi‐mechanistic
framework to codify the hair–water isotope relationship. In doing so, they identi-
fied a small number of parameters that were unconstrained by prior empirical
observation. The authors treated the fraction of non‐exchangeable H in keratin
that was fixed in vivo as a fitting parameter. Likewise, the parameters αow, αhw and
g were tuned to data consisting of paired hair–water samples. These parameters
represent, respectively: (i) the isotope fractionation of carbonyl oxygen in hair
relative to gut water; (ii) isotope fractionation of H in de novo synthesized amino
acids relative to hair follicle water; and (iii) the fraction of O in the gut that derives
from gastric juices rather than the water content of food.
23.4 Extension to analysis of hair isotopes in the absence

of paired water samples
A subsequent application of the model to mid‐twentieth century indigenous pop-

ulations motivated two key modifications (Bowen et al., 2009). Firstly, the authors
posited a fraction of the diet to be derived from local sources, as the populations
in question lived a pre‐globalization lifestyle and were geographically dispersed
across several continents. Thus, a dietary isotopic input based on relatively homo-
geneous twenty‐first century supermarket foods would likely be inappropriate in
representing the consumption patterns of these indigenous groups. Instead, a
locally produced dietary component was assumed, and the relevant food isotopes
were modeled as an offset from the average heavy isotope content of regional pre-
cipitation. Use of these empirically determined offset values implicitly presumes a
stable relationship between precipitation and the water used in agricultural
endeavors (e.g. via groundwater). Secondly, as no tap water data were available
for these anthropological samples, precipitation values were used as a proxy
c23.indd 348 11/26/2019 8:28:04 PM

for drinking water isotopes. With the model thus modified, parameters were
adjusted to provide a good fit to data from several geographically disparate
indigenous groups.
The success of the Bowen model in describing hair isotope variations as a
function of drinking water (in this case, regional precipitation) is interesting in
that it suggests that l, the fraction of diet derived from local sources, can be treated
as a global constant. Hair samples from nearly all the indigenous groups fell along
a common line indicating the same fraction of food being locally derived.
Furthermore, the non‐local dietary contribution was still described using data
representing the modern continental United States. Yet the hair samples origi-
nated from populations in regions ranging from Canada to Pakistan to Botswana,
and a timespan from the 1930s to 1950s. Similarly, fs, a physiological parameter
likely to be subject to inter‐individual variability, was treated as constant over all
samples and individuals.
We aim herein to investigate the impact on model quality of using different
approaches to represent the contributions of non‐local and local diet to hair iso-
topes. Essentially, l is likely to differ based on socioeconomic, cultural and biological
differences between individuals, and that difference is critical to making
quantitative links between hair and region of origin.
For this study, we used a subset of paired (N = 62) human hair, (N = 76) tap water
and (N = 73) bottled water samples from a larger dataset of unpaired samples
(N = 290 for tap water, N = 156 bottled water, and N = 118 hair). For samples to
be considered paired, they needed to be from the same location (e.g. city or town).
Sample locations were only included in this subset if at least two hair and water
samples were available for analysis. All hair samples were obtained from anony-
mous confirmed residents from ten cities in six Mexican states (Table 23.1).
Samples consisting of beard or scalp hair, representing several milligrams of
material, were collected on site, in clean coin envelopes. Data on city and state of
residence was collected for all samples.
Tap water samples were collected from the homes of private donors and local
restaurants. All water samples were collected in acid‐washed 300 ml HDPE bottles
following the recommendation of Spangenberg (2012) with no head space. Water
and hair samples were prepared and measured for δ2H and δ18O isotopes at the
SIRFER lab at the University of Utah following the methods outlined in Thompson
et al. (2010) and Bowen et al. (2005). Briefly, hair samples were equilibrated for
a 7‐day period with hair reference materials. Following equilibration, weighed
hair samples and water samples were pyrolysed in a temperature conversion
elemental analyser (TC/EA) and the H and O isotope ratios of hair and water sam-
ples were measured using an isotope ratio mass spectrometer (IRMS) operated in
c23.indd 349 11/26/2019 8:28:04 PM

Table 23.1 Summary of hair, and tap water and bottled water isotope ratio data, by state and city.
State City Mean Mean Mean Mean Mean Mean

δ18Oh‰ δ2Hh‰ δ18Otw‰ δ2Htw‰ δ18Owb‰ δ2Hwb‰
Mexico 12.1‰ −78.7‰ −9.5‰ −68‰ −10.7‰ −75.4‰

SD ±1.1‰ ±5.9‰ ±0.6‰ ±3.9‰ ±0.4‰ ±2.6‰
N 15 15 20 20 10 10
Mexico Mexico City 12.3‰ −76.9‰ −9.5‰ −68‰ −10.7‰ −75.4‰
SD ±1.1‰ ±5.9‰ ±0.6‰ ±3.9‰ ±0.4‰ ±2.6‰
N 10 10 15 15 5 5
Mexico Tultepec 11.7‰ −83.3‰ −9.3‰ −66.6‰ −10.7‰ −75.4‰
SD ±1.0‰ ±1.8‰ ±0.4‰ ±3.0‰ ±0.4‰ ±2.6‰
N 5 5 5 5 5 5
Oaxaca 14.5‰ −78.4‰ −8.2‰ −60.5‰ −10.1‰ −71.7‰
SD ±1.0 ±7.8 ±2.9 ±16.0 ±0.9 ±6.6
N 20 20 50 50 24 24
Oaxaca Oaxaca City 12.5‰ −75.2‰ −9.4‰ −68.3‰ −10.1‰ −71.7‰
SD ±1.0‰ ±10.7‰ ±0.3‰ ±2.7‰ ±0.9‰ ±6.6‰
N 15 15 22 22 12 12
Michoacán 14.5‰ −74.5‰ −9.1‰ −66.1‰ −9.7‰ −69.2‰
SD ±0.2‰ ±4.7‰ ±1.0‰ ±6.8‰ ±1.3‰ ±7.8‰
N 15 15 20 20 10 10
Michoacán Tzintzuntan 14.5‰ −74.5‰ −10.‰ −73.4‰ −9.7‰ −69.9‰
SD ±0.2‰ ±4.7‰ ±1.0‰ ±6.8‰ ±1.3‰ ±7.8‰
N 5 5 5 5 5 5
Michoacán Pátzcuaro 14.8‰ −69.2‰ −9.3‰ −67.3‰ −9.7‰ −69.9‰
SD ±1.2‰ ±2.2‰ ±1.0‰ ±4.8‰ ±1.3‰ ±7.8‰
N 5 5 4 4 5 5
c23.indd 350 11/26/2019 8:28:04 PM

State City Mean Mean Mean Mean Mean Mean
δ18Oh‰ δ2Hh‰ δ18Otw‰ δ2Htw‰ δ18Owb‰ δ2Hwb‰
Michoacán Quiroga 14.5‰ −78.4‰ −9.3‰ −67.5‰ −9.7‰ −69.9‰

SD ±1.0‰ ±2.5‰ ±1.8‰ ±4.4‰ ±1.3‰ ±7.8‰
N 5 5 4 4 5 5
Morelos 12.5‰ −81.1‰ −11.1‰ −77.4‰ −10.4‰ −73.7‰
SD ±0.6‰ ±7.2‰ ±0.3 ±2.4 ±0.6 ±4.4
N 8 8 12 12 18 18
Morelos Cuernavaca 12.5‰ −78.4‰ −11.1‰ −77.4‰ −10.4‰ −73.7‰
SD ±0.6‰ ±7.2‰ ±0.3‰ ±2.4‰ ±0.6‰ ±4.4‰
N 5 5 8 8 9 9
Chiapas 14.3‰ −66.1‰ −7.2‰ −41.0‰ −4.2‰ −20.9‰
SD ±0.2 ±0.8 ±1.8 ±15.2 ±0.0 ±0.3
N 4 4 14 14 6 6
Chiapas Palenque 14.5‰ −66.1‰ −4.6‰ −24.5‰ −4.2‰ −20.9‰
SD ±0.2‰ ±0.8‰ ±1.8‰ ±15.2‰ ±0.05‰ ±0.3‰
N 4 4 4 4 3 3
Veracruz 15.2‰ −63.4‰ −5.6‰ −32.7‰ −9.1‰ −63.9‰
SD ±0.4‰ ±12.9‰ ±1.3‰ ±10.9‰ ±1.8‰ ±14.9‰
N 8 8 25 25 24 24
Veracruz Papantla 15.1‰ −56‰ −5.0‰ −27.7‰ −9.1‰ −63.9‰
SD ±0.5‰ ±2.3‰ ±0.7‰ ±5.4‰ ±1.8‰ ±14.8‰
N 4 4 4 4 12 12
Veracruz Gutierrez Zamora 15.4‰ −78.3‰ −5‰ −26.5‰ −9.1‰ −63.9‰
SD ±0.3‰ ±2.0‰ ±0.1‰ ±1.7‰ ±1.8‰ ±14.8‰
N 4 4 5 5 12 12
, hair; tw, tap water; wb, bottled water.

h
c23.indd 351 11/26/2019 8:28:05 PM

continuous‐flow (CF) mode. Analytical precision for water samples was 0.3‰ and
0.1‰ for hydrogen and oxygen isotopes respectively. Analytical precision for hair
samples was 2.2‰ and 0.3‰ for δ2H and δ18O respectively. All data are reported
using the standard delta notation δX = [Rstandard/Rsample − 1] × 1000, and all data are
reported against the internationally accepted standard VSMOW. General statistical
analysis was conducted in SPSS version 25. Parameter estimation for model fitting
was performed in Matlab using the approach of approximate Bayesian
computation.
23.5.1 Isotope mapping procedure

Analysis of spatial patterns in the hair isotope data were conducted using ESRI’s
ArcGIS 10.3.1 and following the procedures specified in Bowen et al. (2007).
Spatial patterning of isotope data was identified using the Spatial Autocorrelation
tool (Spatial Statistics Toolbox, ArcGIS 10.3.1). Moran’s I statistics were calculated
for δ2H and δ18O values using unstandardized weights derived from inverse‐
squared Euclidean distances between tap water sample data points. Isotope value
prediction maps for δ2H and δ18O were produced through spatial interpolation of
the raw hair and water isotope survey data. Interpolation was accomplished
through ordinary kriging (Spatial Analyst Toolbox, ArcGIS 10.3.1) utilizing
ArcGIS’s Geostatistical Analyst extension. All kriging in this analysis was accom-
plished using a spherical semivariogram model.
23.5.1.1 Results
Figures 23.1 to 23.3 and Table 23.1 show the spatial variation in the complete
sample of δ18O and δ2H isotopes in Mexican tap water, bottled water and hair sam-
ples. Tap water values spanned a range from −12.7‰ to +0.4‰ and −91.7‰ to
−4.2‰ for δ18O and δ2H, respectively. Tap water samples differed in their standard
deviation by collection location. Standard deviations ranged from 0.1–2.9‰ for
δ18O and 1.7–15.2‰ for δ2H. For 93% of samples, standard deviations for repli-
cated water samples from the same locations were small, at <1‰ and <6‰ for
oxygen and hydrogen values respectively. Samples from Papantla Veracruz
showed an unusually high level of deviation, indicating inconsistency in water
sources. The calculated local meteoric water line (LMW) for tap waters was
δ2H = 7.54 δ18O + 5.0‰, r2 = 0.91, P < 0.001. Bottled water values spanned a range
of −11.5‰ to 0.5‰ and −80.2‰ to 1.3‰ for δ18O and δ2H, respectively. Bottled
water samples differed minimally in their standard deviation by collection loca-
tion. Standard deviations ranged from 0.03–1.3‰ for δ18O and 0.3–14.9‰ for δ2H.
For 62% of bottled water samples, standard deviations for replicated water
samples from the same locations were small, at <1‰ and <6‰ for oxygen and
hydrogen values respectively. Samples from Veracruz showed an unusually high
level of deviation (±1.8‰ and ±14.9‰) for O and H respectively, indicating
multiple sources for bottled waters. The calculated water line for bottled waters
was δ2H = 7.34 δ18O + 2.8‰, r2 = 0.97, P < 0.001. Wassenaar and colleagues (2009)
c23.indd 352 11/26/2019 8:28:05 PM

Interpolated δ18O values in Hair Samples
11.8 – 12.1
12.1 – 12.4
12.4 – 12.7
12.7 – 12.9
12.9 – 13.2
13.2 – 13.5
13.5 – 13.8
13.8 – 14.1 0 125 250 500 750 1,000
Miles
14.1 – 14.4
Figure 23.1 Geographical information system (GIS)‐generated maps of the predicted

average O isotope ratios δ18O In Mexican hair samples.
Interpolated δ2H values in Hair Samples
–80.6 – –78.9
–78.9 – –77.2
–77.2 – –75.5
–75.5 – –73.8
–73.8 – –72.0
–72.0 – –70.3
–70.3 – –68.6
–68.6 – –66.9 0 125 250 500 750 1,000
Miles
–66.9 – –65.2
Figure 23.2 Geographical information system (GIS)‐generated maps of the predicted

average H isotope ratios δ2H In Mexican hair samples.
c23.indd 353 11/26/2019 8:28:07 PM

0.0
Tap water Bottled water
–10.0 δ2 H = 7.54 × δ18 O + 5.0‰ δ2 H = 7.34 × δ18 O + 2.8‰
R2 = 0.91 R2 = 0.97
–20.0
A
B
D
–30.0 C
δ2 H vs. VSMOW (‰)
–40.0
Hair
–50.0 δ2 H = 2.98 × δ18 O – 133.3‰
R2 = 0.21
–60.0
–70.0
–80.0
–90.0
–100.0
–14.0 –12.0 –10.0 –8.0 –6.0 –4.0 –2.0 0.0 2.0 4.0 6.0 8.0 10.0 12.0 14.0 16.0
δ18O vs. VSMOW (‰)
Figure 23.3 A plot of the δ2H and δ18O isotope ratios for tap water samples marked by
dots and bottled water samples marked by dashes, and hair (solid line). Points marked
by letters A–B are isotopically enriched points discussed in the text. Points C–D are
isotopically depleted points discussed in the text.
previously reported two water lines for Mexico, the Mexican meteoric water line
δ2H = 7.5 δ18O + 6.1‰ defined by precipitation IAEA stations from three locations
(Mexico City, Veracruz and Chihuahua), and a groundwater meteoric water line
δ2H = 7.9 δ18O + 6.4, r2 = 0.95 based on their collected dataset. The LMW for tap
waters is virtually indistinguishable from that of groundwater. However, the water
line calculated for bottled waters has a lower slope, possibly indicating evapora-
tive effects in some of the bottled water samples.
Hair values ranged from 9.5‰ to 15.5‰ and −90.8‰ to −54.4‰ for δ18O and
δ H, respectively. This range is slightly smaller than those previously reported by
2
Bowen et al. (2009), Ehleringer et al. (2008) and Thompson et al. (2010). The
most depleted δ18O and δ2H hair values came from individuals in the state of
Morelos. Like the water samples, hair samples differed in their standard devia-
tions by collection location. Standard deviations ranged from 0.2‰ to 1.1‰ and
0.8‰ to 12.9‰ for δ18O and δ2H, respectively. Excluding hair samples from
Veracruz, all remaining locations demonstrated a standard deviation that was less
than that for the entire sample. A linear regression through the hair dataset pro-
duced a weak correlation, δ2H = 2.9 δ18O − 113.3, r2 = 0.21, P < 0.002. A subset of
paired N = 62 hair and N = 76 water samples was culled from the larger dataset to
investigate the impact of locality on samples (Table 23.1). Stable isotope composi-
tion for the subset of paired water samples ranged from −11.1‰ to −4.6‰ for δ18O
c23.indd 354 11/26/2019 8:28:08 PM

and −77.4‰ to −24‰ for δ2H, and ranged from 12.1‰ to 15.4‰ for δ18O
and −81.1‰ to −56‰ for δ2H for paired hair samples. Cook’s distance identified
both the Veracruz groups in the subset as outliers. The Gutierrez Zamora population
had a particularly irregular relationship between δ2H isotopes in hair and water.
The water values for both Veracruz locations were enriched relative to the rest of
the sample subset, which make sense for its coastal location, but the δ2H isotopes
in hair were among the most depleted. A linear regression through the subset of
hair data produced a weak correlation δ2H = 3.26 δ18O − 118.6, r2 = 0.31, P < 0.07.
The weak correlations between O and H of both the individual hair samples and
the subset of group means is in stark contrast to the strong correlations reported
by Bowen et al. (2009), r2 = 0.75 and r2 = 0.88 for samples and means, Ehleringer
et al. (2008) for samples r2 = 0.87, or Thompson et al. (2010) for group means
r2 = 0.80. The following relationships between hair (h), tap water (tw) and bottled
water (wb) from the data subset were produced using least squares regression:
δ18Oh = 0.35 δ18Otw + 16.6‰, r2 = 0.38, P = 0.05; δ2Hh = 0.229 δ2Htw − 60.8‰, r2 = 0.36,
P = 0.06; and δ18Oh = 0.33 δ18Owb + 16.8‰, δ2Hh = 0.229 δ2Hwb − 58.6‰, r2 = 0.22,
P = 0.18 (Figures 23.4 and 23.5). These paired group means for tap water and hair
were entered into the process‐based model published by Bowen and colleagues
(2009), in order to compare model outcomes, and determine whether the implicit
assumptions of the model were appropriate for this population.
16.5
δ18Oh = 0.357 × δ18Ow + 16.7‰
R2 = 0.380 Tultepec
15.5
Oaxaca City
Tzintzuntan
14.5
Pátzcuaro
δ18O Hair (‰)
Mexico City
13.5
Quiroga
Cuernavaca
12.5
Palengue
Papantla
11.5
Guiterrez
Zamora
10.5
–12 –11 –10 –9 –8 –7 –6 –5 –4 –3 –2
δ18O Water vs. VSMOW (‰)
Figure 23.4 Mean δ O values measured in paired hair and tap water samples, data points
18
are mean per site.
c23.indd 355 11/26/2019 8:28:09 PM

–50
–55
δ2Hh = 0.221 × δ2Hw – 61.3‰ Mexico City
R2 = 0.34
–60 Tultepec
Oaxaca City
–65
δ2H Hair (‰)
Tzintzuntan
–70 Pátzcuaro
Quiroga
–75
Cuernavaca
–80 Palengue
Papantla
–85
Guiterrez
Zamora
–90
–90 –80 –70 –60 –50 –40 –30 –20 –10
δ2H Water vs. VSMOW (‰)
Figure 23.5 Mean δ2H values measured in paired hair and tap water samples, data points
are mean per site.
23.5.2 Analysis and discussion

23.5.2.1 Water samples
The most 2H‐ and 18O‐depleted tap water samples were distributed over the inland
high‐altitude regions of central Mexico, in the states of Puebla, Zacatecas, Jalisco,
Oaxaca and Morelos (Figure 23.3). The slope and d‐excess parameter of the cal-
culated LMW constructed of tap water samples was slightly lower than the global
meteoric water line calculated by Craig (1961). This was due to isotopically
enriched samples from Oaxaca and Jalisco (marked A–B) (Figure 23.3). Two
additional points were outliers with low δ18O and high δ2H: C is tap water from
highland Chiapas, demonstrating depletion from altitude effects, while point D is
tap water from inland Campeche. The range for Mexican groundwater values
reported by Wassenaar et al. (2009), δ18O = −10.8‰ to −2.3‰ and δ2H = −77.5‰
to −13‰, was smaller than the range for tap water reported here. Significant dif-
ferences in mean δ2H values between tap and groundwater were identified in
Guanajuato where median values for tap water (−73.5‰) were lower than
groundwater (−69.4‰) U = 0, Z = −2.952, P = 0.002. This suggests that for most
of the states tested by both studies, groundwater rather than surface water is the
major source of municipal supply. Wilcoxon signed‐rank tests demonstrated that
median bottled water values for O and H were indistinguishable from median tap
water values from the same locations for O and H respectively: z = −1.8, P = 0.65;
z = −1.24, P = 0.20.
c23.indd 356 11/26/2019 8:28:10 PM

23.5.2.2 Hair samples

H and O measured in hair were weakly correlated (r2 = 0.21), and had a slope
of 2.9, far lower than the slope of 8.6 previously reported for mid‐twentieth
century populations or the slope associated with modern Americans (5.7) or
Asian samples (5.6) (Thompson et al., 2010; Bowen et al., 2009). This sug-
gests that controls on these isotope systems were not coupled across this
sample. Likely it is the case that drinking water is not tied to either regional
food or location. The most depleted water and hair values were found in the
state of Morelos, while the most enriched water and hair samples were found
in Veracruz. The relationships b etween paired hair and water from the same
locations were analysed. The relationship between O and H in hair between
tap and bottled water was indistinguishable by region: δ18Oh = 0.35 δ18Otw
+ 16.7‰, r2 = 0.38, P = 0.05; δ2Hh = 0.22 δ2Htw − 61.8‰, r2 = 0.36, P = 0.06,
δ18Oh = 0.33 δ18Owb + 16.8‰, δ2Hh = 0.229 δ2Hwb − 58.6‰, r2 = 0.22, p = 0.18.
According to these relationships, 35% and 22.9% of the variation in hair was
explained by oxygen and hydrogen isotopes in drinking water respectively
(Figures 23.4 and 23.5). These slopes for both O and H were lower than those
reported by either Bowen et al. (2009) or Thompson et al. (2012). However,
the slopes and intercepts for O and the slope for H overlap directly with values
for modern American populations from Ehleringer et al. (2008), and those
previously reported by Sharp et al. (2003). Rather than interpret this as a
similarity in drinking water behavior between this study population and US
residents, we suggest that this is a reflection of the geospatial distribution of
regional food and food water, which in the Mexican case is uncoupled from
drinking water.
23.5.2.3 Analysis via the semi‐mechanistic model

Figure 23.6 is a pathway diagram showing how hair isotopes are conceptually
related to consumed food and drinking water in the Ehleringer and Bowen
models. Primary inputs are denoted by double‐lined boundaries. All other com-
partments are intermediate calculations used to fractionate isotopes into the pri-
mary output, which is the hair. Drinking water is typically an empirical input
determined from samples taken from each location of interest. Given the
significant water stress in southern Mexico and the possibility that supply of and
access to safe drinking water has consequently been decoupled from local aqui-
fers, rivers and lakes, we chose to estimate the likely isotopic signature of Mexican
drinking water. Thus, δ2Hwe and δ18Owe, the H and O content of drinking water,
were treated as model tuning parameters. By estimating a single, shared value
for all locations, we have assumed that the drinking water signature is relatively
homogeneous across these southern Mexican States and can be treated as
independent of location.
c23.indd 357 11/26/2019 8:28:10 PM

drinking food food

water (locally derived) (non-locally
derived)
absorbed through
drinking water dietary breathing
contribution contribution (O only)
loss through
body water breathing
hair
Figure 23.6 Pathway diagram showing how hair isotopes are conceptually related to the
key inputs of food and water in the Ehleringer et al. (2008) and Bowen et al. (2009)
models.
23.5.2.4 Representing local and non‐local water and dietary contributions

Following the approach of Bowen and colleagues, the isotopic signature of locally
derived food was expressed as an offset from the drinking water signature.
However, the additive offsets given in their publication were empirically deter-
mined based on US supermarket meats and water supplies local to US feedlot
operations. We decoupled our model implementation from that prior approach by
estimating plausible values for the Mexican food supply, adding Δ2Hd,l and Δ18Od,l
to our parameter set. Similarly, we replaced the non‐locally derived US super-
market diet with estimable parameters δ2Hd and δ18Od, representing that portion
of the Mexican diet that is composed of international sources rather than foods of
local origin. As the drinking water in our model is being estimated as a global
parameter, the “local” food isotopic signature, expressed as an offset from drinking
water, represents a Southern Mexican regional diet.
Given the economic stratification of this region and the poor correlation bet-
ween hair and water samples, we additionally chose to consider the possibility
that l and fs are local parameters for this population. Essentially, we assumed that
both the fraction of diet that is regionally derived and the associated fraction of
hydrogen that is fixed in vivo will differ across the subregion. Both parameters will
depend on the relative affluence of the area, the sources of dietary protein, and
the rural/urban divide. Taking that to be the case, we estimated different values of
l and fs for each location. This represents another key departure from the approach
of Bowen et al., where all parameters were treated as global (i.e. common across
all populations), despite broad geographical dispersion. That assumption is likely
a valid approximation for the mid‐twentieth century context, where it was
unlikely that indigenous populations would have received their diet primarily
c23.indd 358 11/26/2019 8:28:11 PM

from large‐scale agricultural operations and processed foods. More heterogeneity

is expected in this modern Mexican population, where access to both food and
water is subject to acute variations in geographical and socioeconomic factors.
23.6 Estimation of credible parameter values

by approximate Bayesian computation
For the ten hair isotope datasets reported in Table 23.1, we must then estimate a
total of 26 parameter values – 6 characterizing inputs assumed to be shared by all
ten locations, and 20 describing the location‐specific properties l and fs. With only
two data points for each location (i.e. one for each isotope), this model represents
an underdetermined system. Approximate Bayesian computation (ABC) is a
statistical approach that can be used to infer credible parameter intervals for com-
plex models when faced with the challenge of very small datasets (Csilléry et al.,
2010). The approach requires a generative model to approximate the likelihood
function – essentially a probability distribution indicating how likely the experi-
mental dataset would be, given a set of beliefs about the distribution of model
parameter values. The ABC method starts with sampling parameter values, θ,
from distributions P(θ) that represent any existing knowledge about the possible
parameter values. In our case, we know little more than the upper and lower
bounds of the parameter values (e.g. 0 < l, fs < 1), so we used bounded uniform
distributions as uninformative a priori assumptions for all parameters. These were
implemented as scaled beta distributions (α = 1, β = 1) to take advantage of that
distribution’s ability to evolve from uniform to a variety of unimodal intermediate
shapes as the hyperparameters α and β are increased.
Having sampled values for each of the 26 parameter values, the isotope semi‐
mechanistic model was used to generate predictions for 2H and 18O in hair. We then
compared the predictions with the hair isotope data and preserved the parameter
values if the prediction adequately reflected the data (i.e. storing to the posterior
distribution ∝ P(θ|x)). After repeating this sample‐predict‐compare process for
1000 different samples, we used the cumulative degree of success in predicting
the data as a means of updating our prior assumptions about the parameter distri-
bution. With this improved knowledge about the system, we repeat the sampling
process. Several similar iterations yield increasingly credible parameter distributions
by narrowing our sampling domain of the 26‐dimensional parameter space to
those regions that yield the best fit to the data, that is, those values that have the
greatest probability of giving rise to the observed data. Expressing the mean and
appropriate quantiles of these distributions provides both an estimate of each
parameter’s value and a 95% credibility interval. Thus, instead of a single value
with confidence bounds, one obtains a distribution of values for each parameter
that can be interpreted as representing uncertainty in the estimated parameter
value (Tavaré et al., 1997).
c23.indd 359 11/26/2019 8:28:11 PM

23.7 Results obtained using the established

US supermarket diet
Prior applications of the Bowen and Ehleringer models assumed tap water to be a
valid proxy for drinking water. Using our local tap water measurements and
an international food contribution identical to the modern US supermarket diet
(δ2Hd = −115, δ18Od = 36), we fail to find values for l and fs that map to the Mexican
hair samples. Figure 23.7 demonstrates the poor quality of fit achieved via this
approach, wherein l and fs are assumed to vary with location, and the local
food contribution is expressed as a fixed offset from tap water (Δ2Hd,l = −50‰,
Δ18Od,l = 35.4‰).
Given the significant water stress in the region and the prevalence of bottled
water use in both drinking and cooking, we considered whether estimating the
drinking water isotopic signature might improve the quality of the model fit.
(a) (b)
18 –50
16 –60
δ18Ohair
δ 2Hhair
14 –70
12 –80
ε = 0.6 ε = 0.4
10 –90
–15 –10 –5 0 –80 –60 –40 –20
δ18O tw δ 2Htw
(c) (d)
18 –50
16 –60
δ18O hair
δ2H hair
14 –70
12 –80
ε = 0.4 ε = 0.3
10 –90
–15 –10 –5 0 –80 –60 –40 –20
δ18O water δ 2H water
Figure 23.7 Model fits using American dietary parameters. Models assume established
USA values for non‐local dietary contribution and local diet offset from drinking water.
(A–B) Local tap water is used for the isotopic composition of drinking water. (C–D)
Drinking water is assumed to be homogeneous for this region and its isotopic composi-
tion is estimated as part of the Bayesian fitting algorithm. Data and model predictions are
shown as square markers and circle markers respectively. The model reported by Bowen
is also shown as a dotted line.
c23.indd 360 11/26/2019 8:28:12 PM

Figure 23.7 parts C and D report the modestly improved fit. However, the δ18Oh
values predicted now appear to be independent of location. Indeed, the estimated
drinking water signature (δ2Hwe = −61‰, δ2Hwe = −5.9‰) has been treated as a
global parameter. As drinking water is the basis for expressing the local food iso-
topes, the local food signature is now also independent of location. The only var-
iable that can account for the variation in hair 18O is the local value of l. This
proves to be an inadequate tuning parameter. This is a logical outcome, as the
local contribution to diet, when calculated from the estimated drinking water, is
δ2Hd,l = −111‰ and δ18Od,l = 29.5‰. That is nearly identical to the US supermarket
diet and consequently does not allow the model to have the degrees of freedom
necessary to fit the hair isotopes.
23.8 Results achieved by estimating international diet,

drinking water, and regional diet isotopes
Figure 23.8 shows the quality of fit achieved using our Bayesian approach and esti-
mating not just drinking water, but also new values for the local and non‐local die-
tary contributions. The 18O and 2H data are concurrently modeled with similar
accuracy, as indicated by the mean summary statistic values (ε = 0.009 and 0.01 for
18
O and 2H respectively). The estimated values for the Mexican non‐local dietary sig-
nature and local diet offset were (mean [95% intervals]): δ2Hd = −136‰ [−135,−137],
δ18Od = 17.8‰ [17.6,18.2], δ2Hd,l = −84‰ [−83,−86] and δ18Od,l = 48‰ [47,48]. Those
for drinking water were δ2Hwe = −65‰ [−63,−68] and δ18Owe = −10‰ [−10,−11].
Interestingly, this estimated isotopic signature for regional drinking water is very sim-
ilar to the mean value for our bottle water samples, δ2Hwb = −65.5‰, δ18Owe = −9.4‰.
model hair samples Bowen model

(a) (b)
18 –50
16 –60
δ18Ohair
δ2Hhair
14 –70
12 –80
ε = 0.009 ε = 0.01
10 –90
–15 –10 –5 0 –80 –60 –40 –20
δ18Otw δ2Htw
Figure 23.8 Model fits using estimated Mexican dietary parameters. Drinking water is
assumed to be homogeneous for this region and its isotopic composition is estimated as
part of the Bayesian fitting algorithm. (A) δ2H; (B) δ18O. Data and model predictions are
shown as square markers and circle markers respectively. The model reported by Bowen
is shown as a dotted line.
c23.indd 361 11/26/2019 8:28:12 PM

0.3
Cuernavaca Patzcuaro Gutierrez
Palenque Zamora
0.2 Mexico Tzintzuntzan
Tultepec City
P(I)
Oaxaca Quiroga Papantla

0.1 City
0
0.3 0.35 0.4 0.45 0.5 0.55 0.6
I
0.3
Quiroga Tzintzuntzan Mexico City Papantla
Patzcuaro
0.2 Cuernavaca Palenque
Oaxaca
P(fs)
Gutierrez Tultepec City

0.1 Zamora
0
0.1 0.15 0.2 0.25 0.3 0.35 0.4
fs
Figure 23.9 Intervals estimated for l and fs in the ten locations for which hair samples
were analysed.
Figure 23.9 shows the location‐specific estimates for l and fs as histograms for

the credible distributions of each parameter. The ten locations from which hair
was sampled readily segregate into two groups with respect to l, the fraction of
diet that is derived from the Southern Mexican region. This largely reflects the
rural/urban divide, with large urban centers like Mexico City, Oaxaca City and
Cuernavaca appearing at l < 0.4, while more rural centers like Tzintzuntzan and
Patzcuaro are centered at l > 0.5. Although SES plays a role in determining access
to local versus non‐local foods, it is not a sole determinant. In rural areas, fresh
local foods are likely to be readily available and inexpensive, while in urban zones
local foods may actually be more expensive than non‐local, processed snacks
(Ponce et al., 2006; Fernald, 2007; Batis et al. 2011; Sparks and Sparks, 2012;
López‐Olmedo et al., 2018). It follows then that parameter l tells us little about the
socioeconomic stratification of the region. The complete overlap of distributions
for Oaxaca City and Cuernavaca is interesting, because data on socioeconomic
status in Mexico identifies these two regions as economic polar opposites. In the
absence of specific data on food and hair from these regions it is not possible to
assess the validity of the estimated l values for each location. However, a possible
interpretation of this apparent divide is that urban residents have increased access
to non‐local foods compared with their rural counterparts.
One interpretation of fs is as an indicator of protein consumption, with lower
values of fs associated with increased protein consumption. Studies on obesity and
health in Mexico indicate that the majority of calories in the daily diet of Mexicans
come from carbohydrates (>60%), while proteins make up only ~11% of caloric
intake (Heien et al., 1989; Fernald et al. 2004; Ruiz‐Arregui et al., 2007; Ortiz‐
Hernández and Gómez‐Tello, 2008). Access to high‐quality protein sources (fs)
c23.indd 362 11/26/2019 8:28:13 PM

may be more closely tied to socioeconomic status, coastal access, and regional
animal husbandry practices than the relative contributions of international and
regionally derived foods (l). Indeed, the three highest values for fs correspond to
Palenque, Oaxaca City and Papantla. Two of these locations, (Oaxaca City and
Palenque) are classified as having high to very high marginality indices. The
Consejo Nacional de Población (CONAPO, the Mexican national council on
population) generates marginality indices every ten years based on census data
(Vertiz, 2011). The marginality index (MI) is a summary measure that differenti-
ates states and municipalities according to socioeconomic deficiencies such as lack
of access to education, inadequate housing, insufficient monetary income, and
rural living. Although MI tells us nothing about the circumstances of any individual
person, it serves as a coarse characterization of SES differences between locations.
Thus, individuals in areas of high MI might be expected to have limited access to
animal protein, and their hair would reflect H fixed from body water to a greater
extent (i.e. high fs).
The lowest fs value is obtained for the coastal location of Gutierrez Zamora,
where marine protein consumption is likely high. Readily available local seafood
will tend to produce markedly different isotopic signatures and distinctly different
relationships between l and fs than might be observed for inland locations.
Michoacán is one of the major pork‐producing regions in Mexico and a location
where consumption of pork is affordable for local populations (Hernandez et al.,
2014). Non‐urban locations like Quiroga, Tzintzuntzan and Patzcuaro having fs
values interspersed with more affluent urban centers is likely consistent with the
state of Michoacán hosting an industry that offers relatively low‐cost and
abundant access to high‐quality protein.
23.9 Conclusions
We quantified the relationship between modern Mexican hair and water samples
using a modified approach to the semi‐mechanistic framework established by
Bowen et al. (2009). This framework was developed based on the assumption that
individuals consume water that comes from sources near their place of residence,
and that the isotopic signature of that water is quickly reflected in hair isotopes.
That assumption is not likely to hold true for our Southern Mexican population.
The paired hair–water data presented herein does not represent a consistent trend
between hair and tap water. Instead, we found a rather more nuanced connection
between what Mexicans are drinking and what shows up in their hair. After con-
sidering multiple factors that might alter the quality of the model fit, we found
that our data are consistent with a population whose drinking water has no con-
nection to place of residence. Instead, the drinking water isotopes match almost
exactly with the mean of bottled water samples. The bottled water and beverage
industry likely supplies most of what is consumed by Mexicans, as tap water is
c23.indd 363 11/26/2019 8:28:13 PM

either not available or unsafe to drink. Beverage suppliers homogenize the

drinking water signature by pulling water from a variety of widely distributed
aquifers, lakes and rivers. Many of the large producers of bottled water also pro-
duce and distribute sodas, utilizing the same water sources for both products. As a
result, the high rates of soda consumption in Mexico likely mimic the homoge-
nized isotopic composition estimated for drinking water. The lack of a clear corre-
lation between locally derived water and hair is consistent with the complex
relationships that modern Mexicans have with drinking water, where upwards of
80% of the population reports bottled water use.
While the drinking water source appears homogeneous across this region, we
were still able to use the semi‐mechanistic model to map regional variations in
hair isotopes to different food consumption patterns. By estimating Mexican
values for international and regional dietary contributions, we obtained values of
l and fs that cleanly segregated urban areas like Mexico City from rural towns like
Quiroga. Likewise, the coastal city of Gutierrez Zamora is clearly distinguished.
The very low value of fs estimated for this location can readily be interpreted as
evidence of an easily accessible, high‐protein, seafood‐based diet. We should note,
however, that the low fs value may also reflect an artefact in the model‐based
analysis. Marine protein will have a distinctly different isotopic signature from
terrestrial animal food sources. If the seafood consumed by inhabitants of Gutierrez
Zamora is characterized by a significantly higher value for δ2Hd,l than what we
have estimated for the regional diet, the corresponding estimate for fs would
appear lower than its true value.
With SES impacting both food and water access, it is likely that increasingly
complex models and analytical approaches that quantify variability and uncer-
tainty will be needed to support provenance estimation. While models capturing
the mechanistic ties between hair and drinking water isotopes hold much promise
for tracing place of origin and migratory behavior, caution must be exercised
in cases where water stress and its interplay with socioeconomic stratification
obfuscate the relationship between what we consume and where we live.
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CHAPTER 24
Multi‐isotope approaches for region‐of‐

origin predictions of undocumented
border crossers from the US–Mexico
border: Biocultural perspectives on diet
and travel history
Eric J. Bartelink1, Lesley A. Chesson2, Brett J. Tipple3,4, Sarah Hall5 and
Robyn T. Kramer6
1
2
3
Institute of Marine Sciences, University of California, Santa Cruz, California, USA
4
School of Biological Sciences, University of Utah, USA
5
School of Human Evolution and Social Change, Arizona State University, Arizona, USA
6
Anatomy Department, University of Otago, New Zealand
24.1 Introduction
In the 1990s, the United States launched a number of border security operations,
including “Operation Hold the Line” (a.k.a. Operation Blockade) in El Paso, Texas
in 1993; “Operation Gatekeeper” in San Diego, California in 1994; “Operation
Safeguard” in southern Arizona in 1995; and “Operation Rio Grande” in south
Texas in 1997 (Martínez et al., 2014). While these “prevention through deter-
rence” policies of the US Border Patrol have greatly reduced illegal migration
across the southern border, this period has been marked by a sharp increase in
undocumented border crosser (UBC) deaths as migrants are funneled through
more inhospitable areas and often die due to heat‐related illness (Baker, 2014;
DeLeón, 2015; Jimenez, 2009; Martínez et al., 2014; Reineke and Martínez,
2014). Between 1998 and 2016, the remains of more than 6500 UBCs have been
recovered from along the US–Mexico border (Wexler, 2016).
In 2012, the number of deceased UBCs in south Texas exceeded that of Arizona,
with the majority of the deceased representing Central American nationals (Kovic,
2013; Spradley et al., 2018). Most of the migrant deaths in Texas occur near the
Falfurrias border checkpoint in Brooks County (Rio Grande Valley sector), located
369
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approximately 70 miles north of the US–Mexico border. Most often, migrants are
dropped off from vehicles along roadways and are instructed to walk around the
checkpoint (Gocha et al., 2018; Reineke and Martínez, 2014). As migrants attempt
to walk through flat, rugged terrain on remote, private ranches, they often become
lost and disoriented, and eventually succumb to heat‐related illnesses. The high
volume of deaths has resulted in a massive identification challenge, especially
given the lack of infrastructure and resources in this rural area of Texas. Many
barriers to identification exist, including lack of documentation about the human
remains and recovery context, lack of ante‐mortem records, difficulties obtaining
family reference DNA samples, and the extent of decomposition. Due to financial
constraints, local authorities began burying unidentified migrants at Sacred Heart
Cemetery in Falfurrias around 2009. Remains were buried without conducting
complete scientific analyses for identification, including the use of DNA testing as
required under Texas Administrative Code (Kovic, 2018).
Forensic anthropologists have featured prominently in the identification pro-
cess of deceased migrants interred without the required DNA analyses. In 2013,
forensic anthropologists began exhuming unidentified remains interred at Sacred
Heart Cemetery for analysis and identification (Latham and Strand, 2018). The
numerous field seasons of exhumations have recovered hundreds of deceased
migrants, which are currently being analysed and identified through the efforts of
Texas State University and their collaborators (Gocha et al., 2018; Spradley et al.,
2018). Despite tremendous efforts by forensic anthropology teams, DNA special-
ists, and non‐governmental organizations, identification and repatriation efforts
have proceeded at a slow pace (Spradley et al., 2018). This unprecedented
identification challenge has led to the use of multidisciplinary approaches to
identification, including the use of an array of biological and cultural data associ-
ated with the remains, supported to a large degree by efforts of volunteers and
non‐governmental organizations (Anderson and Spradley, 2016; Spradley et al.,
2018). Currently, Texas State University leads the migrant identification effort in
Texas through a project called Operation Identification (OpID).
Over the past decade, the use of stable isotope analysis (SIA) has emerged as an
identification tool for provenancing unidentified decedents (see reviews in
Bartelink and Chesson, 2019; Bartelink et al., 2014a, 2014b, 2016; Cerling et al.,
2016; Chesson et al., 2014, 2018a, 2018b, this volume; Ehleringer et al., 2007,
2010, 2015; Kamenov et al., 2014; Lehn et al., 2015; Meier‐Augenstein, 2007,
2010). Recently, a handful of SIA case studies have focused on identifying UBC
remains from the US–Mexico border (Bartelink, 2018; Bartelink et al., 2018;
Bartelink and Chesson, 2019; Kramer et al., this volume) and also determining
whether an unidentified decedent is likely a foreign national from Latin America
(Bartelink and Chesson, 2019; Ross et al., 2016). Currently, baseline isotope data
are markedly lacking for most regions within Latin America and the circum‐
Caribbean; however, a few recent studies have generated datasets useful for
provenancing studies (Juarez, 2008; Juarez et al., this volume; Laffoon et al.,
2017; Kramer et al., this volume).
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Multi-isotope approaches for region-of-origin at the US–Mexico border 371
24.2 SIA as an investigative tool for undocumented

border crossers
Here we present SIA results for bone–tooth pairs from UBCs from Brooks County,
Texas. Bone and tooth samples were prepared for SIA, including carbon and
nitrogen isotope analysis of bone collagen, carbon and oxygen isotope analysis of
bone bioapatite and enamel bioapatite, and strontium isotope analysis of tooth
enamel. Using a multi‐isotope approach, we narrow down the likely region‐of‐
origin for these individuals. We then present preliminary interpretations of
isotope results for two case studies to illustrate the use of SIA as an investigative
tool for deceased UBC cases from Texas.
24.2.1 Assumptions of SIA for provenancing studies

Provenancing studies that utilize stable isotope analyses of human remains require
several assumptions, which may or may not be met depending on the context,
time period, and geographical location of an individual’s life history. For example,
we assume that human diet is patterned by factors such as ethnicity, geographical
region and socioeconomic status, as reflected in carbon and nitrogen isotope ratios
recorded in body tissues (Hülsemann et al., 2015). Previous research using bone
collagen and bioapatite identified significant differences in carbon isotope ratios
between Southeast Asians, US Americans, and UBCs (Bartelink et al., 2018).
Additional studies on modern samples have identified significant geographical
patterning in isotope ratios between different geographical regions using various
tissues, including bones (Bartelink et al., 2014a), teeth (Keller et al., 2016; Regan,
2006; Someda et al., 2016), hair (Hülsemann et al., 2015; Valenzuela et al., 2011),
and fingernails (Nardoto et al., 2006). Second, we assume that most imbibed
water is local, which should be reflected in oxygen and hydrogen isotope ratios
recorded in body tissues (Ehleringer et al., 2008). Although bottled water has
become more common in many regions of the world (including Latin American
countries), it is most often purified local municipal water (Chesson et al., 2010).
Third, we assume that most food that an individual consumes is produced within
the region of residence. This assumption is more difficult to meet for individuals
living in the USA that have access to a “global supermarket” diet, but may be a
reasonable assumption for UBCs who are more likely to have consumed locally
produced foodstuffs. Therefore, bones and teeth of individuals who eat locally
should have strontium isotope ratios that reflect the bioavailable strontium in the
local environment. Thus, the degree to which cultural, geographical and socioeco-
nomic factors pattern diet within a population and the degree to which local food
and water are consumed by an individual are key factors that determine how
successful SIA will be in a given context. These assumptions can be explored
through analysis of baseline reference sample data and collection of contextual
information from a region (e.g. known cultural dietary patterns, distance that
food and water travel from the source to consumers, etc.). Given the intricate
complexities of human diet, movement of food and water across the landscape,
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and human migration patterns, it is helpful to test specific hypotheses or to use

SIA as an exclusionary tool to narrow down possibilities. For example, SIA can be
effective at answering whether or not an unidentified decedent is local or non-
local to the region where their remains were found, especially if the decedent is a
foreign national who recently arrived in an area prior to their death. Using a
multi‐isotope approach, researchers can explore a series of hypotheses regarding
origin based on the information derived from each isotope system or by exam-
ining all isotope data collectively.
To use SIA as an investigative tool for narrowing down the region‐of‐origin for
UBC cases, there must be variation in the isotope ratios of interest between indi-
viduals, which should in turn reflect geographically‐controlled isotopic variation.
For example, dietary differences between the US and Latin American countries
and also between individual Latin American countries may be reflected in differ-
ences in carbon, nitrogen and sulfur isotope ratios. In addition, isotopic differ-
ences in water sources and the environment where food is grown and consumed
(oxygen and strontium isotope ratios, respectively) should reflect geography.
24.2.2 Bio‐elements and geo‐elements used for geolocation

Stable isotopes are atoms of an element that contain the same number of protons
and electrons but vary in number of neutrons and do not undergo radioactive
decay (Fry, 2006). Because stable isotopes of the same element have different
atomic weights, they behave slightly differently during chemical reactions. Stable
isotopes are commonly measured as the ratio of a “heavy” (typically rarer) isotope
to a “light” (more common) isotope (e.g. 18O/16O) in a sample, which is compared
to the ratio measured in an international standard. This ratio of ratios is presented
in “delta” notation using the Greek lowercase letter δ.
Stable isotope ratios measured in human tissues reflect inputs from food, water
and pollutants in the environment. Life history information can be derived from
isotope analyses of different tissue types that form over different time intervals
(e.g. bones, teeth, nails, hair). These analyses can provide information about an
individual’s diet and migration history between childhood and adulthood (e.g. by
comparing teeth vs. bones, respectively) and over shorter intervals of time (e.g. by
analysing hair and nails). Forensic applications of SIA of human remains often
include bio‐elements such as hydrogen (H), carbon (C), nitrogen (N), oxygen (O)
and sulfur (S), which provide information on both diet and residence patterns. In
addition, the geo‐elements of strontium (Sr) and lead (Pb) are particularly useful
for predicting residence patterns.
Carbon isotope ratios vary in plants based on the photosynthetic pathway a
plant utilizes. The majority of the Earth’s vegetation are C3 plants, which includes
fruits, vegetables, beans, and most grains. However, some cultigens such as corn
and sugarcane are C4 plants, and they use a different photosynthetic pathway that
results in greater incorporation of 13C into plant tissues as opposed to C3 plants.
Thus, C4 plants have higher δ13C values compared to C3 plants, which is in turn
c24.indd 372 11/26/2019 8:31:50 PM

reflected in the tissues of human consumers. Similar to C4 plants, marine resources

also result in elevated δ13C values in consumers, reflecting the higher amount of
13
C in seafood. Because C3 and C4 plants and marine foods are consumed to varying
degrees globally, C isotopes often reflect culturally and regionally specific dietary
practices (Bartelink et al., 2014a; Hülsemann et al., 2015). The majority of C from
dietary protein is preferentially routed to an animal’s bone collagen, whereas the
C molecules in bone and enamel bioapatite derive from blood bicarbonate and
reflect the whole diet (Ambrose and Norr, 1993; Tieszen and Fagre, 1993). For
UBC cases, δ13C values are expected to be elevated over those of US Americans
due to the greater reliance on corn products throughout Latin America, thus
providing a powerful tool for discriminating between these two groups.
Although less useful for human provenancing studies, N isotope ratios (δ15N)
can provide information on the trophic level of dietary proteins consumed. With
each level of the food chain, there is an approximately 2–4‰ stepwise increase in
the δ15N values of a consumer’s tissues. Thus, δ15N values will be highest among
individuals who consume a large amount of meat (especially seafood), and lowest
among individuals with a vegetarian or vegan diet.
Stable isotope ratios of oxygen and hydrogen (δ18O and δ2H, respectively) in
meteoric water vary spatially, as the lighter isotopes of O and H are retained in the
atmosphere longer while heavier isotopes more readily condense to form rain,
resulting in continental patterning of δ18O and δ2H values across landscapes
(Ehleringer et al., 2008). The δ18O and δ2H values of water are thus influenced by
temperature, distance from large bodies of water, aridity and altitude, resulting in
predictable isotope landscapes – or isoscapes – of water. These variations can
be mapped using geographical information system (GIS) software. Variations in
O and H isotope ratios across space are incorporated into human tissues through
drinking water.
Strontium isotope ratios (87Sr/86Sr) reflect the geological age of the underlying
bedrock in a region and are incorporated into plants and the animals that con-
sume them, since Sr substitutes for calcium in hydroxyapatite (Bentley, 2006).
Strontium isotope ratios vary based on the age of rock, with lower 87Sr/86Sr ratios
associated with younger rocks (Bentley, 2006). There is little to no isotopic frac-
tionation in bioavailable Sr, so 87Sr/86Sr ratios measured in human remains can be
directly compared with geological baseline 87Sr/86Sr ratios.
24.3 Samples and analytical methods
In 2013, forensic anthropologists from the University of Indianapolis and Baylor

University began a large‐scale effort to exhume and identify deceased migrants
buried at Sacred Heart Cemetery in Falfurrias, Brooks County, Texas. Collaborative
work between the University of Indianapolis, Baylor University, and Texas State
University has now led to a concerted effort to identify these deceased migrants
c24.indd 373 11/26/2019 8:31:50 PM

and to repatriate them to family members. Through OpID, migrant remains are
transferred to the Forensic Anthropology Center at Texas State (FACTS) for
skeletal processing, analysis, DNA sampling, and temporary curation (Spradley
et al., 2018). Part of this effort includes collaboration with the Argentine Forensic
Anthropology Team (EAAF), who are assisting with family reference sample DNA
collection, as well as the University of North Texas Center for Human Identification
and Bode Cellmark Forensics, Inc., who have processed and compared DNA pro-
files for identification (Gocha et al., 2018; Spradley et al., 2018). OpID has
expanded beyond Brooks County, Texas to cemeteries in neighboring Starr and
Willacy Counties where additional unidentified migrant remains are buried
(Spradley et al., 2018). As of 2018, only about 29 individuals have been positively
identified out of the more than 270 cases received through OpID. Many of those
identified are from the Central American countries of Guatemala, Honduras and
El Salvador, the so‐called Northern Triangle, although a considerable number of
the unidentified likely originated from Mexico (Gocha et al., 2018).
A paired sample consisting of one premolar tooth and one metatarsal was col-
lected from 30 sets of OpID remains by researchers at FACTS. In addition, another
13 sets of remains were sampled and submitted for SIA through the University of
Indianapolis. These former samples included a wider variety of tooth types and
bones, with data previously reported in Bartelink et al. (2018). Teeth were sampled
to provide childhood diet (δ13C) and origin information (δ18O and 87Sr/86Sr), whereas
bones were sampled to provide information on adult diet (δ13C and δ15N) and origin
(δ18O). Permission to sample was provided through FACTS, and funding was
provided through the AAFS Humanitarian and Human Rights Resource Award and
through a California State University, Chico David Lantis Award. Residual bone
and tooth materials were returned to FACTS upon completion of isotope testing.
Stable isotope ratios of C, N, and O were measured through isotope ratio mass
spectrometry (IRMS). Isotope ratios of samples are reported relative to an inter-
national standard using the delta (δ) notation as described above. As a matter of
convenience, δ values are often reported in parts per thousand or “per mil” (‰).
The δ13C and δ15N values of bone collagen were measured by continuous‐flow
IRMS at the Stable Isotope Facility at the University of California, Davis, using an
elemental analyser (PDZ Europa ANCA‐GSL) interfaced with an isotope ratio
mass spectrometer (PDZ Europa 20‐20). The δ13C and δ18O values of bone and
enamel bioapatite were measured by continuous‐flow IRMS at IsoForensics, Inc.
in Salt Lake City, Utah, using a GasBench II (Thermo ScientificTM) interfaced to an
isotope ratio mass spectrometer (FinniganTM MAT 253). Sample preparation pro-
cedures are reported in Bartelink et al. (2014a) for C, N and O isotope analysis.
Strontium isotope ratios (87Sr/86Sr) were measured on digested tooth enamel
samples at the Department of Geology and Geophysics at the University of Utah
via high‐resolution multi‐collector inductively coupled plasma mass spectrometer
(MC‐ICP‐MS, Thermo ScientificTM Neptune PlusTM). Isoscape maps were gener-
ated using ArcGIS 10.4 (ESRI) for each of the 43 individuals, although only two
are presented here as case studies.
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24.4 Results
Descriptive statistics for the stable isotope values are reported in Table 24.1.
The mean bone collagen δ13C value is −13.6‰ (± 2.3‰, 1 SD) and the mean δ15N
value is +9.4‰ (± 1.3‰, 1 SD). The mean δ13C value for bone bioapatite is –8.4‰
(± 2.6‰, 1 SD) and for enamel bioapatite is −5.3‰ (± 3.0‰, 1 SD). The mean δ18O
value is −6.6‰ (± 1.1‰, 1 SD) for bone bioapatite and −5.5‰ for enamel bioapa-
tite (± 1.4‰, 1 SD). For Sr, the mean 87Sr/86Sr ratio for tooth enamel is 0.70703
(± 0.00116, 1 SD; OpID 399 was excluded as an extreme outlier).
The mean δ13C values of bone collagen as well as bone bioapatite and enamel
bioapatite are consistent with our expectations for UBCs and indicate a very high
dietary contribution from C4 resources (e.g. corn products). The high degree of
variation in δ13C values (1 SD of 2.3 to 3.0‰) is primarily influenced by four indi-
viduals with lower δ13C values for their bone collagen, bone, and enamel bioapa-
tite. Isoscape prediction maps based on O and Sr isotopes further suggest that
these individuals could be of US origin (not shown). Bone bioapatite and bone
collagen δ13C values show a strong positive correlation (r = 0.941, p < 0.001), indi-
cating that both whole diet (reflected in bioapatite) and the protein source of the
diet (reflected in collagen) are strongly influenced by the consumption of C4
resources. Similarly, bone and enamel bioapatite δ13C values show a strong positive
correlation (r = 0.897, p < 0.001), indicating dietary continuity in the consump-
tion of C4 resources between childhood and adulthood.
Measured δ15N values show relatively low variation across the sampled OpID
cases, consistent with consumption of terrestrial herbivore protein, albeit in some-
what different amounts between individuals. Further, bone bioapatite and bone
collagen δ13C values both show a moderate negative correlation with bone c ollagen
δ15N values (r = −0.683, p < 0.001 and r = −0.583, p < 0.001, respectively), suggest-
ing that C4 resource consumption is negatively correlated with consumption of
low trophic‐level protein sources. This could reflect differences in socioeconomic
status between individuals, whereby corn products are consumed in the greatest
amounts by individuals with more limited access to terrestrial meat products.
Isoscape prediction maps were based on δ18O values of precipitation for the US
and Latin America. However, isoscape prediction maps based on 87Sr/86Sr ratios
are only possible within the US since baseline reference data on Sr isotopic varia-
tion in the environment are limited for Latin America. For the majority of the
UBC samples, isoscape prediction maps based on O isotope ratios are consistent
with a Latin American origin, and include areas within Mexico as well as portions
of Central America. These predictions also include areas within the continental
US. Out of 41 tooth samples for which there are O isotope data for enamel bioapa-
tite, 88% (n = 36) included predictions within Latin America. Only five individ-
uals fell into the continental US only based on their δ18O values (between −8.7 and
−6.9‰). Interestingly, these individuals also have the lowest bone collagen and
bone and enamel bioapatite δ13C values in the entire study, suggesting a diet con-
sisting of a mixture of both C3 and C4 resources (more similar to a US American
c24.indd 375 11/26/2019 8:31:50 PM

Table 24.1 Descriptive statistics for carbon, nitrogen, oxygen and strontium SIA results for paired bone and tooth samples from 43 sets
of OpID remains; analysis of some samples failed, as indicated by variation in n.
δ13Ccoll, ‰ δ15Ncoll, ‰ δ13Capat, ‰ δ13Capat, ‰ δ18Oapat, ‰ δ18Oapat, ‰ 87

Sr/86Sra
(bone) (bone) (bone) (enamel) (bone) (enamel) (enamel)
n = 43 n = 43 n = 42 n = 41 n = 42 n = 41 n = 40
Mean −13.6 9.4 −8.4 −5.3 −6.6 −5.5 0.70703

SD 2.3 1.3 2.6 3.0 1.1 1.4 0.00116
Minimum −20.0 7.2 −14.0 −14.4 −8.7 −8.7 0.70477
Maximum −9.8 12.2 −4.4 −1.4 −3.6 −1.5 0.71094
a
Excludes extreme outlier (OpID 399; 87Sr/86Sr = 0.75698).
coll, collagen; apat, bioapatite.
c24.indd 376 11/26/2019 8:31:50 PM

12 Mean = –13.58
Std.Dev. = 2.261
N = 43
10
8
Frequency
0
–20.00 –18.00 –16.00 –14.00 –12.00 –10.00 –8.00
δ13C Bone Collagen (‰, VPDB)
Figure 24.1 Histogram of bone collagen δ13C values (n = 43) showing a multimodal
distribution, which can be partitioned into low, medium, and high C4 diet groups.
diet). Figure 24.1 is a histogram of the 43 bone collagen δ13C values, and shows
a multimodal distribution. When this distribution is equally partitioned into low
(n = 6), medium (n = 13), and high C4 (n = 24) diet groups, 87Sr/86Sr ratios of
paired enamel and bone bioapatite δ13C values tend to cluster by group
(Figure 24.2). This suggests a relationship between the amount of C4 consumption
and geographical location.
24.5 Case studies
Two case studies are used to illustrate how a multi‐isotope approach can be used
to generate investigative leads regarding unidentified UBC cases. The first case
study (OpID 423) is an unidentified Hispanic male, 29–54 years of age, with an
estimated stature between 5 feet 2 inches and 5 feet 5 inches. His remains were
discovered in Falfurrias, Texas, in August 2010 and were buried in the Sacred
Heart Cemetery. The decedent was wearing a shirt that was made in Guatemala,
providing possible region‐of‐origin information. The δ13C values for bone collagen
(−9.8‰), bone bioapatite (−4.8‰) and enamel bioapatite (−1.7‰) indicate a diet
heavily focused on C4 resources (i.e. corn products), consistent with UBCs from
Latin America (Table 24.2). The isoscape prediction map based on enamel
bioapatite δ18O values includes the continental US, central and southern Mexico,
c24.indd 377 11/26/2019 8:31:50 PM

C4diet
Low C4 diet
Medium C4 diet
High C4 diet
.71000
Sr/86Sr Enamel
.70800
87
.70600
.70400
–14.00 –12.00 –10.00 –8.00 –6.00 –4.00 –2.00 .00

δ13C Bone Apatite (‰, VPDB)
Figure 24.2 Bivariate plot of bone bioapatite δ13C values (n = 40) and tooth enamel
Sr/86Sr ratios between low, medium, and high C4 diet groups.
87
Guatemala and Costa Rica (Figure 24.3). Although the isoscape prediction map
only includes Sr predictions for the US, the 87Sr/86Sr ratio (0.70568) is consistent
with known reference data for Guatemala, especially regions along the Motagua
River Valley (Hodell et al., 2004; Laffoon et al., 2017; Price et al., 2015; Wright,
2005). Although not definitive, the data cannot rule out that OpID 423 could be
a Guatemalan national.
The second case study (OpID 401‐C) is an unidentified Hispanic female,
15–21 years of age, with an estimated stature between 4 feet 9 inches and 5 feet
5 inches. Her remains were discovered in Falfurrias, Texas, in November 2011 and
were buried in the Sacred Heart Cemetery. Although clothing and other personal
effects were recovered with the remains, none pointed to a specific country or
region‐of‐origin. The δ13C values for bone collagen (−13.1‰), bone bioapatite
(−7.1‰) and enamel bioapatite (−4.7‰) indicate a dietary emphasis on C4
resources (i.e. corn products), consistent with Latin American dietary practices
(Table 24.2). However, the isoscape prediction map based on enamel bioapatite
δ18O values includes exclusively the continental US (Figure 24.4). The isoscape
prediction map also includes Sr predictions for the US, and the δ18O value and
87
Sr/86Sr ratio (0.70648) overlap primarily within areas of the Intermountain West
(Figure 24.4). However, when only the 87Sr/86Sr ratio is considered, the
measurement results could be consistent with the Motagua River Valley of
Guatemala or Copan region of Honduras (Hodell et al., 2004; Laffoon et al., 2017;
c24.indd 378 11/26/2019 8:31:51 PM

Table 24.2 Carbon, nitrogen, oxygen and strontium SIA results for bone and tooth samples from two case studies, OpID 423
and OpID 401‐C.
δ13Ccoll, ‰ δ15Ncoll, ‰ δ13Capat, ‰ δ13Capat, ‰ δ18Oapat, ‰ δ18Oapat, ‰ Sr/86Sr

87
(bone) (bone) (bone) (enamel) (bone) (enamel) (enamel)
OpID 423 −9.8 7.9 −7.2 −1.7 −7.2 −6.1 0.70568

OpID 401‐C −13.1 8.5 −7.1 −4.7 −6.8 −8.7 0.70648
coll, collagen; apat, bioapatite.
c24.indd 379 11/26/2019 8:31:51 PM

Predicted Region - Tooth O
Predicted Region - Tooth Sr
Regions - Consistent with both O and Sr

N Date Created: 12/20/2016
IsoForensics, Inc., 2016 Map Creator: B Tipple (tippleb@isoforensics.com)
Data: Tap water: [Bowen et al., 2007, Water
0 370 740 1,480 2,220 2,960 Resources Research, Vol. 43, W03419];
Kilometers Bedrock; [Bataille et al, 2012, Escosphere,
3(12), art.118]
Figure 24.3 Isoscape prediction map for Case Study 1 (OpID 423) using the oxygen and
strontium isotopic compositions of tooth enamel. (Water base layer data used for region‐
of‐origin prediction from Bowen et al., 2007, and Bataille and Bowen, 2012.) The
darkest gray highlighted areas indicate locations where the individual may have obtained
his drinking water (based on measured δ18O values of enamel bioapatite). The lighter
gray highlighted areas indicate locations where the individual may have obtained his
food (based on measured 87Sr/86Sr ratios of tooth enamel). The red highlighted areas
indicate locations where both O and Sr isoscape predictions overlap, representing the
most likely regions‐of‐origin. Note that oxygen SIA predicted areas within northern and
southern Mexico, Guatemala, Costa Rica, and the US for this individual. (Map created by
B.J. Tipple, IsoForensics, Inc.)
Price et al., 2015; Wright, 2005). Some possible scenarios for this residence pattern
include one in which the decedent was born in Mexico or Central America, lived
in the US for some period of time, and then traveled back or was deported to a
Mexican/Central American location from the US, before dying in an attempt to
re‐cross the border into Texas. Additional Sr isotope measurement results on the
bone would be useful in this case, since it may indicate whether she moved bet-
ween childhood and adulthood. This case highlights the complexity of predicting
region‐of‐origin given that different isotope systems can be consistent with more
than one location. At this point in time, there is not enough information to narrow
the region of origin for OpID 401‐C, so several possible scenarios should be
considered.
c24.indd 380 11/26/2019 8:31:53 PM

Predicted Region - Tooth O
Predicted Region - Tooth Sr
Regions - Consistent with both O and Sr

N
Date Created: 12/20/2016
IsoForensics, Inc., 2016 Map Creator: B Tipple (tippleb@isoforensics.com)
Data: Tap water: [Bowen et al., 2007, Water
0 370 740 1,480 2,220 2,960 Resources Research, Vol. 43, W03419];
Kilometers Bedrock; [Bataille et al, 2012, Escosphere,
3(12), art.118]
Figure 24.4 Isoscape prediction map for Case Study 2 (OpID 401‐C) using the oxygen
and strontium isotopic compositions of tooth enamel. (Water base layer data used for
region‐of‐origin prediction from Bowen et al., 2007, and Bataille and Bowen, 2012.) The
darkest gray highlighted areas indicate locations where the individual may have obtained
her drinking water (based on measured δ18O values of enamel bioapatite). The lighter
gray highlighted areas indicate locations where the individual may have obtained her
food (based on measured 87Sr/86Sr ratios of tooth enamel). The red highlighted areas
indicate locations where both O and Sr isotope predictions overlap, representing the
most likely regions‐of‐origin. Note that oxygen SIA predicted a US origin for this
individual, which is further supported based on available strontium data for the US.
(Map created by B.J. Tipple, IsoForensics, Inc.)
24.6 Summary and future research directions
Stable isotope analysis is a useful investigative tool that can aid in the identification
effort of deceased undocumented border crossers by narrowing down probable
regions‐of‐origin. In this study, we identified a clear dietary emphasis on C4
resources (i.e. corn products), as well as dietary continuity between childhood
and adulthood among the UBC remains recovered from Texas analysed to date.
The case studies presented highlight the value of a multi‐isotope approach for
predicting region‐of‐origin, as well as some of the complexities involved with
reconstructing the life and travel history of UBCs. For migrants who cross the
c24.indd 381 11/26/2019 8:31:55 PM

US–Mexico border, we assumed that food and water were most likely consumed
locally at their place of origin. However, we recognize that the development of a
global supermarket economy and the increased use of bottled water may hinder
our efforts in using stable isotopes as geolocation tools. The addition of strontium
isotope baseline maps and a representative sample of tap water from different
regions within Latin America will aid in narrowing down provenance predictions
for future case work.
Acknowledgements
The authors would like to thank Roberto Parra, Sara Zapico and Douglas Ubelaker
for their kind invitation to contribute to this volume. We thank Kate Spradley,
Tim Gocha, Danny Wescott and Krista Latham for their assistance with the collec-
tion of isotope samples and contextual data. We thank Sam Mijal, Alina Tichinin
and Vanessa Reeves for preparing collagen and bioapatite samples. Special thanks
to Thuan Chau and Michael Lott of IsoForensics, Inc. for their assistance with
analysing the strontium, oxygen and carbon isotope ratios of bone and tooth sam-
ples, and to Dr Joy Matthews of the UC Davis Stable Isotope Facility for analysing
bone collagen samples for carbon and nitrogen isotope ratios. Funding was
provided through the AAFS Humanitarian and Human Rights Resource Award
and through the California State University, Chico’s David Lantis Award.
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CHAPTER 25
Spatial distribution of stable isotope

values of human hair: Tools for region‐
of‐origin and travel history assignment
Luciano O. Valenzuela1,2, Lesley A. Chesson3, Gabriel Bowen4,5, Thure E.
Cerling2,4 and James R. Ehleringer2,5
CONICET, Laboratorio de Ecología Evolutiva Humana – NEIPHPA, UNCPBA, Buenos Aires, Argentina
1
School of Biological Sciences, University of Utah, Salt Lake City, Utah, USA
2

3
Department of Geology and Geophysics, University of Utah, Salt Lake City, Utah, USA
4
Global Change and Sustainability Center, University of Utah, Salt Lake City, Utah, USA
5
25.1 Introduction
Stable isotope values of human tissues contain information on the geographical

location and population of origin of a person, at the time the tissue was
synthesized, that can aid in the identification of unknown victims (Ehleringer and
Matheson Jr, 2010; Ehleringer et al., 2008; Meier‐Augenstein, 2010).
Measurements of stable carbon (C), nitrogen (N), sulfur (S), oxygen (O) and
hydrogen (H) isotope ratios can be used to test hypotheses related to the origin
and recent travels of a person, potentially assigning or excluding a person to a
specific population or geographical area (Ehleringer and Matheson Jr, 2010;
Ehleringer et al., 2008; Meier‐Augenstein, 2010). The spatial distribution of stable
isotope values of human tissues is non‐random and, importantly, predictable
across regions and populations.
Of all human tissues, keratinous tissues such as hair (and fingernails) have
some unique characteristics that make them valuable in forensic investigations
(Ehleringer et al., 2008; Meier‐Augenstein, 2010; Mützel Rauch et al., 2009;
Thompson et al., 2014). Hair grows continuously, providing a timeline of a per-
son’s recent life, ranging from weeks to years. Hair can be sampled non‐invasively,
thus large reference datasets can be constructed. Finally, the high abundance of
the five “light” elements (C, N, S, O and H) and resistance to weathering makes
hair very suitable for stable isotope analyses. In this chapter we will lay out basic
concepts related to hair and isotope incorporation, as well as known spatial
385
c25.indd 385 11/26/2019 8:28:17 PM

patterns that provide the basis for human provenancing. We consider it is of

uttermost importance that researchers considering these analyses understand

how hair records the isotopic signals related to diet, drinking water and geographical
environment. Therefore, effort has been placed into explaining these aspects.
25.2 Why hair?
Hair has been termed the “most sophisticated biological composite material”
(Popescu and Höcker, 2007). Hair is a highly stable complex external secretion,
with one of the lowest solubilities measured for a protein (Popescu and Höcker,
2007; Robbins, 2012). A thorough description of hair histochemistry, macro‐ and
microscopic morphology, and the molecular and genetic factors regulating hair
biosynthesis is beyond the scope of this chapter, and can be found in the provided
references. However, it is important to describe a few important features of hair.
Hair is 95% proteinaceous; this proteinaceous material is composed primarily of
the fibrous protein α‐keratin arranged as helicoidal microfilaments (Popescu and
Höcker, 2007; Robbins, 2012; Swift, 1997). The hair shaft or fiber (visible above
the skin) has a macroscopic structure comprised of a thin cuticle and a thicker
cortex, and in some types of hair there is a central portion known as the medulla;
externally the hair shaft can be described as a proteinaceous monofilament
covered with scales.
The follicle, not visible above the skin, is made of epithelial cells and connective
tissues, and it is where the hair fibers are “born” (Popescu and Höcker, 2007;
Robbins, 2012). Five different zones are recognized in the follicle where the hair
shaft is produced and extended: zone 1 – bulb zone (cell proliferation and
differentiation); zone 2 – elongation (fibril formation); zone 3 – pre‐keratinization
(lateral aggregation); zone 4 – hardening (keratinization); and zone 5 – post‐
hardening (hard keratin).
Humans have three types of hair: lanugo, vellus and terminal (androgenic)
(Robbins, 2012). Lanugo corresponds to the hair found covering the body of fetus
and newborns; vellus is found in children and in some areas of adult women;
while terminal hair is the most common hair type found in adults. Hair has a
growth pattern with three phases followed by shedding (Popescu and Höcker,
2007; Robbins, 2012). Phase 1, the anagen, is the active growth phase of hair.
During this phase the hair fiber grows about 0.8 to 1.4 cm every 30 days (Lehn
et al., 2018; Robbins, 2012; Sachs, 1995). Phase 2, the catagen or transition stage,
lasts only a few weeks (less than a month). During catagen, the metabolic activity
of the follicle slows down, and the base of the bulb migrates upward towards the
skin pore, forming what is known as a club hair. Phase 3, the telogen or resting
stage, lasts between 4 and 8 weeks. During this stage the bulb is completely
atrophied and growth has stopped. At the end of the telogen the hair fiber is even-
tually shed, pushed out by the new hair that begins to grow beneath, and a new
cycle starts. The main difference among terminal hair in different parts of the
c25.indd 386 11/26/2019 8:28:17 PM

Spatial distribution of stable isotope values of human hair 387
body corresponds to the duration of the different growth phases, particularly the
anagen. Scalp hair stays in anagen for 2–6 years, although longer periods have
been recorded. Usually 90% of scalp hair is at anagen at any given time, with the
other 10% is in catagen or telogen.
In its natural, untreated state, hair is 95% proteinaceous, with the remaining
5% composed of lipids, glycoproteins, pigments (eumelanin and pheomelanin)
and remnants of DNA (Robbins, 2012; Robbins and Kelly, 1970; Swift, 1997). Hair
is composed of about 17 amino acids and amino acid derivatives (such as cysteic
acid, Table 25.1: Petzke et al., 2005a; Robbins, 2012; Robbins and Kelly, 1970).
Overall, hair is composed of 50 wt% (weight percent) C, 22 wt% O, 16 wt% N,
7 wt% H and 5 wt% S (Popescu and Höcker, 2007; Robbins, 2012). The high
content of S, in comparison with other proteins, is due to the high abundance of
cystine, the oxidized dimer of the amino acid cysteine. Cystine content in human
hair is about 13 to 18% (Table 25.1). The cystine cross‐links (S‐S bonds) provide
hair fibers with high temperature stability and very low solubility (Popescu and
Höcker, 2007; Robbins, 2012). Also, these S cross‐links are responsible for the
curliness of hair and are the target of many hair treatments. Thus, the overall high
content of C, N, S, O and H; the high stability that translates into high rates of
preservation; and the continuous growth pattern of hair make it (and other kera-
tinous tissues such as fingernails) a great candidate for stable isotope analysis.
Table 25.1 Amino acids contained in hair keratin.
Amino acid* Molecular formula % of amino acids
Alanine C3H7NO2 4.5

Arginine C6H14N4O2 6.5
Aspartic acid C4H7NO4 5.1
Cysteine** C3H7NO2S 16.2
Glutamic acid C5H9NO4 13.0
Glycine C2H5NO2 5.8
Histidine C6H9N3O2 0.9
Isoleucine C6H13NO2 2.6
Leucine C6H13NO2 6.2
Lysine C6H14N2O2 2.6
Methionine C5H11NO2S 0.5
Phenylalanine C9H11NO2 1.6
Proline C5H9NO2 8.4
Serine C3H7NO3 11.5
Threonine C4H9NO3 7.0
Tyrosine C9H11NO3 2.1
Valine C5H11NO2 5.5
Percentages (%) are approximate and vary depending on hair type and methods of keratin digestion
and amino acid separation (Robbins, 2012; Robbins and Kelly, 1970).
* Tryptophan and citrulline have been reported by some authors.
** Cysteine is also found as half‐cystine and cystic acid.
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25.3 Methods
Preparation of hair samples for stable isotope analysis (SIA) usually involves
treatment with a chloroform:methanol (2:1) mixture to remove lipids and surface
contaminants and is followed by drying in an oven or at room temperature
(Bowen et al., 2005a; Ehleringer et al., 2008; Meier‐Augenstein, 2010; O’Connell
et al., 2001; Valenzuela et al., 2011). For bulk analyses, hair is ground to a fine
powder. To reconstruct past travels and dietary changes, hair samples are
sectioned into small segments; segment length depends on how many hair fibers
are bundled together to reach a minimal mass per sample, but it could be between
0.25 and 1.0 cm. Powdered or sectioned hair is weighed, and then dried prior to
SIA to remove sorbed water in cases of O and H isotope analyses (Bowen et al.,
2005a; Meier‐Augenstein, 2010). Stable isotope analyses are nowadays conducted
in a continuous flow mode, coupling an elemental analyser (EA; for δ13C, δ15N and
δ34S) or a high‐temperature conversion (TC/EA; for δ18O and δ2H) to an isotope
ratio mass spectrometry (IRMS) instrument.
For SIA of H, several days are needed for exchangeable H atoms to equilibrate
with water vapor in the laboratory’s local atmosphere before segmenting (Bowen
et al., 2005a; Ehleringer et al., 2008; Meier‐Augenstein, 2010). After analyses, the
contribution of the exchangeable H atoms to the hair δ2H values must be removed
by comparison with appropriately calibrated laboratory hair standards with a known
fraction of exchangeable atoms (Bowen et al., 2005a; Meier‐Augenstein, 2010).
25.4 How is isotopic information incorporated into hair?
Although hair was previously described as a composite structure, during SIA the
measured signal overwhelmingly corresponds to the amino acids of the keratin
molecules (Figure 25.1). Stable isotope ratios of the elements C, N, S, O and H can
Amino Carboxylic Acid

Group Group
α-Carbon
Side
Chain
Figure 25.1 Basic structure of an amino acid. The general formula of an amino acid is
composed of an α‐carbon atom, a carboxyl group, an amino group and a side chain
group (R). The side chain varies in each amino acid.
c25.indd 388 11/26/2019 8:28:18 PM

be classified into two groups according to their source. C, N and S are solely incor-
porated into human tissues from food; as a consequence, sometimes they are
referred to as “dietary isotopes.” O and H are incorporated from a mix of sources
(e.g. drinking water, food, atmospheric air, etc.) but are usually thought to reflect
primarily locally available drinking water (Cerling et al., 2016; Chesson et al.,
2014; Ehleringer et al., 2008, 2015; Fraser et al., 2006; Lehn et al., 2011; Meier‐
Augenstein, 2010).
25.4.1 Carbon
The carbon atoms in amino acids of hair keratin are divided into different groups
according to their origin and metabolic routing. The carbon skeletons of nine
essential amino acids derive directly, without modification, from ingested dietary
proteins, peptides and free amino acids (Brody, 1999). These are called essential
amino acids due to the fact that humans lack the enzymatic pathways to synthe-
size them (Brody, 1999). On the other hand, the C skeletons from non‐essential
amino acids can be synthesized de novo using C derived from the catabolism of
carbohydrates and fats (Brody, 1999). The amino acid tyrosine is derived directly
from another amino acid, the essential phenylalanine. Non‐essential amino acids
can also be acquired directly from dietary protein or free amino acids. The
proportion of de novo synthesis varies with many metabolic aspects and nutritional
condition, as well as with diet quality (whether diet meets the demands of metab-
olism), which can change with growth, metabolic state and disease condition.
Consequently, analyses of δ13C values of individual amino acids reveal different
values for essential amino acids and non‐essential amino acids in hair (Petzke
et al., 2005a). Ultimately the δ13C values of hair represent a mixed signal, but
always originating in the dietary carbon.
25.4.2 Nitrogen
The only source of N for the amino groups of proteins corresponds to the N of
amino acids consumed as proteins or as free amino acids in the diet (Brody, 1999).
All amino acids contain one atom of N in the amino group, and in hair only three
amino acids contain N atoms in the side chain (Table 25.1). Regarding N isotope
fractionation, amino acids can be divided into two groups (Table 25.2): those that
are most frequently involved in transamination and deamination reactions
(trophic amino acids), which are enzymatic reactions exchanging or removing N
from amino acids; and those that seldom participate in such reactions (source
amino acids) (Chikaraishi et al., 2009; McClelland and Montoya, 2002). The latter
group will therefore undergo less enzymatic processing and less N isotopic frac-
tionation, reflecting almost directly the isotopic composition of the source of the
ingested amino acids. In contrast, during the deamination reactions that generate
excretion products (urea), enzymes remove N atoms faster from 14N‐C bonds than
from 15N‐C bonds, thus tissues become 15N enriched (Fry, 2006; Kelly, 2000).
Because of this, the trophic amino acids greatly increase their δ15N values with
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Table 25.2 Amino acids classified as essential vs. non‐essential according to the ability
to synthesize the C backbone, and as source vs. trophic according to nitrogen isotope
fractionation.
Source Trophic
Phenylalanine Isoleucine
Essential Lysine Leucine
Threonine Valine
Serine Aspartic acid
Non‐essential Glycine Glutamic acid
Tyrocine Proline
Alanine
each trophic step. Bulk hair analyses result in a mixed δ15N signal with the end
result of tissue δ15N values being higher than the food by approximately 3–5‰.
25.4.3 Sulfur
Similar to N, the only sources of S for the side chain group of proteins are ingested
amino acids and proteins – specifically, the ingestion of cysteine and methionine,
both S‐bearing amino acids (Brody, 1999). Cysteine is a non‐essential amino acid;
it can be obtained directly from food or synthesized de novo; however the tiol (or
sulfhydryl) group (S‐H) of newly synthesized cysteine is derived from the essential
amino acid methionine (Brody, 1999). No large enzymatic fractionation is
expected during S metabolism due to the low relative mass difference between
the two isotopes measured, 34S and 32S (Fry, 2006). However, internal metabolic
recycling of proteins appears to increase the δ34S values of animal tissues under
low quality diets (as based on protein content; Richards et al., 2003).
25.4.4 Body water

O and H isotope values of hair are closely associated with body water isotope ra-
tios, because there is isotopic exchange between amino acids and body water
(Ehleringer et al., 2008; O’Grady et al., 2012; Podlesak et al., 2008). Thus, hair
amino acids reflect, to a certain degree, the body water δ18O and δ2H values. The
body water pool defined as free water in the body, contained in the tissues and
cells, is composed of a mixture of preformed drinking water, inhaled water vapor,
food water (free water contained in food, such as fruit juice) and metabolic water
formed from the metabolism of organic molecules (sugars, fats and proteins), and
inspired diatomic oxygen used in the oxidative phosphorylation (cellular respira-
tion) in the mitochondria (Ehleringer et al., 2008; Kohn, 1996; Longinelli, 1984;
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δ2H – δ18O
precipitation
δ18O δ12H
of O2 (C-H essentail AA)
δ2H – δ18O
food
δ12H
follicle water
δ2H – δ18O
food δ2H – δ18O
water Hair
δ18O
δ18O Gut water
δ2H – δ18O Body
Drinking Water
water
δ2H – δ18O
Water
vapor Loses:
CO2, urine,
vapor, faeces
Figure 25.2 Conceptual illustration of Ehleringer et al. (2008) process‐based model. The
schematic represents the flow of O and H from the sources (drinking water, water vapor,
food and food water, and atmospheric oxygen) through the intermediate pools (body
water, gut water, and follicle water) and finally into hair keratin. Recent work adds a small
contribution of O derived directly from dietary amino acids (Magozzi et al., under review).
O’Grady et al., 2012; Podlesak et al., 2008). Figure 25.2 shows a conceptual model
of body water inputs and losses, as well as hair isotope values.
25.4.5 Oxygen
Most of the O in proteins is associated with the carboxylic acid group. Only five
amino acids have extra O atoms as part of their side chain (Table 25.1). At low pH
the carboxyl O atoms are subject to isotopic exchange with the surrounding water
(Ehleringer et al., 2008; Kohn, 1996; Podlesak et al., 2008). In the case of ingested
foods, isotopic exchange takes place when amino acids are cleaved from proteins
in the stomach (low pH). After absorption through the intestinal wall, subsequent
isotopic exchange is low due to a more neutral pH. Thus, the O atoms in the
carboxylic acid group during protein synthesis should largely reflect the isotopic
composition of gut water. Gut water is mainly composed of gastric fluids, body
water and drinking water (Figure 25.2). Human gut water isotope values are
assumed to be in isotopic equilibrium with body water (Ehleringer et al., 2008).
A fraction of the O atoms contained in amino acid side chains may be routed
directly from dietary amino acids, though this fraction has not been estimated,
and a recent estimate based on an inventory of O in essential and non‐essential
amino acids suggests that this comprises ~19% of all keratin O in human hair
(Magozzi et al., under review).
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25.4.6 Hydrogen
The H atoms in amino acids of hair can be classified into four groups according
to their original source, their metabolic routing, and their exchangeability
(Bowen et al., 2005a; Ehleringer et al., 2008; Fraser and Meier‐Augenstein,
2007; Podlesak et al., 2008). First, H atoms involved in C‐H bonds from both
essential and non‐essential amino acids routed directly from the diet do not
exchange with body water, and thus their isotopic composition should be directly
related to the isotopic composition of dietary protein (without fractionation or
discrimination). Second, H atoms involved in C‐H bonds from non‐essential
amino acids synthesized de novo should reflect the isotopic composition of body
water at the time the H atoms were fixed. The degree of non‐essential amino
acids synthesized de novo, and thus the fraction of H atoms fixed in vivo, as men-
tioned before, likely depends on the amount of protein consumed, the amino
acid composition of dietary intake and the nutritional condition of the person.
Third, H atoms not involved in C‐H bonds (i.e. H atoms in carboxyl, amide and
sulfhydryl groups) can exchange with surrounding water and thus reflect body
water isotopic composition. For these two groups (H atoms in C‐H bonds of non‐
essential amino acids synthesized de novo, and H atoms not involved in C‐H
bonds) there is potential for H isotopic exchange with body water. Finally, a
small fraction of H atoms (9–16%) in non‐C‐H bonds that freely exchange after
hair production will reflect the local atmospheric water vapor, and this
confounding effect should be removed or corrected during SIA and prior to
interpretation of measured isotope data (Bowen et al., 2005a; Chesson et al.,
2009; Coplen and Qi, 2012).
25.4.7 Integrated signal

Hair isotope values integrate a mixture of different inputs. Even in the seemingly
simple case of S incorporation, where only two S‐bearing amino acids are involved,
the resulting δ34S value of keratin responds to the different dietary sources of
those amino acids. In more complex cases, like that of H incorporation, multiple
exogenous and endogenous pools contribute to the hair δ2H values. Therefore,
variations in δ13C, δ15N, δ34S, δ18O and δ2H values of human hair among individuals
are mainly determined by the isotope values of the different sources contributing
to the isotope signal, and the proportional input or fraction (f) from those d
ifferent
sources. This can be expressed in terms of a simple linear mixing model by the
following equations, using δ13C values as an example:
13 13 13 13
Chair f1 C1 f2 C2 fn Cn(25.1)
f1 f2 fn 1 (25.2)
This represents a system of n sources, where all proportional inputs (f) must add
up to 1 (Equation 25.2). In Equation 25.1 it is assumed that all sources have been
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adjusted for isotope discrimination between source and keratin. In this system,
differences among individuals or changes through time within an individual will
be determined by differences or changes in any or all of the following:
a. the δ‐values of the sources;
b. the proportional inputs (f) from the varied sources;
c. metabolic and physiological processes affecting discrimination factors.
Consequently, any differences such as geographical and cultural differences
affecting the sources (δ‐values or f) will translate into distinct hair isotope values,
providing a tool to match individuals with regions and/or populations. In the
following section we present some of the established isotope patterns that might
be useful in provenancing studies. Later in the chapter we will discuss patterns
at the individual level related to metabolic states that can change the expected
isotope ratios and also serve as a tool aiding in individual identification.
25.5 Geographical and population patterns

of δ13C, δ15N and δ34S values
For years researchers have known that the isotope ratios of modern humans differ
among some countries (Bol and Pflieger, 2002; Katzenberg and Krouse, 1989;
McCullagh et al., 2005; Minagawa, 1992; Nakamura et al., 1982; O’Connell and
Hedges, 1999; O’Connell et al., 2001; Schoeller et al., 1986), but it was not until
recently that large datasets were developed and global, regional and even intra‐
city patterns of isotopic variation were revealed (Bol et al., 2007; Hülsemann
et al., 2015; Lehn et al., 2011, 2018; Mützel Rauch et al., 2009; Nardoto et al.,
2006; Valenzuela et al., 2011, 2012). The use of the “dietary isotopes” for region‐
of‐origin assignment of humans is based on the principle that these isotopes reflect
geographically distinct dietary patterns. The natural, and human‐induced, varia-
tions in the isotopic composition of plants and animal tissues are reflected in the
diet of modern humans (Hüelsemann et al., 2009; Nash et al., 2012; O’Connell
and Hedges, 1999; Petzke et al., 2005a). Although there have not been extensive
studies of modern human food isotope ratios (Carter and Chesson, 2017), some
studies have revealed important patterns that influence human hair isotope values
(Chesson, 2009; Chesson et al., 2008; Jahren and Kraft, 2008; Martinelli et al.,
2011). Before describing hair isotope patterns, we describe a few important things
about food isotope ratios.
Differences in the way plants use atmospheric 13C during photosynthesis create
the most basic level of variation in δ13C values (Ehleringer and Cerling, 2002). C3
plants (plants that make a 3‐carbon compound as the first stable product of C fix-
ation) are those that discriminate most against 13C during photosynthesis, and
thus their tissues have the lowest δ13C values (average of −27‰; Farquhar et al.,
1989). C4 plants (CO2 molecules are first incorporated into a 4‐carbon compound)
incorporate more 13C during photosynthesis and have higher δ13C values
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(average of −13‰; Farquhar et al., 1989). Thus, C3 and C4 plants have distinct
non‐overlapping δ13C values. This distinction is passed on to the δ13C values of
animal consumers. Corn (maize) and sugar cane are C4 plants, while vegetables,
fruits, and most grains (such as wheat, rice, oat, etc.) are C3 plants. Consequently,
δ13C values can be used as markers of relative consumption of these two groups of
plants or animals fed on their tissues.
The natural distribution of C3 and C4 plants is strongly influenced by tempera-
ture, thus there are latitudinal and elevation trends of δ13C values (Ehleringer,
1978; Ehleringer and Monson, 1993; Sage et al., 2018). Martinelli et al. (2011)
found that the δ13C values of beef used to produce the McDonald’s Big Mac vary
across countries, and tend to be lower at higher latitudes, following the expected
reduction of C4 vegetation in colder regions. Furthermore, countries may deviate
from these plant distribution patterns due to the practices of the modern industri-
alized agriculture and food industry. For example, in the USA, the 13C/12C isotopic
ratios in beef and chicken reflect their consumption of corn silage or corn meal
that comprise their feeds (Chesson, 2009; Jahren and Kraft, 2008). In contrast,
European beef and lamb have lower carbon isotope ratios (−26 to −22‰; (Camin
et al., 2007; Perini et al., 2009; Piasentier et al., 2003), reflecting a higher C3 (e.g.
wheat, rye, barley) component of the feed.
As mentioned above, the stable nitrogen isotope ratio in the tissues of a
consumer is enriched in 15N over the diet (by about 3 to 5‰; DeNiro and Epstein,
1978, 1981; Kelly, 2000; Peterson and Fry, 1987). In humans this increment with
trophic position reflects the proportion of consumed animal proteins. While no
major differences in 15N/14N isotopic ratios exist among different plant types,
except for the N‐fixing plants which tend to have lower isotope ratios (Peterson
and Fry, 1987), the use of different agricultural practices may result in distinctive
isotope ratios for crops. For example, the use of synthetic fertilizers with δ15N
values around 0.0‰ (Vitòria et al., 2004) produces crops with lower isotope ratios
than crops fertilized with manure (Bahar et al., 2005; Masud et al., 1999). In
modern industrialized agriculture, most synthetic fertilizers have δ15N values
around 0.0‰.
Sulfur isotope ratios vary significantly between marine and terrestrial environ-
ments (Peterson and Fry, 1987). Although terrestrial environments present large
ranges of sulfur isotope ratios, plant δ34S values average near +2 to +6‰ over large
areas, and are distinct from the +17 to +21‰ values of marine phytoplankton and
seaweeds (Fry, 2006). Very little sulfur isotope fractionation occurs during animal
metabolic processes, thus the isotopic differences between terrestrial and marine
primary producers are reflected in the consumer’s tissues (Arneson and MacAvoy,
2005; Richards et al., 2003). Furthermore, atmospheric deposition (sea spray
effect) generates soils, plants and animals with higher δ34S values near the ocean,
and lower values with increasing distance to the coast (Zazzo et al., 2011).
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25.5.1 From continents to cities

The isotopic patterns of food are reflected in the hair isotope values of people. It
has been shown that residents of different countries present distinctive keratin
isotope ratios, primarily in δ13C and δ34S. Carbon isotope values obtained from hair
and fingernails have been used to distinguish US residents from western Europeans
(Chapter 28; Bol and Pflieger, 2002; Bol et al., 2007; Mützel Rauch et al., 2009;
Nardoto et al., 2006; Valenzuela et al., 2012). The difference between these two
regions is so large that there is almost no overlap in the δ13C values between the
two distributions (Valenzuela et al., 2012). The US sample is characterized by
values towards the C4 spectrum (−17.2 ± 0.8, n = 234), while western Europe is
characterized by values towards a more C3 diet (−20.3 ± 0.8, n = 126) (Valenzuela
et al., 2012). At a global scale, keratin δ13C values present latitudinal trends, fol-
lowing C3–C4 plant distribution, with higher δ13C values in tropical countries and
lower values in more temperate and higher latitudes (Hülsemann et al., 2015;
Lehn et al., 2011; Martinelli et al., 2011; Mützel Rauch et al., 2009). Even within
continental regions this trend is observed, such as in western Europe and Asia
(Hülsemann et al., 2015; Mützel Rauch et al., 2009; Thompson et al., 2010;
Valenzuela et al., 2012).
In the case of nitrogen isotope ratios, some studies have detected significant
differences among modern human tissue samples from different countries (Mützel
Rauch et al., 2009; Nardoto et al., 2006; Valenzuela et al., 2012). Nardoto et al.
(2006) found that fingernails from Brazilian subjects have higher δ15N values than
fingernails sampled from the USA and western Europe. Similar differences were
detected for hair (Valenzuela et al., 2012). In addition, Mützel Rauch et al. (2009)
found that hair samples from Russia and Denmark have much higher δ15N values
than hair samples from Pakistan, while hair samples from other European, Asian
and Latin American countries have δ15N values between these two extremes.
Considering sulfur isotope ratios, values have been found to be significantly
lower in hair samples from inland regions (e.g. interior North America, Europe
and Asia) than in samples from coastal locations (e.g. Chile, Australia: Katzenberg
and Krouse, 1989; Mützel Rauch et al., 2009; Thompson et al., 2010). Furthermore,
Valenzuela et al. (2012) discovered that Europeans and Americans do not overlap
in δ34S values, and they can be distinguished using this marker. Smaller‐scale dif-
ferences have been detected within the USA, with higher values towards the
coastline (Valenzuela et al., 2011), as well as longitudinal trends within western
Europe (Valenzuela et al., 2012).
Together, the dietary isotopes appear to be valuable at distinguishing popula-
tions and potentially detecting recent migrants or movements between countries
or continents (Bol et al., 2007; Hülsemann et al., 2015; Meier‐Augenstein, 2010;
Mützel Rauch et al., 2009). However, more research and data are needed for
undersampled regions such as South America, Africa and Asia.
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25.5.2 From cities to individuals

Spatial patterns at smaller scales are more difficult to detect. However, within
regions – and even within cities – cultural and socioeconomic differences among
demographic groups exist, providing the basis for diverse dietary patterns.
Although the differences might not be spatially structured, these groups could
represent discrete subpopulations.
Marked differences in stable isotope ratios in hair have been demonstrated to be
present among modern Europeans (UK and Germany) who follow omnivorous,
ovo‐lacto‐vegetarian (OLV), and vegan diets (Bol and Pflieger, 2002; Nardoto
et al., 2006; O’Connell and Hedges, 1999; Petzke et al., 2005a, 2005b). In the UK
and Germany, people with omnivorous diets had higher hair δ15N and δ13C values
than OLV and vegans, and OLV had higher isotope ratios than vegans, reflecting a
positive trend in the amount of animal protein from vegans to omnivorous (Bol
and Pflieger, 2002; O’Connell and Hedges, 1999; Petzke et al., 2005b). In the
western US, Nardoto et al. (2006) detected that fingernails from OLV had δ15N
values significantly lower than omnivores, but no differences in δ13C values. These
studies demonstrate that these groups can be distinguished.
Sometimes keratin isotope patterns are related to socioeconomic factors and
access to different food items rather than individual choices. For example, in the
Colombian city of Cali, Bender et al. (2015) discovered that adult women with
higher socioeconomic status (SES) had hair δ13C and δ15N values significantly
higher than woman with lower SES. The authors did not find major differences
between the groups using classic dietary surveys, but suggested that women in the
higher SES group consumed more proteins from animal sources. Importantly, SES
was defined in terms of residential address using a classification system in which
each city block is classified into different strata on the basis of the houses’ external
appearance, access to municipal services, and the condition of the streets (Bender
et al., 2015). Consequently, this study revealed some degree of spatial heteroge-
neity in hair isotope values within the city of Cali, Colombia. Similarly, Gragnani
et al. (2014) demonstrated that δ13C values of fingernails from people of the city
of Piracacaba, Brazil, rose with increasing income level. The authors propose that
this change was due to a higher intake of beef, bread, soft drinks and dairy by the
highest income group, together with a higher consumption of soybean oil, rice
and sugar by the lowest income group.
Valenzuela et al. (2018) discovered that within Salt Lake City, USA, children and
adolescents (9–16 years old) have substantially different hair isotope values depend-
ing on their ethnic background. Latino (Hispanic) children had higher δ13C and δ15N
values than Caucasians (non‐Hispanic white) children, while they did not differ in
δ34S values. Alongside the hair isotope values, the authors conducted d ietary sur-
veys, and found that non‐Hispanic white children had a higher consumption of
vegetables, grains and dairy products than Hispanic children; reported meat con-
sumption by both groups was similar (Valenzuela et al., 2018). Furthermore, a few
students from other ethnic backgrounds were sampled and had δ13C and δ15N values
distinctly different from the Latino and Caucasian groups (Figure 25.3).
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African Asian (Korean) Caucasian

Latino Asian (Nepalese)
11.0
10.0
δ15N, hair
9.0
8.0
7.0
–24 –23 –22 –21 –20 –19 –18 –17 –16 –15
δ13C, hair
Figure 25.3 δ C and δ N values of hair from children sampled in three public schools in
13 15
Salt Lake City, Utah, USA.
These studies show the importance of large datasets to detect differences among
demographic groups within cities. These group distinctions could be used as an
ancillary tool for individual assignment to a population of origin.
25.6 Geographical patterns of δ18O and δ2H values
The natural abundances of stable isotopes of O and H in precipitation (rain or

snow) vary with geography (Bowen and Revenaugh, 2003; Bowen and Wilkinson,
2002; Craig, 1961; Dansgaard, 1954). The main reservoir of water and the main
source of rainwater (or snow) are the oceans, which by definition have δ18O and
δ2H values equal to zero (Craig, 1961; Dansgaard, 1954; Fry, 2006). Evaporation
from the oceans generates clouds with isotopic compositions lower than that of
the ocean, determined by fractionation processes during that initial evaporation
(Craig, 1961; Dansgaard, 1954). These clouds move inland, producing the first
precipitations and depositing water with isotopic composition even lower than
the original values of the oceans (Bowen and Revenaugh, 2003; Bowen and
Wilkinson, 2002; Craig, 1961; Dansgaard, 1954). The vapor remaining in the
clouds after precipitation, with isotopic values lower than that of the initial vapor,
will continue traveling inland where, when condensing, water will precipitate
with isotopic values even lower than the coastal precipitations (Craig, 1961;
Dansgaard, 1954). Figure 25.4 presents a map of South America with predicted
δ18O values for precipitation (annual average). Because the fractionation processes
depend, among other factors, on temperature and humidity, which globally are
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Predicted Mean Annual

Precipitation
δ18O (‰, VSMOW)

High : –1.8
Low : –15.1
Kilometers
0 500 1,000 2,000
Figure 25.4 Visual representation of δ18O values for predicted mean annual precipitation
for South America. This spatial model, or isoscape, was generated by Bowen (2010a;
Bowen et al., 2013) based on simple predictors such as latitude and elevation, plus an
interpolation of residuals (obtained from the comparison of the model with global data
from the Global Network of Isotopes in Precipitation, GNIP). The spatial distribution of
predicted δ2H values is similar to the δ18O values.
related to latitude and elevation, the overall trend is to have higher δ18O and δ2H
values towards low latitudes, low elevation and coastal regions, and lower δ18O
and δ2H values towards high latitudes, higher elevation and regions of the interior
of the continents (Bowen, 2010a, 2010b; Bowen et al., 2013).
The spatial variation of precipitation isotopes is translated into surface water,
tap water and other drinking water sources such as bottled water, soda and
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alcoholic beverages (Bowen et al., 2007; Chesson et al., 2010). In the USA, the
δ18O and δ2H values of tap water are strongly correlated with those of precipita-
tion, although they are not equal due to different fractionation and mixing factors
resulting from water management (Bowen et al., 2007; Good et al., 2014). There
are certain regions where water isotopic compositions deviate from values pre-
dicted based on temperature and humidity; these correspond mainly to warm
regions where water is stored in shallow reservoirs and open to evaporation, or in
regions where the water source changes according to the intensity of consump-
tion, moving from local water to water imported from other regions (Bowen et al.,
2007; Good et al., 2014). Globally, and on average, it has been seen that the
isotopic composition of bottled water tends to be similar to the composition of
local water sources available naturally in the same region (Bowen et al., 2005b).
The same happens with the isotope values of soda and beer purchased in different
cities across the USA, which, despite slight variations, present a congruence with
the isotopic composition of tap water of the places of purchase (Chesson et al., 2010).
As explained above, O and H atoms in human hair are directly acquired from
drinking water, ambient water vapor, diet and atmospheric O2. The spatial varia-
tion of the water δ18O and δ2H values is translated linearly to human tissues with
a high correlation, because the isotopic signal of human body water is dominated
by the liquid component of water directly imbibed or consumed through the
cooking of food (Daux et al., 2008; Ehleringer et al., 2008; Fraser and Meier‐
Augenstein, 2007; Kohn, 1996; Longinelli, 1984; O’Brien and Wooller, 2007;
Sharp et al., 2003). Water vapor acquired through respiration maintains the local
geographical signal as it is the product of evaporation processes at the local or
regional scale, but the isotopic composition of atmospheric O2 is constant around
the planet (Ehleringer et al., 2008; Kohn, 1996). The only source of isotopic vari-
ation with the potential to mask the local geographical signal is food imported
from other regions (Bowen et al., 2009; Ehleringer et al., 2008). Even so, in cases
where it is assumed that an isotopically homogeneous “continental supermarket”
diet exists, for example, for modern human hair from the USA, the correlation
coefficients between city average tap water and hair have been reported higher
than 0.90 for both O and H isotope values (Ehleringer et al., 2008).
Ehleringer et al. (2008) presented a mechanistic model of incorporation of
stable isotopes of water into human hair (Figure 25.2). This predictive model,
which relates the δ18O and δ2H values of hair with those of water and therefore
with geography, reached a congruence of approximately 86% when comparing
the true region‐of‐origin of hair samples with the predicted origin within the USA.
Later work made use of this model and improved it by incorporating additional
parameters (Bowen et al., 2009; O’Grady et al., 2012). Bowen et al. (2009) worked
with hair stored in museums of native populations of the mid‐twentieth century
from different regions of the world, and found higher slopes for the relationship
between hair and water isotope values than those observed by Ehleringer et al.
(2008) for modern residents of the USA. The interpretation of Bowen et al. (2009)
c25.indd 399 11/26/2019 8:28:21 PM

is that for these populations the isotopic signal of the food is more strongly “linked”
to that of precipitation because the great majority of the food was obtained locally,
in contrast to the modern US diet described above. Bowen et al. (2009) modified
Ehleringer’s model by including two additional parameters, one that related and
connected the isotope values of the food with the isotope values of local water,
and another that varied the fraction of amino acids synthesized de novo in these
populations, assuming different proportions of protein in their diet. Thompson
et al. (2010) reported δ18O and δ2H values of hair from modern populations in Asia
(China, India, Mongolia and Pakistan); the relationship between the isotopes of
hair and water was intermediate between the US reported by Ehleringer et al.
(2008) and the historical samples from native populations reported by Bowen
et al. (2009). Thompson et al. (2010) suggested that for Asian populations there is
a greater proportion of local food in the diet than for the US, but less than for the
historical samples of indigenous populations. Furthermore, the slopes of the linear
relationships between hair isotopes and water isotopes were lowest for the
American samples (slope for δ18O relationship was 0.35, slope of δ2H was 0.27),
intermediate for the Asian samples (for δ18O it was 0.39 and for δ2H it was 0.42)
and highest for the historical samples (for δ18O it was 0.70 and for δ2H it was 0.78)
(Bowen et al., 2009; Ehleringer et al., 2008; Thompson et al., 2010). It is worth
noting that in Ehleringer et al. (2008) and Thompson et al. (2010), water samples
were collected alongside hair samples, while in Bowen et al. (2009) the local
water isotopic composition was modeled.
25.7 Individual deviations from expected patterns
Different nutritional and metabolic conditions can alter the isotope ratios of a
person’s tissues, deviating the hair signal from the expected values according to
their population of origin. This can obscure the interpretation of movements, but
can also help in identifying an individual. In particular, nutritional stress and N
imbalance, more specifically negative N balance, have been shown to affect the
isotope ratios of hair. Fuller et al. (2005) showed in cases of nutritional stress,
such as morning sickness during pregnancy, that the δ15N values of hair increase.
Similarly, patients with anorexia and/or bulimia nervosa have higher δ15N values
than clinically normal controls (Hatch et al., 2006; Mekota et al., 2006). In all
these cases there are trends of increasing δ15N values and weight loss under nutri-
tional stress. One particular condition that was reported to produce lower δ15N
values in hair is cirrhosis (Petzke et al., 2006). It appears that in cirrhotic patients,
the altered liver metabolism (deamination and transamination occurs in the liver)
affects the nitrogen isotope values of the amino acids. Finally, Fuller et al. (2004)
also reported that during gestation women show a decrease in δ15N values but
no change in δ13C values, as a result of changes in the N balance. However, in
most cases there was a concomitant dietary adjustment to deal with the afore-
mentioned conditions, therefore it is not clear whether the changes in isotope
c25.indd 400 11/26/2019 8:28:21 PM

ratios were due to the N imbalance or the new diet. Regardless, people with these
conditions have been shown to have different isotope ratios.
Uncontrolled diabetes or any other metabolic condition affecting body water
homeostasis and water flux has the potential to produce human tissues with
markedly different isotope ratios. Although not in humans, O’Grady et al. (2010)
showed that diabetic mice have different body water δ2H and δ 18O values com-
pared with control mice. This is because affected mice, as happens with diabetic
humans, have a very high water flux and therefore their body water isotope
values reflect closely this dominant pool.
25.8 Travel history
The sequential SIA of hair provides a longitudinal temporal record of recent past
travels and diet of a person. Figure 25.5 represents a hypothetical analysis of a
sample. In this case a conservative growth rate of 1 cm per month was used, and
therefore the 16 cm length represents the reconstruction of approximately 16
months prior to death or sample collection. In this figure, some key features could
be observed that provide information regarding habitat or diet change, as well as
timing of the events. An investigator would look at these data and features, and
immediately ask the following questions. Are the isotope values constant along
the length of the hair? If there are changes along the hair, do they equilibrate to
new values? Here the term “equilibrates” refers to the absence of change through
time (or length). What is the direction and rate of change?
This graph shows an equilibrium period with isotope values of ~10‰ that
corresponds to isotope region 1 (months 16 to 12 prior to sampling or death), fol-
lowed by a move or change to isotope region 2, with higher values. In isotope
region 2 the person spends enough time to reach a new equilibrium (at ~19‰).
22
20
18
2
16
Isotope values
14
12
10
8
1 1
6
4
2 3
0
–17 –16 –15 –14 –13 –12 –11 –10 –9 –8 –7 –6 –5 –4 –3 –2 –1 0
Months prior to death
Figure 25.5 Hypothetical isotopic data showing different features that can be found in a
sequential SIA of hair.
c25.indd 401 11/26/2019 8:28:22 PM

Then, after 5 to 6 months in isotope region 2, the person moved to a 3rd region as
seen in the lower isotope values approximately 7 to 8 months prior to sampling or
death, but did not stay in this region long enough to reach equilibrium. Finally
he/she returned to isotope region 1 approximately 4 months prior to sampling
or death.
In this hypothetical example we see a few key features. First, it is possible to
identify regions of equilibration, which are interpreted as lack of movement or a
constant diet and observable as relatively consistent measured isotope values for
sequential analyses of hair. The isotope values at equilibrium are used to define
areas or population of residency. Second, there may be periods of time where no
equilibrium was reached, such as isotope region 3. In this case, the actual isotope
value of the visited region is unknown, but it must be lower or higher than the
extreme value (in this example, lower than 4‰), thus defining a geographical
boundary for the area. Finally, the defined values for the isotope regions are used
in a mechanistic or statistical model to predict the geographical regions on an
isoscape. Nowadays, a probabilistic assignment can be done using a Bayesian
framework by incorporating the existing uncertainty in the isotope basemaps (for
example, δ18O of drinking water) and in the measured values of the hair sample
(Wunder, 2010).
A change in signal caused by a movement or change in diet is not instanta-
neous. Several factors affect the speed at which the isotope values in hair reflect
the new signal and reach equilibrium with changed inputs. Beard hair can show
the influence of a new diet within a day (Lehn et al., 2018). Scalp hair might take
up to a month to show the isotope values of a new location or diet (Hüelsemann
et al., 2009; Petzke and Lemke, 2009). However, deviations from the previous
equilibrated signal should occur in a short time (Lehn et al., 2018).
The rate at which a new signal is expressed in the isotope values of hair is not
constant (for example, the change from region 1 to 2 is slower than from 2 to 3 in
the example). Something to consider is the buffer capacity of the endogenous pro-
tein pool, which can slow down or accelerate the process of reaching equilibrium
(Hüelsemann et al., 2009; Lehn et al., 2018; Petzke and Lemke, 2009). This has
been modeled for δ13C values using tail hair from horses; Ayliffe et al. (2004) pro-
posed that the isotope values of hair represent a mixture of three different pools.
The fast pool (exogenous dietary input) contributes approximately 40% of the
signal and has a turnover rate of 0.5 days, while the slow pool (endogenous pro-
tein from slow metabolic tissues) contributes 44% of the signal and has a turnover
rate of 140 days. The slow pool is characterized by having an isotope value equal
or similar to the long‐term average of the animal, and it has been interpreted as
representing carbon molecules recycled primarily from tissues such as the skeletal
muscle with minor contributions from connective tissue, collagen, brain and heart
(Ayliffe et al., 2004). The remaining 16% corresponds to an intermediate
pool (likely from some more active tissues) with an intermediate turnover rate
(Ayliffe et al., 2004). Under this model, a dietary change away from the long‐term
average will be slower than a change that represents a return towards the
c25.indd 402 11/26/2019 8:28:22 PM

long‐term average. Thus, the equilibration to a new signal could take longer than
the return to a previously equilibrated signal. Whether we can equate human
scalp hair to horse tail hair and all other isotopes to δ13C values remains to be seen,
but similar principles could apply.
25.9 Solved forensic investigations
A few solved cases in which investigators used isotope values of hair in conjunction
with other tissues have been published (Cerling et al., 2016; Chesson et al., 2014;
Ehleringer and Matheson Jr, 2010; Meier‐Augenstein and Fraser, 2008; Rauch
et al., 2007; Remien et al., 2014). In these cases the use of SIA was crucial in
providing information on place of birth and past migration or movement events,
which helped lead to the identification of the decedent and in some cases the con-
viction of their murderers. We will describe one case (Ehleringer et al., 2015;
Remien et al., 2014).
In the year 2000, human remains (skull, hair) were found along with some fab-
rics in the region known as Saltair in the state of Utah, USA. These remains were
identified as belonging to a young woman in her early 20s. At the time, no more
information was obtained about her identity or cause of death, and the case
became a cold case called “Saltair Sally.” In 2009, Ehleringer and colleagues received
samples of hair and teeth from “Saltair Sally.” SIA of O in dental enamel and O
and H in hair were performed. For the hair, short segments were analysed from
the root to the distal end to reconstruct the last two years of the victim’s life (the
hair was approximately 23 cm long). In Figure 25.6 the arrow marks the place
where the remains were discovered. The sequential hair analysis suggested that
the victim had traveled several times in two years prior to death but always within
the Western US, particularly in what is known as the “Inter‐Mountain West”
region (see regions 1 to 4 in Figure 25.6). The δ18O values of dental enamel sug-
gested that the Inter‐Mountain West was the region of origin during childhood–
adolescence. Equally important was that neither the enamel nor the hair data
placed the victim in eastern USA. This information reduced the search area and
temporally characterized the movements of the victim, allowing investigators at
the Unified Police Department to refocus and concentrate their efforts. Finally, the
woman was identified as Nikole Bakoles.
25.10 Final considerations

and δ34S values?
Unless there are dramatic dietary transitions or modifications in the food industry,
the patterns should hold for many years. However, there are a few examples
where transitions have been detected Nardoto et al. (2011) sampled fingernails in
c25.indd 403 11/26/2019 8:28:22 PM

12 Measured hair bundle signal
Region 1 Region 1 Region 1

10
δ18O
Region 2
8
Region 3
6
0 5 10 15 20 25
Length (cm)
Region 1 Region 2*
Estimated primary body signal
12
10
δ18O
8
6
0 5 10 15 20 25
Time (months)
Estimated equilibrium signal

Region 4
Region 3* Region 4
12
Region 1 Region 1 Region 1

10
δ18O
8
Region 2* Predicted tap water

Region 3* 0 500 1,000 2,000
δ18O (‰, VSMOW)
6
Kilometers
0 5 10 15 20 25
Time (months)
Figure 25.6 Isotope values measured and estimated equilibrium signal after Remien
et al. (2014). Maps represent the areas determined by the model. The arrow on the map
indicates where the remains were found.
several native populations living along the Solimoes River in Brazil. With increased
urbanization, the authors detected a transition towards lower δ15N values and
higher δ13C values as people abandoned their native customs with a high intake of
freshwater fish, and consumed more imported food, particularly chicken from
nearby cities. Another example arises from a small dataset from the Utah Study of
Fertility, Longevity, and Aging (FLAG, unpublished data). As part of the FLAG
study we were able to obtain six hair samples collected more than 70 years ago,
prior to the widespread use of synthetic fertilizers and widespread consumption of
corn‐fed animals. The hair isotope values for these six samples were ~2.3‰ higher
and ~1.6‰ lower than hair from modern children for δ15N and δ13C values, respec-
tively. Thus, it is necessary to keep in mind potential dietary or agricultural
changes when older, historical samples are analysed or compared with modern
reference datasets.
25.10.2 Seasonal stability of drinking water δ18O and δ2H values

When using δ18O and δ2H values for provenancing, but particularly for recon-
structing past travels and movements, we have the underlying assumption that
the isotope ratios of local sources are constant over the period integrated in the
hair. This assumption does not hold true for places where municipalities switch
c25.indd 404 11/26/2019 8:28:23 PM

water sources due to high demand at certain times of the year. This is certainly an
area of active research currently due to the importance of characterizing how
much tap water isotope ratios at a given site vary over season or other timescales
(Kennedy et al., 2011).
25.10.3 Bundling and analysing very long hair

The analysis of a bundle of hair brings temporal and spatial interpretation issues,
particularly with very long hair samples. Not all hair grows at the same rate and at
the same time, and this can cause misalignment of the isotope values, producing
attenuation of the signal towards the distal end of the hair (Remien et al., 2014).
Furthermore, Lehn et al. (2018) showed that the photochemical degradation of cys-
tine can cause loss of S and potentially an increase in δ34S values. This pattern was
seen in a lock of hair 54 cm in length, but not in shorter hairs. Therefore, caution
must be exercised when interpreting the isotope values towards the tip of very long
hair that has been exposed to the environment for several years and may have suf-
fered weathering and structural alterations (Lehn et al., 2018; Remien et al., 2014).
25.10.4 Fingernails vs. hair

Although isotopically analogous to hair, fingernails have some subtle differences
that need to be mentioned. The isotopic composition of fingernails differs from
that of hair, and this does not appear to be related to different growth rates (Fraser
and Meier‐Augenstein, 2007; Fraser et al., 2006; Lehn et al., 2011; O’Connell
et al., 2001). The difference appears to be related to the more complex synthesis
of nail keratin than hair keratin (Fraser et al., 2006; Lehn et al., 2011). Some
authors have argued that hair δ13C, δ15N, δ34S and δ2H values are better recorders
of their isotopic inputs than fingernails (Fraser and Meier‐Augenstein, 2007; Lehn
et al., 2011).
25.11 Conclusions
Hair isotope analyses can reveal important information on the recent past of an
unidentified decedent. The combination of different isotopes, as well as the
analyses of multiple tissues (hair/nail plus teeth, bones) when available, makes
for a powerful tool to further develop the biological profile of a person (Cerling
et al., 2016; Chesson et al., 2014; Ehleringer et al., 2015; Meier‐Augenstein, 2010;
Meier‐Augenstein and Fraser, 2008; Rauch et al., 2007). The SIA of hair provides
a means of aiding in human provenancing, inferring region‐of‐origin, but is
equally important as an exclusionary tool.
Of the five light elements discussed in this chapter, stable isotope values of O
and H represent the primary basis for region‐of‐origin assignment and reconstruc-
tion of past travels, but with the help of the dietary isotopes (δ13C, δ15N and δ34S
values) more information regarding the person’s habits can be gained, for example,
c25.indd 405 11/26/2019 8:28:23 PM

whether she/he was a vegan or vegetarian. Furthermore, although analyses have

traditionally focused on the stable isotope ratios of these five elements, the anal-
ysis of isotopes of heavier elements such as strontium (Sr) and lead (Pb) can pro-
vide unique information about a sample that cannot be obtained using other
techniques, particularly when the data are studied in combination (Cerling et al.,
2016; Chesson et al., 2014; Font et al., 2012; Meier‐Augenstein, 2010; Rauch
et al., 2007; Tipple et al., 2018).
The future for the use of stable isotopes of hair for human provenancing is
promising as new analytical tools are developed, such as SIA of individual amino
acids (Fogel et al., 2016; McCullagh et al., 2005; Petzke et al., 2005a), larger and
global comparison/reference datasets (Hülsemann et al., 2015; Nardoto et al.,
2006; Valenzuela et al., 2012), and new models that generate a probability or
likelihood of origin assignment (Kennedy et al., 2011; Wunder, 2010).
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CHAPTER 26
Applicability of stable isotope analysis

to the Colombian human
identification crisis
Daniel Castellanos Gutiérrez1,2, Elizabeth A. DiGangi1 and
Jonathan D. Bethard2
Department of Anthropology, State University of New York at Binghamton, New York, USA
1
Department of Anthropology, University of South Florida, USA

2
26.1 Introduction
Methods used to establish identification when visual recognition is impossible

include comparisons of ante‐mortem medical or dental records to post‐mortem
radiographs or skeletal findings, fingerprints when some soft tissue remains, and
DNA testing. These methods depend in part on the available ante‐mortem data,
and in the case of DNA comparisons, samples from closely‐related kin of the
deceased are required. However, these approaches require that identity of the
decedent is presumed and that comparative samples exist, either in the form of
ante‐mortem records or samples from biological relatives. In many contexts,
including mass disasters, sociopolitical violence and forced disappearance, the
population of missing people is open, meaning that a full accounting of the actual
numbers and names of the missing is unknown. In such situations, approaches
that can narrow the pool of potential matches are crucial in terms of guiding the
identification process, especially when ante‐mortem data are not available or
scarce. In the case of forensic anthropology, the typical approach used for this
purpose involves construction of the biological profile, namely age‐at‐death, sex,
ancestry, and stature estimation (e.g. Komar and Buikstra, 2008).
The analysis and interpretation of isotopic ratios has also proven useful in var-
ious fields of the forensic sciences (e.g. Gentile et al., 2015) and is becoming more
common in forensic anthropological contexts (e.g. Regan, 2006; Juarez, 2008;
Meier‐Augenstein and Fraser, 2008; Bartelink et al., 2014; Someda et al., 2016).
Moreover, forensic anthropologists are beginning to utilize isotope ratios as a tool
in cold case investigations in order to assist the identification process (e.g. Kamenov
et al., 2014). Essentially, analysis of the isotopes locked in a person’s skeletal and
411
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dental tissues, along with their hair and fingernails, can provide information
about where they have lived, based on the principle that trace amounts of iso-
topes are influenced by consumed foodstuffs (Meier‐Augenstein, 2010), imbibed
water (Chenery et al., 2012), and water associated with bathing and hygiene (e.g.
Tipple et al., 2018; Mancuso and Ehleringer, 2018). Analysing stable isotopes in
bones or teeth can therefore be particularly useful when faced with remains with
otherwise no provenance, in terms of narrowing down a person’s geographical
location during life. This approach has been applied successfully to the investiga-
tion and identification of fallen US military service members from past wars and
conflict situations, as well as humanitarian efforts for identification of deceased
undocumented border crossers (UBCs) near the US–Mexican border (Bartelink
et al., 2018).
This chapter will provide the reader with an overview of stable isotope analysis
for human provenance and provide some insights for its potential application in
the country of Colombia. Overall, we provide background for researchers who are
interested in applying this approach as a potential new tool for casework and
humanitarian efforts alike.
We begin by briefly summarizing the application of stable isotope analysis (SIA)
to human identification, followed by current trends, providing considerations
aimed at assisting scholars interested in the application of the isotope approach.
Following this introduction to the utility of isotopic research, we address the
Colombian context, including insights about the missing, the relevance of
Colombian geology and geography to the applicability of stable isotope research,
and results from preliminary stable isotope research studies. Finally, we discuss
challenges and some research considerations for those interested in the Colombian
context specifically, as well as isotopic research on a continental or global scale.
26.2 Stable isotopes in human provenance
Stable isotopes measured in different tissues of the body that form at different
time intervals (e.g. hair, nails, bone and teeth) can provide information about an
individual’s dietary history, region(s) of origin, and travel history (Bartelink et al.,
2018). Different isotopes have been used in the stable isotope approach, such as
often‐used light isotopes (isotopes of hydrogen, oxygen, carbon, nitrogen and
sulfur) (e.g., Bartelink et al., 2014; Someda et al., 2016), and isotopes of heavy
elements or geo‐elements (strontium and lead) (e.g. Juarez, 2008; Keller et al.,
2016). Many researchers have employed a multiple‐isotope technique that uti-
lizes a combination of two or more of carbon, nitrogen, oxygen, strontium and
lead isotopes (Rauch et al., 2007; Meier‐Augenstein and Fraser, 2008; Degryse
et al., 2012; Font et al., 2015; Kamenov and Curtis, 2017). Stable isotope analysis
is often able to identify one or more possible geographical regions where a sample
likely originated and, when additional isotopes are used, it assists in greatly
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Applicability of stable isotope analysis in Colombia 413
narrowing down the possible geographical regions (Ehleringer et al., 2010). Thus,
multi‐isotope techniques are better able to identify regions of origin. As an
example, the data obtained from strontium isotope ratios (87Sr/86Sr) in human
tissue can help to exclude or eliminate some of the areas suggested based only on
the oxygen isotope (δ18O) values from the same human tissue.
Light stable isotopes (isotopes of carbon, nitrogen, hydrogen and oxygen) and
isotopes of heavy elements (strontium and lead) have been used to associate
human remains (e.g. bones and teeth) with geographical regions of origin. One of
the first published cases that used the isotopic approach on the identification of
human remains was the “Adam” case in London in 2001 (Gentile et al., 2015).
Since then, many authors have utilized stable isotope systems to assist with human
identification. Bartelink et al. (2014) provide an example of the use of light iso-
topes to assist with identification. Using human skeletal remains recovered by the
Joint POW/MIA Accounting Command‐Central Identification Laboratory (JPAC‐
CIL, or CIL), Bartelink et al. (2014) tested whether the δ13C (carbon‐13) values of
those remains reflected a geographical origin within North America or instead
between North America and Asia; as a result, they were able to discriminate bet-
ween Americans and Asians using δ13C values for identification purposes.
Stable carbon isotopic composition of bioapatite reflects food consumption pat-
terns (Lee‐Thorp et al., 1989), which can vary between geographical regions due
to cultural dietary differences (Bartelink et al., 2014). Kamenov and Curtis (2017)
noted that using only δ13C values is not enough to clearly discriminate and distin-
guish between populations. Because the differences in δ13C are related to the
relative proportion of C3 versus C4 plants in the regional diet, some regions
exhibit differences, but others overlap. Kamenov and Curtis (2017) suggested that
δ13C data will be useful only for large‐scale geo‐referencing. Based on hair and
teeth data, they define three main large‐scale regions: Region 1 encompasses
Europe, Asia, Australia and northern and western Africa with a low δ13C overall;
Region 2 consists of the United States, with a moderate δ13C overall; and Region 3
is composed of Mexico, Central America, South America, and southern and east-
ern Africa with a high δ13C overall.
The abundance of the isotopes of hydrogen and oxygen (i.e. 2H and 18O) in
human tissues reflects both the water we drink, and the water contained within
fruits and vegetables we consume (Meier‐Augenstein and Fraser, 2008). For
example, the δ18O values in teeth are interpreted as reflecting the δ18O of drinking
water (Font et al., 2015). Therefore, drinking water δ18O values can be calculated
from δ18O values from carbonate in tooth enamel (Chenery et al., 2012). The
isotopic composition of human drinking water varies geographically, and this
water is mainly derived from precipitation water (Bartelink et al., 2014), which
also varies in its isotopic composition across the landscape. Thus, the oxygen
isotopic composition of human tissues varies geographically because the isotopic
composition of ingested water varies based on location (Bartelink et al., 2014).
Because δ2H and δ18O values in precipitation water varies across the globe,
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the δ2H and δ18O values in a given area can be predicted using the global meteoric
water line (GMWL) (Bartelink et al., 2014). In addition, a worldwide meteoric
water isoscape is available and some isoscapes exist for tap water (US and South
Africa) (e.g. Bowen et al., 2007; West et al., 2014); isoscapes are “topographic
maps” showing the distribution of isotope ratios over a particular landscape (Keller
et al., 2016). Thus, forensic investigators can make predictions about place of
provenance or last geographical movement of an individual using these isoscapes.
The information from δ18O values is not truly unique to a region, meaning that
regions can overlap in terms of δ18O. However, if the local origin of an unknown
individual can be achieved by other means, then δ18O can be used for more
detailed geo‐referencing within that given region (Kamenov and Curtis, 2017).
Stable sulfur isotope ratios (δ34S) have been used as an indicator of marine
influence due to δ34S values of oceans being more enriched than atmospheric and
seawater δ34S values (Pye, 2004). Researchers have used this to differentiate
coastal from inland diets (Valenzuela et al., 2012). The δ34S values of consumer
tissues are related to geographical place, which is influenced by geogenic variables
(atmospheric deposition) and the isotopic composition of the bedrock (Valenzuela
et al., 2012). Sulfur isotope ratios have been used mainly in modern populations
for forensic investigations and diet reconstruction (e.g. Valenzuela et al., 2012;
Bender et al., 2014).
Degryse and colleagues (2012) noted that the basis of using trace strontium for
provenance is that the strontium isotopic composition of a human sample is iden-
tical (within analytical error) to the geological raw material or bedrock from
where the sample originated (i.e. where the individual lived). Thus, human tis-
sues can be directly tied to a geographical location via geology. Strontium
concentration and isotopic ratios in rock, water, soil, plants and animals depend
on the local geology (Degryse et al., 2012). Strontium in the geological bedrock
moves into soil and groundwater, and then into the food chain. Degryse and col-
leagues (2012) suggested that due to the differences between strontium isotopic
composition of plants and the bulk soil, the strontium isotopic ratio (87Sr/86Sr) for
comparison should use all biologically available strontium data. Additionally,
water ingested by all organisms in the food chain should also be considered.
Kamenov and Curtis (2017) noted that strontium isotopes in human teeth are not
simply controlled by the local water and local rock geology. Instead, the strontium
isotopes reflect multiple sources, including food items imported from different
regions.
Lead (Pb) isotopes in human bioapatite are controlled by two main sources:
natural (i.e. soil source) and anthropogenic (i.e. leaded gasoline) (Kamenov,
2008). Kamenov and Curtis (2017) suggest that there is a regional difference in
the lead (Pb) isotopic composition of modern teeth, due in part to the usage of
different lead ores in different regions. They also suggest that high‐precision
lead isotope data using multiple‐collector inductively coupled plasma mass
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spectrometry (MC‐ICP‐MS) has shown a distinct regional pattern, but more

worldwide data are needed to corroborate this.
Neodymium (143Nd/144Nd) is used in Nd dating and tracer studies (Pye, 2004). It
has been used in provenance studies, mainly in relation to illegal trading in ivory;
however, data for human and animal teeth are few (Pye, 2004). Like strontium
isotopes, the comparison of neodymium isotope values from human tissues should
be done with values of the bioavailable neodymium. However, the role of diet and
environmental sources in determining the uptake of neodymium into the human
body are not yet well understood (Pye, 2004).
Researchers have improved and expanded worldwide reference data that can
be used to differentiate geographical regions. This includes the development of
global databases, isotopic maps that illustrate the spatial distribution of isotopic
variations (i.e. isoscapes), and predictive maps and models for isotope spatial
patterning (Gentile et al., 2015).
Keller et al. (2016) presented a spatiotemporal isoscape from anthropogenic
lead (Pb) for the United States and Europe using published data from dated
sediments, soils and biological tissues. An isoscape for δ18O in drinking water in
the US was not published until 2007 (e.g. Bowen et al., 2007), and isoscapes for
tooth enamel were described in 2010 (Keller et al., 2016). Laffoon et al. (2017)
built an isoscape of enamel δ18O and strontium (87Sr/86Sr) values for the circum‐
Caribbean area.
26.3 Human tissues appropriate for isotope studies
Researchers are able to obtain isotopic information from different human tissues
for human provenience including hair, nails, teeth and bone. Diet and geo‐loca-
tion influence the isotopic signature of these body tissues (Meier‐Augenstein,
2010) and the differences between turnover rates of tissues can provide differential
information on the origin and life history of an individual. For instance, hair pro-
vides information about diet and environmental exposure on timescales ranging
from a few days to a few years (Pye, 2004). Enamel (with the exception of the
third molar) is deposited relatively early in childhood and does not remodel chem-
ically (Burton, 2008), and therefore provides information for early childhood and
adolescence. Cortical bone material from long bone shafts is often preferred over
trabecular bone for chemical analysis, as it is least susceptible to environmental
exchange and diagenesis (Pye, 2004); this tissue can provide information for the
last 12 to 20 years of an individual’s life (Rauch et al., 2007). Pye (2004) mentions
that enamel is the material of choice for isotopic analysis in archaeological and
environmental reconstruction studies, and also in the context of forensic investi-
gations. This is under the premise that diagenesis of enamel is less likely to be an
issue in most cases (Pye, 2004).
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26.4 Colombian geography
Colombia is a republic divided into 32 departments, essentially subdivisions with

a certain degree of autonomy, similar to the way the various states are organized
in Mexico or in the US (Figure 26.1). The country is located in the northwestern
corner of South America and is complex and diverse environmentally, containing
mountain ranges, jungles and beaches. About three‐quarters of the country’s
inhabitants live in the major cities in either the mountainous zones (i.e. Bogotá)
or on the Caribbean coast (i.e. Cartagena) (Hermelin, 2016). The eastern part of
the country, which is dominated by forest and jungle, remains sparsely populated
(Hermelin, 2016).
W E
San Andrés y Providencia S
La Guajira
Atlantico
Magdalena
Cesar
Sucre
Bolivar
Cordoba Norde de Santander
Antioquia
Santander Arauca
Choco
Boyaca
Caldas Casanare
Risaralda
Cundinamarca
Vichada
Quindio Distrito Especial
Tolima
Valle del Cauca
Meta
Huila Guainia
Cauca
Guaviare
Narino
Putumayo Caqueta Vaupes
Amazonas
Figure 26.1 Political map of Colombia. Divisions are by department. Map credit:
D. Castellanos Gutiérrez.
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Colombia can be divided geographically into two main regions: the Andean
c ordilleras and the eastern plains, which include savannas and the jungle of the
Amazon (Hermelin, 2016). Hermelin (2016) defines several physiographical
zones: the western zone, which includes the Pacific lowlands and the mountain
range known as the Baudo Serrania; the central zone including the western,
central, and eastern cordillera (mountain ranges); the northern zone, which
includes the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta mountain range and the Guajira
Peninsula; the eastern zone, which includes eastern savannas known as Llanos
Orientales; and finally, the southern zone comprising the Amazon rainforest.
This geographical variability, including the location of cities at different altitudes
(i.e. Bogotá is approximately 2500 m above sealevel) or proximity to an ocean
coast (i.e. Cartagena), may affect the spatial distribution of oxygen isotope ratios
(δ18O) of human tissues of Colombia’s inhabitants. It is known that the isotopic
composition of oxygen (δ18O) and hydrogen (δ2H) in precipitation water is affected
by temperature, humidity, continentality (distance from the sea) and altitude
(Bartelink et al., 2014). Rodriguez (2004) analysed rainfall samples from different
areas of Colombia and developed a meteoric line for the country, which coincides
with the global meteoric water line (GMWL). In addition, he found that the isotopic
composition of precipitation water changes with altitude, due to the correlation
between altitude and isotope content (Rodriguez, 2004).
The three main cordilleras (western, central and eastern) are part of the Andes
mountains of South America. Overall, the Cordillera Oriental is composed mainly
of sedimentary strata that range in geological age from Cambrian to Miocene, with
several massifs of metamorphic and igneous basement complexes that are partly or
totally pre‐Cambrian in age, a belt of metamorphosed early Palaeozoic rocks, and
some intrusions of post‐Jurassic igneous rocks (Singewald, 1949). The Cordillera
Central is composed of metamorphic and plutonic igneous rocks from the Tertiary
and Cretaceous and probably earlier times (Singewald, 1949). Finally, the Cordillera
Occidental is composed of sedimentary rocks in many places, and cross‐cutting
igneous bodies of both acidic and basic rocks, related to the Mesozoic era (Singewald,
1949). Some strontium isotope ratios (87Sr/86Sr) from Cretaceous intrusive and
volcanic rocks from the western and central cordilleras are reported in Kerr et al.
(1997). Due to the differences in rock type and rock age that constitute the three
different cordilleras, the different strontium isotope values from each cordillera
would be reflected in local water. Therefore, strontium isotope values in human
teeth of individuals who inhabit places located on the cordilleras would reflect
these local geological values. For instance, we would expect differences of strontium
isotope ratios in human tissues (87Sr/86Sr) between individuals living and raised in
Medellín (western cordillera) and individuals from Bogotá (central cordillera).
The geological diversity of the country could be a factor shaping the isotopic
composition of human tissues of the inhabitants of different regions of Colombia,
but in order to understand this diversity, data including individuals from different
locations are needed. Research that explores this is in a nascent stage, although
Colombia has a substantial human identification problem.
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26.5 The Colombian conflict and the missing
For more than 50 years, Colombia has experienced an internal armed conflict. The
multiple actors involved (illegal armed groups and government military forces)
have violated human rights and broken international humanitarian law. The result-
ing violence has caused thousands of deaths, forced disappearances of people, and
displaced communities (Sanabria and Osorio, 2015). The Unique Register of Victims
(Registro Unico de Victimas, RUV) reports 8.3 million victims of the armed conflict,
of whom 1.7 million are direct victims of forced disappearances, homicides, or are
otherwise known to be deceased as a direct result of the conflict. The National
Missing Persons Database (Red Nacional de Desaparecidos, SIRDEC) reports over
64,000 missing persons from 1995 to 2014 (Sanabria and Osorio, 2015).
Government databases estimate that more than 20,000 unidentified persons
have been buried in cemeteries. The rest of the thousands missing remain unac-
counted for. However, from 2005 to 2015, the National Prosecutor’s Office has
found 4649 graves containing 5978 bodies (skeletonized, advanced or partially
decomposed), and of those individuals, 2934 have been identified (Sanabria and
Osorio, 2015). This leaves approximately 3000 of those left to be identified, not
including individuals discovered since.
Colombia is currently undergoing a process of transitional justice. This is a result
of the latest Colombian peace process, which aims (among other goals) to search
for the missing people resulting from the armed conflict, and in case they are
deceased, return their remains to the families. Many Colombians are still waiting
to discover the fate of their relatives. Despite the efforts of searching for the
missing, Colombian authorities face an enormous humanitarian challenge to
respond to the needs of thousands of these families. This is due to the sheer num-
bers of missing people. Finding and identifying the missing will contribute to the
humanitarian goals of revealing the fate of many victims and the repatriation of
human remains to families.
DNA profiles of unidentified human remains and of relatives of the missing are
stored in the National Institute of Legal Medicine and Forensic Sciences database,
which contains about 19,000 profiles (Schwartz‐Marin et al., 2015). However,
DNA databases can only work when data from biological relatives of the missing
are input for comparison. Therefore, methods that can assist in narrowing down
identification possibilities are needed.
26.6 Stable isotopes and identification in Colombia:

Initial research efforts
Different authors have investigated the applicability of stable isotope ratios from
dental enamel for human provenance in Colombia. For instance, Row (2013)
was the first to study the utility of strontium isotope analysis (87Sr/86Sr) for
c26.indd 418 11/26/2019 8:28:29 PM

geolocation. She analysed a sample of 75 teeth from 61 individuals from the

Antioquia Modern Skeletal Reference Collection (located in Medellín, Colombia).
These individuals are mainly representative of the Antioquia department and its
main city of Medellín (Table 26.1). She found that there is no significant difference
between strontium isotope ratios within the population analysed (Antioquia vs.
non‐Antioquia, and Medellín vs non‐Medellín) (Table 26.2). However, the results
are inconclusive regarding the applicability of strontium isotope ratios to distin-
guish populations within Colombia. She pointed out that more samples from
other geographical locations in Colombia are needed to test its applicability within
the country.
Eck (2017) analysed stable oxygen and strontium isotope ratios to determine
their effectiveness for provenancing human remains from Colombia (same
individual geographical distribution as Row (2013); see Table 26.1) and New
England in the US. He found significant differences between these two popula-
tions in terms of both oxygen (δ18O) and strontium (87Sr/86Sr) values (Eck, 2017).
However, no significant differences were found within each population.
Table 26.1 Distribution of individuals by Department

and the city of Medellin. Adapted from Row (2013).
Department n
Atlántico 2
Boyaca 1
Choco 2
Quindio 1
Cundinamarca 1
Caldas 1
Risaralda 1
Antioquia, outside of Medellín 21
Medellín 31
Total 61
Table 26.2 Results of Row’s (2013) analysis

of 87Sr/86Sr.
Region N Sr/86Sr
87
Antioquia 52 0.70746 ± 0.00174

Non‐Antioquia 9 0.70704 ± 0.00104
Medellín 31 0.70748 ± 0.00207
Non‐Medellín 30 0.70710 ± 0.00105
c26.indd 419 11/26/2019 8:28:29 PM

Table 26.3 Preliminary results from Castellanos (in preparation).
City N δ18O
Bogotá 16 −7.38
Cartagena 8 −5.39
Neiva 8 −7.08
The author considers that a more diverse Colombian sample is needed to address

possible further variation within the country.
Both studies cited here used the same sample, one that is composed mainly of
individuals from the same department (Antioquia), one of 32 departments in the
country. Half of the sample is from the city of Medellín (the largest city of
Antioquia) and a few individuals are from different departments (Table 26.1).
Both Row (2013) and Eck (2017) suggest that the sample’s lack of diversity affects
its utility in tests of the variation in oxygen and strontium isotope ratios within
Colombia. However, Eck (2017) found that there is a significant difference
between oxygen and strontium isotope ratios between the Colombian sample and
the New England sample from the US. This is evidence that isotope ratios may
differentiate between populations at a continental level. Also, both authors
conclude that more samples are needed to conclusively determine whether it is
possible to use strontium and oxygen isotope ratio analysis on the modern
Colombian population to test its applicability for human provenance.
In order to test the applicability of the isotopic approach in Colombia, research
is currently being undertaken to analyse the isotopic values of four isotope sys-
tems (C, O, Sr and Pb) contained within tooth enamel bioapatite in a modern
sample of donated teeth from different regions of Colombia. This sample includes
individuals from the cities of Bogotá, Cali, Neiva and Cartagena (Table 26.3). This
research will expand the diversity of the Colombian data, and together with
previous data, represent a Colombian baseline for future comparisons and predic-
tions. Preliminary results from the oxygen analysis indicate that there are sub-
stantial differences between people raised at altitude in the capital city of Bogotá
nestled in the central cordillera, and people raised at sealevel on the Caribbean
coast in Cartagena (Table 26.3).
26.7 Final remarks
Despite the utility of the isotopic approach, some authors have noted some
constraints of isotope ratio analysis for human provenance. Pye (2004) mentions
several different factors that limit the use of this approach, such as: (1) restricted
availability of appropriate database information that can be utilized for
c26.indd 420 11/26/2019 8:28:29 PM

comparative purposes; (2) existing data are scattered across diverse scientific liter-
atures; and (3) different methodologies used for sample pre‐treatment and anal-
ysis can complicate interpretations. Another difficulty in the interpretation of data
from modern teeth and bones in forensic contexts is the globalization of food web
supplies and more frequent human travel. This is making strontium isotope ratios
(87Sr/86Sr) less variable in modern human populations (Keller et al., 2016;
Kamenov and Curtis, 2017), hindering its ability to discriminate between regions.
Several authors have mentioned this issue (e.g. Juarez, 2008; Keller et al., 2016),
but others claim that regional local foods can have an effect on 87Sr/86Sr ratios,
thus dietary and environmental signals can still be identified in human tissues
(Valenzuela et al., 2012). Pye (2004) suggests that more research is needed to fully
quantify the range of isotopic variation that exists within and between different
human populations.
In the case of Colombia specifically, initial studies on strontium and oxygen in
modern individuals have taken place (Row, 2013; Eck, 2017). Despite being very
promising, these studies can be considered preliminary as they did not include a
diverse enough sample such that the full applicability of the isotopic approach in
Colombia can be assessed. As a result, thus far isotopic analysis is somewhat pre-
cluded from being a tool for human identification in Colombia.
However, these initial studies have opened the door to future efforts which will
ideally determine whether isotopic signatures of modern Colombians are diverse
enough to be useful with making geographical predictions about a person’s loca-
tion during life. Current ongoing research aims to analyse the isotopic composi-
tion of carbon, oxygen, strontium and lead from a modern sample of donated
permanent teeth from different regions of Colombia. This will expand the diver-
sity of the current isotopic data for Colombia, as well as the isotope systems used
thus far, by incorporating data from carbon and lead stable isotopes.
Research efforts must address the applicability of the isotopic approach not only
within the country itself, but comparisons of Colombian data with current data
from different locations around the world. This would assist with understanding
whether Colombian isotopic data differ from those of other regions, while identi-
fying which isotopes can be most useful for identifying people of likely Colombian
origin. In addition, it is important to test whether the Colombian strontium
isotopic data demonstrate the decrease in variability that many authors have
noticed in other locations (e.g. Keller et al., 2016; Kamenov and Curtis, 2017), or
whether strontium isotope ratios in human tissues reflect the local ratio.
Finally, if future research demonstrates that isotopic data are diverse enough to
distinguish regions within Colombia, then the country’s forensic scientists and
judicial system would have to embrace adding them as a tool. As a new forensic
service for the different governmental institutions in charge of human identification
(the National Institute of Legal Medicine and Forensic Sciences and the National
Prosecutor’s Office), this endeavor would face several logistical challenges.
c26.indd 421 11/26/2019 8:28:29 PM

First, these institutions would need to build suitable labs or adapt current labs, in
addition to providing training for forensic personnel to conduct isotopic analysis.
A secondary option could be outsourcing some of the analysis using national or
international labs that already have IRMS technology for the different isotopes
(carbon, oxygen, strontium and lead). Either scenario would involve major buy‐
in for this new technique from institutional management and governmental
officials alike. We hope that this chapter and others to come will start a conversation
in Colombia about additional methods that should be added to the current
identification toolkit.
Acknowledgements
We dedicate this chapter to the forensic scientists in Colombia who work tirelessly
every day to provide resolution for families by identifying victims of the conflict.
We thank John Fredy Ramirez, curator of the Antioquia Skeletal Reference
Collection, which was used for the analyses discussed in this chapter. We also
thank Cesar Sanabria Medina, the dentists Gretel González Colmenares, Paola A.
Calle Osorio, Armando Roa Navarro and John Leottau, who collected donated
teeth, and thanks to the anonymous donors of the teeth being used by the first
author for his dissertation research. Finally, we thank the editors for inviting us to
contribute to this timely and important volume.
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CHAPTER 27
Application of stable isotopes and

geostatistics to infer region of
geographical origin for deceased
undocumented Latin American
migrants
Robyn T. Kramer1, Eric J. Bartelink2, Nicholas P. Herrmann3, Clement P.
Bataille4 and Kate Spradley3
Anatomy Department, University of Otago, Dunedin, New Zealand
1

2
Texas State University, Texas, USA

3
Department of Earth and Environmental Sciences, University of Ottawa, Ottawa, ON, Canada
4
27.1 Introduction
The US–Mexico border spans approximately 2000 miles. Each year, tens of thou-
sands of migrants cross the border, the majority of whom are fleeing violence,
seeking refuge and safety, or are in search of work, healthcare, educational
opportunity, or to reunite with family (Anderson, 2008; Spradley et al., 2008;
Holmes, 2013; DeLuca et al., 2010). Structural violence, organized crime, and
foreign intervention in Mexico and Central America has stimulated mass migra-
tions to the United States over the past seven decades (Chomsky, 2015; Scott and
Marshall, 1998; Pearce, 1982). An organization called Movimiento Migrante
Mesoamericano estimates that 72,000 to 120,000 migrants have gone missing
between 2006 and 2016 (https://movimientomigrantemesoamericano.org).
Additionally, the US Border Patrol reports that, since 2000, over 6000 deceased
migrants have been recovered along the southern border (Brian and Laczko,
2016). This number is most likely a gross underestimate of the actual number of
migrants that have lost their lives to the hazardous conditions of the US–Mexico
border, and only includes deaths recorded on the US side of the border. The alarm-
ing number of missing and deceased overwhelms local authorities who do not
have the time, personnel, or financial resources to support identification efforts
for the recovered deceased migrants. Officials in border counties are rarely trained
425
c27.indd 425 11/26/2019 8:26:42 PM

to deal with recovering and assessing human skeletal remains. Thus, forensic
anthropologists can provide valuable expertise for aiding the humanitarian crisis at
the border due to their training in search and recovery methods and their speciali-
zation in skeletal biology and human variation. Forensic anthropologists use tradi-
tional and novel techniques to construct biological profiles from decomposed and
skeletonized human remains, which is necessary for deceased migrants because
few carry legitimate identification with them on the journey to the US border. If
human remains have been exposed to the elements (e.g. animal scavengers, sun,
rain, etc.) for extended periods of time, the skeleton can become disarticulated and
scattered, which hinders identification (Sincerbox and DiGangi, 2017).
Methods for estimating age, sex and stature are well‐developed and produce
quantifiably accurate classifications if the necessary skeletal elements are present.
However, the primary methods used to estimate ancestry are craniometric
(Spradley et al., 2008) and dental morphological analyses (Edgar, 2013), both of
which are not currently capable of discerning between “Hispanics” of different
country origins. This is mainly due to “the term Hispanic [being] a social construct
with no precise genetic meaning” (Spradley et al., 2008: 21). Instead, the US
Census Bureau classifies all members of the Caribbean, Mexico, Central America
and South America (except Brazil) into one general category, “Hispanic” (Spradley
et al., 2008). Recent and promising attempts have been made by Edgar (2013) to
differentiate between New Mexican and South Florida Hispanics using specific
dental morphological traits that are common within each population. In some
cases, the skull and/or the appropriate teeth necessary for ancestry estimations
are not present, which prohibits either craniometric or dental morphological
analyses. For cases missing the essential skeletal elements required for ancestry
estimation, stable isotope analysis can help predict potential regions of origin
based on the geochemical signature of the bones and teeth. Stable isotopes are
incorporated into the hard and soft tissues of an individual during life from food,
water and the environment, and can be extracted after death to inform the analyst
about the diet and migration patterns of the decedent. Isotope results can be used
to rule out geographical regions that do not correspond to predictions based on
isotope signatures from skeletal material. Stable isotope data can be used to reduce
the time spent looking at missing person reports that may match the biological
profile but are not consistent with the isotopic information for an unidentified
individual.
27.2 Stable isotopes, provenancing studies,

and isoscapes
Some isotope systems, such as hydrogen, oxygen or strontium, distribute them-

selves in predictable spatiotemporal patterns and are useful geolocation tools for
tracking migration of both humans and animals in Europe (Schweissing and
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Application of stable isotopes and geostatistics for Latin American migrants 427
Grupe, 2003; Bentley et al., 2004; Bentley and Knipper, 2005; Bol et al., 2007;
Kootker et al., 2016), Africa (Cox and Sealy, 1997; Sillen et al., 1998), Central
America (Price et al., 2000, 2015; Wright, 2005, 2012; Thornton, 2011; Knudson
and Buikstra, 2007; Bataille et al., 2012; Warner, 2016; Laffoon et al., 2017;
Warner et al., 2018), South America (Knudson et al., 2007, 2009), North America
(Price et al., 1994; Ezzo et al., 1997) and Asia (Regan, 2006). Isotopic values from
skeletal remains can be used to reconstruct aspects of diet, including the sources
of dietary macronutrients, as well as possible regions where an individual may
have acquired their food.
Isotope geolocation is based on comparing observed isotopic signatures of a
given individual or tissue with that of a model predicting the spatiotemporal var-
iations of isotope ratios on the landscape. These models, called isoscapes, can be
either empirical or process‐based, and aim to predict the spatial distribution of
isotope ratios in the substrate of interest (e.g. tooth, bones, soft tissues) (Bowen,
2010, 2013; West et al., 2006, 2010). Isoscapes attempt to model the natural
processes producing isotope variation over space by sampling a source, such as
soil, plants, rivers or local bedrock, to characterize the isotope baseline value for a
site or region. Using geostatistical methods, isotope values for untested sites can
be predicted or inferred using a variety of methods such as kriging interpolation
(Bowen, 2010). Interpolation should be employed cautiously for some isotopes,
like 87Sr/86Sr, because it may not consider the additional sources that contribute to
the bioavailability of an isotope, such as the atmosphere, climate, and distribution
of soil and bedrock (Bataille et al., 2012).
27.2.1 Strontium and geological mapping

Strontium readily replaces calcium (Ca) in human skeletons due to their similar
structures, including their ionic radii (Ca = 0.99 Ǻ vs. Sr = 1.13 Ǻ), electronegativ-
ities of 1.0, coordination numbers (Ca = 6 and 8, Sr = 8), and the presence of two
valence electrons that tend to ionically bind to nonmetals (Faure and Powell,
1972). Strontium ratios fluctuate and depend on the underlying bedrock geology,
which tends to have heterogeneous distributions (Faure and Powell, 1972). Sr ratios
are calculated by the ratio of 87Sr to 86Sr. This ratio increases over time as a function
of the primary Rb/Sr ratio of the parent bedrock material (Bataille and Bowen,
2012). Variation in Sr ratios also relies on whether the rocks originate from
continental crust or the upper mantle. Faure and Powell (1972: 24) discussed the
different origins and stated that Sr originating from the crust becomes enriched in
87
Sr in comparison with the rocks produced from the upper mantle. In 1977,
Faure proposed equations that model the formation of Sr ratios in rocks origi-
nating from the mantle and crust. These equations are prevalent in model‐based
approaches for mapping regional and large‐scale Sr variation today (Bataille and
Bowen, 2012). It is important to acknowledge that the Sr values derived from
bedrock can vary greatly from other bioavailable sources. Therefore, modeling
bedrock variation alone is insufficient for studying migration of humans and
c27.indd 427 11/26/2019 8:26:42 PM

Adjusted Geologic 87Sr/86Sr Model

High : 0.720901
Low : 0.706257
Political Boundaries
N
0 175 350 700 1,050 1,400
Kilometers
Figure 27.1 Strontium model created by Bataille and adjusted by Kramer showing the
expected distribution of strontium isotopes for Mexico and Central America. Map created
in ArchMap 10.5.
animals; bioavailable Sr sources, such as water, soils and plants, must be consid-
ered when mapping large‐scale Sr variation (Bataille and Bowen, 2012). This
research employs a strontium isotope model created by Bataille (in prep.) shown
in Figure 27.1.
Bioavailable Sr substitutes for Ca within the hydroxyapatite [Ca10(PO4)6(OH)]
structure of bone and tooth enamel (Faure and Powell, 1972; Likins et al., 1960;
Price et al., 2015; Bentley and Knipper, 2005) and is used to infer region of origin
because it incorporates itself into the skeleton through the uptake of local water
and food sources (Comar et al., 1957; Faure and Powell, 1972; Beard and Johnson,
2000; Budd et al., 2004; Price et al., 2002). Using current knowledge of bone turn-
over rates and tooth mineralization, strontium can provide a record of migration
throughout life using different tissues. Teeth form during childhood and provide
useful estimators for childhood residency (Bentley, 2006; Faure and Powell, 1972;
Beard and Johnson, 2000; Price et al., 2002, 2015; Bentley and Knipper, 2005).
Bone turnover occurs throughout life and can be used to define more recent
strontium signatures of an individual – different bones have varying turnover
rates, meaning that thin rib cortical bone will show a more recent timeframe than
c27.indd 428 11/26/2019 8:26:44 PM

thick cortical bone from a femur (Hedges et al., 2007; Hill and Orth, 1998). Hair
and fingernails are unique because they incorporate strontium from bathing water
sources and do not accurately represent bioavailable strontium (Tipple, 2015).
Strontium isotope ratios characterize the underlying bedrock in geological
formations. Variation in geological formations can be visualized in the form of a
strontium isoscape, which shows the change in strontium ratios from one geolog-
ical formation to the next (West et al., 2010). Individuals can then be mapped
onto the isoscape based on their 87Sr/86Sr ratios derived from bones, teeth, hair
and nail. For example, an individual from a mountainous region should have a
significantly different strontium signature than a person living in a nearby valley.
A limitation of this method is the susceptibility of Sr to geological and anthropo-
genic processes that result in weathering, erosion, and mixing of heterogeneous
strontium signatures. Using 87Sr/86Sr to construct isoscapes relies heavily on the
underlying bedrock composition, geological processes, and contributions from the
lithosphere and hydrosphere to depict local bioavailability.
The use of 87Sr/86Sr ratios can provide estimates of probable regions of origin for
a person, as well as their more recent migrations (Bataille and Bowen, 2012).
27.2.2 Oxygen isotopes and precipitation

Oxygen isotope (δ18O) values reflect the water that an individual imbibed during
life. However, δ18O that becomes incorporated into human tissues has multiple
sources, including atmospheric diatomic oxygen, dietary/drinking water, and
precipitation (Bentley and Knipper, 2005; Ehleringer et al., 2008). Molecules con-
taining δ18O, found in drinking water and in the bulk diet, are cleaved from
ingested proteins as they enter the stomach and small intestines and become an
isotopic record of the gastric juices during digestion (Ehleringer et al., 2008). In
animals, δ18O becomes isotopically enriched in 18O compared with the initial
drinking water because it circulates through the vascular system, while δ18O in
plants uses a one‐way transport system and does not become enriched in 18O
(Ehleringer et al., 2010). The δ18O ratios derived from hydroxyapatite phosphate
and carbonate in bone and enamel are in equilibrium with δ18O ratios of body
water found in soft tissues (Knudson et al., 2009; Longinelli, 1984; Luz and
Kolodny, 1985). Therefore, δ18O values obtained from skeletal materials should
record the isotopic composition of gut water during digestion, which is assumed
to be in isotopic equilibrium with body water (Ehleringer et al., 2008).
Dietary δ18O is a proxy for environmental δ18O and is influenced by evapora-
tion, condensation and precipitation (Bentley and Knipper, 2005; Knudson et al.,
2009). When ingested, water retains a “geo‐location signal” that is distributed
throughout body tissues (Ehleringer et al., 2010). Therefore, δ18O isotopes are an
indicator of climate and diet, meaning that migration of individuals can be tracked
if their δ18O ratios are known. Maps illustrating the isotopic variation of δ18O in
precipitation are available through sources such as waterisotopes.org and the
Global Network for Isotopes in Precipitation (GNIP). The δ18O precipitation
c27.indd 429 11/26/2019 8:26:44 PM

Mean Annual Precipitation δ18O

High : –1.68
Low : –12.19
Poltical Boundaries
N
0 125 250 500 750 1,000
Kilometers
Figure 27.2 Mean annual precipitation oxygen (δ18O) isoscape for Mexico and Central
America. Map created in ArchMap 10.5.
isoscape used in this research was obtained from waterisotopes.org (Figure 27.2).

Coupling the provenancing power of the δ18O and 87Sr/86Sr values should increase
the precision and accuracy of the probability densities for each unidentified
individual using a maximum likelihood estimation model.

assignment model
The maximum likelihood estimation (MLE) assignment model allocates proba-
bility density values for the defined extent and then maximizes the likelihood that
the process described by the model reflects the values that were observed (Wunder,
2012). In this case, the MLE model characterizes the distribution of δ18O and
87
Sr/86Sr isotopes within the extent of Central America and Mexico, and the prob-
ability density values for each location within the model are parameterized using
the bioavailable strontium and oxygen isotope data. Posterior probabilities for
each location are then obtained by applying Bayes rule and are used to make
geographical origin prediction statements.1 The assignment method was first
applied in the research of Wunder and colleagues concerning migration patterns
of birds, specifically mountain plovers, using hydrogen (δD), carbon (δ13C) and
For a more in-depth explanation of the likelihood assignment model, see Wunder (2012).
1
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nitrogen (δ15N) isotopes derived from feathers obtained from a known breeding
range (Wunder et al., 2005). Previous attempts to predict region of origin relied
on simple regression, regression trees, range matching, and assignment methods
using likelihoods or probabilities (Wunder and Norris, 2008: 550). When applied
to provenancing bird feathers, the assignment model provided the strongest
results when all three isotopes were used in a probability framework (Wunder,
2012). Therefore, the dual‐isotope approach for assigning unidentified deceased
migrants should provide stronger results than univariate attempts.
Previous techniques to provenance archaeological and forensic cases included
establishing local versus nonlocal ranges using faunal remains or local geology
(Price et al., 2002; Bentley et al., 2003; Hodell et al., 2004; Knudson et al., 2005,
2009; Knudson and Buikstra, 2007; Sosa et al., 2014), trimming datasets to
exclude foreign 87Sr/86Sr values (Wright, 2005), and testing for outliers (nonlo-
cals) using a variety of statistical techniques. These techniques promoted the use
of model‐testing for establishing provenance; however they lacked the process‐
based predictive modeling available in the Bataille et al. (2012) 87Sr/86Sr isoscape
models. Wunder (2010: 254–255) states that previous attempts to define
geographical location using isoscapes “(1) arbitrarily describe large geographic
ranges a priori and summarize isoscape values within each range, or (2) arbitrarily
determine a minimum magnitude that is on the order of the measurement
(analytical) error for measuring δ2H.” The former is too conservative, while the
latter tends not to be conservative enough. Wunder (2010: 255) suggests that
the modeling approach provides an alternative route “by combining a stochastic
component based on known, estimated, or hypothesized residual variance with a
calibrated isoscape.” Permission to use the assignment model was obtained from
Wunder during the SPATIAL short‐course held at the University of Utah in 2016.
For greater detail concerning the assignment model, refer to Wunder et al. (2005),
Wunder (2010) and Kramer (2018).
In a recent article, Laffoon and colleagues (2017) expand on the strontium
isoscape from Bataille et al. (2012) to provenance identified persons using δ18O
and 87Sr/86Sr variation for the circum‐Caribbean region. The results found in
Laffoon et al. (2017) demonstrate that the dual‐isotope method is a viable option
for provenancing studies because it was able to successfully define regions of
most likely origin that included the actual known origin for the three sampled
individuals. This research employs the same technique but applies the method to
unidentified migrants from Latin America.
27.3.1 Sample
The sample comes from the OpID skeletal remains housed at FACTS, recovered in
Brooks County near a Border Patrol checkpoint in Falfurrias, Texas, during three
field seasons (2013, 2014 and 2017). Two unidentified cases are used in the
c27.indd 431 11/26/2019 8:26:45 PM

isotopic analysis (Table 27.1). Individuals recovered with associated cultural

material and possessing maxillary premolars lacking taphonomic damage were
used in the research. The cultural materials found associated with the skeletal
remains were used as a predictor variable to see whether the region of origin pre-
dicted from the material matched the region predicted by the isotope analysis, to
test whether artefacts are reliable predictors of origin. Table 27.1 summarizes the
samples, cultural materials, and expected age at time of crown completion for
each individual.
27.3.2 Isotope sample preparation

Teeth, specifically premolars, were extracted from each case used in research.
Premolars were targeted because they form during early childhood and stop
intake of local isotope signatures when the individual reaches approximately eight
years of age (AlQahtani et al., 2010). Isotope ratios derived from dental crowns
reflect the isotopic signatures that were incorporated into the tooth enamel dur-
ing their mineralization (Hillson, 1996) and therefore act as a marker for childhood
residency. Once extracted, teeth were sectioned into two parts, separating the
crown from the root. The crown was removed and sent to Isoforensics, Inc., a
forensic lab specializing in isotope analysis. Isoforensics performed all sample
preparation and analyses to obtain 87Sr/86Sr and δ18O values. Table 27.2 summa-
rizes the isotope data derived from the dental enamel samples. The δ18O values
derived from the dental samples were first converted from oxygen derived from
carbonate (δ18Oc) using the Vienna Pee Dee Belemnite (VPDB) standard to δ18Oc
using the Vienna Standard Mean Ocean Water (VSMOW).
Table 27.1 Cases selected for isotopic analysis.
Case Associated cultural Tooth extracted Crown

number material completion1
OpID‐0383 Mexican Flag Bandana Maxillary PM2 – 13 7.5 years

OpID‐0608 Quetzal – Guatemalan Maxillary PM1 – 5 7.5 years
currency
1
Source for age at time of crown completion: AlQahtani et al. (2010).
Table 27.2 Isotope data for research samples.
Case number 87
Sr/86Sr 87
Sr/86Sr SE δ18Oc (VPDB) δ18Oc SE
OpID‐0383 0.70748 0.00001 −3.53 0.179

OpID‐0608 0.70595 0.00001 −5.04 0.181
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27.3.3 87Sr/86Sr isoscape

The research required calibrating Bataille’s strontium model (in preparation) to
better reflect the bioavailable 87Sr/86Sr for Mexico and Central America. Calibrating
the models required compiling nearly 1000 spatially‐referenced bioavailable
strontium values for the region of interest from published literature (Kramer,
2018). Strontium data interpreted as “nonlocal” to the region were omitted to
reduce biases and outliers (Wright, 2005). The calibrated 87Sr/86Sr isoscape
(Figure 27.1) was used to estimate the unknown region of geographical origin
for the unidentified migrants. Once collated, a generalized linear model was
performed between the bioavailable 87Sr/86Sr data (from existing literature) and
the 87Sr/86Sr data from Bataille’s strontium model to allow for the adjustment of
the model to better reflect real‐world 87Sr/86Sr ratios.
27.3.4 δ18O isoscape

The global δ18O isoscape used in the research has a 90‐meter resolution and the δ18O
values are in per mil using the V‐SMOW scale. The isoscape raster is interpolated
from point data using detrended interpolation which allows for the prediction of
values for non‐sampled sites based on the principle of Tobler’s Law (Bowen, 2010;
Rogerson, 2015: 144). Bowen and colleagues at the University of Utah have created
the IsoMAP (and waterisotopes.org) database with the purpose of providing a source
of point estimates for modern δ18O precipitation values for palaeoclimate, ecology
and forensic studies and as a source of data for hydrological models. The isoscape is
retrieved from the online database and trimmed to the region of interest (Figure 27.2).
27.4 Results
27.4.1 OpID‐0383
Case OpID‐0383 was recovered from Brooks County, Texas. A bandana with a
Mexico flag design was found associated with OpID‐0383. The maxillary second
premolar (tooth #13) of the individual was selected for sampling, which should
reflect childhood residency until the age of approximately 7.5 years old (AlQahtani
et al., 2010). The probability density output for the individual was produced after
running 87Sr/86Sr and δ18O values through the assignment model (Figure 27.3).
The maximum likelihood of origin for this individual was located between the
Panama Canal and the San Blas Mountains. Other high probabilities of origins
were found for regions in South Texas and Mexico. The remains of the individual
were identified in early 2018 as a male of Mexican origin, but who had lived in
the United States since the age of eight. In this case, the migrant is known to be
from Mexico, which does not correspond with the region with the highest proba-
bility of origin. The value is, however, consistent with an origin from the central
Mexican Mountains. It is important to note that the associated cultural material
did accurately reflect the correct country of origin.
c27.indd 433 11/26/2019 8:26:45 PM

Mean Annual Precipitation
OpID-0383 δ18O
–5.6377 – –5.4587
N
0 175 350 700 1,050 1,400
Kilometers
Bioavailable Strontium Model

OpID-0383 87Sr/86Sr
0.70749 – 0.70747
N
0 175 350 700 1,050 1,400
Kilometers
Dual-Isotope Assignment
(87Sr/86Sr & δ18O)
OpID-0383
Probability
0 – 0.1
0.1 – 0.2
0.2 – 0.3
0.3 – 0.4
0.4 – 0.5
0.5 – 0.6
0.6 – 0.7
0.7 – 0.8
0.8 – 0.9
0.9 – 1
N
0 137.5275 550 825 1,100
Kilometers
Figure 27.3 Isotope assignment for OpID‐0383. The top map shows the prediction using
only δ18O isotopes. The center map shows the prediction using only 87Sr/86Sr isotopes.
The bottom map shows the dual‐isotope assignment using both isotopes. OpID‐0383 has
been identified as being of Mexican nationality. Sadly, the assignment model does not
work and plots them into the hilly region of Panama between the Panama Canal and the
San Blas Mountains. All images created in ArcMap 10.5 by author.
c27.indd 434 11/26/2019 8:26:46 PM

27.4.2 OpID‐0608
Case OpID‐0608 was recovered from Brooks County, Texas. Guatemalan currency
(quetzals) was found associated with the remains. The first maxillary premolar
(tooth #5) of the individual was selected for sampling, which should reflect
childhood residency until the age of approximately 7.5 years old (AlQahtani et al.,
2010). The probability density output for the individual was produced after
running 87Sr/86Sr and δ18O values through the assignment model (Figure 27.4).
Predicted regions of origin using only 87Sr/86Sr include the Sierra Madre Occidental
Mountain range in Mexico, the Sierra Madre Mountain range of Honduras and
Guatemala, the Cordillera Chontalena Mountain range in Nicaragua, and the
lowlands north of the Central Mountains in Costa Rica. Origin predictions using
only δ18O included regions from every country within Central America and
Mexico (Figure 27.4). When the dual‐isotope maximum likelihood assignment
model is used, the origin prediction for this individual is constrained to the Sierra
Madre Mountain range of Honduras and Guatemala (Figure 27.4). The remains of
the individual were identified in early 2018 as a male of Guatemalan origin. The
isotope prediction and the cultural material both accurately predicted the origin in
this case.
27.5 Discussion and conclusions
The purpose of this research is to aid in the identification process of deceased

unidentified migrants recovered near the US–Mexico border using strontium and
oxygen isotopes derived from the skeletal remains, specifically dental enamel, of
the individuals. Using enamel isotopes and a maximum likelihood assignment
model allows for the prediction of region of origin for each person. Establishing
region(s) of probable origin is very important because it can greatly reduce the
number of missing person reports that may match a case’s biological profile but
are not inconsistent with the individual’s residential history.
The isotope assignments provide additional evidence that migrants recovered
near the US–Mexico border are a heterogeneous group, constantly migrating, that
originate from a variety of regions and backgrounds. The issue of recovering
unidentified deceased migrant remains is not limited to southern Texas – all states
sharing a border with Mexico are experiencing the effects of this humanitarian
crisis. It is important to better understand the mobility of migrants to reveal the
pressures producing the mass migrations of people out of their native countries
and to aid in identification efforts for the unidentified.
The two cases discussed in this chapter illustrate a successful and an unsuc-
cessful prediction using the assignment model. OpID‐0383 was not plotted into its
known country of origin, Mexico. The limited isotope data for Mexico most likely
influenced the inaccurate geographical origin prediction due to massive data
c27.indd 435 11/26/2019 8:26:46 PM

Mean Annual Precipitation
OpID-0608 δ18O
–8.1680 – –7.8061
0 175 350 700 1,050 1,400 N
Kilometers
Bioavailable Strontium Model

OpID-0608 87Sr/86Sr
0.70594 – 0.70596
N
0 175 350 700 1,050 1,400
Kilometers
Dual-Isotope Assignment
(87Sr/86Sr & δ18O)
OpID-0608
Probability
0 – 0.1
0.1 – 0.2
0.2 – 0.3
0.3 – 0.4
0.4 – 0.5
0.5 – 0.6
0.6 – 0.7
0.7 – 0.8
0.8 – 0.9
0.9 – 1
N
0 137.5275 550 825 1,100
Kilometers
Figure 27.4 Isotope Assignment for OpID‐0608. The top map shows the prediction using
only δ18O isotopes. The center map shows the prediction using only 87Sr/86Sr isotopes.
The bottom map shows the dual‐isotope assignment using both isotopes. OpID‐0608 has
been identified as being of Guatemalan nationality and the assignment model strongly
plots the individual into the Sierra Madre Mountain range of Honduras and Guatemala,
meaning the model was successful at predicting region‐of‐origin. All images created in
ArcMap 10.5 by author.
c27.indd 436 11/26/2019 8:26:47 PM

interpolation. Currently, there are only two precipitation water stations that
record isotopic data for Mexico located in Chihuahua (northern Mexico) and
Veracruz (southeastern Mexico). In addition, only one precipitation station exists
for Central America located near San Salvador in El Salvador. If more stations
were placed in undersampled regions, the accuracy of the isotope assignment
model would increase dramatically.
It is important to note that the associated cultural material accurately predicted
region of origin for both cases – this is not always the case, but it illustrates the
importance of considering the context and associated materials found with the
remains. This research shows that isotope provenancing and associated cultural
material are additional lines of evidence that can be extremely useful for deciding
where to focus identification efforts. Future research along this trajectory will
sample more OpID cases for isotopic analysis to be run through the assignment
model for a variety of tissues including bone, teeth and hair. Currently, only three
cases with known regions of origin have been run through the model. Two of the
three produced accurate region‐of‐origin predictions. With more case sampling
and positive identification of those cases, the accuracy of the assignment model
can be better understood.2 The major take‐home message is that there is no single
method that can be relied upon for narrowing region‐of‐origin; instead, all
information must be considered and weighed by the analyst to decide whether an
unidentified case is a potential match for a missing person report. Isotope data and
associated cultural material are powerful pieces of evidence that can greatly
inform identification efforts.
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CHAPTER 28
Tracking geographical patterns of

contemporary human diet in Brazil
using stable isotopes of nail keratin
Gabriela Bielefeld Nardoto1, João Paulo Sena‐Souza1, Lesley A. Chesson2
and Luiz Antonio Martinelli3
Departamento de Ecologia, Instituto de Ciências Biológicas, Universidade de Brasília, Brazil
1

2
Laboratório de Ecologia Isotópica, Centro de Energia Nuclear na Agricultura, Universidade de

3
São Paulo, Brazil
28.1 Introduction
Eating is a daily activity for all individuals regardless of their society, country or
culture. It is a phenomenon that covers physiological issues as well as social,
political, economic and aesthetic aspects. Consequently, humans organize
themselves in complex relations to secure food and meet their nutritional needs.
However, the act of feeding has undergone dramatic changes over time. From
techniques that take advantage of manipulating nature, climate and soil, an
individual can grow and produce their own food, as a counterpart to what was
completely natural.
Human feeding habits are directly associated with one major characteristic of
humans – their enormous capacity for nutritional adaptation. Most adaptations
have developed over centuries or even millennia (Hocket and Haws, 2003), but
the recent phenomena of urbanization and industrialization have together
modified human lifestyles by an unprecedented degree. Profound changes in food
consumption have occurred along with globalization, and the expansion of trade
markets have shifted feeding patterns from locally produced food items toward
industrialized processed items, usually produced far from consumption sites.
These transformations result in modifying a way of life and production, with food
becoming a commodity.
Such access to an enormous variety of processed food commodities has been
referred to as the “supermarket era,” usually associated with nutrition transition
processes (Nardoto et al., 2006; Popkin, 2006; Piperata, 2007). Several studies
441
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have suggested that changes in feeding patterns are associated with economic
changes; however, as these studies are based on large‐scale analyses that primarily
focus on data from urban areas, they tend to reflect the urban reality (Privat et al.,
2002; Al‐Bashaireh and Al‐Muheisen, 2011; Gragnani et al., 2014). On the other
hand, rural populations in non‐urban areas are usually neglected by studies with
a global focus; at the same time, these populations are heading to urban centers
and settling in poor and lower‐income settings, factors that contribute to nutrition
and food insecurity (Vianna et al., 2012; Rodrigues et al., 2016).
In addition to economic aspects, the nutrition transition is closely related to
cultural and demographic changes involving replacing traditional, locally‐
produced food or food picked directly from nature, usually rich in complex carbo-
hydrates and fiber, with industrialized products. This convergence is represented
by a transition from region‐specific dietary patterns towards the well‐known
contemporary Western‐style diet, usually high in animal products, vegetable oils
and refined carbohydrates (Phillips, 2006).
The Western‐style diet has transformed feeding habits and many modern
Western societies seem to be converging to a standard diet. Much research has
been done to understand the impact of this phenomenon in urban areas of the
Western world (Valenzuela et al., 2012). More recently, some studies in devel-
oping countries, such as in the immense and diverse Brazilian territory, have
demonstrated that this nutritional transition phenomenon is also encroaching on
rural areas where the subsistence economy is being replaced by the market
economy (Nardoto et al., 2006, 2011; Reinaldo et al., 2015; Rodrigues et al., 2016;
Silva et al., 2017).
These aforementioned studies demonstrate how nutrition transition processes
have been established in recent decades in the Brazilian rural–urban environ-
ments, as determined by carbon and nitrogen stable isotope ratios in fingernails of
inhabitants from both urban and rural settings, together with dimensions of
nutrition and food security as a proxy for their main diet patterns. These studies
using stable isotopes can contribute further information on human nutrition
studies, but the current challenge for data interpretation is to accurately track
human movements in and between geographical regions (Fraser et al., 2006;
Lehn et al., 2011; Mancuso and Ehleringer, 2018) and to apply this knowledge in
forensic anthropology studies.
Studies on food patterns inferred from carbon and nitrogen isotope measure-
ments in contemporary human populations are based on the well‐known differ-
ences between the δ13C values of C3 plants (the majority of cereals such as wheat
and rice as well as fruits, vegetables and pulses) and C4 plants (which comprise
mostly maize, sugar cane, and African grasses), and on the fact that δ15N values of
food items vary according to the source and the food’s position in the food chain.
These studies of contemporary Brazilian inhabitants reached the conclusions that,
as access to a market economy and urbanization rises, there has been a dramatic
shift from a diet based on C3 plants to one based on C4 plants. As a consequence,
c28.indd 442 11/26/2019 8:28:33 PM

Patterns of human diet in Brazil using nail keratin 443
there is a rise in δ13C values in human tissues since urban diets in Brazil are
primarily based on C4 sources having a strong C4 signal (Martinelli et al., 2011;
Coletta et al., 2012). Also, as access to a market economy and urbanization
increases, δ15N values decrease in human tissues due to a decrease in complexity
of the food chain when an urban‐like diet is chosen that has lower δ15N values
compared with a rural‐like diet. One outcome is the homogenization of feeding
habits and culture, changing the patterns of food consumption and production.
This homogenization, consequently, indicates standard consumption not only in
urban centers but also in rural centers. What may follow from this major change
in the production system and consumption could jeopardize the maintenance of
local life, but it could also turn out that the relationship between rural and urban
translates into different modes of relationships related to the market, as well as
the varied historical contexts and the accessibility that each group has over food.
Taking, therefore, the context that contemporary Brazilian populations are
experiencing dietary changes characteristic of nutrition transition, with an
increase in diet homogenization as locally‐produced food is replaced by processed
and ultra‐processed food, we report herein that despite the trend toward a “global
supermarket” diet, carbon and nitrogen isotopic compositions of Brazilian inhab-
itants can still hold dietary information related to both regional food sources and
dietary practices.
We used carbon and nitrogen stable isotope ratios of fingernails from about
4000 contemporary Brazilian inhabitants living in both rural and urban areas in
different geographical regions, from spatially distributed data that have already
been published in the aforementioned studies. We also used carbon and nitrogen
isotope ratios of plants and soil, respectively, to construct the source–consumer
isoscapes.
28.2 Isotope procedures
For this survey, authorization by the official Brazilian Human Ethics Committee
was previously submitted, approved, and received the registration number of
COET 053, Piracicaba, São Paulo, Brazil. About 4000 contemporary Brazilian
samples of fingernails only from adults were collected from voluntary participants
by giving them nail clippers to collect the outer edge portion of their fingernails.
Fingernail samples were then submitted to the procedure described by O’Connell
et al. (2001). Briefly, samples were rinsed twice in methanol and chloroform
(2,1 v/v). Samples were then dried overnight at 65°C, and were cut into between
one and four sections depending on the sample size to be weighed (1–2 mg).
The carbon and nitrogen stable isotope ratios were then determined in the
Isotope Ecology laboratory of CENA‐USP in Piracicaba, using a Thermo‐Quest‐
Finnigan Delta Plus isotope ratio mass spectrometer (Finnigan‐MAT, San Jose, CA,
USA) interfaced with an elemental analyser (model 1110; Carla Erba, Milan, Italy).
c28.indd 443 11/26/2019 8:28:33 PM

Stable isotope ratios were reported in δ notation, expressed in per mil (‰) and
presented as δ13C or δ15N: δ = [Rsample/Rstandard) – 1] × 1000, where Rsample and Rstandard
are the ratios 13C/12C or 15N/14N in the sample and in a standard, respectively. The
standard for carbon is VPDB, and for nitrogen it is atmospheric air. The analytical
precision calculated based on long‐term data was 0.2‰ for carbon and 0.4‰
for nitrogen.
28.3 Scientific basis for isotope data interpretation
Carbon and nitrogen stable isotope analysis (SIA), expressed as δ13C and δ15N
values, respectively, has been intensely used in diet‐related studies of modern and
ancestral humans, using bone, hair and nails as tissues. For these proteinaceous
tissues, carbon and nitrogen isotopic composition reflects basically the proteins in
the diet, while the isotopic composition of fats and carbohydrates consumed will
likely have limited effect on the isotopic composition of fingernails. The basis of
this analysis is simple: the carbon and nitrogen isotopic compositions of human
tissues are compared with the isotopic composition of the diet, considering
any isotopic fractionation that may occur between diet and tissues (Yoshinaga
et al., 1996).
Differences in stable carbon composition arise as a result of the photosynthesis
process altering the 13C/12C ratio differently in plants following the C3 photosyn-
thetic biochemical pathway (denoted C3 plants) than those following the C4 pho-
tosynthetic pathway (denoted C4 plants) (Farquhar et al., 1989). The δ13C value of
the atmospheric CO2 is approximately −8‰, whereas the δ13C value of C3 plants
varies approximately from −30 to −26‰. On the other hand, the δ13C value of C4
plants varies approximately from −14 to −11‰. In terms of human and animal
nutrition, important plants following the C4 pathway include maize, millet, most
African tropical forage grasses and sugarcane. Most other plants consumed in the
human diet follow the C3 pathway, including, for example, wheat, rice, beans,
soybeans and potatoes, as well as most fruits and vegetables.
While carbon isotopic composition is more indicative of the proportions of C4‐
and C3‐based foods present in human diets, the nitrogen stable isotope composi-
tion is more indicative of the trophic level of a consumer. This is because, at each
step of the food chain, there is a preferential loss of 14N atoms in relation to 15N
atoms; consequently, the δ15N values increase towards the top of the food chain.
In other words, consumers tend to have higher δ15N values than their diet; this
enrichment in 15N along the trophic chain is known as trophic fractionation. This
fractionation depends on numerous factors such as a diet’s protein quality and
quantity, habitat, consumer’s age and health, as well as the tissue considered,
being a result of the different turnover rates of each tissue (Newsome et al., 2010).
c28.indd 444 11/26/2019 8:28:33 PM

Accordingly, in human tissues, the δ15N values represent the trophic position and
the types of animal protein consumed (Huelsemann et al., 2009). For example,
vegetarians eating less animal protein had lower δ15N values than non‐vegetarians
eating more animal protein (Nardoto et al., 2006; Buchardt et al., 2007; Grolmusová
et al., 2014).
Previous SIA conducted in Brazil on food products and Brazilian fingernails and
hair have shown that the Brazilians have a particular carbon isotopic composition.
This is because, in Brazil, cattle are almost entirely fed with C4 African grasses,
mostly of the genus Brachiaria (Martinelli et al., 2011), and pigs and chickens are
fed rations composed mainly of maize and, to a lesser extent, soybean (Coletta
et al., 2012). Consequently, any beef, beef products and dairy products have δ13C
values characteristic of C4 plants. The δ13C value of pigs and chickens and any
product derived from them (e.g. sausages and eggs) will also resemble the mixture
of maize and soybean present in the diet of these animals. The same is true for
table sugar produced from sugarcane and any product in which sugar is a predom-
inant ingredient, such as carbonated soft drinks. These food products contrast
greatly with Brazilian staple foods (i.e. rice and beans) that are C3 plants and have
δ13C values characteristic of these plants. For example, the mean δ13C values of
different types of rice and beans in Brazil were equal to −28.2 and −26.5‰, respec-
tively (Nardoto et al., 2011). Cassava, which is also a staple food in different
regions of Brazil, has a δ13C value similar to wheat flour and, consequently, breads
made with them have a δ13C value of approximately −27‰ (Nardoto et al., 2011).
Based on the arguments presented above, it is to be expected that an increase
in the consumption of meat, dairy, cookies and soft drinks, coupled with a decrease
in the consumption of rice and beans, would result in increasing the δ13C by
increasing the ingestion of C4‐derived food. At the same time, this would result in
an increase in δ15N because the ingestion of animal protein would increase (trophic
fractionation).
There has been a rich body of literature within the last decade on SIA in both
contemporary human hair (Yoshinaga et al., 1996; Bol et al., 2007; Huelsemann
et al., 2009; Thompson et al., 2010; Valenzuela et al., 2012) and fingernails
(O’Connell et al., 2001; Lehn et al., 2011; Nardoto et al., 2006, 2011; Williams and
Katzenberg, 2012; Mancuso and Ehleringer 2018). Fingernails were chosen as a
sampling tissue first because it comprises a non‐invasive sampling method and
nail keratin reflects dietary intake over the last 4–6 months (O’Connell et al.,
2001), and second, there are some people in Brazil who avoid donating hair due
to their religious customs. Additionally, both tissues (hair and nail) are mainly
composed of keratin protein (Lehn et al., 2011; Meier‐Augenstein and Kemp,
2012; Williams and Katzenberg, 2012), and studies isotopically comparing both
tissues concluded that both δ13C and δ15N values of fingernails and hair are similar,
making both tissues comparable (O’Connell et al., 2001; Huelsemann et al., 2009).
c28.indd 445 11/26/2019 8:28:33 PM

28.4 Geographic peculiarities in stable isotope ratios

of fingernails
28.4.1 Brazilian Amazon

The Amazon tropical rainforest is a region in which the nutritional transition is
intensely occurring in the last decade, but our understanding of the implications
for its inhabitants is not advancing at the same pace (Piperata, 2007; Nardoto
et al., 2011). Despite being associated historically with the Amazonian rural
landscape, as its historical peasantry, Caboclos have also become ubiquitous inhab-
itants of the growing urban towns of the region (Brondizio, 2008). Mixing habits
and lifestyles, they play a role as major actors in the socioeconomic and environ-
mental transformations occurring in the Amazon region, while urban–rural
distinctions have become increasingly blurred. Food intake and dietary habits
have played a major role in these changes, as processed and industrialized food-
stuffs begin to be more readily available and affordable even for the inhabitants of
the most remote Caboclo villages (Nardoto et al., 2011). The speed and scale of
this process might be leading Amazonian inhabitants (particularly Caboclos) to
experience the nutritional transition in a dramatic way.
The carbon isotope ratios of freshwater organisms depend on local ecological
circumstances, and often overlap with those of terrestrial plants and their con-
sumers. Several species of fish caught in rivers and lakes of the region, as well as
farinha (toasted flour made from manioc starch, also known as cassava) are staple
foods of the Caboclos (Murrieta and Dufour, 2004). Manioc (Manihot esculenta) is a
C3 photosynthetic plant that has characteristic stable carbon isotope ratios varying
from −29 to −25‰ (Nardoto et al., 2006). The most important carbon sources for
freshwater fish also have a C3‐like origin, since fruits and seeds from C3 plants and
phytoplankton from the floodplain lakes are their main sources of energy (Oliveira
et al., 2006). Due to intricate and long freshwater fish food chains like those of the
Amazon River and its tributaries, these foods typically have high δ15N values
(Oliveira et al., 2006). Consequently, the inhabitants of the more remote settings
in this region who rely heavily on freshwater fish and farinha for food are likely
to have δ13C values that resemble their C3‐based diet with elevated δ15N values in
their body tissues.
As urbanization proceeds and/or more access to markets is provided, there is a
change from C3 to C4‐based food and a decrease in δ15N values, indicating that
urban populations in the Amazon region are consuming food produced from less
complex food chains (Nardoto et al., 2011). The clearest example of this shift is the
abrupt decrease in the consumption of freshwater fish and especially wild game in
the progression from the Caboclos villages to the towns and Amazonian cities, while
the consumption of C4 food types (frozen chicken, beef and sugar) increases in the
same direction. Hence, the C4‐based foods are bought in marketplaces rather than
locally produced. The most conspicuous example in this case was the increase in
frozen chicken consumption among the urban Amazonian inhabitants. Most of
c28.indd 446 11/26/2019 8:28:33 PM

the chicken consumed in these areas had been frozen and transported from outside
the Amazon to the region. As population density increases and less food is locally
produced, residents will consume more C4‐based food, with frozen chicken as their
main source of protein rather than freshwater fish.
Therefore Nardoto et al. (2011), by using C and N stable isotope ratios of finger-
nails and dietary intake data collected using food frequency questionnaires and
24‐h recall interviews, clearly documented the shift in dietary sources from
“native C3” to “supermarket based C4 foods” in peoples living along a rural‐to‐
urban continuum in the Brazilian Amazon region, showing the association
between urbanization and “the supermarket diet” where traditional low fat foods
(farinha, a flour ground from cassava, and freshwater fish) in the small villages
are replaced by higher fat food items (corn‐fed domestic animals such as chicken)
in more urbanized towns and especially cities.
28.4.2 Northeastern Brazil

The nutrition transition process is resulting in a macro‐transformation pattern
regarding food habits and subsistence production in traditional rural communities
in the northeastern region of Brazil. The so‐called Western‐style diet has been
detected from the isotopic composition of carbon and nitrogen in samples of nails
in some remote semi‐arid settings with limited access to the global market econ-
omies in this Brazilian region (Reinaldo et al., 2015). An integrated approach was
used combining interviews conducted through a questionnaire addressing food
intake and food frequency by a 24 h‐recall method, and fingernail samples were
also collected in order to analyse isotope ratios of carbon and nitrogen.
Such an approach using both dietary surveys and SIA clearly demonstrated that
those remote rural settings are consuming the same food compared to some
important regional urban centers, suggesting a significant change in their dietary
patterns toward the Western‐style diet. The rural settings mostly depend on buy-
ing food in supermarkets and on limitations in food production, being a scenario
that contributes decisively to replacing the locally produced foods with processed
products. A similar dietary pattern was found in the rural region of Central Brazil
which shares similar income patterns with the Northeastern region of Brazil
(see below).
28.4.3 Central Brazil

With the purpose of investigating the effect of diet and food consumption with
regard to health, environment, and economy in light of nutrition ecology,
Rodrigues et al. (2016) studied the dimensions of nutrition and food security
(NFS) in urban and rural areas in the region of Chapada dos Veadeiros, Central
Brazil. In general, the combined results of the average δ13C and δ15N values of fin-
gernails and the dietary surveys showed that C3‐based foods (rice, beans and veg-
etables) continue to be part of the diet of these people, but there was a tendency
for high consumption of C4‐based foods, possibly by direct consumption, such as
c28.indd 447 11/26/2019 8:28:34 PM

sugar from sugar cane, or indirectly, through consumption of animal protein of

animals fed with maize or tropical African grasses, indicating high consumption of
items that make up the “supermarket diet.”
The results confirm the initial hypothesis that following the rise in “rural urban-
ization” and supermarket products becoming more accessible, the diet has been
shifting from a C3 to C4 basis, characterized mainly by a rise in δ13C values and
decrease in δ15N values, supporting the findings of Nardoto et al. (2011) and
Reinaldo et al. (2015), indicating more simplified diet patterns from the point of
view of diversity of items in the food chain and more related to low‐quality
processed products.
Overall, the combined data presented by Rodrigues et al. (2016) indicate that in
both urban and rural areas, dietary patterns in central Brazil show relatively low
food variation and heavy reliance on processed foods together with high food
insecurity, particularly in the rural areas.
28.5 Brazilian isoscapes
28.5.1 Primary source isoscapes

To access regional trends in source–consumer relationships to infer the extent of
decoupling between local sources and fingernail isotope data, we used baseline
isoscapes of plant δ13C and soil δ15N values as source isoscapes. Both regional
isoscapes were designed based on previous studies of the spatial variability of each
stable isotope.
For the construction of a plant carbon isoscape for Brazil (Figure 28.1), the
methodology as well as the dataset was adapted from and are described in detail
in Powell et al. (2012). We used vegetation type maps (grasses, shrubs and trees),
and crop type maps, all based on MODIS sensor images. These maps are images in
which each pixel has a value of C3 or C4 plants percentage by unit area. For
example, if some pixel represents an area in the Amazon forest on the tree cover
map, then this pixel has a value close to 100%. However, a pixel representing the
same location, but on the grass map, the pixel will have a value close to 0%. All
percentage maps were stacked, and we applied a mixing model attributing a
specific isotopic value for each pixel: −12.5‰ for C4 cover, −26.7‰ for C3 cover;
−29‰ for shrub cover; and −35‰ for tree cover.
For the construction of a soil nitrogen isoscape for Brazil (Figure 28.2) we con-
sidered the global models used in previous studies, where soil δ15N value is a
function of climatic variables (Amundson et al., 2003) and soil physico‐chemical
characteristics, such as organic carbon and clay content (Craine et al., 2015). We
built a dataset containing several geographical locations in Brazil with soil δ15N
values from published works, but also using some data from research partnerships
and our own dataset.
c28.indd 448 11/26/2019 8:28:34 PM

70°0'0"W 60°0'0"W 50°0'0"W 40°0'0"W
W E
S
0°0'0"
10°0'0"S
Plant δ13C (‰)

–12.5
20°0'0"S
–19.1
–25.3
30°0'0"S
–32.5 0 500 1,000

km
Figure 28.1 Plant carbon isoscape for Brazil. The methodology as well as the dataset was
adapted from Powell et al. (2012).
As predictive variables, we used organic carbon and clay content from the soil
gridded global information – SoilGrid, available for download from soilgrid.org
(Hengl et al., 2017) – while we used precipitation and temperature gridded data
from WorldClim (Hijmans et al., 2005). Every soil δ15N value was standardized for
0–20 cm depth by calculating the average weighted by N content. The methodo-
logical process involved the following steps:
1. extraction of values from the predictive variable raster to the dataset, with a
test for co‐variable normalization;
2. application of a multiple linear regression model;
c28.indd 449 11/26/2019 8:28:36 PM

70°0'0"W 60°0'0"W 50°0'0"W 40°0'0"W
N
W E
S
0°0'0"
10°0'0"S
Soil δ15N (‰)

11.5
20°0'0"S
9.3
7.8
6.4
4.9
30°0'0"S
3.1 0 500 1,000

km
Figure 28.2 Soil nitrogen isoscape for Brazil. Every soil δ15N value was standardized
for 0–20 cm depth. We considered the global models used in previous studies where the
soil δ15N value is a function of climatic variables (Amundson et al., 2003) and soil
physico‐chemical characteristics, such as organic carbon and clay content
(Craine et al., 2015).
3. exclusion of target variable outliers from the dataset and application of final
model;
4. test for residual normality;
5. application of model equation by band math and interpolation of the residuals
using fitted semivariogram and ordinary kriging; and
6. application of the residual interpolation on the model result.
To test the model accuracy, we selected a random subset of 80% of the dataset
and calculated R2 from the comparison between both observed and modeled soil
δ15N values (R2 = 0.61; residual standard error = 1.64‰; p < 0.001).
c28.indd 450 11/26/2019 8:28:39 PM

28.5.2 Source‐consumer isoscapes

Depending on the geographical and geological situation, plants and soil display
different isotope ratios with certain regional isotope patterns. The latter appear
again in human tissues as a result of a diet comprising both plant and animal
products, and can lead to conclusions regarding the location, the place of growth
of the food consumed, and the eating habits of the consumer.
Based on this context we constructed source–consumer isoscapes for contem-
porary Brazilian populations. These isoscapes are spatial patterns of the difference
between the consumer fingernail and the source isotopic composition in its nearby
region. To map the consumer fingernail isoscapes, we used the mean isotopic
composition from the fingernail dataset for each geographical location coordinate
representing an urban or rural village, town or city. We interpolated the data by
fitting a semivariogram followed by ordinary kriging interpolation. Because there
are large spatial gaps in the dataset, which may lead to a high standard deviation
in most areas in Brazil, we decided to keep the results from interpolation only for
the areas with low standard deviation. The same procedure was done for both
carbon and nitrogen source isotopic composition. And finally, to access the
regional source–consumer isoscapes, we calculated the difference between finger-
nail δ13C and plant δ13C values (Δconsumer‐source) (Figure 28.3) and the difference bet-
ween fingernail δ15N and soil δ15N values (Figure 28.4), where the differences
were calculated by simple subtraction of consumer‐interpolated isoscape minus
the respective source isoscape, only for the area considered in the consumer
isoscape interpolation. The circles presented in Figures 28.3 and 28.4 represent
the local Δconsumer‐source where we registered the difference between the actual fin-
gernail data sampled in that location compared with the primary source isoscapes.
Brazil has developed a large‐scale commercial agricultural system, recognized
worldwide for its role in domestic economic growth and expanding exports
(Martinelli et al., 2010). However, the success of this sector has been associated
with widespread destruction of Brazilian ecosystems, especially the Cerrado and
the Brazilian Amazon rainforest. Having this context in mind, and looking at these
source–consumer isoscapes, we can identify significant differences in how coupled
or decoupled human dietary patterns may be from local carbon and nitrogen
sources depending of the target region. Fingernails from individuals living in agri-
cultural regions had a strong link to local carbon and nitrogen isotope signatures,
while fingernails from individuals living in more urban settings, where diets were
changing, had the most decoupled isotope signatures from local landscapes.
Using the Brazilian agricultural census data from 1970–2006, Ferreira Filho and
Vian (2016) described land structure evolution in Brazil, focusing on the most
important agricultural commodities and livestock products across geographical
regions. The analysis revealed stability in the number of farms during the period,
as well as in the structure of land distribution across farm size (small to large
properties), with a persistence of a dual agricultural structure. More than that, the
average size of farms was also stable during this 36‐year period, even though a
c28.indd 451 11/26/2019 8:28:39 PM

70°0'0"W 60°0'0"W 50°0'0"W 40°0'0"W
W E
S
0°0'0"
10°0'0"S
∆consumer - source (δ13C‰)

15.4
20°0'0"S
–3.6 – –1.9
8.6
–1.8 – 0.3
0.3 – 4.5
4.6 – 9.6
2.4
9.7 – 14.6
30°0'0"S
–3.6 0 500 1,000

km
Figure 28.3 Regional carbon source–consumer isoscapes (difference between fingernail

δ13C and plant δ13C (Δconsumer‐source) for the regions in Brazil where fingernail data were
available.
strong differentiation was observed across regions within Brazil both in number
and production value. This structure supports the differences found in our regional
source–consumer isoscapes where the degree of variation was related to the dif-
ferences between urban and rural settings, but also among geographical regions,
with regional change being basically associated with agricultural and animal pro-
duction practices.
28.6 Final considerations
The creation of source–consumer isoscapes proved useful as a proxy for tracking

geographical dietary patterns of Brazilians facing important dietary changes;
the isoscapes also proved useful for investigating the degree of intensity of such
c28.indd 452 11/26/2019 8:28:42 PM

70°0'0"W 60°0'0"W 50°0'0"W 40°0'0"W
N
W E
S
0°0'0"
10°0'0"S
15.4
∆consumer - source (δ15N‰)

6.9
20°0'0"S
0.0 – 1.2
4.6
1.3 – 2.6
3.3 2.7 – 3.6
3.7 – 4.8
2.0 4.9 – 6.2
30°0'0"S
0.7
0 500 1,000
–0.5 km
Figure 28.4 Regional nitrogen source–consumer isoscapes (difference between fingernail

δ15N and soil δ15N (Δconsumer‐source) for the regions in Brazil where fingernail data were
available.
diet changes. The δ13C and δ15N values of contemporary Brazilian human nails
can still provide information about the diet and thus about the geographical
provenance of the individual. Therefore, the application of source–consumer
isoscapes can provide a novel approach for provenancing unidentified human
remains in forensic contexts, with the potential to be used both in human
nutrition studies but also in tracking human movements in forensic anthropology
studies.
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Forensic Science and Humanitarian Action
ffirs.indd 1 12/2/2019 4:50:50 PM

Published and forthcoming titles in the Forensic Science in Focus series
Published
The Global Practice of Forensic Science
Douglas H. Ubelaker (Editor)
Forensic Chemistry: Fundamentals and Applications
Jay A. Siegel (Editor)
Forensic Microbiology
David O. Carter, Jeffrey K. Tomberlin, M. Eric Benbow and Jessica L. Metcalf
(Editors)
Forensic Anthropology: Theoretical Framework and Scientific Basis
Clifford Boyd and Donna Boyd (Editors)
The Future of Forensic Science
Daniel A. Martell (Editor)
Forensic Science and Humanitarian Action: Interacting with the Dead and the Living
Roberto C. Parra, Sara C. Zapico and Douglas H. Ubelaker (Editors)
Forthcoming
Forensic Anthropology and the U.S. Judicial System

Laura C. Fulginiti, Alison Galloway and Kristen Hartnett‐McCann (Editors)
Humanitarian Forensics and Human Identification
Paul Emanovsky and Shuala M. Drawdy (Editors)
ffirs.indd 2 12/2/2019 4:50:50 PM

Humanitarian Action:
Interacting with the Dead and
the Living
Volume 2
EDITED BY
Roberto C. Parra
Human Rights Office of the High Commissioner (OHCHR), United Nations; and
Bioarchaeology and Stable Isotope Research Laboratory, Vanderbilt University, Nashville, Tennessee, USA
Sara C. Zapico
Florida International University, International Forensic Research Institute, Miami, USA
Douglas H. Ubelaker
ffirs.indd 3 12/2/2019 4:50:51 PM

This edition first published 2020
© 2020 John Wiley & Sons Ltd
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any
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Library of Congress Cataloging‐in‐Publication Data
Names: Parra, Roberto C., 1979– editor. | Zapico, Sara C., editor. |
Ubelaker, Douglas H., editor.
Title: Forensic science and humanitarian action : interacting with the dead
and the living / edited by Roberto C. Parra, Sara C. Zapico, Douglas H. Ubelaker.
Description: First edition. | Hoboken, NJ : John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 2020. |
Series: Forensic science in focus | Includes bibliographical references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2019030283 (print) | LCCN 2019030284 (ebook) | ISBN
9781119481966 (cloth ; 2 vol. set) | ISBN 9781119481942 (adobe pdf) |
ISBN 9781119482024 (epub)
Subjects: LCSH: Forensic sciences. | Forensic anthropology. |
Dead–Identification. | Humanitarian assistance.
Classification: LCC HV8073 .F58355 2020 (print) | LCC HV8073 (ebook) |
DDC 363.25–dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2019030283
LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2019030284
Cover Design: Wiley
Cover Image: © Sandipkumar Patel/Getty Images; © Christos Georghiou/Shutterstock
Set in 10.5/13.5pt Meridien by SPi Global, Pondicherry, India
10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
ffirs.indd 4 12/2/2019 4:50:51 PM

In memory of:
María Isabel Chorobik de Mariani (Chicha), Mendoza, Argentina, 19 November
1923 – 20 August 2018.
Angelica Mendoza de Azcarsa (Mama Angelica), Ayacucho, Peru, 1 October
1929 – 28 August 2017.
We also dedicate this book to Enriqueta Estela Barnes de Carlotto, President of the
association Abuelas de Plaza de Mayo (Argentina), and Adelina Garcia Mendoza,
President of the Asociación Nacional de Familiares de Secuestrados, Detenidos y
Desaparecidos del Perú (ANFASEP), and to all the members of those
organisations:
… emblematic women to whom we pay tribute and dedicate this book. They used
all their efforts to find them, saw and suffered the tragedy, the humanitarian
need, and the need for truth. They were visionary and promoted the use of science
in looking for them.
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Contents
About the editors, xxv

About the contributors, xxvii
Foreword – Peter Maurer, lvii
Foreword – Susan M. Ballou, lix
Foreword – Oran Finegan, lxiii
Series preface, lxvii
Preface, lxix
Acknowledgements, lxxv
Section I History, theory, practice and legal foundation, 1

1 Using forensic science to care for the dead and search for the missing:
In conversation with Morris Tidball‐Binz, 3
Afterword, 20
Acknowledgement, 22
References, 23
2 The protection of the missing and the dead under international law, 25
Ximena Londoño Romanowsky and Marisela Silva Chau
2.2 The protection of the missing and the dead under international law, 26
2.2.1 The protection of the missing under international law, 26
2.2.2 The protection of the dead under international law, 28
2.3 The families at the center of the humanitarian action, 32
2.3.1 The needs of the families, 32
2.3.2 ICRC action in favor of the families, 33
2.4 Conclusion, 34
References, 34
3 Extraordinary deathwork: New developments in, and the social
significance of, forensic humanitarian action, 37
Claire Moon
3.2 Field constitution: new developments, 37
3.3 (Extra-ordinary) deathwork, 42
3.4 Conclusions, 46
References, 47
vii
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viii Contents
4 Between darts and bullets: A bioarchaeological view on the study

of human rights and IHL violations, 49
4.2 What is violence?, 49
4.3 How do bioarchaeologists study violence?, 50
4.3.1 The skeletal data, 51
4.3.2 Interpreting violence, 52
4.3.3 Social theory, 54
4.4 A + B = violence?, 55
4.5 Bioarchaeological vs. clinical and forensic perspectives, 56
References, 58
5 Posthumous dignity and the importance in returning remains
of the deceased, 67
Sian Cook
5.1.1 Conceptualizing posthumous dignity, 67
5.1.2 Assumptions for the existence of dignity after death, 70
5.2 Posthumous dignity, 71
5.2.1 Deconstructing posthumous dignity, 71
5.2.2 Duties of the living regarding the deceased, 72
5.3 The concept of moral injury, 72
5.4 The concept of human remains as a boundary object, 74
5.5 Theoretical framework regarding safeguarding dignity of the deceased, 74
5.6 The importance of returning remains of the deceased, 75
5.7 Conclusion, 76
References, 76
6 Unidentified deceased persons: Social life, social death and
humanitarian action, 79
Roberto C. Parra, Élisabeth Anstett, Pierre Perich and Jane E. Buikstra
6.2 The social life of dead bodies, 81
6.2.1 Matter inside of place, 84
6.3 The social death of the dead, 86
6.4 Unidentified dead bodies and deposit sites, 89
6.5 Dignifying the life of the dead, 93
6.5.1 Rescue and burial as a humanitarian mechanism, 93
6.6 Conclusion, 95
Acknowledgement, 96
References, 96
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Contents ix
7 A forensic perspective on the new disappeared: Migration revisited, 101

Jose Pablo Baraybar, Inés Caridi and Jill Stockwell
7.2 Framing the tragedy: Data challenges, 103
7.3 Framing the tragedy: The missing and the dead, 104
7.4 Tracing and identification, 105
7.5 Complex networks and migration, 107
of events, 107
through the network, 108
7.5.3 Example 3: Tracing missing migrants, 109
7.6 A non‐body centred forensic response?, 111
7.7 Conclusion, 112
Acknowledgement, 114
References, 114
8 Iran: The impact of the beliefscape on the risk culture, resilience
and disaster risk governance, 117
Michaela Ibrion
8.2 Risk culture, 118
8.3 Resilience, 118
8.4 Disaster risk governance, 119
8.5 Beliefscape in Iran, 119
8.5.1 Evil eyes, illness and death, 120
8.5.2 Death and funerary rituals, 121
8.5.3 Graves, cemeteries, dead and living people, 124
8.5.4 Washing the dead: technology and controversies, 124
8.5.5 Food offerings, the death passage rites and rituals and death
commemorations, 125
8.5.6 Earthquake disasters and dead people, 125
8.5.7 Moharam (muharram) and the commemoration of pain and dramatic
death of Imam Hussain, 127
8.5.8 Death, funeral ceremonies, controversies and three national figures
of Iran: Reza Shah Pahlavi, Mohammad Mossadeq and Gholam
Reza Takhti, 129
8.6 Discussions and concluding remarks, 132
References, 133
9 The search for the missing from a humanitarian approach as a Peruvian
national policy, 135
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x Contents
9.2 Peruvian scenario regarding the search for missing persons, 136

9.3 Progress made by the DGBPD, 139
9.4 Conclusion, 142
10 Humanitarian forensic action in the Marawi crisis, 143
Sarah Ellingham and Derek C. Benedix
10.2 The Philippine forensic response capacity, 144
10.2.1 The Management of the Dead and Missing (MDM) Cluster, 144
10.2.2 Forensic human identification in the Philippines, 145
10.3 The conflict in Mindanao and the Marawi crisis, 147
10.4 Forensic humanitarian response to the Marawi crisis, 148
10.4.1 Body recovery, 149
and disposition of the dead, 149
10.4.3 Religious considerations, 150
10.4.4 Ante‐mortem data (AMD) collection, 151
References, 154
Section II Forensic basic information to trace missing persons, 157
11 Integration of information on missing persons and unidentified human

remains: Best practices, 159
11.2 The integration of information, 160
11.2.1 Conceptualization, 160
11.2.2 The information integration process, 161
11.3 Premises to take into account, 163
be completed, 163
is a specialized process, 164
11.3.3 All data must be cross‐checked, 164
11.3.4 The technical cross‐checking process is cyclical until all missing
persons are located and found, 164
11.4 Best practices, 164
11.4.1 Normative, 165
11.4.2 Awareness of data quality, 165
11.4.3 Systematizing information, 165
11.4.4 Category agreement, 165
11.4.5 Homologation of variables, 166
11.4.6 Assignment of roles and/or responsibilities, 166
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Contents xi
11.4.7 Selection of qualified staff, 166

11.4.8 Information system training, 167
11.4.9 Monitoring information and computer systems, 167
11.4.10 Information cross‐checking expert report, 167
Appendix: Colombian normative references, 168
12 Forensic archaeology and humanitarian context: Localization,
recovery and documentation of human remains, 171
Flavio Estrada Moreno and Patricia Maita
12.2 Localization and recovery strategies, 172
12.3 Sites with human remains and their associated elements, 173
12.4 Recovery of human remains, 175
12.5 Recording human remains, 176
12.5.1 Body deposition, 176
12.5.2 Body position, 176
12.5.3 Orientation of the body, 177
12.6 Recording associated elements, 177
12.7 Disposal container, 178
12.8 Recording forensic deposits, 178
12.9 Evaluating relative chronology, 180
12.10 Conclusions and recommendations, 181
References, 181
13 Applications of physiological bases of aging to forensic science:
New advances, 183
Sara C. Zapico, Douglas H. Ubelaker and Joe Adserias‐Garriga
13.2 Chemical methodologies, 184
13.2.1 Aspartic acid racemization, 184
13.2.2 Lead accumulation, 185
13.2.3 Collagen cross‐links, 186
13.2.4 Chemical composition of teeth, 186
13.2.5 Advanced glycation endproducts (AGEs), 187
13.3 Molecular biology methodologies, 188
13.3.1 Telomere shortening, 188
13.3.2 Mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) mutations, 188
13.3.3 sjTREC rearrangements, 189
13.3.4 Epigenetic modifications, 190
References, 191
14 Adult skeletal sex estimation and global standardization, 199
Heather M. Garvin and Alexandra R. Klales
14.2 Sexual size dimorphism, 200
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xii Contents
14.3 Morphological traits, 201
14.4 Global standardization, 204
References, 206
15 Sexual dimorphism in juvenile skeletons and its real problem, 211
15.2 Is it possible to estimate the sex of subadults based on morphological
characteristics of the jaw and the ilium?, 212
15.3 From what age range is it possible to estimate sex in subadult skeletal
remains? Skeletal growth, bone maturation and sex steroids, 213
15.4 What is the degree of precision and reliability of the visual criteria used
to estimate sex in subadult skeletal remains? What criteria are
applicable to forensic contexts?, 215
15.5 Comments and discussion, 216
References, 217
16 Dental aging methods and population variation, 219
Joe Adserias‐Garriga and Joel Tejada
16.2 Dental age estimation: its application in forensic science, 221
16.3 Tooth developmental changes, 221
16.4 Dental age estimation methods using tooth development
and eruption, 223
16.5 Post‐formation changes in dental tissues, 226
16.6 Methods of dental age estimation using tooth post‐formation changes, 227
16.7 Dental age estimation methods and their application in forensic
casework, 229
References, 230
17 Age assessment in unaccompanied minors: A review, 235
José Luis Prieto
17.2 Age assessment methods in unaccompanied minors, 236
17.3 Age definition: What does age mean?, 240
17.4 Choosing a suitable method, 241
17.5 Forensic age assessment medical methods, 242
17.5.1 Interview and medical history, 243
17.5.2 Physical examination, 243
17.5.3 Dental development, 244
17.5.4 Skeletal maturation, 247
17.6 Final estimation and report, 250
References, 251
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Contents xiii
18 Forensic complex scenarios and technological innovation:

Brief case report from Colombia, 257
18.2 Case 1: Predictive spatial and statistical modeling (MESP) as a tool
to support the search for missing persons in the department
of Casanare, 258
18.3 Case 2: Modeling the estimated universe of persons reported missing:
The cases of Casanare and Norte de Santander, 262
18.4 Case 3: Proposal for the retrospective and integrated analysis
of environmental and contextual elements for a differential forensic
genetic approach, 264
18.5 Case 4: Tools for the forensic analysis of cases of alleged extrajudicial
executions, 267
References, 270
Section III Stable isotope forensics and the search for missing persons, 273
19 The role of stable isotope analysis in forensic anthropology, 275

19.2 Trace element analysis, 276
19.3 Diet and isotopic analysis, 277
19.4 Variation within individuals, 278
19.4.1 Quality control, 278
19.4.2 Residence, 279
19.5 Summary, 280
References, 280
20 Basic principles of stable isotope analysis in humanitarian forensic
science, 285
Lesley A. Chesson, Wolfram Meier‐Augenstein, Gregory E. Berg,
Clement P. Bataille, Eric J. Bartelink and Michael P. Richards
20.2 Background on isotopes, 286
20.3 Isotopes in human tissue, 288
20.4 Longer‐term “memory” tissues: Bone and teeth, 292
20.4.1 Oxygen isotopic composition of bioapatite, 292
20.4.2 Carbon isotopic composition of bioapatite and collagen, 294
20.4.3 Caveats for the oxygen isotope analysis of bone and teeth, 296
20.5 Shorter‐term “memory” tissues: Hair and nail, 297
20.5.1 Hydrogen isotopic composition of hair and nail, 298
20.5.2 Caveats for the hydrogen isotope analysis of hair and nail, 299
20.5.3 Carbon and nitrogen isotopic compositions of hair and nail, 300
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xiv Contents
20.5.4 Caveats for the carbon and nitrogen isotope analysis of hair

and nail, 301
20.5.5 Strontium and lead isotopic compositions of human tissue, 302
References, 303
21 Andean isoscapes: Creating and testing oxygen isoscape models to aid in
the identification of missing persons in Peru, 311
21.1.1 Stable oxygen isotope values in dentition, 312
21.1.2 Stable oxygen isotopes and the landscape, 313
21.2.1 Description of the datasets, 314
21.2.2 Methods, 317
21.3 Results, 318
data from surface water, 318
21.3.2 Ordinary kriging model, 320
21.3.3 Multiple linear regression model, 322
21.3.4 Regression kriging model, 322
21.3.5 Testing the model with archaeological samples, 324
21.4.1 Predicting source of water samples vs. archaeological human
samples, 325
References, 327
22 The period of violence in Peru (1980–2000): Applying isotope
analysis and isoscapes in forensic cases of the unidentified deceased, 331
Martha R. Palma, Tiffiny A. Tung, Lucio A. Condori and Roberto C. Parra
22.2 The Peruvian Conflict and the government response, 332
22.3 The search for missing persons: “Families remain walking”, 334
22.4 Applying new isotopic techniques to aid in identifying victims’
bodies in Peru, 335
22.4.1 Stable oxygen isotopes and strontium isotopes, 336
22.4.2 Stable carbon and nitrogen isotopes, 338
22.5 Integrating traditional and non‐traditional methods to identify missing
persons in Peru, 339
References, 341
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Contents xv
23 Utility of stable isotope ratios of tap water and human hair in determining

region of origin in Central and Southern Mexico: Modeling relationships
between δ2H and δ18O isotope inputs in modern Mexican hair, 345
Chelsey Juarez, Robin Ramey, David T. Flaherty and Belinda S. Akpa
23.2 Water stress in Mexico, 346
23.3 Tuning parameters in mathematical models used for provenance
analysis, 348
23.4 Extension to analysis of hair isotopes in the absence of paired water
samples, 348
23.5.1 Isotope mapping procedure, 352
23.5.2 Analysis and discussion, 356
23.6 Estimation of credible parameter values by approximate Bayesian
computation, 359
23.7 Results obtained using the established US supermarket diet, 360
23.8 Results achieved by estimating international diet, drinking water,
and regional diet isotopes, 361
References, 364
24 Multi‐isotope approaches for region‐of‐origin predictions of undocumented
border crossers from the US–Mexico border: Biocultural perspectives on
diet and travel history, 369
Eric J. Bartelink, Lesley A. Chesson, Brett J. Tipple, Sarah Hall and Robyn T. Kramer
24.2 SIA as an investigative tool for undocumented border crossers, 371
24.2.1 Assumptions of SIA for provenancing studies, 371
24.2.2 Bio‐elements and geo‐elements used for geolocation, 372
24.3 Samples and analytical methods, 373
24.4 Results, 375
24.6 Summary and future research directions, 381
References, 382
25 Spatial distribution of stable isotope values of human hair: Tools for region‐
of‐origin and travel history assignment, 385
Luciano O. Valenzuela, Lesley A. Chesson, Gabriel Bowen, Thure E. Cerling and
James R. Ehleringer
25.2 Why hair?, 386
25.3 Methods, 388
25.4 How is isotopic information incorporated into hair?, 388
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xvi Contents
25.4.1 Carbon, 389
25.4.2 Nitrogen, 389
25.4.3 Sulfur, 390
25.4.4 Body water, 390
25.4.5 Oxygen, 391
25.4.6 Hydrogen, 392
25.4.7 Integrated signal, 392
25.5 Geographical and population patterns of δ13C, δ15N and δ34S
values, 393
25.5.1 From continents to cities, 395
25.5.2 From cities to individuals, 396
25.6 Geographical patterns of δ18O and δ2H values, 397
25.7 Individual deviations from expected patterns, 400
25.8 Travel history, 401
25.9 Solved forensic investigations, 403
and δ34S values?, 403
25.10.2 Seasonal stability of drinking water δ18O and δ2H values, 404
25.10.3 Bundling and analysing very long hair, 405
25.10.4 Fingernails vs. hair, 405
References, 406
26 Applicability of stable isotope analysis to the Colombian human
identification crisis, 411
Daniel Castellanos Gutiérrez, Elizabeth A. DiGangi and Jonathan D. Bethard
26.2 Stable isotopes in human provenance, 412
26.3 Human tissues appropriate for isotope studies, 415
26.4 Colombian geography, 416
26.5 The Colombian conflict and the missing, 418
26.6 Stable isotopes and identification in Colombia: Initial research
efforts, 418
26.7 Final remarks, 420
References, 422
27 Application of stable isotopes and geostatistics to infer region of geographical
origin for deceased undocumented Latin American migrants, 425
Robyn T. Kramer, Eric J. Bartelink, Nicholas P. Herrmann, Clement P. Bataille and
Kate Spradley
27.2 Stable isotopes, provenancing studies, and isoscapes, 426
27.2.1 Strontium and geological mapping, 427
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Contents xvii
27.2.2 Oxygen isotopes and precipitation, 429

assignment model, 430
27.3.1 Sample, 431
27.3.2 Isotope sample preparation, 432
27.3.3 87Sr/86Sr isoscape, 433
27.3.4 δ18O isoscape, 433
27.4 Results, 433
27.4.1 OpID‐0383, 433
27.4.2 OpID‐0608, 435
27.5 Discussion and conclusions, 435
References, 437
28 Tracking geographical patterns of contemporary human diet in Brazil using
stable isotopes of nail keratin, 441
Gabriela Bielefeld Nardoto, João Paulo Sena‐Souza, Lesley A. Chesson and Luiz
Antonio Martinelli
28.2 Isotope procedures, 443
28.3 Scientific basis for isotope data interpretation, 444
28.4 Geographic peculiarities in stable isotope ratios of fingernails, 446
28.4.1 Brazilian Amazon, 446
28.4.2 Northeastern Brazil, 447
28.4.3 Central Brazil, 447
28.5 Brazilian isoscapes, 448
28.5.1 Primary source isoscapes, 448
28.5.2 Source‐consumer isoscapes, 451
References, 453
Section IV DNA analysis and the forensic identification process, 457
29 Phenotypic markers for forensic purposes, 459

Ana Freire‐Aradas, Christopher Phillips, Victoria Lareu Huidobro and Ángel Carracedo
29.2 Biogeographical origin, 459
29.3 Externally visible characteristics, 463
29.3.1 Eye colour prediction, 463
29.3.2 Hair colour prediction, 464
29.3.3 Skin colour prediction, 465
29.3.4 Additional externally visible characteristics, 465
29.4 Individual age, 466
References, 469
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xviii Contents
30 Genetic structure and kinship analysis from the Peruvian Andean area:

Limitations and recommendation for DNA identification of missing
persons, 473
Gian Carlo Iannacone and Roberto C. Parra
30.2 Previous factors for matching success in the context of genetic
structure, 475
30.3 Substructure and matching between genetic profile databases
(Factor 3), 477
30.4 Origin of Peruvian population and the genetic structure
(Factor 3), 479
30.5 Admixture of Peruvian population and the genetic structure
(Factor 3), 483
30.6 Matching of genetic profiles in the context of genetic similarity
(Factor 3), 485
References, 487
31 Short tandem repeat markers applied to the identification of human
remains, 491
31.2 Selection of genetic markers, 491
31.3 STR loci and kinship testing, 495
31.4 The strength of DNA evidence, 495
31.5 Limitations of STR loci for the identification of human remains, 498
31.6 Massive parallel sequencing (MPS), 501
31.7 Incorporating DNA analysis into the identification process, 504
References, 506
32 Genetics without non‐genetic data: Forensic difficulties in correct
identification – the Colombian experience, 509
32.1 Genetics in the identification of bodies associated with the violation
of human rights and international humanitarian law: A humanitarian
challenge, 509
32.2 The integration of genetics into traditional forensic disciplines
specialized in the identification of human remains, 510
32.3 Forensic genetics in the Colombian armed conflict, 512
32.4 Interdisciplinary forensic work is a priority, 513
32.5 Tasks of the forensic geneticist within the interdisciplinary
identification team, 514
32.6 Effects of the overvaluation of the genetic result, 516
32.6.1 False negatives: non‐existent exclusion, 516
32.6.2 False positives and spurious matches in databases, 518
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Contents xix
References, 520
33 Is DNA always the answer?, 521
Caroline Bennett
33.2 The magic of DNA, 522
33.3 DNA as truth, identity and relatedness, 523
33.4 Justice and healing, 525
33.5 Dealing with bodies, 527
33.6 The politics of identification, 529
References, 532
Section V Identifying deceased and finding missing persons, 535
34 Migrant deaths along the Texas/Mexico border: A collaborative approach

to forensic identification of human remains, 537
Kate Spradley and Timothy P. Gocha
34.2 Background, 538
34.2.1 Lack of humanitarian forensic action, 538
Border Coalition (FBC), 540
34.3.1 Case 0387, 541
34.3.2 Case 0383, 543
34.3.3 Hugo Escobar Rodriguez, 544
References, 547
35 The Argentine experience in forensic identification of human remains, 549
Mercedes Salado Puerto, Laura Catelli, Carola Romanini, Magdalena Romero and
Carlos María Vullo
35.2 Methods and challenges in applying forensic genetics, 551
35.3 Databases, data comparisons and reconciliation, 554
References, 558
36 The approach to unidentified dead migrants in Italy, 559
Cristina Cattaneo, Debora Mazzarelli, Lara Olivieri, Danilo De Angelis, Annalisa
Cappella, Albarita Vitale, Giulia Caccia, Vittorio Piscitelli and Agata Iadicicco
36.1.1 The paradox of the largest mass disaster of the past century, 559
36.1.2 The Italian perspective, 561
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xx Contents
36.2 The experimental Italian strategy, 565

36.2.1 Pilot Study 1: AM data collection, 565
36.2.2 Pilot Study 2: PM data collection, 566
36.2.3 Working towards a national approach for the issue of dead
migrants, 567
References, 569
37 Identification of human skeletal remains at the Federal Bureau
of Investigation (FBI) Laboratory, 571
Angi M. Christensen, Ann D. Fasano, Richard B. Marx, John E.B. Stewart,
Lisa G. Bailey and Richard M. Thomas
37.2 Search and recovery – FBI Evidence Response Teams, 572
37.4 DNA analysis, 581
37.5 Facial approximation, 584
37.6 Additional efforts, 590
References, 591
38 Forensic human identification: An Australian perspective, 593
Soren Blau
38.2 Identification contexts, 593
38.2.1 Long‐term missing persons, 593
38.2.2 Individuals missing following war, 594
38.2.3 Disaster victim identification, 595
38.2.4 Historical figures, 596
38.3 Ante‐ and post‐mortem data, 596
38.3.1 Fingerprint records, 597
38.3.2 Dental records, 597
38.3.3 DNA information, 597
38.4 Forensic anthropology in Australia, 599
38.5 The process of identification in coronial casework, 600
38.6 Research, 601
References, 602
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Contents xxi
39 Forensic identification of human remains in Cyprus: The humanitarian work

of the Committee on Missing Persons in Cyprus (CMP), 609
Gülbanu K. Zorba, Theodora Eleftheriou, İstenç Engin, Sophia Hartsioti and
Christiana Zenonos
39.1 Origins and mandate of the CMP, 609
39.2 The project on the exhumation, identification and return of remains
of missing persons, 610
39.3 Investigations on missing persons cases, 611
39.4 Sources of information and challenges, 611
39.5 Locating human remains, 612
39.6 Search for and recovery of remains, 613
39.7 Analysis at the CMP Anthropological Laboratory (CAL), 614
39.8 Challenging cases, 615
39.9 Sampling strategy, 617
39.10 The role of DNA analysis, 617
39.11 Collection of family reference samples, 618
39.12 DNA analysis and the identification process, 618
39.13 Reconciliation of information and identification: Challenges
and approach, 619
39.14 Notification of identification and return of remains, 621
References, 623
40 Forensic human identification during a humanitarian crisis in Guatemala:
the deadly eruption of Volcán de Fuego, 625
Daniel Jiménez
40.2 The context of violence in Guatemala, 626
medico‐legal investigation, 627
40.4 The Volcán de Fuego case: Paradigmatic event in Guatemala, 629
References, 633
41 Peruvian forensic experience in the search for missing persons and
the identification of human remains: History, limitations and future
challenges, 635
Roberto C. Parra, Martha R. Palma, Oswaldo Calcina, Joel Tejada, Lucio A. Condori
and Jose Pablo Baraybar
41.2 The development of anthropological–forensic investigations
and the search for missing persons in Peru, 636
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xxii Contents
41.3 Complexity and forensic limitations of the Peruvian case

and the expectations of the relatives, 639
41.4 Future challenges, 648
References, 651
42 Forensic identification of human remains in Uruguay, 653
Alicia Lusiardo, Ximena Salvo Eulacio, Aníbal Gustavo Casanova, Natalia Azziz,
Rodrigo Bongiovanni, Matías López and Sofía Rodríguez
42.2 Forensic identification of human remains in Uruguay, 654
42.3 Roberto Gomensoro Josman case, 655
42.4 Olivar Sena case, 656
42.5 María Claudia García case, 657
42.6 Jonathan Viera case, 658
42.7 Recommendations, 659
References, 660
43 Forensic analysis of the unidentified dead in Costa Rica from 2000 to
the present, 663
Georgina Pacheco‐Revilla and Derek Congram
43.2 Violence in Central and South America, 663
43.3 A complicating factor: Regional migration, 665
43.3.1 Case Study 1, 666
43.3.2 Case Study 2, 671
References, 677
44 Identifying the unknown and the undocumented: The Johannesburg
(South Africa) experience, 681
Desiré M. Brits, Maryna Steyn and Candice Hansmeyer
44.2 Forensic pathology services, 683
44.4 Discussion and conclusion, 689
References, 691
45 The Colombian experience in forensic human identification, 693
45.2 Evolution of the forensic human identification process
in Colombia, 694
45.3 Other activities developed for human identification in the country, 698
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Contents xxiii
45.3.1 Cross‐checking or comparison of information for identification

purposes, 698
45.3.2 Forensic intervention of cemeteries, 699
45.4 Cold case: New forensic approach to the Palace of Justice case, 700
45.5 Recent challenges, 701
References, 702
46 The Chilean experience in forensic identification of human remains, 703
Marisol Intriago Leiva, Viviana Uribe Tamblay and Claudia Garrido Varas
46.1 Origins of the legal medical service, 703
46.2 September 1973 and the role of the Servicio Médico Legal (SML), 705
46.3 Family members: Search, justice, memory…, 706
46.4 The 1990–2006 transition to democracy: Family members and
the continuous search for the detained, disappeared and executed, 710
46.5 Identifications via genetics, 712
46.6 Comments, 714
Section VI Conclusions, 715
47 Humanitarian action: New approaches from forensic science, 717

Douglas H. Ubelaker, Sara C. Zapico and Roberto C. Parra
47.2 History, 718
47.3 Theoretical foundation, 719
47.4 The legal and cultural arena, 719
47.5 Regional applications, 720
47.6 Capacity‐building, 720
47.7 Trauma assessment, 721
47.8 Technology, 721
47.9 Expanding areas of application, 722
47.10 Summary, 722
References, 723
Index, 727
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About the editors
Roberto C. Parra, MA, DLAF, is an anthropologist formed in the School of

Anthropology of the Universidad Nacional del Altiplano in Puno, Peru. He did an
internship during his undergraduate studies at the Centro Mallqui, the bioanthro-
pology foundation of Peru, under the direction of Dr Sonia Guillen and Dr Marvin
Allison. As part of his academic development, he reached the level of physiologist
in the Master’s program in Physiology at the graduate school of the Faculty of
Medicine of the Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, Lima, Peru. Roberto
is a career forensic anthropologist, and received his Master’s degree in Forensic
Anthropology at the graduate school of Pontificia Universidad Catolica del Peru.
Furthermore, he was certificated by the Latino American Board of Forensic
Anthropology of the Latino American Association of Forensic Anthropology
(ALAF), of which he is an active member and was President for two years.
Roberto has 18 years of experience in the field of forensic sciences, humani-
tarian action and human rights investigations, mainly in management of the dead
in armed conflict, catastrophes and crisis migration. In this capacity he has served
as an expert witness, reporting on more than 1500 cases including air crash and
shipwreck victims, human rights violations and domestic criminal cases. He has
testified in several legal proceedings.
In 2002 he began his forensic career in the Peruvian context as part of the
forensic staff of the Institute of Legal Medicine and Forensic Sciences of Peru. In
this institution, Roberto has been an assistant in the forensic anthropology
department of the central morgue of Lima, later was national coordinator of the
specialized forensic team, and was also the national coordinator of the Peruvian
forensic response system for disasters, which includes the Peruvian DVI team. For
several years he was analyst at the Laboratory of Molecular Biology and Forensic
Genetics. Finally, Roberto reached the position of advisor to the head of the
Institute of Legal Medicine and Forensic Sciences of Peru for the forensic
management of quality and forensic documentation of lethal lesions of external
causes. As part of his scientific advice, he was one of the founders of the Ibero‐
American network of Institutions of Legal Medicine and Forensic Sciences.
Since 2012, Roberto has developed several international missions in Latin
America, Africa and the Middle East as part of the Staff of the Forensic Unit of the
International Committee of the Red Cross and as part of the staff of forensic sci-
entists of the Human Rights Office of the High Commissioner (OHCHR) of the
United Nations. Furthermore, Roberto is a Research Collaborator and Affiliate,
Bioarchaeology and Stable Isotope Research Lab (BSIRL), at Vanderbilt University,
Nashville, Tennessee.
xxv
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xxvi About the editors
Sara C. Zapico, PhD, D‐ABC, is an Instructor in the Department of Chemistry

and Biochemistry and Graduate Program Director of the Professional Science
Master’s in Forensic Science at Florida International University. She is also a
Research Collaborator at the Anthropology Department of the National Museum
of Natural History, Smithsonian Institution. She is part of the Interpol Disaster
Victim Identification group, on the Forensic Genetics and Forensic Pathology and
Anthropology sections. She served as an Associate at the International Committee
of the Red Cross in Geneva, Switzerland. She has authored 22 peer‐reviewed
scientific publications and edited one book in the fields of forensic biochemistry,
forensic anthropology and biomedical sciences. Her research interests focus on the
application of biochemical techniques to forensic anthropology issues like age‐at‐
death estimation and the determination of post‐mortem interval. She collaborates
as a biostatistician in forensic anthropology and fingerprints projects.
Douglas H. Ubelaker, PhD, is a curator and senior scientist at the Smithsonian
Institution’s National Museum of Natural History in Washington, DC, where he
has been employed for nearly four decades. Since 1978, he has served as a consul-
tant in forensic anthropology. In this capacity he has served as an expert witness,
reporting on more than 900 cases, and has testified in numerous legal proceedings.
He is a Professorial Lecturer with the Departments of Anatomy and Anthropology
at the George Washington University, Washington, DC, and is an Adjunct Professor
with the Department of Anthropology, Michigan State University, East Lansing,
Michigan. Dr Ubelaker has published extensively in the general field of human
skeletal biology with an emphasis on forensic applications. He has served on the
editorial boards of numerous leading scientific publications, including the Journal
of Forensic Sciences, the Open Forensic Science Journal, International Journal of Legal
Medicine, Human Evolution, Homo, Journal of Comparative Human Biology, Anthropologie,
International Journal of the Science of Man, Forensic Science Communications, Human
Evolution, and the International Journal of Anthropology and Global Bioethics. Dr
Ubelaker received a Bachelor of Arts degree and a Doctor of Philosophy from the
University of Kansas. He has been a Member of the American Academy of Forensic
Sciences since 1974 and achieved the status of Fellow in 1987 in the Physical
Anthropology Section. He served as the 2011–2012 President of the AAFS. He is a
Fellow of the Washington Academy of Sciences and is a Diplomate of the American
Board of Forensic Anthropology. He is a member of the American Association of
Physical Anthropology and the Paleopathology Association.
Dr Ubelaker has received numerous honours including the Memorial Medal of
Dr. Aleš Hrdlička, Humpolec, Czech Republic; the Anthropology Award of the
Washington Academy of Sciences; the T. Dale Stewart Award by the Physical
Anthropology Section of the American Academy of Forensic Sciences; the FBI
Director’s Award for Exceptional Public Service; the Federal Highway
Administration Pennsylvania Division Historic Preservation Excellence Award; a
special recognition award from the FBI; and was elected Miembro Honorario of
the Sociedad de Odontoestomatologos Forenses IberoAmericanos and of the
Asociación Latinoamericana de Antropología Forense (ALAF).
fbetw.indd 26 11/26/2019 8:30:08 PM

About the contributors
Joe Adserias‐Garriga, DDS, PhD, D‐ABFO, is a forensic anthropologist and

forensic odontologist from Spain, where she has directed and lectured in different
postgraduate programs in forensic science. She is an external advisor to Mossos
d’Esquadra (Catalonian Police), who honored her contribution in forensic case-
work. Dr Adserias‐Garriga is currently working as a forensic anthropologist at the
Forensic Anthropology Center, Texas State University, United States. She has con-
ducted research collaborations with different entities in the United States and
Europe. She is an ABFO Diplomate, and cofounder of the International Group of
Forensic Odontology for Human Rights. She is a member of the INTERPOL DVI
Odontology SubWorking Group and the INTERPOL DVI Pathology‐Anthropology
SubWorking Group.
Belinda S. Akpa is an Assistant Professor of Integrated Synthetic and Systems
Biology at North Carolina State University. She holds a BA, MEng, and doctorate
in Chemical Engineering from the University of Cambridge (UK). A highly inter-
disciplinary researcher, her current interest is in developing mathematical frame-
works that integrate heterogeneous data and help connect molecular phenomena
to physiological outcomes. Dr Akpa is broadly interested in mathematical biology,
but more specifically in how statistical and mechanistic approaches can be
combined to frame targeted experimental strategies. By necessity, these efforts
explore the limits of what one can learn from empirical observations and
mathematical models, both independently and in integrative studies.
Ali A.H. Al‐Janabi graduated with a Bachelor of Dentistry in Iraq and then
acquired an MSc in genetics from the University of Baghdad, then going on to
work with the Medicolegal Directorate in Baghdad. Here he specialized in forensic
genetics, working in the Mass Graves Department and also the Crime Scene
Department. He has just returned to the Medicolegal Directorate after completing
his PhD in forensic genetics, optimizing the extraction of DNA from bone material
from mass graves and crime scenes in Iraq.
Hassain M.H. Alsafiah graduated from King Saud University with a BSc in
Biochemistry, and then worked as a forensic geneticist for the Ministry of Interior
in Saudi Arabia. He went on to complete a MSc in Medical Genetics at Glasgow
University and is now studying for a PhD in Forensic Genetics at the University of
Central Lancashire. His research involves studying the population genetics of
Saudi Arabia and the application of next‐generation sequencing. He will return to
be the Head of the Forensic Genetics Laboratory in the Eastern Province, Dammam,
once he has completed his PhD.
xxvii
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xxviii About the contributors
Élisabeth Anstett, PhD, is a social anthropologist, tenured senior researcher at

the Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (CNRS) in Paris, and Director of
the Corpses of Mass Violence and Genocide programme funded by the European
Research Council. Her recent works deal with the social impact of mass exhuma-
tions, and more broadly with the legacy of genocide and mass violence in Europe.
She co‐edits the Human Remains and Violence book series published by
Manchester University Press, and is also one of the three general editors of Human
Remains & Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal.
Diana Arango Gómez is a political scientist from the National University of

Colombia with a Master’s degree in Comparative American Studies, University of
London. With experience in research and coordination of networks of civil society
organizations and advocacy in international and national decision spaces.
Executive Director of EQUITAS, Colombia.
Natalia Azziz obtained her degree at the Universidad de la República (Udelar),

Uruguay, in 2013. In 2007, she joined the Forensic Anthropological team in
Uruguay in the search for detained‐disappeared persons during the last military
dictatorship (1973–1985). Natalia has been a full member of the Latin American
Association of Forensic Anthropology (ALAF) since 2014. She has participated in
several meetings and workshops of ALAF. She was also part of the Bioethics
Committee of the Administración de los Servicios de Salud del Estado (ASSE) in
2015–2016. She is currently completing a Master’s degree in Anthropology at the
Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación (Udelar).
Lisa G. Bailey, BA, is a forensic artist with the Federal Bureau of Investigation
Laboratory in Quantico, Virginia. She has worked on numerous cases involving
the facial approximation of unidentified remains, composite sketches of unknown
suspects, as well as age‐progressed images of fugitives and missing children. Ms
Bailey was an instructor on the FBI Forensic Facial Imaging Course and an Adjunct
Faculty Member at the FBI Academy. A veteran of the US Navy, she earned her
BA in Visual Art from the University of Maryland and worked as a graphic artist
at the Johns Hopkins University Applied Physics Laboratory before joining the
Bureau in 2001.
Jose Pablo Baraybar, PhD, is a Peruvian forensic anthropologist and

Transregional Forensic Coordinator with the ICRC. He worked for the International
Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda and the ex‐Yugoslavia, and was head of the Office
on Missing Persons and Forensics (OMPF) for the United Nations in Kosovo.
Baraybar is a founding member and former Executive Director of the Peruvian
Forensic Anthropology Team (EPAF).
Eric J. Bartelink, PhD, D‐ABFA, has taught for 13 years at California State
University, Chico, where he is currently a full professor and co‐director of the
Human Identification Laboratory. He is the President of the American Board of
fbetw.indd 28 11/26/2019 8:30:08 PM

About the contributors xxix
Forensic Anthropology and serves on the AAFS Board of Directors. His research
interests focus on the bioarchaeology of Native California, dietary reconstruction
using stable isotope analysis, and applications within forensic anthropology. He is
a coauthor of Essentials of Physical Anthropology, Introduction to Physical Anthropology,
and Forensic Anthropology: Current Methods and Practice, and has authored and co‐
authored numerous articles in scientific journals.
Clement P. Bataille, PhD, received his MSc in environmental engineering in
2008 from the Institut National Polytechniques de Toulouse (France). He received
his PhD in Geology in 2014 from the University of Utah. He spent two years in
Houston, Texas, working as a geoscientist before returning to academia and taking
up a post‐doctoral fellowship at the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill. He
joined the University of Ottawa as an assistant professor in Earth and Environmental
Sciences in the fall of 2017. His lab group, the SAIVE group (Spatio‐temporal
Analytics of Isotope Variations in the Environment), uses spatiotemporal isotope
variations to (1) develop geolocation tools in ecology and forensic sciences, (2)
investigate weathering processes in rivers, and (3) reconstruct paleoenvironments
in greenhouse periods.
Derek C. Benedix, PhD, ABFA, received his Bachelor of Arts degree in
anthropology from the University of California, Santa Cruz, and his Master of Arts
and Doctorate in physical/forensic anthropology from the University of Tennessee,
Knoxville. Derek is a board‐certified forensic anthropologist by the American
Board of Forensic Anthropology. From 2001 to 2015, Derek worked as a forensic
anthropologist in the Joint POW/MIA Accounting Command Central Identification
Laboratory in both Hawaii and Nebraska. Derek joined the International
Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) in September 2015, and has performed
numerous short mission assignments as Forensic Specialist (Manila, Philippines
and Athens, Greece), Regional Forensic Advisor (Kathmandu, Nepal), and
Regional Forensic Manager for Asia and the Pacific (Jakarta, Indonesia).
Caroline Bennett, PhD, is a lecturer in cultural anthropology at Victoria
University of Wellington, New Zealand. Her research considers genocide, violence
and post‐conflict environments, with particular attention paid to mass graves and
the mass dead. Her current research considers mass graves from the Cambodian
genocide of 1975–1979. Prior to undertaking a PhD in social anthropology,
Caroline spent some time working as a forensic anthropologist. She has published
work on disaster victim identification and DNA analysis, justice after genocide,
and dealing with the dead following the Khmer Rouge in Cambodia.
Gregory E. Berg, PhD, earned his BA in anthropology from the University of
Arizona in 1993, his MA from the bioarchaeology program of Arizona State
University in 1999, and his PhD from the University of Tennessee in 2008. He is
currently a laboratory manager and forensic anthropologist at the DPAA Laboratory
in Hawaii where he works on the recovery and identification of missing US
fbetw.indd 29 11/26/2019 8:30:08 PM

xxx About the contributors
service personnel. His research has concentrated on ancestry and sex determina-
tion, trauma analysis, aging techniques, human identification and eyewear, intra‐
and inter‐observer error studies, and isotope analysis – all of which are focused on
human identification. He is a diplomate of the American Board of Forensic
Anthropology.
Jonathan D. Bethard, PhD, D‐ABFA, is currently an Assistant Professor in the
Department of Anthropology at the University of South Florida. He received his
PhD in Anthropology from the University of Tennessee‐Knoxville in 2013. Dr
Bethard specializes in forensic anthropology and bioarchaeology and has worked
as a consultant in forensic anthropology for the International Criminal Investigative
Training Assistance Program (ICITAP) in Colombia and Algeria, as well the
International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) in Tbilisi, Georgia. He is a Fellow
of the Anthropology Section of the American Academy of Forensic Sciences, a
Diplomate of the American Board of Forensic Anthropology, and a Lifetime
Member of the American Association of Physical Anthropologists.
Soren Blau, PhD, is the Senior Forensic Anthropologist at the Victorian Institute
of Forensic Medicine. She is an Adjunct Associate Professor in the Department of
Forensic Medicine at Monash University, Founding Fellow Faculty of Science, The
Royal College of Pathologists of Australasia, and recipient of a Churchill Fellowship
(2013). Soren is also currently the Chair of the Forensic Anthropology Specialists
Working Group and a member of the INTERPOL Disaster Victim Identification
Pathology and Anthropology Sub‐Working Group. In addition to publishing peer‐
reviewed journal articles and numerous book chapters, Soren co‐edited the
Handbook of Forensic Anthropology and Archaeology and co‐authored An Atlas of
Skeletal Trauma in Medico‐Legal Contexts. Soren undertakes domestic forensic
anthropology casework and has undertaken consultancies for the International
Criminal Court (ICC) and the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC).
Soren has participated in the recovery and analysis of human remains from
archaeological and forensic contexts in numerous countries, and has delivered
training to forensic practitioners and related stakeholders in Australia and
overseas.
Rodrigo Bongiovanni is an undergraduate student at the Universidad de la
República, Montevideo, Uruguay. He has been working with the Uruguayan team
of Forensic Anthropology since 2009, and had worked on different historical
archaeology projects between 2008 and 2013.
Gabriel Bowen, PhD, is a Professor of Geology and Geophysics and member of
the Global Change and Sustainability Center at the University of Utah, where
he leads the Spatio‐temporal Isotope Analytics Lab (SPATIAL) and serves as
co‐director of the SIRFER stable isotope facility. His research focuses on the use of
spatially and temporally resolved geochemical data to study Earth systems
fbetw.indd 30 11/26/2019 8:30:08 PM

About the contributors xxxi
processes, ranging from coupled carbon and water cycle change in geological his-
tory to the movements of modern and near‐modern humans. In addition to
fundamental research, he has been active in developing cyberinformatics tools
and training programs supporting the use of large‐scale environmental geochem-
istry data across scientific disciplines, including the waterisotopes.org and IsoMAP.
org websites and the SPATIAL summer course (http://itce.utah.edu).
Desiré M. Brits, PhD, received her BSc Hons and MSc from the University of
Pretoria and her PhD from the University of the Witwatersrand, South Africa. She
is employed by the University of the Witwatersrand and teaches a number of
courses including morphological anatomy and forensic anthropology to under-
graduate and postgraduate students. Her current research interests include decom-
position and taphonomy in the interior of South Africa, and establishing
identification methods specific for South Africans, using medical image modal-
ities. She recently received a Thuthuka grant from the National Research
Foundation (NRF) South Africa and a grant from the American Academy of
Forensic Sciences (AAFS) Humanitarian and Human Rights Resource Center
(HHRRC) in support of her research. Dr Brits is the coordinator of the Human
Identification Unit (HIU) of the Human Variation and Identification Research Unit
(HVIRU) at the University of the Witwatersrand, and regularly consults on forensic
anthropology cases for the South African Police Service (SAPS) and Forensic
Pathology Services (FPS). Dr Brits is an associate member of the American
Academy of Forensic Sciences, a member of the International Academy of Legal
Medicine/Forensic Anthropology Society of Europe (FASE), and a lifetime
member of the Anatomical Society of Southern Africa, where she has served on
Council since 2012.
Jane E. Buikstra, PhD, D‐ABFA, is a regents’ Professor, and member of the
National Academy of Sciences. She is credited with forming the discipline of bio-
archaeology, which applies biological anthropological methods to the study of
archaeology. She was also the founding director of the Center for Bioarchaeological
Research at Arizona State University. The academic prestige of Dr Buikstra is rec-
ognized worldwide due to her important contribution to science. Dr Buikstra’s
international research encompasses bioarchaeology, palaeopathology, forensic
anthropology and palaeodemography. Among her current work is an investiga-
tion of the evolutionary history of ancient tuberculosis in the Americas based on
archaeologically recovered pathogen DNA. Dr Buikstra has recently published
Ortner’s Identification of Pathological Conditions in Human Skeletal Remains. She has
mentored more 55 PhD students, is the president of the Center for American
Archeology and has served as past president of the American Association of
Physical Anthropologists, the American Anthropological Association and the
Paleopathology Association. She is the inaugural editor‐in‐chief of the International
Journal of Paleopathology. She is a certified member by the American Board of
fbetw.indd 31 11/26/2019 8:30:08 PM

xxxii About the contributors
Forensic Anthropology (ABFA #11). Recent awards include the American

Academy of Forensic Sciences’ T. Dale Stewart Award; the Charles R. Darwin
Lifetime Achievement Award from the American Association of Physical
Anthropologists; the University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and
Anthropology Lucy Wharton Drexel Medal; and the Gorjanovic‐Kramberger
Medal in Anthropology, Croatian Society of Anthropology.
Giulia Caccia is a graduate in natural sciences and a PhD student in Environmental
Sciences; she deals in particular with the study of the interaction between body
and environment for forensic purposes through the study of traces. In 2018 she
won a scholarship from the Isacchi Samaja Foundation for the identification of
migrant victims, particularly those of the disaster of 18 April 2015; currently she
is carrying out her research activities in the same laboratory.
Oswaldo Calcina is a Peruvian forensic anthropologist in the Specialized Forensic
Team (EFE) of the Institute of Legal Medicine and Forensic Sciences (IMLCF) of
the Public Prosecutor’s Office in Peru. From the beginning of his career, Mr Calcina
specialized as an osteologist for the collection that is currently in the EFE. He has
8 years of experience in Ayacucho and Huancavelica in forensic investigation,
recovery and analysis of human remains in post‐conflict contexts. He is also
working with bone trauma analysis in cases of fresh dead bodies. He holds a degree
in anthropology from the Universidad Nacional del Altiplano, and is currently a
candidate for a Master’s degree at the National University of San Cristóbal de
Huamanga‐Ayacucho.
Ginna P. Camacho Cortés is a Biology graduate, Specialist in Criminal
Investigation from Police National School “General Santander”, Specialist in
Forensic Anthropology from National University of Colombia, and Magister in
Bioethics from Pontificia Universidad Javeriana. Professor and scientific researcher,
mainly in the study of the estimation of the time of death by entomological
methods, and context analyst in cases of violations of human rights and interna-
tional humanitarian law. Technical Coordinator of EQUITAS, Colombia.
Annalisa Cappella is a biologist, forensic anthropologist, and has a PhD in
Morphological Sciences. She works at LABANOF on identification, injury analysis
and histology. She is a Fullbright Scholar with research on identification of dead
migrants. She participated as anthropologist in the medical forensic activities in
Melilli, Sicily, on the victims of the 18 April 2015 shipwreck.
Inés Caridi, PhD, is a physicist and researcher in the field of complex systems at
the Calculus Institute, University of Buenos Aires, and researcher at CONICET,
Argentina. She specializes in the application of techniques and tools from mathe-
matics and statistical physics to understand social systems in a multidisciplinary
framework.
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About the contributors xxxiii
Ángel Carracedo, PhD, is Professor of Legal Medicine at the University of

Santiago de Compostela, Spain. Director of the Galician Foundation of Genomic
Medicine from 1998 and Director of the Spanish National Genotyping Center, as
well as former director of the Institute of Forensic Science of the University of
Santiago de Compostela. He has published more than 600 papers, including in
Nature, Nature Genetics and Science. He is a highly cited researcher (Thomson &
Reuters 2012) in Molecular Biology and Clinical Medicine and leading scientific
production in Legal Medicine worldwide (Thomson & Reuters, 2001–2010).
Board member and external adviser to various national and international institu-
tions, foundations and societies (President of the IALM, Past President of the
ISFG), and Editor of FSI: Genetics. Prizes and distinctions include: the Jaime I
Award, Adelaide Medal, Galien Medal, National Award on Genetics, Medal
Castelao, Medal of Galicia, Medal to the Police Merit, Galician Prize of Research,
Prismas Award, and various prizes from foundations and scientific societies. Doctor
Honoris Causa for several universities in Europe and the Americas.
Aníbal Gustavo Casanova has a degree in Ciencias Antropológicas from Facultad
de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación, Universidad de la República – Uruguay.
Within the degree program, he chose the research option and specializes in
archaeology, mainly developing two lines of research: historic archaeology and
forensic archaeology. In 2006 he joined the Grupo de Investigación en Antropología
Forense (GIAF), which, as of 2017, has been hired directly by the Office of the
President of the Republic of Uruguay. The duties that he has been developing for
12 years in the area of forensic archaeology are mainly linked to the search for
bone remains from the detained‐disappeared from the civil–military dictatorship
in 1973–1985, specializing in archaeological fieldwork and preliminary research.
Daniel Castellanos Gutiérrez, MA, holds a Bachelor’s degree in anthropology
from the Los Andes University (Colombia) and a Master’s degree in Forensic
Anthropology and Bioarchaeology from the Pontifical Catholic University of Peru.
He has worked as a forensic anthropologist with the National Police of Colombia
(Dijin and Interpol) and the National Institute of Legal Medicine and Forensic
Sciences of Colombia. He is currently a Fulbright‐Colciencias Fellow and PhD can-
didate in Biological Anthropology at the State University of New York at
Binghamton. His research interests include the development of biological profile
standards for Colombia and Latin America, and geolocation through stable iso-
topes to search for missing persons and human identification.
Laura Catelli graduated from the National University of Córdoba, Argentina.
She is a biochemist and has been working in the Argentine Forensic Anthropology
Team (EAAF) Forensic DNA Laboratory since 2005, when the laboratory was
founded. At present she is in charge of the mitochondrial DNA analysis area. She
has published scientific articles of forensic genetics interest, in collaboration with
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xxxiv About the contributors
her and other scientific workgroups. She has been involved in training sessions in
forensic genetics for analysts from El Salvador, Bolivia, Peru, Vietnam, South
Africa and Chile.
Cristina Cattaneo, PhD, is a forensic pathologist and anthropologist, currently
Full Professor of Legal Medicine at the Faculty of Medicine of the Università degli
Studi di Milano (Italy) and Director of LABANOF, Laboratorio di Antropologia e
Odontologia Forense. She has been actively involved with the Italian Ministry of
Internal Affairs in the creation of a national database for unidentified human
remains and since 2014 has been the medico‐legal coordinator for the
Governmental Office of the Commissioner for Missing Persons for the identification
of dead migrants. She also coordinates the medico‐legal activities on victims of
maltreatment, torture and on unaccompanied minors in Milan, Italy. She is a
forensic expert for various courts in Italy and occasionally in Europe, President of
FASE (Forensic Anthropology Society of Europe), member of the Swiss DVI
(Disaster Victim Identification) team and Co‐Editor in Chief for the journal Forensic
Science International.
Thure E. Cerling, PhD, is a biogeochemist at the University of Utah. His work
primarily concerns the use of isotopes to study biological and geological processes
occurring near the Earth’s surface. He has done extensive fieldwork in North
America, Kenya and Pakistan, and other geological and biological studies in
Argentina, Australia, Western Europe and Antarctica. These studies include
cosmic‐ray‐produced isotopes to study geomorphology, chemistry of lakes and
lake sediments, stable isotope studies of diet and of soils, isotope forensics, and
studies of early hominin environments in Africa. He served for 9 years on the US
Nuclear Waste Technical Review Board. He is a member of the US National
Academy of Sciences.
Lesley A. Chesson is an Isotope Analyst employed with PAE and working at the
Defense POW/MIA Accounting Agency (DPAA) in Hawaii. She received her BS in
Biology at Elon University and her MS in Biology at the University of Utah. She is
a member of the Forensic Isotope Ratio Mass Spectrometry (FIRMS) Network and
an invited member of its Steering Group. She currently serves on the Editorial
Board of the journal Forensic Chemistry. Lesley has used isotope forensic techniques
for more than 15 years to examine documents, drugs, explosives, feathers, foods,
microbes and water. She has published more than 60 journal articles and book
chapters. Her current focus is assisting in investigations of unidentified human
remains.
Angi M. Christensen, PhD, D‐ABFA, is a forensic anthropologist with the
Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) Laboratory and an Adjunct Professor in
the Forensic Science Program at George Mason University. She received her BA
in anthropology from the University of Washington, and her MA and PhD in
anthropology from the University of Tennessee, and is board‐certified by the
American Board of Forensic Anthropology (ABFA). She is a co‐author of the
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About the contributors xxxv
award‐winning textbook Forensic Anthropology: Current Methods and Practice, as well

as a co‐founder and editor of the journal Forensic Anthropology. Her primary
professional interests within forensic anthropology include methods of personal
identification, trauma analysis, and skeletal imaging techniques.
Lucio A. Condori, MA, is a Peruvian anthropologist of the Specialized Forensic

Team of the Public Ministry in Peru. He was a consultant for the United Nations
(JUSPER) and the Swedish Agency for International Development (ASDI) on
issues of transitional justice, search, exhumation and identification of the disap-
peared and judicialization of cases. He has 14 years of experience in the applica-
tion of forensic anthropology in emergency situations, common crimes and in
contexts of internal armed conflict. Licensed by the Universidad Nacional del
Altiplano and with a Master’s degree from the National University of San Cristóbal
de Huamanga, he has a special interest in the analysis of bone trauma and research
topics in human biological variability and adaptation. He is a Member of the Latin
American Association of Forensic Anthropology (ALAF).
Derek Congram, PhD, is a bioarchaeologist with 20 years of professional expe-

rience in over 25 countries, working for organizations such as the United Nations,
International Criminal Court, and the Argentine Forensic Anthropology Team.
His primary professional and research interests are GIS‐based analysis and model-
ling of clandestine grave locations, professional ethics, and victim‐centred transi-
tional justice. He is currently a Regional Forensic Coordinator for the International
Committee of the Red Cross, based in Bogota, Colombia.
Sian Cook has a background in forensic anthropology and humanitarian action,

with experience in monitoring and evaluation, qualitative research, and
programme management. Sian has worked for various humanitarian organiza-
tions on projects related to child treatment, humanitarian evaluation and
admission prevention. Sian has also conducted research on the repatriation of the
deceased during and after humanitarian crises, and is currently researching the
use and impact of digital technology on quality of life for vulnerable adults.
Danilo De Angelis, DDS, PhD, is a dentist with a PhD in legal medicine, and
associate Professor in forensic medicine at the University of Milan. He has partic-
ipated in the medical forensic activities in Melilli, Sicily, on the victims of the 18
April 2015 shipwreck, on the identification of the victims of the two shipwrecks
that occurred near Lampedusa in October 2013, and before that on the identification
of the victims of the Linate air disaster (Milan, 2001). He is the forensic odontolo-
gist at LABANOF, University of Milan. He is Assistant Editor of Forensic Science
International and collaborates with ICRC.
Elizabeth A. DiGangi, PhD, D‐ABFA, earned her Bachelor’s degree in

Anthropology and History and Master’s in Biological Anthropology from the
State University of New York at Buffalo, and she holds a PhD from the University
of Tennessee in Knoxville, Tennessee. She is co‐editor (with Megan Moore) of
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xxxvi About the contributors
Research Methods in Human Skeletal Biology (Academic Press, 2013); and co‐author
(with Susan Sincerbox) of Forensic Taphonomy and Ecology of North American
Scavengers (Academic Press, 2018). She is currently Assistant Professor of
Anthropology at Binghamton University in upstate New York. As a Diplomate of
the American Board of Forensic Anthropology, she works on forensic cases and
capacity‐building of international forensic science laboratories. Her scholarly
interests include developing population‐specific biological profile standards,
improving trauma analysis, and human rights.
James R. Ehleringer, PhD, is a distinguished professor in the School of Biological
Sciences at the University of Utah in Salt Lake City. He joined the faculty in 1977
and is recognized as an expert in plant ecology. Jim founded the University’s
Global Change and Sustainability Center, which serves as the nexus for research,
teaching, and outreach for global change and sustainability activities. His research
focuses on ecological, environmental and forensic applications using naturally
occurring stable isotopes (nature’s natural recorders). He has advanced science by
training dozens of graduate students and postdocs during his career, and pub-
lishing over 500 scientific articles and books. For over 20 years, Jim and col-
leagues have offered IsoCamp, a summer training opportunity for graduate
students from across the United States and from around the world to learn about
stable isotope biogeochemistry and ecology through lectures and laboratory
experiences.
Theodora Eleftheriou is the Laboratory Coordinator at the Anthropological
Laboratory of the Committee on Missing Persons in Cyprus (CMP). She has been
working for the CMP since 2006, and her primary role is to manage and review
the scientific operations relating to the anthropological examination and
identification of missing individuals.
Sarah Ellingham, PhD, is a broadly skilled forensic practitioner and research
scientist with experience in the humanitarian forensic response to international
disasters and armed conflicts from a variety of contexts. Sarah is an accredited
forensic anthropologist by the UK Royal Anthropological Institute (RAI), certified
in Interpol body search and recovery by UK DVI, with her laboratory and analyt-
ical skills being recognized by the Royal Society of Chemistry. Sarah has deployed
as a DVI consultant to mass fatality incidents in Namibia, France and PNG. Since
joining the ICRC in 2016 she has deployed as Forensic Specialist for Iraq as well
as Forensic Coordinator for South‐East Asia, during which time she advised on
the humanitarian forensic response to the Marawi Crisis of 2017.
Iṡ tenç Engin, MSc, DLAF, has been the Coordinator of the Anthropological
Laboratory of the Committee on Missing Persons in Cyprus (CMP) since 2011.
She has contributed to the forensic anthropological analysis of skeletal remains of
missing people exhumed from single and mass graves, and assisted in establishing
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About the contributors xxxvii
biological profiles of the deceased, selecting DNA samples for analysis, and helping
in the identification process for over 500 missing person cases.
Flavio Estrada Moreno has a BA in Archaeology from San Marcos National

University, Peru. He is candidate to a second degree in Forensic Expert from
Norbert Wiener University, and Master’s degree candidate in Science and
Technological Research from National University of Callao. He is a founding
member of the Specialized Forensic Team (EFE) of the Institute of Legal Medicine
and Forensic Sciences in Peru. Since 1998 he has worked in the recovery and
analysis of human remains from archaeological, historical and forensic contexts.
During his professional career he has been professor for physical anthropology
and exploration of archaeological sites in San Marcos National University. His
topics of interest include subadult sex estimation, contemporary funerary prac-
tices, formation of sites with human remains and associated elements, and human
and animal bone histomorphometry.
Ann D. Fasano, MA, received her BA in Biology from Boston University and her
MS in Forensic Anthropology from Boston University School of Medicine. In 1995
as a Special Agent with the FBI, she became the senior team leader over the
FBI ERT in Phoenix. In 2006 she became a Supervisory Special Agent in the FBI
Laboratory’s ERTU. She taught crime scene training to new agents, FBI academy,
and field ERT members. She was the program manager for operational matters.
Her crime scene experience includes processing homicides, mass shootings, the
recovery of human remains, and complex crime scenes. She has been deployed to
New York 9/11, Iraq, Uganda, Pakistan, and the Boston Marathon bombings. She
retired from the FBI in July 2018.
David T. Flaherty holds a Bachelor of Science degree in genetics from North

Carolina State University and is currently a PhD student in that institution’s
Comparative Biomedical Sciences program. His main research interest is the use
of applied mathematics in tackling complex biological problems. Currently, he is
using mathematical techniques for inverse problems to optimize predictive
biological models. These techniques help guide experimental roadmaps when
little to no quantitative data are available.
Caroline Francescutti is a student studying Biological Anthropology at the

George Washington University in Washington, DC, USA. She is also a research
assistant in the laboratory of Dr Douglas H. Ubelaker, Smithsonian Institution,
Washington, DC.
Ana Freire‐Aradas, PhD, obtained her BSc degree in pharmacy from the
University of Santiago de Compostela (Spain) in 2006. In the same year she started
her scientific research in the Forensic Genetics Unit, Institute of Forensic Sciences
at the same university; obtaining her MSc in molecular medicine in 2008 and her
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xxxviii About the contributors
PhD degree in 2013. After completing her PhD, she continued her research at the
same institution. During 2015–2017 she worked as a post‐doc researcher at the
Institute of Legal Medicine, University of Cologne (Germany). After that, she
returned to the Institute of Forensic Sciences, University of Santiago de Compostela,
where she is currently developing her research, mainly focused on the study of
epigenetic markers such as DNA methylation with forensic applications, such as
age estimation. Additional research interests include SNP analysis for inference
of biogeographical ancestry and externally visible characteristics; evaluation of
degraded DNA; and bioinformatic tools for assessment of DNA‐based prediction
models.
Claudia Garrido Varas, PhD, is a Forensic Advisor at the International

Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC). Holding a doctorate in physical anthropology,
since 2003 she has been part of a multidisciplinary team, the Special Unit of
Detained and Missing Persons, created in March 2003 in the Forensic Service of
Chile, to solve identification issues of human rights victims of the military
government that ruled Chile between 1973 and 1990. Her laboratory work in
Chile includes anthropological and odontological analysis of skeletonized remains;
anthropology and odontological analysis of mass graves; post‐mortem odontologi-
cal analysis of arson victims;, besides extensive experience in sample selection for
genetic analysis and in skeletonizing techniques. She has actively participated in
documenting, storing and managing individual victim information for victims of
Chilean human rights cases between 1973 and 1990, and reconstructed case his-
tories and events surrounding death through documentation analysis. Aside from
her experience in Chile, she has collaborated in the analysis of human remains in
the USA, the UK, Spain, Iraq, and worked in Asia and Africa. Since January 2014
she has worked as forensic adviser for the ICRC.
Heather M. Garvin, PhD, D‐ABFA, is an Associate Professor of Anatomy at Des

Moines University, Iowa, USA. She has a dual degree in Anthropology and Zoology
from the University of Florida, a Master of Science degree in Forensic and
Biological Anthropology from Mercyhurst College, and a PhD in Functional
Anatomy and Evolution from Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine. She
is a board‐certified forensic anthropologist, conducts casework for the State of
Iowa, is a Fellow in the American Academy of Forensic Sciences, and is on the
editorial board for the Journal of Forensic Sciences. She conducts research in various
areas of biological anthropology and has a particular interest in understanding
how environmental variables affect levels of human sexual dimorphism.
Timothy P. Gocha, PhD, is the Chief Forensic Anthropologist for the Clark
County Office of the Coroner/Medical Examiner in Las Vegas, NV, as well as an
Adjunct Assistant Professor of Anthropology at the University of Nevada, Las
Vegas. His research focuses on examining mineralized tissue histology for
improving age‐at‐death estimates, as well as interpreting skeletal health. From
2016–2017, Dr Gocha served as a post‐doctoral scholar with Operation
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About the contributors xxxix
Identification at the Forensic Anthropology Center at Texas State, helping them

locate unidentified migrant burials, perform exhumations, conduct skeletal anal-
ysis, and coordinate with various governmental and non‐governmental agencies,
as well as other academic institutions, in order to help identify the unidentified.
William Goodwin, PhD, studied for a BSc in biological sciences at the University
of Leicester. He followed this with a PhD at the University of Glasgow, looking at
gene expression in plants exposed to low temperatures. After this he spent eight
years at the Human Identification Centre at the University of Glasgow. During this
time he undertook casework, including human identification and paternity test-
ing, and also carried out research into improving the recovery of DNA from com-
promised samples. Since moving to the University of Central Lancashire in 2002,
Will has been involved with the delivery of undergraduate and postgraduate
teaching and the supervision of research degrees. In addition to his work at the
University, Will also acts as an advisor to the International Committee of the Red
Cross (ICRC), and is a member of their Forensic Advisory Board. He also acts as a
technical assessor, working for the United Kingdom Accreditation Service (UKAS),
assessing compliance of laboratories with ISO/IEC 17025.
Sarah Hall, MA, is currently a doctoral student at Arizona State University in the
School of Human Evolution and Social Change. Her research interests include
social identity in bioarchaeology, stable isotope applications for dietary reconstruc-
tion and migration studies, historical bioarchaeology, and forensic anthropology.
Candice Hansmeyer is a Specialist Forensic Pathologist at the Roodepoort

Medico‐legal Laboratory. She completed her specialist and undergraduate training
at the University of the Witwatersrand. Her main academic interests include the
identification of the unidentified decedent, forensic toxicology, as well as pediatric
forensic medicine. Dr Hansmeyer is currently involved in several departmental
research projects both as a supervisor for forensic science Honors students, as well
the principle and co‐investigator for other projects within her fields of interest. A
particular project of relevance to the problem of unidentified migrants is the use
of strontium isotopes in the identification of deceased migrants in South Africa. In
addition, her focus in forensic toxicology involves highlighting the high preva-
lence of organocarbamate/organophosphate toxicity in the forensic population.
She serves as a member and advocate of the Rahima Moosa South African Police
Services and Family Violence, Child Protection and Sexual Offences forum, and is
currently working on providing guidelines for health providers based on non‐
accidental injury syndrome. Her other academic duties include teaching medical
students and forensic pathology trainees in preparation for their exams and
clinical duties.
Sophia Hartsioti is an archaeologist who received her Bachelor’s degree from
the University of Thessaly and her MSc in Mediterranean Archaeology from the
University of Edinburgh. She has been with the Committee on Missing Persons
(CMP) since 2008, working at numerous excavations all over Cyprus.
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xl About the contributors
Nicholas P. Herrmann, PhD, is an Associate Professor in the Department of

Anthropology at Texas State University. His research interests span forensic
anthropology and bioarchaeology. He has co‐directed multiple NIJ‐funded
research grants examining stature estimation, stable isotope patterns in US
donated collections, NamUS mapping functions, dental age estimation, and com-
mingled remains from forensic contexts. His bioarchaeological interests focus on
the eastern Mediterranean, specifically Greece and Cyprus.
Victoria Lareu Huidobro is professor and director of the Institute of Forensic

Sciences “Luis Concheiro”, University of Santiago de Compostela, Spain. Her
current research lines are in the forensic genetics field, especially the analysis of
DNA or RNA markers for individual identification (STRs, SNPs, InDels), searching
of markers for inference of ancestry and externally visible characteristics, as well
as epigenetic markers for forensic applications. She is principal investigator and
collaborator either in national and international research projects. She has pub-
lished 209 scientific papers, most of them in the field of forensic genetics, and she
has supervised 23 doctoral theses.
Agata Iadicicco is a Law graduate, and Vice Prefect and Deputy of the Office of
the Special Commissioner for Missing Persons in Italy.
Gian Carlo Iannacone, MSc, is a biologist specializing in genetics, and dedicated

to the study of the genetics of Peruvian populations for 20 years, and applying it
to forensic genetics for 18 years. He has used DNA to help solve massive open and
closed cases in Peru and other countries. His research focus is on the analysis and
management of genetic data in the context of the DNA database, using probabi-
listic analysis with the aim to achieving reliable match results. These studies have
been published in international journals and at events in more than 18 countries
in America, Europe and Asia. Currently, he is engaged in genomic population
analysis with the aim of improving forensic DNA identifications, for which he is
developing an algorithm to look for regions in the coding mitochondrial DNA that
contain the greatest number of neutral nucleotide variants through comparisons
between and within populations.
Michaela Ibrion is a researcher at the Norwegian University of Science and

Technology, Trondheim, Norway. Her research interests are linked to risk culture,
risk governance, disaster risk management, resilience, earthquakes and earthquake
disasters, tsunami, water, geopolitics and resources, risk perception and risk com-
munication, accidents in the oil and gas industry and marine nations. The cultural‐
geographical areas covered are particularly Japan, Iran and Norway. Her academic
background and experience is linked to engineering studies, risk, geography,
foreign policy and diplomacy, aviation safety, health and disaster risk management.
Marisol Intriago Leiva, anthropologist, is in charge of the Special Forensic

Identification Unit of the Legal Medical Service, Chile. Between 2003 and 2010
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About the contributors xli
she worked as part of the Special Unit for the Identification of Disappeared
Detainees of the Legal Medical Service, in the identification and determination of
cause and manner of death of victims of the Chilean military dictatorship, together
with a multidisciplinary team also composed of archaeologists, dentists and med-
ical doctors, plus a support team. From 2011, she has been Chief of the Special
Unit of Forensic Identification, in charge of a multidisciplinary team that carries
out tasks of search, recovery and analysis in cases of human rights violations
during the military dictatorship, as well as complex crimes and massive disasters.
Daniel Jiménez has been working in forensic anthropology for the last 12 years.
This work has led him to hundreds of cases related to the politic violence during
Guatemala’s Civil War (1960 to 1996), and more than a thousand bodies resulting
from war crimes against the civil population. Currently he works with medico‐
legal criminal investigators on the identification of deceased persons due to natural
disasters in Guatemala. He has been called to provide expert testimony in the
genocide trials against former president Efrain Rios Mott (2013 and 2016) and the
trial of Sepur Zarco in where two former military leaders were convicted of com-
mitting war crimes against the indigenous population.
Chelsey Juarez, PhD, is an Assistant Professor of Biological Anthropology at
California State University, Fresno. She holds a BA in Biological Anthropology
from University of California at Berkeley, and an MA and doctorate in Biological
Anthropology with a parenthetical notation in Latin American Latino Studies from
University of California at Santa Cruz. Dr Juarez is a practicing forensic anthropologist
at the Fresno State Osteological Investigations Laboratory, and has conducted case
work in multiple states. Her main area of research is provenience investigations
within the Latino diaspora through time. She uses isotopes from human bone, hair
and teeth to estimate region of origin, migratory behaviors and diet.
Alexandra R. Klales, PhD, is an Assistant Professor of Forensic Anthropology
and Director of the Forensic Anthropology Recovery Unit at Washburn University
in Topeka, Kansas, USA. She has a BA in Anthropology from the University of
Pittsburgh, a Master of Science in Forensic and Biological Anthropology from
Mercyhurst College, and a PhD in Anthropology from the University of Manitoba.
She is an associate member of the American Academy of Forensic Sciences and
currently conducts forensic anthropology casework in Kansas and Missouri. Her
research focuses on skeletal sexual dimorphism, specifically within the pelvis, and
methods for establishing the biological profile in forensic anthropology.
Robyn T. Kramer currently holds a MA in Anthropology from Texas State
University and is a PhD candidate at the University of Otago. Kramer’s background
is in forensic anthropology, stable isotope analysis, osteology and archaeology.
As a forensic anthropologist, she assisted the Butte County Sheriff’s Office with
the forensic recovery efforts for the deadly Camp Fire in 2018. Her research has
focused on applying isotope geolocation methods to predict region of origin and
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xlii About the contributors
migration histories for modern forensic cases that are temporarily housed in the
Operation Identification facility at Texas State University. Kramer’s future research
will apply similar isotope geolocation techniques to prehistoric and historical
populations in the Solomon Islands.
Ximena Londoño Romanowsky is a Protection Delegate working on the

missing persons file at the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) in Sri
Lanka (2017–2019). She is a Colombian lawyer who graduated from the Pontificia
Universidad Javeriana in Bogotá, where she is admitted to Practice as Attorney.
She holds an LLM in international humanitarian law from the Geneva Academy
of IHL and Human Rights. Before joining the ICRC, Ms Londoño worked as a legal
adviser at the Ministry of National Defense of Colombia (2008–2010) and as an
adjunct lecturer on public international law at the Pontificia Universidad Javeriana
(2009–2010). Prior to joining the ICRC Delegation in Sri Lanka, Ms Londoño
worked at the ICRC Headquarters in Geneva (2011–2017). For one year, she
worked as an associate in the Legal Division and then as an adviser for the Health
Care in Danger Project. She later worked for four years as a legal adviser for the
ICRC Advisory Service on International Humanitarian Law, where she provided
technical and legal support on different issues related to national implementation,
in particular with regards to the protection of missing persons and their families,
IDPs, the role of the judiciary in applying and implementing IHL, and transitional
justice issues.
Matías López has a degree in Anthropological Sciences from Facultad de

Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación, Universidad de la República, Uruguay,
from 2018. Within the degree program, he chose the research option and
specialized in archaeology, mainly developing two lines of research: prehistoric
archeology and forensic archeology. He joined the Forensic Investigation
Anthropology Team in Uruguay (GIAF) as an honorary collaborator for a period
of three years. In 2014, he joined GIAF as an official member of the group and
worked until 2017, when the team was hired directly by the Office of the President
of the Republic of Uruguay. The work that he has been developing for eight years
in the area of Forensic Archeology are mainly linked to the search for bone
remains from the detained‐disappeared from the civil–military dictatorship during
1973–1985, specializing in archaeological fieldwork. Matías has been part of the
Latin American Association of Forensic Anthropology (ALAF) since 2015, taking
part in various academic activities promoted by the association, such as meetings,
courses and workshops.
Alicia Lusiardo, MA, DLAF, is a forensic anthropologist who obtained her BS

in Anthropology in Montevideo, Uruguay (Universidad de la República – Udelar)
and a MA in Forensic Anthropology from the University of Florida (Gainesville,
FL). She is also Board Certified (ALAF – Latin American Forensic Anthropology
Association). As a specialist in forensic anthropology, she coordinates the
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About the contributors xliii
Uruguayan team of forensic anthropologists unearthing remains of those

“disappeared” during the 1970s military rule. She is a Justice Rapid Response
Expert (Justice Rapid Response Secretariat) and has worked as a consultant for
the Argentine Forensic Anthropology Team (EAAF) in Mexico. In the past 10 years
she has been teaching Forensic Anthropology courses for UF and Udelar. She is
currently an Associate Professor at the University of the Republic where she
teaches Human Osteology and Forensic Anthropology. Alicia now serves her term
as vice‐president of the Latin American Forensic Anthropology Association
(ALAF), and also serves on the examination board of ALAF.
Patricia Maita holds a BA in Archaeology from San Marcos National University
and MA in Forensic Anthropology and Bioarcheology from Pontifical Catholic
University of Peru. Her Master’s thesis tested the validity of adult sex estimation
using the femora in forensic skeletal samples and established standards for sex
determination from fragmentary and complete femora in contemporary Andean
populations. She serves as a private consultant in recovery and analysis of osteo-
logical remains and has been Curator of the physical anthropology collection at
the National Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology of Peru, and is an expert
in forensic anthropology for the Institute of Legal Medicine and Forensic Sciences
in Peru. Her research has focused on the palaeopathology of ancient and historical
populations, bone osteometry, sex and age estimation and mortuary practices.
Martha R. Palma, MA, is an anthropological bioarchaeologist and forensic
anthropologist. Martha holds an MA in Anthropology from Arizona State
University (2008). She is a forensic specialist in the General Office for the Search
for Missing Persons of the Peruvian Ministry of Justice and Human Rights. Her
research training and field experience bridges the fields of archaeology, biological
anthropology, bioarchaeology, forensic anthropology and forensic isotope geo-
chemistry. She is a member of the American Association of Physical Anthropologists
and the Latin American Association of Forensic Anthropology.
Luiz Antonio Martinelli, PhD, achieved a degree in Agronomy, Master’s in
Agricultural Nuclear Energy, and a doctorate in Soil and Plant Nutrition at the
University of São Paulo. He held a post‐doctoral position at the University of
Washington in 1991. Since 1985 he has had a permanent position as a professor
at the Centro de Energia Nuclear na Agricultura (CENA) at the University of São
Paulo. He is head of the Ecology Isotope Laboratory at the University of São Paulo,
and has worked with stable isotopes over 30 years, publishing more than 150
articles in internationally recognized journals and several book chapters using this
methodology.
Richard B. Marx, MA, is a Supervisory Special Agent (SSA). He began in the
Federal Bureau of Investigation’s (FBI) Philadelphia Office, responded to the 9/11
attacks and was in charge of the forensic operations that sifted the World Trade
Center debris for human remains. He currently works in the FBI Laboratory’s
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xliv About the contributors
Evidence Response Team Unit, and has led teams at the 1998 US Embassy
bombing, the 1999 EgyptAir crash, the 2005 Thailand tsunami, the 2012 Aurora
Cinema shooting, the 2013 Boston Marathon bombing, the 2013 Asiana air crash,
the 2013 Washington Navy Yard shooting, the 2016 Orlando Pulse shooting, the
2016 Dallas Police murders, the 2017 Las Vegas Route 91 shooting, and the 2018
Thousand Oaks shooting. He earned a BS in Chemistry from the University of
Alabama Huntsville, and a MS in Forensic Anthropology from the Boston
University School of Medicine.
Debora Mazzarelli is a forensic anthropologist with a background in the field of

cultural heritage; she works at LABANOF (Laboratorio di Antropologia e
Odontologia Forense in Milan, Italy) and deals in particular with unknown bodies
(including migrants), is an expert in identification techniques, archaeology and
trace analysis on bone. She participated in the forensic medical activities in Melilli,
Sicily, on the victims of the shipwreck of 18 April 2015 and in the identification of
the victims of the Lampedusa October 2013 disaster. She is currently coordinating
the anthropological activities on the victims of Italian shipwrecks at LABANOF,
with funding from the Isacchi Samaia Foundation. For LABANOF she coordinates
the anthropological activities on domestic unidentified bodies in the city of Milan.
Wolfram Meier‐Augenstein, PhD, CChem, FRSC, is a Professor in Stable

Isotope Forensics at the Robert Gordon University (Aberdeen, UK). He was
awarded a Diplom‐Chemiker degree (MChem) in 1987 and a doctorate in 1989,
both by the Ruprecht‐Karls‐University of Heidelberg. He spent some time as
Feodor‐Lynen Fellow of the Alexander‐von‐Humboldt Foundation at the
University of Stellenbosch, and from there his career took him to the University
Children’s Hospital Heidelberg, the University of California at San Diego, the
University of Dundee, Queen’s University Belfast, and back to Scotland, first to
the Scottish Crop Research Institute (now the James Hutton Institute, Dundee),
and finally Robert Gordon University (Aberdeen). In 2006, he was admitted to the
register of expert advisors with the UK’s National Crime Agency (NCA). From
2010 to 2014 he was one of the three directors of the Forensic Isotope Ratio Mass
Spectrometry Network Ltd. In 2016, he joined the Advisory Board of the journal
Rapid Communications in Mass Spectrometry. He is the author of the textbook Stable
Isotope Forensics.
Claire Moon, PhD, is an Associate Professor in the Department of Sociology at

the London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE). She has published
widely on transitional justice, post‐conflict reconciliation, reparations, war
trauma, human rights, and the use of forensic science in humanitarian and human
rights contexts. Claire served on the Advisory Board of the LSE’s Human Rights
Centre between 2004–2014, and also on the international advisory board of a
citizen‐led forensics organization of families of “the disappeared” in Mexico. She
is the author of Narrating Political Reconciliation: South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation
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About the contributors xlv
Commission (2009), and currently holds a Welcome Trust grant for her project
‘Human Rights, Human Remains: Forensic Humanitarianism and the Politics of
the Grave’ (2018–2022). The project investigates the history of forensic humani-
tarianism, the use of forensics to investigate atrocities in the context of Mexico’s
current war against organized crime, and the question of whether the dead have
human rights.
Gabriela Bielefeld Nardoto achieved a degree in Biological Sciences at the
University of Brasilia (1997), a Master’s in Ecology at the University of Brasilia
(2000), a doctorate in Applied Ecology (2005), and a three‐year post‐doc position
(2006–2008) at the University of São Paulo. Since 2010 she has had a permanent
position as a professor at the Ecology Department of the University of Brasilia. She
is a member of two postgraduate programs at the University of Brasilia. She has
extensive experience in the use of stable isotopes in both environmental and
forensic studies, publishing over 50 articles in internationally recognized journals
and some book chapters using this methodology.
Lara Olivieri is an archaeologist and forensic anthropologist; she took part as an
anthropologist in the forensic activities in Melilli, Sicily, on the victims involved in
the shipwreck of 18 April 2015; she worked at LABANOF with a fellowship of the
Isacchi Samaia Foundation.
Georgina Pacheco‐Revilla, MSc, is a forensic anthropologist and archeologist
with 8 years of experience in Spain and several Latin American countries; her pri-
mary professional interests are complex scenarios with multidisciplinary
approaches and traumas derived from organized‐crime homicides. She is a pro-
fessor of Forensic and Biological Anthropology at the Universidad de Costa Rica
and the Universidad Estatal a Distancia; founder of the Forensic Anthropology
Unit of the Costa Rican Judicial Investigation Bureau (OIJ); and she is currently
the only forensic anthropologist of the OIJ.
Diana Emilce Ramírez Páez is a professional in Psychology, specialist in Legal
Psychology, Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law, Government,
Management and Public Affairs, with studies in criminal and medico‐legal researc,
with an emphasis on identification of unidentified corpses and the search for
missing persons, and currently opting for the title of Master in Government and
Public Policy. She is a professional forensic specialist with extensive experience in
the design, implementation and administration of inter‐institutional information
systems at a national scale, related to information on victims of the crime of
enforced disappearance and other related criminal offences, including serious vio-
lations of human rights and IHL. She is an expert in psycho‐legal processes for the
integral attention of victims and relatives of deceased and disappeared persons.
Manuel Paredes López, MD, PhD, graduated in biological sciences and medi-
cine, with a PhD in Science of the Universidad Nacional de Colombia, and 25 years
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xlvi About the contributors
of experience in forensic genetics as an official of the National Institute of Legal

Medicine and Forensic Sciences in Colombia. He is a founder, analyst and coordi-
nator of the forensic DNA laboratories, and is training in forensic genetics at the
University of Santiago de Compostela in Spain. He is an international consultant
in cases of identification of missing persons and criminal investigations, and DNA
databank administration for criminal cases and missing persons. He is expert in
the design and implementation of forensic DNA laboratories, and in next‐genera-
tion sequencing techniques with forensic applications. He is author and coauthor
of several publications in the area, a professor at the Universidad de los Andes,
and a Member of the International Society for Forensic Genetics, ISFG.
Luz Adriana Pérez, PhD, is a Microbiologist, Magister, and holds a PhD in
Biological Science from Universidad de los Andes. Professor at Universidad
Autonoma de Colombia, and Co‐director of ancient DNA research projects at the
Universidad de los Andes. Forensic professional senior in EQUITAS, Colombia.
Mónica Liliana Barriga Pérez is a lawyer from Universidad del Rosario, Bogotá,
Colombia. She holds a Masters in Law with a mention in Jurisdictional Policy
from the Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, and a Masters in Constitutional
Law from the University Castilla ‐ La Mancha, Toledo, Spain. She has experience
in Human Rights and Constitutional Law, and is General Director of the Search for
Disappeared Persons in the Ministry of Justice and Human Rights of Peru.
Pierre Perich, MD, is Forensic Pathologist at the Institut de Medecine Legale of
Marseilles, associate researcher UMR 7268 ADES, and Lecturer in medico‐legal
and anthropological issues. Dr Perich is a forensic expert in the Court of Aix‐en‐
Provence and the International Criminal Court (ICC) and Member of the French
National DVI team. He has participated in numerous identification missions in
France and worldwide. In the international context, he contributed to the creation
of the Instituto de Ciencias Forenses of Guatemala, and the modernization of the
Egyptian Forensic Medicine Authority in Egypt. As a member of the ICRC Forensic
Advisory Board, he participates in many missions of management of the dead in
catastrophes and armed conflict (Africa and Central America) and he is also
adviser for the determination of causes of death by the Equipo Argentino de
Antropologia Forense and Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights
(UN‐OHCHR).
Christopher Phillips started in forensic science at the Metropolitan Police
Laboratory, London, in 1979. He then moved to the London Hospital Medical
College, where he helped to establish early adoption of VNTR and STR analysis. In
2002, he moved to the Forensic Genetics Unit, University of Santiago de
Compostela, and has been a full‐time researcher in forensic genetics since then.
Areas of interest focus on: SNPs; forensic ancestry analysis; novel autosomal‐, X‐,
Y‐STRs applied to forensic identification and ancestry analysis; development of
Indels for forensic analysis; forensic DNA phenotyping; online population variation
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About the contributors xlvii
databases (e.g. SPSmart); open‐access SNP data analysis tools (e.g. Snipper);
forensic age estimation using methylation analysis; MPS‐based sequencing and
issues around alignment, nomenclature and description of STR sequence
variation. He is a member of: EDNAP; VISAGE Consortium; and STRAND ISFG
Working Group.
Vittorio Piscitelli is a Law graduate, and Commissioner of the Government
Office for Missing Persons in Italy from 2014–2018.
José Luis Prieto, MD, DDS, PhD, earned the post of forensic doctor in 1988
and joined Madrid Complutense University in 1997 as an associate professor of
Legal and Forensic Medicine, mainly linking his activity to forensic anthropology
and odontology. He set up the first laboratory of the discipline within the Spanish
forensic system (Madrid Forensic Institute), which he headed from 1992 to 2008.
Additionally, he has actively participated in the development of scientific associa-
tions as the Forensic Anthropology Society of Europe (FASE) and the Spanish
Association of Forensic Anthropology and Odontology (AEAOF), and is also
member of the Anthropology Section of the American Academy of Forensic
Sciences (AAFS) and the Latin American Association of Forensic Anthropology
(ALAF). Since 2006, his professional activity has being linked with humanitarian
action, working as a forensic consultant with national and international organiza-
tions and institutions in a variety of contexts and scenarios around the world. He
is currently a member of the Forensic Advisory Board (FAB) of the International
Committee of the Red Cross and external expert of the Ombudsman Office in the
National Mechanism of Prevention of Torture. He also takes part in different
projects of the Argentine Forensic Anthropology Team (EAAF) and is involved in
cases related to the missing from the Spanish Civil War.
Robin Ramey is an archaeologist in Fairfax County, Virginia, USA. Robin received
a Bachelor of Arts in Archaeology as well as a certificate in Geographic Information
Systems (GIS) from the University of Mary Washington. She also earned a Master
of Arts in Anthropology and a graduate‐level GIS certificate from North Carolina
State University. Robin has worked at various historical sites throughout Virginia,
including Thomas Jefferson’s Monticello and George Washington’s boyhood
home, Ferry Farm. Currently, Robin works as an archaeologist for the Fairfax
County Park Authority. Robin’s research interests include the history and prehis-
tory of the mid‐Atlantic region, plantation archaeology, the archaeology of slavery,
and the utilization of GIS in the management and interpretation of cultural
resources.
Michael P. Richards, PhD, FSA, FRSC, is an archaeological scientist who
applies methods such as isotopic analysis to determine past human and animal
diets and adaptations. Before joining (returning to) Simon Fraser University,
Burnaby, Canada, he was a Professor at the Department of Human Evolution at
the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology (Leipzig, Germany) and
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xlviii About the contributors
Professor in the Department of Anthropology at UBC. He was also a Wellcome

Trust University Award holder and then Professor in the Department of
Archaeological Sciences at the University of Bradford (UK) and a Professor of
Archaeology at the University of Durham (UK). Dr Richards is a Fellow of the
Society of Antiquaries of London, and a Fellow of the Royal Society of Canada.
Sofía Rodríguez is an undergraduate student from the Universidad de la
República, Montevideo, Uruguay. She has been working at the Uruguayan team
of Forensic Anthropology since 2015. She joined the Latin American Forensic
Anthropology Association (ALAF) in 2015. She is currently working as a volun-
teer at the department of Biological Anthropology at the University of Republic.
Carola Romanini is a biochemist, having graduated with her licentiate from the
National University of Córdoba, Argentina. She has been working in the Argentine
Forensic Anthropology Team (EAAF) Forensic DNA Laboratory since 2006, at
present assuming technical supervisor and quality assurance tasks. In collabora-
tion with her workgroup, she has trained other professionals, as well as published
scientific articles of interest in the area of forensic genetics, with guidance in the
identification of missing persons.
Magdalena Romero is a graduate biochemist from the National University of
Córdoba, Argentina. She has been part of the Forensic DNA Laboratory for the
Argentine Forensic Anthropology Team (EAAF) since 2008, developing tasks
mainly related to bone sample processing. Together with her work colleagues, she
has published scientific articles concerning forensic genetics and collaborated in
the training of new professionals that became part of the working group, as well
as scientists from other countries.
Mercedes Salado Puerto, PhD, DLAF, qualified initially as a biologist and
completed her doctorate in the Department of Biological Anthropology,
Universidad Autónoma de Madrid (Spain). As a forensic anthropologist, she was
a member of the Guatemalan Forensic Anthropology Team from 1998 to 2003,
and since 2003 has been a member of the Argentine Forensic Anthropology Team
(EAAF), where she currently works as Identification Coordinator. She specializes
in the historical investigation of cases of political violence (analysis of written and
oral sources, collecting ante‐mortem data from relatives of the missing, interviews
with witnesses, information management and databases), archaeological exhu-
mation of individual and mass graves, and analysis of skeletal human remains in
order to identify them and to assess the cause of death. She has been involved in
forensic investigations and training in, among others, Argentina, Bosnia‐
Herzegovina, Burundi, Central African Republic, Colombia, Cyprus, Chile,
Georgia, Guatemala, Iran, Iraq, Ivory Coast, Lebanon, Morocco, Mexico, Nepal,
Panama, Peru, South Africa, Sudan, Tchad, Thailand, Timor‐Leste, Togo, Ukraine,
Uruguay and Vietnam. She has been Lecturer in the Post‐graduate Diploma in
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About the contributors xlix
Forensic Anthropology and Human Rights (Universidad Nacional Mayor de San

Marcos, Perú); the Masters in Forensic Anthropology and Bioarchaeology
(Graduate School of the Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú); and the
Doctorate in Anthropology at the Universidad Nacional de Córdoba (Argentina).
She is a member of the Latin American Association of Forensic Anthropology
(ALAF) and the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) Forensic
Advisory Group.
Ximena Salvo Eulacio graduated in archaeology from Universidad de la
República, Uruguay. She integrates the Uruguayan team of Forensic Anthropology
since its beginning in 2005. Ximena now serves her term as Treasurer of the Latin
American Forensic Anthropology Association (ALAF).
Beth K. Scaffidi is a National Science Foundation Postdoctoral Fellow affiliated
with the Archaeological Chemistry Laboratory of the Center for Bioarchaeological
Research at Arizona State University. She is a spatially‐oriented anthropological
bioarchaeologist working at individual and regional scales to examine how envi-
ronmental stress and sweeping cultural changes impacted the institutionalization
of social status and health inequalities, intra‐group and inter‐group physical vio-
lence, violent post‐mortem dismemberment, subsistence practices, and short‐ and
long‐term residential mobility at pre‐Hispanic archaeological sites. Her research
combines palaeopathological, bioarchaeological and isotopic life histories for
skeletal individuals and populations, and uses geospatial methods to emplace
those within their broader geopolitical contexts. She currently directs the Andean
Paleomobility Unification (APU) Project, which aggregates isotopic baseline data
to create isoscape models for provenancing skeletons and artefacts. As a former
prosecutor, she enjoys collaborating on research in the archaeological and anthro-
pological sciences with forensic and public health applications.
João Paulo Sena‐Souza graduated in Environmental Management and gained
a MSc in Geography, both at the University of Brasília. He uses geoprocessing and
spatial analysis for geomorphological, pedological, and land cover mapping and
applications. Currently, he is a PhD candidate in the Environmental Sciences
program at the University of Brasília, developing research in modeling carbon and
nitrogen isotopic landscapes and applying them to solve ecosystem ecology and
forensic science issues.
Marisela Silva Chau is the Legal Adviser to the Operations for the Americas at
the ICRC Headquarters in Geneva, Switzerland. She is a Peruvian lawyer who
graduated from the Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, where she is admitted
to Practice as Attorney. Ms Silva worked as Law Professor on public international
law issues at the Universidad Femenina del Sagrado Corazón, Universidad de
Ciencias Aplicadas and Pontificia Univerisad Católica del Perú. Ms Silva has been
working for the ICRC since 2001 when she started as a legal adviser at the ICRC’s
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l About the contributors
Regional Delegation for Bolivia, Ecuador and Peru. She has also worked as
Coordinator of the Legal Department at the ICRC’s Delegation in Colombia
(2012–2014) and as a legal adviser to the operations at the ICRC’s Delegation
in Afghanistan (2015–2016) and at the ICRC’s Sub‐delegation in Erbil, Iraq
(2016–2017). Ms Silva is an ICRC legal adviser with experience in providing oper-
ational legal advice on international humanitarian law (IHL), its implementation
as well as on the standards of international human rights law (IHRL) on the regula-
tion of the use of force and the protection of persons in other situations of violence.
Kate Spradley, PhD, is a Professor of Anthropology and Director of Operation
Identification at Texas State University, and a biological anthropologist. Her
current research trajectory focuses on human migration, death, and migrant
identification. She focuses on documenting migrant burials, understanding insti-
tutional barriers and decision‐making processes concerning migrant deaths, and
improving efforts towards identification through quantitative analyses. Her inter-
disciplinary research on migrant identification is an example of scholarship of
engagement, and involves partnerships and collaborations with various external
organizations and other scientists to address community needs.
John E.B. Stewart, PhD, earned a baccalaureate degree in Zoology from the
University of California at Berkeley, a Master of Arts degree in Biological Sciences
(Population Genetics) from North Texas State University, and a doctorate in
Molecular Biology from the University of North Texas. He is employed by the
Federal Bureau of Investigation’s Laboratory Division since 1996, and is trained
and qualified as a Forensic Examiner in mitochondrial DNA analysis. In 1999,
John initiated and developed the FBI’s National Missing Person DNA Database
Program, and was selected in 2015 as a Supervisory Forensic Examiner in the
FBI’s DNA Casework Unit. He is a former member and Chair of the Scientific
Working Group on DNA Analysis Methods (SWGDAM) Missing Person/Mass
Disaster subcommittee, and a former board member of the National DNA Index
System (NDIS) of the Combined DNA Index System (CODIS). He has testified in
over 40 State, Federal and international court proceedings as an expert in mito-
chondrial DNA analysis.
Maryna Steyn, PhD, is a biological anthropologist who qualified as a medical
doctor in 1983 (University of Pretoria) and then obtained a PhD from the
University of the Witwatersrand in 1994. As a specialist in human skeletal remains,
she consults to the South African Police Service and Forensic Pathologists on
decomposed and skeletonized human remains, and holds a level 1 accreditation
as forensic anthropologist from FASE (Forensic Anthropology Society of Europe).
In the past 25 years she has completed more than 400 forensic anthropological
case reports and has been involved in several high‐level investigations and repa-
triations. She played a pivotal role in establishing forensic anthropology as a sub-
discipline in South Africa, resulting not only in the training of many postgraduates,
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About the contributors li
but also in bringing case analysis into the formal stream of investigation. Maryna’s
research in this regard has played a major role in the setting of standards, which
brought much international attention, such that South Africa is regarded among
the leaders in this field internationally. She conducts research on human remains
from forensic contexts and archaeological sites, focusing on skeletal identification
and palaeopathology. In 2007, she received a diploma of appreciation from the
United Nations (Department of Peacekeeping Operations) for work done on two
aircraft accidents in Angola. She has published ±130 papers in scientific journals,
as well as several book chapters. She is co‐author of the book The Human Skeleton
in Forensic Medicine. Maryna is a member of the editorial board of Forensic Science
International and Associate Editor: Anthropology, Archaeology and Palaeontology
for the South African Journal of Science. She was the director of the Forensic
Anthropology Research Centre (FARC) at University of Pretoria until 2015 when
she joined Wits. She is currently the Head of School of Anatomical Sciences at the
University of the Witwatersrand, and Director of HVIRU (Human Variation and
Identification Research Unit). Maryna now serves her second term as President of
the Anatomical Society of Southern Africa, and serves on the boards of FASE and
the IACI (International Association for Craniofacial Identification).
Jill Stockwell, PhD, is a social anthropologist and an Advisor on Missing Persons
and their Families with the ICRC. She is the author of Reframing the Transitional
Justice Paradigm: Women’s Affective Memories in Post‐Dictatorial Argentina (2014) as
well as the founder of “Cultural Memory” – an online oral testimony project for
women who have experienced armed violence, human rights abuses or traumatic
displacement.
Joel Tejada, MA, is a forensic and cultural anthropologist. He graduated from
San Marcos University in Lima (2006) and from the Catholic University of Peru
(MA) in 2008. He works in the Office Searching for Missing Persons in the Ministry
of Justice and Human Rights in Lima, Peru, and he is a member of the Latin
American Association of Forensic Anthropology. His forensic experience includes
work with the Forensic Anthropology Team (EFE) of the Legal Medicine Institute
of the Public Ministry. With the Peruvian Team of Forensic Anthropology (EPAF)
(2011), he worked in Guatemala and the Democratic Republic of Congo. In 2012
he did an internship program in management of ante‐mortem/post‐mortem data
in the Unit of Forensic Services of the International Committee of the Red Cross
in Geneva.
Richard M. Thomas, PhD, D‐ABFA, is a forensic anthropologist at the FBI
Laboratory. He received his BA in Anthropology from Northwestern University,
and an MA and PhD in Biological Anthropology from Pennsylvania State
University. From 2003–2010, he worked in the mitochondrial DNA Unit conduct-
ing forensic anthropology casework and producing DNA sequence data for the
National Missing Persons DNA Database. Since 2010, he has worked in the Trace
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lii About the contributors
Evidence Unit conducting forensic anthropology examinations and research. He is

a Fellow of the Anthropology section of the American Academy of Forensic
Sciences, a Diplomate of the American Board of Forensic Anthropology, and is
currently serving on the Anthropology Subcommittee of the National Institute of
Standards and Technology’s Organization of Scientific Area Committees (OSAC).
Morris Tidball‐Binz is a forensic doctor who joined the International Committee
of the Red Cross (ICRC) in 2004 and has since worked for the organization in
numerous contexts, helping to develop its novel forensic capacity. Having begun
his career with forensic and human rights organizations, he helped to pioneer in
his native South America the application of forensic science to human rights
investigations, particularly the search for the disappeared. In Argentina he assisted
the Grandmothers of Plaza de Mayo in their efforts to build the first‐ever genetic
databank to identify disappeared children, and also co‐founded and directed the
Argentine Team of Forensic Anthropology (EAAF). He later joined Amnesty
International in London, UK, as a researcher and then as head of its Americas
Department before moving to Costa Rica to direct a continental Program for the
Prevention for Torture at the Inter‐American Institute for Human Rights, using
his forensic skills to help document and combat the practice of torture in the
region. While in Costa Rica he also opened and directed a regional office of Penal
Reform International for improving prison conditions in the Americas. He then
moved to Geneva, invited by the International Service for Human Rights to work
for the organization, which he also directed before joining the ICRC. He helped
create the ICRC’s Forensic Unit, of which he was the first Director until early
2017, and then headed the ICRC’s forensic operation under the Humanitarian
Project Plan to identify Argentine soldiers buried in the Falklands/Malvinas
islands. He is currently the Forensic Manager for the ICRC’s new Missing Persons
Project. Dr Tidball‐Binz has lectured and published extensively on the contribu-
tion of forensic science to the protection of human rights and humanitarian activ-
ities. Presently he is also a Visiting Professor of the Universities of Coimbra,
Portugal, and of Milan, Italy. He spoke with the Red Cross Review to share his
insights on the development of humanitarian forensic action and its role in
protecting the dead and clarifying the fate of missing persons.
Brett J. Tipple, PhD, is a Research Assistant Professor at the University of Utah
within the Department of Biology, as well as an Associate Project Scientist at the
University of California, Santa Cruz, within the Institute of Marine Sciences. His
research interests include isotope geochemistry and mass spectrometry. He seeks
to transfer leading‐edge analytical techniques and isotope measurement methods
to real‐world applications. Here, Brett has analysed isotopic evidence from over
100 active homicide and cold case investigations. He obtained his BS and PhD
degrees from Indiana University and Yale University, respectively.
Tiffiny A. Tung, PhD, is an Associate Professor of Anthropology at Vanderbilt
University in Nashville, Tennessee. She is an anthropological bioarchaeologist
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About the contributors liii
who examines the health and biocultural effects of ancient imperialism, colo-
nialism and state decline in the Peruvian Andes. Her research foci include palaeo-
pathology, violence‐related trauma, dietary reconstruction and the study of
migration using isotope analyses, the use of the body and body parts in rituals,
and bioarchaeological perspectives on embodiment. She is the author of the book,
Violence, Ritual, and the Wari Empire: A Social Bioarchaeology of Imperialism in the
Ancient Andes (University Press of Florida). She has published in the American
Journal of Physical Anthropology, Current Anthropology, Cambridge Archaeological
Journal, Journal of Archaeological Research, Journal of Archaeological Science‐Reports,
Journal of Anthropological Archaeology, and Latin American Antiquity, among others.
She enjoys conducting interdisciplinary research and is a frequent collaborator
with scholars from Peru and around the world.
Viviana Uribe Tamblay is a defender and activist in human rights from Chile,
and is Administrative Manager of the Special Unit of Forensic Identification of the
Forensic Service of Chile. She has been a researcher and collaborator in publica-
tions on the serious violations of human rights in Chile (forced disappearance,
political execution and torture), including “Todas íbamos a ser reinas” (1990), a
study on women detainees who were pregnant and were arrested and disap-
peared in Chile and Argentina; “La gran mentira” (1994), the case of the lists of
the 119 in the psychological war of the Chilean dictatorship, 1973–1990; “Más
allá de las fronteras” (1996), a study on executed Chileans and disappeared
detainees from outside Chile; and “Páginas en Blanco” (2001), September 11 at La
Moneda. From 2010 to date, she is the President of the non‐governmental
organization CODEPU, Corporation for the Defense of People’s Rights.
Luciano O. Valenzuela, PhD, is an assistant researcher at the Consejo Nacional
de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas (CONICET) and Universidad Nacional del
Centro de la Provincia de Buenos Aires (UNCPBA) in Argentina, and a research
assistant professor at the University of Utah (USA). His research has focused on
the use of stable isotopes to study animal and human movement across land-
scapes. He has worked on animal migration and conservation of marine species.
Nowadays his research focuses on the use of stable isotopes for human prove-
nancing in South America. He is also interested in applying stable isotopes to
study the effects of dietary transitions on human health. Dr Valenzuela received a
Licenciatura degree in biological sciences from the University of Buenos Aires,
and a PhD in biology from the University of Utah.
María del Carmen Vega Dulanto, PhD, is an Adjunct Professor in the
Department of Humanities at the Pontifical Catholic University of Peru (PUCP)
and the Curator of Physical Anthropology at the National Museum of Archeology,
Anthropology, and History of Peru. She earned her PhD in Anthropology from the
University of Western Ontario (Canada), an MA in Forensic Anthropology and
Bioarchaeology (PUCP), and a BA in Archaeology (PUCP). Dr Vega has a long
experience in the analysis of human remains from archaeological and forensic
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liv About the contributors
contexts. She was awarded a Western Humanitarian Award for her work with the
Peruvian Forensic Anthropology Team (EPAF), working to identify victims of
human rights abuses dating to the 1980‐1990s internal armed conflict in Peru.
She was also awarded a Vanier Fellowship in recognition of her academic achieve-
ment, her record of scholarship and her humanitarian work.
Claudia Vega Urueña, DDS, is currently working as a forensic odontologist for
the Search Unit for Persons Disappeared (UBPD) in Bogotá, Colombia. She has
five years of experience as an expert in forensic dentistry and human identification,
in the National Forensic Pathology Group of the National Institute of Legal
Medicine and Forensic Sciences, Bogotá. She is also a University professor of
forensic dentistry.
Albarita Vitale is a graduate in biology. She worked at LABANOF as a forensic
anthropologist, with a Postgraduate Grant from “Cariplo” (Young Researcher’s
Grant), for which she worked on the identification and anthropological examina-
tion of victims of the major disasters of the Mediterranean in Italy.
Jairo Vivas Díaz, MD, is currently the Director of the Search, Recovery and
Identification Department of the Search Unit for Persons Disappeared (UBPD) in
Bogotá, Colombia. He is a forensic pathologist and university professor. He worked
at the National Institute of Legal Medicine of Colombia for 19 years, seven of
them as coordinator in the National Forensic Pathology Group.
Carlos María Vullo, PhD, is a biochemist, graduating with his licentiate from
the National University of Córdoba, Argentina. He has obtained his PhD in
Chemical Sciences, also from the National University of Córdoba, Argentina. He
founded the Histocompatibility and Immunogenetics Laboratory at the University
Clinic Hospital in Córdoba, Argentina, where he was Director from 1982 to 2003.
He has also been Director of the Immunogenetics Laboratory (LIDMO, Córdoba,
Argentina), working on Immunogenetics for organ transplantations since 1985
until today. He has been involved in population genetics research of different
ethnic groups for the last 30 years. He became Director of the Forensic DNA
Laboratory for the Argentine Forensic Anthropology Team (EAAF) in 2005. He
has applied forensic genetics for human identification of victims of human right
violations in different Latin American countries such as Argentina, Uruguay,
Bolivia, El Salvador, Paraguay and Mexico. In addition, he has worked on similar
cases from South Africa, East Timor, Nigeria, Central African Republic, and
Vietnam among others. He has conducted training sessions in forensic genetics for
scientists from El Salvador, Bolivia, Peru, Thailand, Vietnam and Chile among
others. He has published more than 60 scientific papers and seven book chapters
concerning immunogenetics and forensic genetics for missing person identification.
Christiana Zenonos has studied History & Archaeology and Greek Literature
(MA) at the University of Crete. She has been working for the Committee on
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About the contributors lv
Missing Persons in Cyprus (CMP) since 2009 as an archaeologist for the

Bi‐Communal Forensic Team, as a member of the Greek Cypriot Investigative
Team (2016–2018), and as the Greek Cypriot Field Coordinator since August
2018.
James Zimmer‐Dauphinee is a PhD student at Vanderbilt University. He is an
anthropological archaeologist whose research interests include questions around
human movement, landscape use, and colonialism. His previous research includes
the first geophysical survey of Arkansas’ tallest prehistoric earthen mounds,
known as Toltec Mounds, and was published in Archaeological Remote Sensing in
North America: Innovative Techniques of Anthropological Applications (University of
Alabama Press). Currently, he is studying the impact of Spanish colonialism in
the southern Peruvian Andes through applications of technology, geographical
information systems, and data analysis. His specialties include the use of geophys-
ical survey, aerial and satellite remote sensing, and machine learning to develop
multi‐scalar approaches in anthropological research. He enjoys conducting inter-
disciplinary research and finding ways to combine methods of knowledge pro-
duction from fields that are generally thought to be incompatible in innovative
ways.
Gülbanu K. Zorba joined the Committee on Missing Persons in Cyprus (CMP)
in 2006 as a DNA Scientist. Since September 2012, she has interpreted
and confirmed genetic results received from external laboratories at the CMP
Anthropological Laboratory (CAL) Genetic Unit. She has been working as CMP
Identification Coordinator since March 2018, where she critically evaluates and
discusses all available evidence with all scientific disciplines involved during the
reconciliation meetings.
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Foreword
Peter Maurer
President, International Committee of the Red Cross
Fragility, violence and conflict are a reality of our world today, in places like
Afghanistan, Syria, Iraq, Yemen, South Sudan, Lake Chad or in Central America.
In the conflicts in which the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC)
works we have seen how the dynamics of conflict have changed enormously in
recent decades. Today, conflicts are more urban, more protracted and the battle-
field has fragmented, with an increasing number of actors now fighting.
Additionally, concerning trends are converging which are leading to increased
fragility: violence, underdevelopment, injustice, exclusion and the impact of
climate change. And the result is devastating. Decades of fighting and insecurity
and ongoing violations of international humanitarian law are destroying basic
social infrastructure, as well as health, sanitation and water systems, and are stall-
ing education and economic development.
The upheaval and uncertainty of conflict is crippling, leaving physical injuries
and psychological scars. When I speak with people in conflicts around the world,
too many have unanswered questions about their loved ones who have gone
missing. There are parents searching for children, wives searching for husbands.
Others are grieving after a death, but still seeking information, or the return of
remains, and suffer ongoing trauma.
As the face of conflict changes, we need to understand how forensic science can
step up to these new challenges and strengthen the humanitarian sector’s action.
While the application of forensic science in the humanitarian and human rights
domains is not new, the past few decades have seen it rapidly catalyse, and greatly
support the response of organizations across the globe to communities affected by
war, violence and migration.
Across the humanitarian field there has been a growing trend toward speciali-
zation, and forensic science is notable in this regard. With transformative advances
in areas of forensic science, such as genetics, we can see opportunities for its
increased application across the globe.
This will not be without its challenges, with growing expectations and hopes
from society for what can be achieved. The need to balance these expectations
within the complex demands of operating in a conflict environment will be key to
ensuring that we can provide timely responses that will deliver for those who
need them most.
The new challenges before us require an adapted response. Today’s mass graves
are more often in urban settings, with large numbers of dead civilians trapped in
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lviii Foreword
collapsed buildings and structures. As the forensic community has advanced its
understanding of recovery of the dead from mass graves over the past decades, it
must now work to respond to evolving landscapes and challenges. The need to
work across and within professions has never been clearer.
The ICRC hired its first forensic specialist in 2003, and today it is difficult to ima-
gine its humanitarian response without the integration of forensic science. Today
the ICRC has more than 70 forensic specialists located across the globe, working
as part of multidisciplinary teams to respond to humanitarian needs emanating
from conflict, migration and disasters. With experts in a diverse range of forensic
fields, including anthropology, pathology, odontology, and growingly genetics,
the ICRC is continuing to build its response to the needs on the ground.
There is little doubt that forensic science will continue to play an important role
in the humanitarian sphere for years to come. We have seen a growing interest
and engagement from the forensic community, with the emergence of forums,
academic research, and forensic centres dedicated to the understanding of how to
apply forensic science to the humanitarian sphere. Continued collaboration will
be key, if we are to put in place the structures and capacity to respond to the
evolving humanitarian consequences across the globe.
The ICRC calls on the forensic community to work together in achieving this
goal. Through emerging professional networks and forums, there is no reason
why this cannot be possible.
The ICRC’s new Institutional Strategy 2019–2022 reaffirms the organization’s
commitment and ambition to put affected people and communities at the centre.
We must listen more closely and understand their needs in order to design
responses using forensic science that bring the answers they need.
It is clear that a humanitarian response using forensic science will not be the
same in Iraq, for example, as it might be in Ukraine, South Sudan or Venezuela,
but we do know how critical it will be to people who every day await answers
about their missing loved ones, and to ensure that, in death, dignity is not lost.
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Foreword
Susan M. Ballou
President, American Association of Forensic Science
This book captures a large collection of topics that spark interest within the forensic
science community. Some of the topics – missing individuals, environmental
factors, DNA, kinship, legal disparities and the forensic process – trigger friendly
discussions in the hallway, at lunch, or at the bar. I confess, I have an optimistic
outlook on life so naturally I selected the word “friendly”. The word gives a vision
of synergetic relationships between experts in the different branches of science
working toward a common goal. This “friendly” environment exists, although
some of those “friendly” discussions turn into passionate arguments that continue
through a lifetime. These provocative attitudes and the truly friendly ones are
integral to the process of strengthening science. If everyone agreed on every point,
the impetus to explore alternatives would halt and our knowledge and growth
would stagnate.
Over the years, researchers and some forensic scientists have tested the bound-
aries of proffered methods, practices, and techniques. Dr Alexander Gettler, the
“father of forensic toxicology in America” is a perfect example. He was known for
developing new methods when a case required it and tweaking other methods to
address new demands. This type of ingenuity has generated an abundance of test
methods. Unfortunately, this has caused a quandary in our profession. With so
many methods and practices to choose from, how does an agency know which is
the most appropriate one? Laboratories tend to select methods that their analysts
are familiar with and that allows the use of existing instrumentation and space.
Once a method is chosen, analysts tend not to deviate from it, passing it to new
hires by demonstration or shorthand notes. Generally, though not always, the
required references to support the selected method are passed along as well. Most
analysts do not see an issue with this practice. Their reasoning might be that the
method has been used for over 100 years, it produces the expected results, and it
has not been challenged. Therefore, they might think, what is the issue? The issue
is that many of these methods have not undergone sufficient validation studies to
demonstrate fitness for purpose – that is, that the methods are appropriate for
testing a specific type evidentiary material and that the laboratory has confirmed
the performance of the instrumentation, reagents and consumables. In addition,
the laboratory must demonstrate that the selected method is reproducible and
repeatable and that it has undergone peer review.
Over the years the process of shoring‐up the selected methods and practices
was unclear, but it was evident standards would have to be created. In 1974, a
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lx Foreword
forward‐thinking group seeking standards connected with the American Society

for Testing and Materials (ASTM) International and established a Forensic Science
committee – ASTM E30. According to the ASTM International website; (https://
www.astm.org/ABOUT/full_overview.html), “ASTM International is a globally
recognized leader in the development and delivery of voluntary consensus stan-
dards. Today, over 12,000 ASTM standards are used around the world to improve
product quality, enhance health and safety, strengthen market access and trade,
and build consumer confidence.” The ASTM E30 has written standards in areas
including fibers, glass, paint, drug analysis, report writing, and documentation.
Referencing these documentary standards supports the selection of methods and
protocols by laboratories and justifies their selection when seeking accreditation.
However, referencing documentary standards does not completely address con-
cerns about laboratory practice or analyst competency. In 2006, John Lentini,
founder of Scientific Fire Analysis, described the quality assurance triangle in an
article titled, It Takes a Community. In this article, (https://www.astm.org/SNEWS/
FEBRUARY_2006/lentini_feb06.html) he included an image of a triangle that
succinctly identified the necessary components of a solid quality assurance
program. Standardization represented one side of the quality assurance triangle.
The other two sides were represented by certification and accreditation, and pro-
ficiency testing was in the center of the triangle. In his article, Mr Lentini explained
that standardization supports all the other components of the triangle. He further
explained that attention and adherence to all components of the triangle are
needed to achieve customer service excellence.
In 2006, The United States National Academy of Sciences (NAS) convened a
committee on Identifying the Needs of the Forensic Science Community. In 2009,
this committee released a report titled, Strengthening Forensic Science in the United
States: A Path Forward. This report identified concerns with “imprecise or exagger-
ated expert testimony,” and a lack of national standards for procedures, termi-
nology, certification and accreditation, noting that some jurisdictions do not
require these programs. The report offered 13 recommendations to address the
profession’s inadequacies. In 2010, in response to the NAS report, the White
House Office of Science and Technology Policy (OSTP) established a subcommittee
to further investigate the question of accreditation, certification, education, ethics,
standards, and other topics. This Subcommittee on Forensic Science (SoFS) under-
stood the need to investigate the current understanding of standards, practices
and protocols. SoFS produced a report entitled Strengthening the Forensic Sciences,
and identified accreditation, certification, an established code of ethics and profi-
ciency tests as essential components of a laboratory system. The report further
identified building blocks for these components as voluntary, consensus, docu-
mentary standards that have been validated and published. These findings
reinforce the importance of the quality assurance triangle.
ASTM International is not the only standards developing organization used by
the forensic science community. In 2015 the American Academy of Forensic
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Foreword lxi
Science (AAFS) President, Dr Victor Weedn, and the AAFS Board of Directors,
saw the opportunity to utilize the wealth of the Academy’s expertise and
knowledge within its 11 sections. AAFS sought and obtained a funding source
that would support the creation of the AAFS Standards Board to include the
Academy Standards Board (ASB) and multiple Consensus Bodies for the creations
of standards. The ASB works directly with the Organization of Scientific Area
Committees for Forensic Science (OSAC) that maintains a national registry of
forensic standards. There is also the International Organization for Standardization
(ISO) and the American National Standards Institute (ANSI). Once standards are
created, they are incorporated into other processes such as accreditation and
certification.
Regarding accreditation, in 2016 the Bureau of Justice Administration (BJA)
released a report entitled Publicly Funded Forensic Crime Laboratories: Quality
Assurance Practices, 2014. This document reported that between 2002 and 2014, the
percentage of 409 crime laboratories that had achieved accreditation rose from 70
to 88%. One reason for this increase was anticipation of the 2015 announcement
by the United States Department of Justice (USDOJ) that its laboratories, and
other laboratories seeking federal funding, would have to achieve accreditation.
Another reason was that state forensic science commissions had identified failures
by laboratories to maintain well‐functioning equipment and proper storage of
evidence. Revelations in the media of unacceptable or erroneous practices also
contributed to the increase in accreditation. The BJA report further stated that,
“Forensic crime labs develop quality assurance practices and implement them to
reduce errors in forensic techniques and analysts’ interpretation. These practices
also help improve consistency across practitioners. Practices such as obtaining
professional accreditation, testing the proficiency of analysts, and external
certification of analysts are regarded as benchmarks for measuring compliance to
industry‐established best practices.” This document can be found at: https://www.
bjs.gov/content/pub/pdf/pffclqap14.pdf.
Although the above information provides a strong argument for achieving
accreditation, management should understand that completing this activity is
only part of the quality assurance triangle. Once the triangle is applied, the whole
process should be externally reviewed to ensure it is not self‐serving. Meaning,
when laboratories check their own processes there is a chance that errors or
inadequacies are overlooked. An external review conducted by an agency unas-
sociated with the laboratory under evaluation may identify previously missed
issues. Labs should also review critical reports such as the 2009 NAS report and
the 2016 report from the United States President’s Council of Advisors on Science
and Technology (PCAST), entitled Forensic Science in Criminal Courts: Ensuring
Scientific Validity of Feature‐Comparison Methods. Although management may firmly
believe the best methods, processes, equipment and education are already in
place, a critical internal assessment is essential. This is the best way for forensic
science organizations to improve their professional standing and, more
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lxii Foreword
importantly, fulfill their service to their communities and the larger society that
rely on them to produce reliable results.
The chapters in this book will provide insights on methods and procedures and
will inspire ways to tackle troubling issues. The book will also describe issues that
have not previously been discussed. When reading, I urge you to keep in mind
that published and validated standards are the essential building blocks of a reli-
able system of forensic science.
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Foreword
Oran Finegan
Head of Forensic Unit, International Committee of the Red Cross
Today the application of forensics in the humanitarian sphere is no longer a new
field of practice, but it is certainly one that is still evolving. Debate can continue as
to when this field emerged, but without doubt it is truly with us today in the day‐
to‐day engagement of various actors, both local and regional, and internationally
around the world. Certainly the field of humanitarian forensics has seen its role
catalysed over the past few decades through advancements in forensic science.
The past 15 years alone has seen seismic changes, both in terms of the science and
lessons learnt from its application. From the engagements in Latin America and
the Balkans, to the very different humanitarian reality we find ourselves in today,
we have seen great leaps in the fields of forensic genetics, forensic anthropology
and forensic archaeology, to name but a few.
There is also a growing awareness, interest, and engagement of local forensic
actors. We see calls for support on the rise, and the development of new centers
of expertise around the globe. The recent establishment of the International
Centre of Humanitarian Forensics in Gujarat, India, is one such example. The
days of large‐scale substitution by international actors seems to be increasingly a
thing of the past. Supporting local capacity and infrastructure, where feasible, is
proving to be the path most actors are now following.
We have also importantly seen the changing face of conflict itself, with today’s
battlefield a much more complex place, with protracted conflict, a proliferation of
actors, and a growing number of non‐state armed groups, decreasing access for
humanitarian actors, and criminality all seen as key components. In addition, we
see battles fought more and more in urban settings, with the knock‐on impact on
the civilian population, and the targeting of health infrastructure, which more
often than not includes forensics facilities and practitioners. Attacks on forensic
practitioners themselves are also an issue of concern. We also see growing levels
of armed violence and the targeting of women, with the growing phenomenon of
femicide.
These changes in the humanitarian environment will require the forensic
community to orientate its approach in order to respond to these changes. Failure
to do so will seriously impact on its ability to respond to the needs of today, never
mind the future. Understanding the advances in forensic science alone will not be
enough. The great differences we see globally in terms of the types of conflict and
disasters, and the growing migration crisis, will require the forensic community to
understand better this diverse range of environments. The challenges and situation
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lxiv Foreword
on the ground, in contexts like Yemen, differ greatly from those of Iraq, Ukraine
or Mexico. While all these contexts would benefit from a robust engagement from
the field of forensic science, it would be naïve to think the approach could be the
same. We must be more cognizant of the need for a contextualized response, and
one that first and foremost includes a close engagement with the affected
population itself, to ensure that any planned programs have clearly in focus the
society itself, in terms of its own culture and needs. Working hand in hand with
communities on the ground should be at the heart of the humanitarian forensic
response.
The application of forensics in the humanitarian sphere sits at a pivotal moment
in its development – one that will define it for decades to come. There can be little
doubt a great deal has been learnt over the past couple of decades. However, while
great progress has been made, allowing for forensics to play a key role in the
identification of persons unaccounted for in conflict and bringing persons to
account for their acts, large parts of the world have been unable to benefit from
these advances. Awareness surrounding the role forensics can play in this domain
is certainly much greater, but this has also led to raised expectations, which often
cannot be met. There is a need for forensic practitioners, and the humanitarian
community as a whole, to be cognizant of this and ensure a responsible approach
so that expectations can be managed. While in theory a great deal more is possible
today than 30 years ago, the practical reality often does not match up. More than
ever the affected population, in situations of humanitarian crisis, expects answers,
whether they be in terms of an identification or justice. The forensic community
must keep this at the front of their thinking when engaging in programs and
activities.
All this said, what is it that today’s forensic practitioners can contribute in the
humanitarian sphere? One could suggest that, with growing advances in forensic
science, the door has opened to allow for the dead to no longer be silenced, and
for their last moments to be heard by all who want to listen, be it families, courts,
or society at large. Forensic practitioners are in a unique position, in so far that
they could be considered the modern‐day mediums for the dead. They hold the
key to help unlock the identity of the dead, and tell the story of their last moments,
and how they met their fate. Such a position bears great responsibility, as it is the
forensic practitioner who can be that voice for the families, the courtroom and
the historian, to name but a few.
For the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) the application of
forensics in the humanitarian sphere is a key component of many of its programs
today across the globe. It recognizes the important role that forensic science can
play in assisting states in fulfilling their obligations towards the dead under
International Humanitarian Law (IHL), and by playing a key role in providing
answers to families who have lost someone in times of conflict or disaster. The
ICRC focuses its efforts on supporting authorities and actors across the world to
develop their forensic capacity to ensure that states have the ability and means to
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Foreword lxv
live up to their commitments towards the dead under IHL, and where possible
allow for the clarification of the fate of those who become unaccounted for in
situations of conflict, disasters and migration.
From its early beginnings to today, the application of forensic science in the
humanitarian sphere has grown globally. I firmly believe that we are entering a
new era in its application, and that the ongoing developments of fields such as
forensic genetics will only see a stronger role of forensics in this domain in the
coming decade. That said we must also remember that while in theory the poten-
tial role for forensics is clearer, we must also remember that many parts of the
world have not been fortunate enough to profit from these advances. States and
the wider international community must do more to recognize the gaps that exist
globally in this respect, and look to find ways to ensure that more practitioners
benefit from the advances in this field. The forensic community must raise its
voice to ensure this message is heard and acted upon.
The place of forensics in the humanitarian sphere is now very much a reality.
With over 70 staff positioned around the globe in 2019, the ICRC sees the benefits
that forensic science can bring to the lives of those affected by disasters and armed
conflict, and also by ensuring that those who lose their lives can be afforded the
dignity they deserve and are entitled to under IHL. I firmly believe that by working
together, all forensic actors engaged in the humanitarian and human rights sphere
can make a difference, and help in addressing the growing challenges being faced
in this domain. Together, as a community, we can make the coming decade one
where forensic science can play an even greater role in positively changing the
lives of those affected by conflict, disaster and migration.
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Series Preface
The forensic sciences represent diverse, dynamic fields that seek to utilize the very
best techniques available to address legal issues. Fueled by advances in technology,
research and methodology, as well as new case applications, the forensic sciences
continue to evolve. Forensic scientists strive to improve their analyses and inter-
pretations of evidence and to remain cognizant of the latest advancements. This
series results from a collaborative effort between the American Academy of
Forensic Sciences (AAFS) and Wiley to publish a select number of books that
relate closely to the activities and Objectives of the AAFS. The book series reflects
the goals of the AAFS to encourage quality scholarship and publication in the
forensic sciences. Proposals for publication in the series are reviewed by a
committee established for that purpose by the AAFS and also reviewed by Wiley.
The AAFS was founded in 1948 and represents a multidisciplinary professional
organization that provides leadership to advance science and its application to the
legal system. The 11 sections of the AAFS consist of Criminalistics, Digital and
Multimedia Sciences, Engineering Sciences, General, Pathology/Biology,
Questioned Documents, Jurisprudence, Anthropology, Toxicology, Odontology,
and Psychiatry and Behavioral Science. There are over 7000 members of the
AAFS, originating from all 50 States of the United States and many countries
beyond. This series reflects global AAFS membership interest in new research,
scholarship, and publication in the forensic sciences.
Douglas H. Ubelaker
Senior Scientist
Smithsonian Institution
Washington, DC, USA
Series Editor
lxvii
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Preface
Sara C. Zapico1,2, Roberto C. Parra3* and Douglas H. Ubelaker2
1
Florida International University, International Forensic Research Institute, Miami, FL, USA
2
3
Forensic science is the application of science to the criminal and civil laws that are
enforced by police agencies in a criminal justice system (Saferstein, 2018). This
general definition is sometimes misinterpreted, focusing on the application of
science to solve crimes. However, “criminal and civil laws” also refer to human
rights. The first right of a person is its identity. The name given by our parents and
our sociocultural environment establishes our identity and defines us for the rest
of our life. Can we lose our identity? Certainly yes, in this case, when the body of
a deceased person becomes an unidentified body, and there is no clue about the
identity of this person. If the identity is not discovered later on, the deceased
person loses all possibility of connectedness with their social and cultural environ-
ment, and consequently with their loved ones, which is called “social death of the
dead” (see Chapter 6, this volume). Thus, a broader definition of forensic science
includes the application of science to human identification, which is a practice
that “reunites human remains with the personhood in life” (Moon, 2017: 270),
and, as consequence, “the dead back into the social order,” re‐establishing identity
and kinship ties with loved ones (Moon, 2017; Gowland and Thompson, 2013;
Chapter 6, this volume). There are hundreds of thousands of situations that
require determination of the identity of a person worldwide. These scenarios
include mass disasters, armed conflicts and migrant crises, among others.
How do forensic scientists contribute to the determination of the identity of a
person? We use a scientific process called identification.1 Previously described sce-
narios deal with different situations that require the application of multidisci-
plinary and interdisciplinary approaches towards this goal. The identification of
human remains2 is a complex process, which requires integration of various
forensic approaches. We need to collect and systematize data, evaluate and verify
the data quality, centralize, organize, compare and analyze all information and
the United Nations.
1
For a discussion regarding the difference and boundary between identity and identification, refer to Gowland
and Thompson (2013).
2
In general terms that includes, but is not limited to, recent cadavers, severely decomposed, skeletons, etc.
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lxx Preface
confirm any findings. One of the forensic science disciplines, forensic anthropology,
applies the knowledge, methods and techniques of human skeletal biology to this
forensic issue: determination of the biological identity through the creation of a
biological profile (sex, age, ancestry, height and pathological conditions) (e.g.
Boyd and Boyd, 2018; Christensen et al., 2014). This profile constitutes what is
called “post‐mortem data”, information retrieved from the skeleton. Forensic
odontology, the application of dental science to the identification of human
remains (Adserias‐Garriga et al., 2018), plays a key role not only in cases of
skeletal remains, but also with fleshed bodies; where it is not possible to deter-
mine the identity for some reason, dental post‐mortem data could help towards
this purpose. The science of DNA has evolved since the discovery of the double
helix configuration by Watson and Crick in 1953 based on Rosalind Franklin’s
previous studies (Watson and Crick, 1953). Later on, Sir Alec Jeffreys and col-
leagues (1985) applied this DNA knowledge to forensic science, developing “DNA
fingerprinting”. His findings were used for a while by the forensic science
community, although these techniques have advanced, and now DNA finger-
printing is based on the determination of the “short tandem repeats” (STRs) pro-
file. Based on the uniqueness (referred to databases) of this profile (except for
identical twins), it is possible to establish the identity of a person. The DNA profile
retrieved from unidentified human remains is also part of the “post‐mortem data”.
“Post‐mortem data” constitute half of the puzzle for the identification of
human remains. Certainly, these three above‐described forensic disciplines,
among others, can help towards this goal, but require the other half of the puzzle:
“ante‐mortem data”.
The “ante‐mortem data” are items of information concerning the individual
provided by the missing person’s family or loved ones and which could be used for
identification. Thus, comparison of ante‐mortem and post‐mortem data can lead
to a positive identification, presumptive identification or an exclusion (Adserias‐
Garriga et al., 2018), or as defined by the Asociación Latinoamericana de
Antropología Forense (ALAF): “identification, exclusion and inconclusive”
(ALAF, 2016).
“Hic locus est ubi mors gaudet succurrere vitae” – “this is the place where dead
help the living”: this inscription, found in some morgues, points out the value of
forensic work to understand better the processes leading to the death as well as
the circumstances surrounding the death. In our context, the identification of
human remains, this sentence has to be considered in reverse. As described above,
the gathering of ante‐mortem information is as important as the recovery of post‐
mortem information. Towards this purpose, the families and relatives play a key
role, thus “the living help the dead”, and in reciprocity the symbolic social life of
the dead also contributes to the living. In the words of Jane Buikstra: “They
what is proper and what is not and act accordingly” (Buikstra, 2017: 295). In this
way, we can talk about the interaction with the dead and the living.
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Preface lxxi
As a result, forensic scientists not only have to interact with the dead – we also
have to interact with the living. This is not an easy task; we have to take into
consideration the grief of the families and relatives. They have lost their loved
ones or they do not know what has happened to them. They are looking for
answers and closure. Therefore, in the quest for ante‐mortem data, forensic scien-
tists have to be very careful in their approach to the families. Their cooperation is
imperative for the main goal of identification of human remains.
Additionally, as important as interacting with the families and relatives, it is
essential to collect ante‐mortem information from physicians, dentists and other
professionals. They will provide medical and dental records that can be crucial for
an identification. However, sometimes it is not possible and then they provide us
with another type of information that comes from their memories; for this,
anthropologists use their social and cultural knowledge to capture this type of
data as ante‐mortem information in a humanitarian context. Forensic anthropology
has then become an applied discipline that encompasses the holistic approach of
anthropology. Furthermore, the understanding of dissimilar social scenarios at a
cultural level, where conceptions about death, health, illness, the meaning of life
and identity may be different, is certainly of vital importance for achieving fruitful
forensic humanitarian actions. Anthropologists can contribute enormously in this
task of understanding the needs of a population affected by the violence, the
needs of the families of missing persons and their expectations.
Hence, both ante‐mortem and post‐mortem data are fundamental for the
identification of human remains. However, and as described above, different
forensic scenarios complicate the retrieval and quality of these data.
This is the focus of this book. Forensic Science and Humanitarian Action:3 Interacting
with the Dead and the Living reflects all aspects related to the forensic identification
of human remains, their posthumous dignity,4 agency,5 the legal foundation that
protects them6 and the impact on the living.
The term “humanitarian forensic science” was first coined by the International
Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) (Cordner and Tidball‐Binz, 2017; Tidball‐
Binz, 2013), defined as “the application of forensic science to humanitarian activ-
ities”. This definition is broader than the scope of this book. This book is focused
on one part of humanitarian activities: that related to the “management of the
dead” in mass disasters, armed conflicts, migration crises, and other situations in
order to identify human remains and understand the impact of such identifica-
tions on their families.
3
“Humanitarian action itself is defined by the ICRC as a range of activities that seek to alleviate human suffering
and protect the dignity of all victims of armed conflict and catastrophes, carried out in a neutral, impartial and
independent manner, free of charge and framed under International Humanitarian Law” (Cordner and Tidball-
Binz, 2017: 65).
4
As highlighted by Antoon De Baets (2009).
5
Laura Ahern (2001: 110) argued that agency is “the socioculturally mediated capacity to act”. For further
discussion about agency, see Janet Hoskins (2006), Tiffiny Tung (2014) and Jane Buikstra (2017).
6
As described in Chapter 2, and in Gaggioli (2018).
fpref.indd 71 11/26/2019 8:30:35 PM

lxxii Preface
This book covers in the first section the legal, historical and social aspects of
missing persons and unidentified bodies, including chapters devoted to human
rights and International Humanitarian Law, and even an interesting approach
from bioarchaeology. Additionally, some chapters point out the importance of the
identification of human remains, theoretical fundamentals, humanitarian actions,
and the return of the human remains to their love ones.
The second section describes the recovery of basic information from missing
persons and unidentified bodies (ante‐mortem and post‐mortem data), including
approaches for the conceptualization, description and location of clandestine
deposit sites with human remains (particularly important in mass graves), as well
as new technologies applied to complex cases.
Following with this line of research, the third section is dedicated to one of the
current trends in forensic anthropology: the use of isotopes to determine the
geographical provenance of the unidentified body. As described in some chapters
of this section, this new technique has become a useful tool to track the “biohistory”7
of unidentified deceased persons. New scientific approaches of this nature open
the door to future scientific discussions.
DNA is a powerful tool for the identification of human remains, but with serious
limitations as well. Section IV describes its contribution towards this purpose, but
also presents its limitations, especially when we lack key ante‐ or post‐mortem
data, including cultural, social and religious cosmovision, even when the analysis
is based over particular population types where the population genetic structure
complicates the process. Additionally, one chapter explains current research
involving non‐STR markers, single nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs), providing
the phenotypic characteristics based solely on DNA of the human remains (hair,
eye and skin color as well as ancestry).
Section V describes the application of forensic science to a variety of scenarios
and the procedures leading to identification of human remains. These include
identification of the migrants along the US/Mexican border, migrants in Europe,
identification of remains from armed conflicts (Argentina, Cyprus, Colombia,
Chile, Peru and Uruguay) and other mass disaster scenarios (Guatemala), as well
as the approaches for identification in other countries or agencies (Australia, Costa
Rica, South Africa, USA).
Consequently, this book is intended as a reference for the legal, social, cultural,
scientific and multidisciplinary aspects of the management of the dead around the
world, mainly focused on the recovery and the identification of human remains,
providing at the same time “food for thought”. While the cases presented in this
book reveal successful identification of human remains, the variety of forensic
scenarios sometimes makes this identification really difficult; thus, there is always
room for improvement, considering the social, cultural and legal aspects. For
these reasons this book seeks to reach a broad audience: from students,
Concept used as described by Claire Moon (2017), and Duncan and Stojanowski (2017)
7
fpref.indd 72 11/26/2019 8:30:35 PM

Preface lxxiii
introducing them to forensic science and identification of human remains and the
theoretical foundations of humanitarian action, to forensic scientists, interested in
the aforementioned aspects of identification of human remains, complementing
their knowledge in their fields and at the same time increasing their knowledge in
this topic, hopefully leading to further developments and advances of these legal,
social, scientific and multidisciplinary aspects of humanitarian action and forensic
science.
References
Adserias‐Garriga, J., Thomas, C., Ubelaker, D.H. and Zapico, S. (2018) When forensic odontol-
ogy met biochemistry: Multidisciplinary approach in forensic human identification. Arch. Oral
Biol. Mar., 87, 7–14.
Boyd, C.C. and Boyd, D.C. (eds.) (2018) Forensic Anthropology: Theoretical Framework and Scientific
Basis. Wiley.
Buikstra, J. (2017) Ethical issues in biohistory: no easy answers! In Studies in Forensic Biohistory:
Anthropological Perspective, Cambridge Studies in Biological and Evolutionary Anthropology (eds
C. Stojanowski and W. Duncan). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 288–314.
Christensen, A., Passalacqua, N. and Bartelink, E. (2014) Forensic Anthropology: Current Methods
and Practice (1st ed.). San Diego, CA: Academic Press.
Cordner, S. and Tidball‐Binz, M. (2017) Humanitarian forensic action: its origins and future.
Forensic Sci. Int., 279, 65–71.
Duncan, W. N. and Stojanowski, C. M. (2017) Theoretical facets of biohistorical research. In
Studies in Forensic Biohistory: Anthropogical Perspective, Cambridge Studies in Biological and
Evolutionary Anthropology (eds C. Stojanowski and W. Duncan). Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
Jeffreys, A. J., Wilson, V. and Thein, S. L. (1985) Hypervariable “minisatellite” regions in human
DNA. Nature, 314 (6006), 67–73.
Forensic Biohistory: Anthropological Perspective, Cambridge Studies in Biological and Evolutionary
Anthropology (eds. C. Stojanowski and W. Duncan). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
pp. 267–287.
Saferstein, R. (2018) Criminalistics: An Introduction to Forensic Science (12th ed.). Boston, MA:
Pearson Education.
Tidball‐Binz, M. (2013) Global forensic science and the search for the dead and missing from
armed conflict: the perspective of the International Committee of the Red Cross. In Forensic
Science: Current Issues, Future Directions (ed. D. H. Ubelaker). Chichester: John Wiley & Sons,
Ltd., pp. 337–365.
Tung, T. (2014) Agency, ‘Til Death do As Part? Inquiring about the agency of dead bodies from
Watson, J. D. and Crick, F. H. (1953) The structure of DNA. Cold Spring Harbor Symp. Quant. Biol.,
18, 123–131.
fpref.indd 73 11/26/2019 8:30:35 PM

Acknowledgements
The editors wish to thank the chapter contributors and the American Academy of
Forensic Science for supporting this volume. Many thanks also to Jenny Cossham,
Emma Strickland, Lesley Jebaraj, Rajitha Selvarajan and Samantha Jones for their
greatly helpful edits and suggestions. We would also like to thank Rafael Valdez
Velazquez‐Lopez of the Pontificia Universidad Catolica del Peru, for his invaluable
support. We would also like to thank the anonymous scientific reviewers. All our
thanks to the President of the International Committee of the Red Cross, Peter
Maurer; the President of the American Association of Forensic Science, Susan
Ballou; and the Head of the ICRC Forensic Unit, Oran Finegan, for their forewords
to this volume.
lxxv
flast.indd 75 11/26/2019 8:30:39 PM

SECTION IV
DNA analysis and the forensic
identification process
s04.indd 457 11/26/2019 8:32:44 PM

CHAPTER 29
Phenotypic markers for forensic

purposes
Ana Freire‐Aradas, Christopher Phillips, Victoria Lareu Huidobro and
Ángel Carracedo
Forensic Genetics Unit, Institute of Forensic Sciences, University of Santiago de Compostela, Spain
29.1 Introduction
Phenotypic markers are genetic and epigenetic polymorphisms bearing information

about either intrinsic or extrinsic features of a human being. These individual
attributes can be grouped into three main categories: biogeographical origin
(Phillips, 2015), externally visible characteristics (Kayser, 2015) and individual
age (Freire‐Aradas et al., 2017). Inference of these characteristics from DNA is
useful from a forensic point of view, since they can contribute to a molecular
portrait of the donor of a biological sample found at a crime scene. When no sus-
pects are available, or no DNA database matches are found, being able to predict
a perpetrator’s characteristics becomes helpful for guiding police investigations.
Therefore, these markers are often referred to as DNA intelligence tools.
29.2 Biogeographical origin
A person’s biogeographical origin (BGO) is an intrinsic characteristic that can be indi-

cated by the genetically inherited population markers originating from their
ancestors. In forensic use, BGO was first assessed using uniparental markers –
mitochondrial DNA and Y‐chromosome loci, from maternal and paternal line-
ages, respectively. The uniparental inheritance of these markers, coupled with a
lack of genetic recombination, hinders any attempt to infer the BGO in admixed
individuals (i.e. whose parents or more distant relatives have different ancestries).
In order to overcome these constraints, ancestry informative markers (AIMs) are
increasingly used in current forensic practice (Phillips et al., 2016). AIMs are genetic
459
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markers located on autosomal chromosomes, which recombine and thus can

begin to capture the whole mosaic of ancestries inherited from previous genera-
tions. The spectrum of AIM marker types covers genetic loci ranging from length
polymorphisms (e.g. short tandem repeats, STRs, also known as microsatellites),
to sequence variants (e.g. single nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs) or insertions/
deletions (InDels)). The rationale for using AIMs as DNA intelligence tools for the
inference of BGO lies in the genetic structure of human populations, first described
by Rosenberg and colleagues in 2002 (Rosenberg et al., 2002). A total of 377 mic-
rosatellites were assessed in this study of 1064 individuals from 52 populations.
The genetic cluster patterns detected amongst these populations indicated five
major population groups: Africa, Eurasia, East Asia, Oceania and America (see
Figure 1 in Rosenberg et al., 2002). Repeated analyses seeking further genetic
clusters revealed an outlier population of the Pakistani Kalashi always formed the
sixth cluster, and therefore the markers used for the study detected five broadly
continentally‐defined population groups.
Forensic use of AIMs has to take into consideration not only the power of
differentiation of the selected markers, but also the quality and/or quality of the
samples to be analysed, which in most forensic scenarios involves DNA which is
compromised and therefore restricts the number of markers successfully detected.
Owing to the high mutation rate of STRs (10−3), together with their multi‐allelic
variation, they tend to show quite uniform allele frequency distributions amongst
the major population groups, subsequently narrowing population stratification.
This diminishes their use for BGO inference (Phillips et al., 2011), unless specific
STRs with strong population differences can be identified (Phillips et al., 2013a),
which are uncommon in the human genome.
In contrast to microsatellites, SNPs and InDels (hereinafter both called SNPs)
are highly stable genetic markers (average mutation rate: 10−9) that generally
have bi‐allelic variation. A small but significant proportion of SNPs are suitable
polymorphisms for use as AIMs. AIM‐SNPs can be classified into four categories
described below. The first category is represented by fixed‐variation AIM‐SNPs
(AIM‐SNP 1 in Figure 29.1). These SNPs present an allele detected in just one
population (population A), with the second found exclusively in other popula-
tions (B and C). The second category represents SNPs with population‐specific
variants (AIM‐SNP 2 in Figure 29.1). These markers have a specific allele for one
population (population A and C) undetected in population B. The third category
comprises skewed‐frequency AIM‐SNPs (AIM‐SNP 3 in Figure 29.1). Both alleles
from these polymorphisms can be detected in every population, but the
corresponding allele frequencies have contrasting allele frequency distributions
amongst the population groups. Lastly, tri‐allelic AIM‐SNPs can also be used for
BGO inference (AIM‐SNP 4 in Figure 29.1). Although SNPs are predominantly
bi‐allelic, a small proportion of tri‐allelic or even tetra‐allelic SNPs can be also
found in the genome. The particularity of these SNPs is that each of the three
alleles is frequent in any one population.
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Phenotypic markers for forensic purposes 461
Population A Population B Population C
AIM-SNP 1
AIM-SNP 2
AIM-SNP 3
AIM-SNP 4
Figure 29.1 Pie charts representing the four AIM‐SNP categories using example
opulations (A, B, C). The three colours indicate the different alleles. Graphic adapted
p
after Freire‐Aradas et al. (2019).
AIM‐SNPs are the most suitable markers for inferring BGO, since the detection
of population indicative alleles, whether fixed, specific or skewed in frequency,
provides the information necessary for estimating the BGO of a biological sample.
While it is true that a single SNP has little power by itself, the simultaneous
analysis of a sufficient number of AIM‐SNPs significantly increases the odds of
correctly identifying the population‐of‐origin of the donor of forensic samples.
At present, several sets of AIM‐SNPs covering 34–128 polymorphisms have been
developed, which are able to differentiate the major population groups (Kidd
et al., 2011; Kosoy et al., 2009; Paschou et al., 2007; Phillips et al., 2007).
When selecting AIMs for BGO inference, and in order to avoid biased predic-
tions, it is not only important to identify markers displaying strong divergence
among the target populations, but also to balance the divergence amongst the
main worldwide population groups. This issue is especially relevant when assess-
ing admixed individuals. Even if the major populations are genetically divided as
uniform clusters according to their underlying BGO, some other populations are
characterized by a heterogeneous genetic background. Owing to historical demo-
graphic events, individuals belonging to such population groups have experienced
a process of genetic admixture (Galanter et al., 2012). For instance, Central and
South American population groups generally display a tri‐ancestral pattern, where
the Native American (native continental population), African (from slave trading)
and European components (from European colonization) are stratified at multiple
proportions and combinations in a large proportion of American individuals.
Another example of genetic admixture is observed in some Eurasian populations,
especially those located in the middle of the continent. The absence of strong
physical barriers has reduced the extent of genetic differentiation, and this is
translated into a lower proportion of population‐specific polymorphisms in such
regions of the globe. While those Eurasian regions geographically located at the
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extremes of the continent can be well differentiated (e.g. Europe versus Southeast
Asia: Phillips et al., 2013b), supporting the hypothesis that larger physical distances
are directly correlated with larger genetic distances, most allele frequencies from
intermediate regions are genetically overlapping (e.g. Middle East and North
Africa).
Once optimal AIM‐SNPs for BGO inference are selected, the use of proper
statistical tools able to handle the derived genotypes form an important part of the
analyses necessary to interpet the genotypes obtained. For such a purpose, three
main tools are usually applied: Bayes analysis (e.g. using the Snipper Forensic
Classifier or FROG‐kb); principal component analysis, and STRUCTURE (reviewed
in Phillips, 2015). Common to all of these statistical approaches is the fact that a
forensic sample’s marker profile is simultaneously compared with the same
markers in a set of pre‐defined reference populations, in order to assign the
population‐of‐origin of the unknown sample. Currently, most genotypes used as
reference data can be downloaded from two public databases: the CEPH panel
population database and the 1000 Genomes Project.
The HGDP‐CEPH panel (the CEPH human genome diversity panel) database is
composed of about 650,000 SNP genotypes from 1064 worldwide individuals
from Africa, Europe, North Africa, the Middle East, Central/South Asia, East Asia,
Oceania and native America (Cann et al., 2002). The 1000 Genomes Project
encompasses the whole genome sequencing of 2504 individuals from Africa,
Europe, East Asia, South Asia and admixed native Americans (including some
unadmixed Peruvians) (Auton et al., 2015). Both databases are complementary to
each other. Whereas the CEPH panel is more representative in terms of worldwide
population diversity, the 1000 Genomes Project contains the full range of markers
and higher numbers of samples per population. These databases have been previ-
ously explored by multiple studies, recording consistent biogeographical origins
for their sample sets (Li et al., 2008; Rosenberg et al., 2002), and therefore
becoming well‐established datasets for use as reference material for the aforemen-
tioned tools.
In summary; the intercontinental BGO of the donor of a biological sample can
be inferred using current markers and tools. To discover whether a higher level of
resolution could be achieved will be the next challenge to be explored: that is,
intra‐continental or within‐continent differentiation. For such an objective, tech-
nologies that simultaneously sequence hundreds of fragments in the genome will
be necessary (e.g. Next Generation Sequencing technologies), thereby detecting a
higher number of polymorphisms from a single PCR reaction amplifying forensic
material. Lastly, it is important to highlight that AIM markers provide details
about an individual’s BGO, that is, the intrinsic information underlying portions
of their genome. On this basis, most of their physical traits cannot be inferred
from such data. In order to obtain information about physical traits, additional
genetic markers able to directly predict externally visible characteristics are
necessary. These markers are described in the following section.
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29.3 Externally visible characteristics
Externally visible characteristics (EVCs) are represented by visually discernible

characters associated with the physical appearance of a human being. As such,
simple appearance traits can act as a proxy for eyewitness testimony, when this is
not available to investigators. For example, the commonly posed query of whether
an eyewitness saw the eye colour of a person can be replaced by a genetic test, if
this was not recalled or observed (or needs corroboration when an eyewitness
is unsure).
The sex of the donor is the most extensively predicted character, using an InDel
marker located at the amelogenin gene included in almost all STR genotyping kits
to determine whether the DNA donor is male or female (Mannucci et al., 1994).
Although sex can be readily identified using amelogenin, generally physical traits
have complex genetics, where multiple genes are involved, and these genes have
complex interactions with environmental factors.
Human pigmentation has a relatively low level of complexity compared with
many other physical characteristics – a small number of genes underlie a specific
phenotype. The principal molecule linked to pigmentation variation is melanin,
with two pigment types: eumelanin and pheomelanin. Eumelanin produces
dark tones (brown to black) and pheomelanin produces lighter tones (red to
yellow). Differences in the proportions of both pigments in the relative tissue
creates eye, hair and skin colour variation (Sturm and Frudakis, 2004). From a
forensic point of view, the development of SNP‐based tests for human pigmen-
tation was the first steps taken into forensic EVC prediction, and studies have
been well covered in recent years. Although some pigmentation predictive tests
will be briefly described below, more detailed information can be found in
Maroñas et al. (2015).
29.3.1 Eye colour prediction

Eye pigmentation has a wide range of iris colours (plural: irides) from light blue to
dark brown. However, the gradual change in tonalities and intensities are often
more simply categorized as blue and brown. The most closely associated locus to
iris colour is the promotor SNP rs12913832, located in the gene HERC2 (Sturm
et al., 2008). Despite the high predictive value provided by rs12913832, most
forensic eye colour tests simultaneously analyse additional SNPs to improve
phenotype prediction.
The first forensic eye colour prediction system, named IrisPlex (Walsh et al.,
2011), was specifically designed to differentiate blue and brown eyes. Irisplex
genotypes rs12913832 plus five SNPs, each located in different pigmentation
genes. Despite the success of predictions made using Irisplex, its main limitation is
the lack of accuracy in predicting intermediate eye colours.
The study of Ruiz et al. (2013) sought to overcome this limitation, by devel-
oping a test covering a total of 13 SNPs, adding seven SNPs to the six of Irisplex.
c29.indd 463 11/26/2019 8:28:50 PM

Additional markers included the SNP rs1129038 that contributes to improved

inference of intermediate eye colours, such as green‐hazel.
It is important to note that patterns of eye colour variability are largely
characteristic of European populations. Outside of Europe, the predominant eye
colour is dark brown, with the exception of adjacent populations where a small
proportion of blue and/or intermediate eye colour occurs through population
admixture, such as the Middle East. For this reason, most studies exploring iris
pigmentation developed and validated prediction models based on European sam-
ples. As a consequence, it will be necessary to study in detail how these markers
behave in non‐European populations where admixture has occurred and which
carry partial patterns of European co‐ancestry, as is common in South American
populations (Freire‐Aradas et al., 2014).
29.3.2 Hair colour prediction

Similar to iris colour, hair pigmentation presents a broad range of hair colours
that, in the interests of maintaining a simple classification system for hair colour
descriptions, can be categorized into four: red, blond, brown and black. A larger
set of genes is necessary for successful hair colour predictions, compared with eye
colour, but it should be noted that red hair is defined by variants in the single gene
MC1R (Grimes et al., 2001). Early sequencing studies of this gene in red‐haired
subjects produced the first forensic test for red hair based on five SNPs present in
MC1R (Branicki et al., 2007). Since this first SNP test was developed, pigmenta-
tion prediction systems now cover the full range of eye and hair colour variation.
The principal forensic test for both eye and hair colour is HIrisPlex developed, as
the name suggests, from the extension of SNPs used in IrisPlex (Walsh et al.,
2013). HIrisPlex predicts four hair colour categories by analysing a total of 24
SNPs, including all six IrisPlex loci, allowing the simultaneous prediction of eye
and hair pigmentation. Overlapping genes are analysed with HIrisPlex, empha-
sizing the common pathways in human pigmentation. Similar findings were
observed in the prediction model developed by Söchtig et al. (2015), which, by
analysing 12 SNPs (some genotyped in the eye colour test of Ruiz et al., 2013),
enabled the prediction of the same four hair phenotypes as HIrisPlex.
It is interesting to highlight the lower success rates for hair colour prediction
compared with eye colour. One difference between these traits is the fact that hair
colour can be an age‐dependent trait (darkening over the years), while eye colour
patterns stay unchanged. As most samples used for the development of pigmen-
tation prediction tests used adult individuals, it is not possible to assess which
experimental subjects have experienced changes in hair colour from childhood to
adolescence. To improve the understanding of this subject, samples from children
for which early hair colour records was known were recently investigated and it
was shown that previous errors in hair colour predictions were explained by age‐
dependent changes in hair colour (Kukla‐Bartoszek et al., 2018). This is why, in
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order to improve forensic prediction systems in the future, simultaneous

assessment of the donor’s individual age should be considered. Additional pheno-
type analysis could provide further finesse, such as premature (not age‐related)
hair‐greying.
29.3.3 Skin colour prediction

Skin pigmentation tests are important for forensic analysis as they apply to
individuals from all populations, unlike eye and hair variation, which is largely
confined to European subjects. In addition, the fact that pigmentation levels are
affected by environmental factors, such as exposure to ultraviolet radiation, makes
it more difficult to identify the genes involved in skin pigmentation path-
ways – which can be adaptive as well as inherited. Even when the relevant genes
potentially involved in skin pigmentation have been identified, the fact that some
skin tonalities are correlated with specific geographical regions hinders our under-
standing of the extent to which certain genes contribute to skin coloration,
as variation linked to biogeographical origin can compound the apparent genetic
associations found.
Apart from these caveats, skin colour predictive systems for forensic use have
been developed. Firstly, Maroñas et al. (2014) developed a prediction test using 10
SNPs and based on three broad phenotypic categories: light, intermediate and
dark skin colour, clearly separating both extreme categories. More recently, a test
consisting of 41 SNPs has been developed, of which 17 markers are specific to skin
pigmentation pathways (Chaitanya et al., 2018). This test, known as HIrisPlex‐S,
is an extended version of HIrisPlex, allowing simultaneous inference of all three
pigmentation traits.
29.3.4 Additional externally visible characteristics

Preliminary developments of forensic tests for additional individual physical
characteristics have been reported, involving more complex genetics than pig-
mentation, and thus more genes are involved in their phenotypic expression.
In a similar fashion to eye and hair colour pigmentation, hair morphology is a
characteristic with a highly variable phenotypic range in European populations,
while other regions tend to have uniform patterns. Although few variants involved
in hair morphology have been discovered to date, some genes have been associ-
ated with hair morphology in Europeans (TCHH, WNT10A and FRAS1), and a
preliminary prediction model has been designed (Póspiech et al., 2015).
The loss of head hair during many male individual’s lifetime is also a predomi-
nantly European characteristic, existing as different stages of the trait of male
pattern baldness. Although baldness is an age‐dependent trait, some individuals
have early onset baldness, while the opposite phenotype is displayed in other
individuals – in spite of their advanced chronological age, they have above‐average
head hair density. Some genes have been initially correlated with this physical
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trait, in particular the X‐linked gene complex AR/EDA2R. This locus plus four
additional genes have been included in a preliminary forensic prediction test for
male pattern baldness inference (Marcińska et al., 2015).
Height is a characteristic with 80% heritability; however, in spite of multiple
studies studying extensive numbers of SNPs, only a minimal percentage of SNPs
have been identified to contribute to inheritance (Lango Allen et al., 2010). This
underlines the complexity of some physical traits, for which hundreds to
thousands of genes could be involved in their expression.
To some extent, facial morphological traits are also explained by complex
genetics, as indicated by a number of disorders that arise from inherited variants
in a limited number of genes important for early craniofacial development. As
mentioned at the beginning of this article, the ultimate goal of the forensic use of
phenotypic markers is to construct a portrait of the donor of a biological sample
found in a crime scene. The inference of facial morphological traits could there-
fore play a pivotal role. Although this area of human genetics still needs extensive
studies, some candidate genes associated with craniofacial morphology have been
reported (Liu et al., 2012). Using 24 SNPs located in these genes, plus markers
informative for biogeographical origin and sex, a preliminary prediction model
has been proposed (Claes et al., 2014). Nevertheless, a full understanding of the
complexity and extensive genetic interactions underlying facial morphology
remains a distance goal.
Certain human physical characteristics undergo alteration during a person’s
lifetime, including, hair colour, onset of male pattern baldness, and facial mor-
phology. Because of this, the estimation of individual age from a biological sample
can be informative by itself, but also for the likely expression of certain physical
appearance traits, where age‐dependent phenotypes are involved.
29.4 Individual age
Like all higher mammals, humans experience phenotypic changes caused by the
process of ageing across a lifetime. Ageing is a biological and natural process char-
acterized by a progressive loss of physiological integrity, simultaneously coupled
to external physical changes. Physical traits such as hair greying, onset of bald-
ness, decline of muscular elasticity and collagen loss, both triggering wrinkles,
provide some degree of visually discernment of an individual’s stage of life.
Although forensic individual age estimation was initially approached by the
assessment of bones and teeth (Baccino and Schmitt, 2006), this was followed by
tests of biomolecules which experience gradual alterations during a lifespan.
Several major constraints existed for the development of these types of forensic
age estimation, including single‐tissue specificity of ageing patterns; high predic-
tive error rates; and technical limitations of the test’s sensitivity. More recently
there has been widespread recognition that the epigenetic patterns of cells undergo
c29.indd 466 11/26/2019 8:28:50 PM

modifications that are strongly correlated to ageing. These epigenetic patterns or

epigenetic markers are a group of reversible and mitotically inherited alterations
that take place inside the nucleus without altering the underlying nucleotide
sequence of the genome (Riggs et al., 1996). These epigenetic patterns are in
charge of gene expression regulation; they determine when a gene should be
expressed or switched off. They act as a network of simultaneous interactions,
which give rise to the epigenome or epigenetic code, a dynamic level of information
that exists as a complementary system to the genome, characterized by a contin-
uous interplay between genome and environment. There are three main cate-
gories of epigenetic markers shaping the human epigenome: post‐translational
histone modifications, non‐coding RNAs, and DNA methylation. The most exten-
sively studied epigenetic signal of DNA methylation can be applied to a wide range
of forensic testing scenarios such as biological fluid identification or differentiation
of monozygotic twins, but it is in the context of age estimation that DNA methyl-
ation has provided the major application to forensic tests.
DNA methylation is a chemical modification consisting of the incorporation of
a methyl group at the nucleotide motifs of a cytosine residue followed by a gua-
nine. These sites are known as CpG dinucelotides, CpG positions, or CpG sites,
and are generally associated with gene silencing (Smith and Meissner, 2013).
DNA methylation patterns can vary during a lifetime, gradually increasing (hyper-
methylation) or diminishing (hypomethylation) a set of the CpG sites’ methyla-
tion levels (Suzuki and Bird, 2008). As an individual ages, DNA is impacted by a
general hypomethylation, especially in repetitive elements of the genome, as well
as localized hypermethylation in specific regions, such as promoter‐associated
CpG islands (Jung and Pfeifer, 2015; Zampieri et al., 2015). In recent years, mul-
tiple epigenetic studies have reported a high number of CpG positions with meth-
ylation levels that are highly correlated with age (Bocklandt et al., 2011; Hannum
et al., 2013; Rakyan et al., 2010), and this has allowed the development of several
age prediction tests using DNA methylation estimation.
Currently, there are several age prediction models based on DNA methylation
(Freire‐Aradas et al., 2017). From a forensic point of view, it is important to high-
light again that a reduced number of markers providing the highest accuracy of
results should be used in order to successfully analyse poor‐quality and/or low‐
level DNA samples typical of forensic analysis. The most extensive age prediction
system reported by Horvath was designed to be used in multiple tissues using a
total of 353 CpG sites, and obtaining an accuracy of ±3.6 years (the range of error
between predicted and true age) (Horvath, 2013). However, this test cannot be
applied to forensic analyses due to the very high number of methylation sites that
must be characterized. Subsequent age prediction tests specifically designed for
forensic DNA used between 3–16 CpG sites, and these provide an average accu-
racy of ±4 years. Table 29.1 summarizes many of the forensic age prediction sys-
tems reported in recent years that use different technologies for DNA methylation
detection, all based on blood samples.
c29.indd 467 11/26/2019 8:28:50 PM

Table 29.1 Summary of age prediction tests based on DNA methylation for blood samples
using a range of different CpG detection technologies. Updated from Freire‐Aradas
et al. (2019).
Reference No. CpGs Technique Error (years)
Weidner et al. (2014) 3 CpGs Pyrosequencing ±5.43

Zbieć‐Piekarska et al. (2015) 5 CpGs Pyrosequencing ±3.40
Bekaert et al. (2015) 4 CpGs Pyrosequencing ±3.75
Xu et al. (2015) 6 CpGs EpiTYPER ±2.80
Park et al. (2016) 3 CpGs Pyrosequencing ±3.16
Freire‐Aradas et al. (2016) 7 CpGs EpiTYPER ±3.07
Zubakov et al. (2016) 8 CpGs EpiTYPER ±5.09
Vidaki et al. (2017) 16 CpGs MiSeq ±7.45
Naue et al. (2017) 13 CpGs MiSeq ±3.21
Aliferi et al. (2018) 12 CpGs MiSeq ±4.1
Many of the CpG sites included in Table 29.1 are located in overlapping genes
among the different proposed tests. Since independent studies, assessing
independent data, have arrived at similar outcomes, the high age‐predictive
power of certain human genes is evident. The most representative example is the
gene ELOVL2, which shows methylation levels that gradually increase during a
lifetime. ELOVL2 is the most widely used gene in tests of age‐correlated markers
in blood (Florath et al., 2014; Garagnani et al., 2012; Hannum et al., 2013;
Johansson et al., 2013), and consequently it is included in several forensic
prediction models listed in Table 29.1 (Aliferi et al., 2018; Bekaert et al., 2015;
Freire‐Aradas et al., 2016; Naue et al., 2017; Park et al., 2016; Zbieć‐Piekarska
et al., 2015; Zubakov et al., 2016).
A common characteristic of several tests listed in Table 29.1 is the reliance on
adult donors. Young individuals (below 18 years of age) are usually either not
included or not represented in sufficient numbers. Studies of methylation pat-
terns in the young are of relevance, not just for more complete forensic analyses,
but also in complex identification cases after mass disasters, or when assessing
individual legal age. It has been observed that at these young ages, DNA methyl-
ation levels for some genes undergo exponential changes that could be associated
with the development of the immunological system (Alisch et al., 2012). These
changes have been explored in detail in a recent publication, where a preliminary
age prediction model based on blood was extended to young subjects between the
ages of 2 to 18 years (Freire‐Aradas et al., 2018).
The main question that arises with regard to tissue source is whether an age
prediction test developed for a specific tissue, such as blood, can also be applied to
other commonly encountered tissue sources (e.g. saliva). Even if the original
test of Horvath was designed to be applied to multiple tissues, when decreasing
the number of CpGs analysed in the forensic age prediction tests, a lack of
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applicability is observed, as indicated by the study of Eipel et al. (2016). When

attempting to apply a previously developed blood‐based three CpG site model
(Weidner et al., 2014) to saliva samples, the estimated ages were predicted on
average as 14.6 years over the chronological age (see Figure 1B in Eipel et al.,
2016). Therefore, despite an underlying correlation between DNA methylation
levels and chronological age, the former behave differently in both tissue types.
As a result, it is accepted that there is a clear need to establish tissue‐independent
models, even if using overlapping genes (Hong et al., 2017).
Semen or sperm is a tissue presenting completely different DNA methylation
patterns. Indeed, Horvath’s model has raised levels of inaccuracy for such samples
in comparison to the additional, more than 50, tissues and cellular types explored
(Horvath, 2013). Sperm cells are germinal cells undergoing alternative biological
pathways and, therefore, alternative epigenetic mechanisms to those affecting
somatic cells occur. In other words, genes correlated with age in some tissues can
present constant methylation levels in other tissues, and vice versa. This is the
case with semen samples, for which a preliminary age prediction test has been
developed with a model using three CpG sites located in genes not previously
included in blood‐ or saliva‐based models (Lee et al., 2015). Although the sample
size used for building the model is low, the error it achieves is ±4.2 years.
In archaeological analyses, skeletal remains (bones and teeth) are the main tis-
sues that are investigated. In a similar way to saliva, it will be necessary to explore
whether common genes could be used for age estimation of these additional tis-
sues. Recent preliminary studies have shown promising results, where the errors
for teeth when using blood‐based prediction models are broadly similar (±4.84
years in teeth, versus ±3.75 years in blood) (Bekaert et al., 2015).
Acknowledgements
This work has been supported by the Ministerio de Economía y Competitividad,

through the project MAPA (BIO2016‐78525‐R), with VLH as IP; as well as by the
European Commission, program Horizons 2020, through the project VISAGE
(contract number: 740580), with AC as IP. AFA was supported by a postdoctoral
grant funded by the Consellería de Cultura, Educación e Ordenación Universitaria
e da Consellería de Economía, Emprego e Industria from Xunta de Galicia, Spain
(Modalidade B, ED481B 2018/010).
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CHAPTER 30
Genetic structure and kinship analysis

from the Peruvian Andean area:
Limitations and recommendation
for DNA identification of missing
persons
Gian Carlo Iannacone1 and Roberto C. Parra2*
Institute of Legal Medicine and Forensic Sciences of Peru, Lima, Peru
1
2
30.1 Introduction
The Central Andean area is particularly complex for forensic humanitarian

action regarding the use of DNA technology to identify bodies of missing per-
sons. To address this issue, various factors must be considered to achieve reliable
results. The success of DNA technology requires assessment of whether the
unidentified samples and quality of genetic profiles reach the universe of missing
persons (Factor 1), whether the relatives of the missing persons are available
(Factor 2), and whether the genetic structure and kinship of the population to
which they belong are known (Factor 3). Together, the three factors (Figure 30.1)
are the inputs to the matching criteria and hypotheses of kinship to reach a
possible positive match (Ministry of Foreign Affair and Workship, 2014). To complete
this perspective, we would like to highlight that the non‐genetic information
plays an important role that must necessarily be integrated to achieve reliable
results.
In addition, the success of Factor 1 is supported by the quality standards recom-
mended by the forensic community for DNA extraction protocols, amplification
PCR protocols, and DNA markers as autosomic short tandem repeat or microsatel-
lites (A‐STR) (Butler, 2015). These standards aim to ensure in the genetic profile
the United Nations.
473
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# Genetic
# Missing
profile
Persons
quality
Identification Universe
Positive Identification
Availability of relatives
Genetic Structure
and Kinship
Figure 30.1 Workflow in the process of DNA identification (Factors 1, 2 and 3).
of the forensic samples (as bones) a minimum of 12 A‐STR (Prinz et al., 2007;
Van Oorschot et al., 2010).
Likewise, there are international perspectives on how the identification process
should be carried out. We would like to mention two of these that impact directly
on the DNA identification results. One route is to consider the use of DNA testing
as a last step, after the use of anthropological or odontological methods (non‐
genetic tools); the other sees the identification process as being led by the DNA
analysis (DNA‐led). The first approach is low cost, but a poor non‐genetic
identification will adversely affect Factors 1 and 2, so it impacts directly on the
success of the positive identification; while the second approach does not guar-
antee accurate results at least for the Peruvian scenario. Therefore, a balance bet-
ween them could be recommended, in which the first criterion is improved by
sampling for DNA quality control in identified bodies by non‐genetic tools, like an
integration procedure between genetic and non‐genetic lines of evidence.
Likewise, in the case of the reference samples, these should include the relatives
of the missing person with the aim of avoiding stochastic matches in the database
as an effect of Factor 3, which produces false positives. This midpoint criterion or
integration approach has the advantage of having the lowest cost to process sam-
ples from all relatives of the missing person, rather than processing all human
remains. Furthermore, this integration approach reduces the missing data pro-
duced by wrong identifications or false positive matches.
In this context, this chapter aims to address with more emphasis the effects of
genetic structure and kinship (Factor 3) in the identification process of missing
persons in Peru (Andean region). Nevertheless, we consider it necessary to pro-
vide, as a preliminary point, some recommendations for Factors 1 and 2 to reduce
the effect of Factor 3. In this sense, we hope to provide to the reader a wider
strategic vision for using DNA technology in the context of Peruvian missing
persons.
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Genetic structure and kinship analysis from the Peruvian Andean area 475
30.2 Previous factors for matching success in the context

of genetic structure
These comprise the pre‐DNA identification (individualization, sampling of

remains and relatives), quality/quantity of DNA, and the quality parameter of
genetic profiles. All of these criteria form an intermediate identification strategy
between the first and second approaches, in the context of the Andean genetic
structure of Peru.
a. Individualization of bodies and/or fragments must take place before collecting DNA
samples. It is important to reduce the number of samples for DNA analysis,
since it impacts the identification project in time and cost. In this context, the
sampling complexity is a function of the type of case, such as a primary or
secondary mass grave, where at the time of body individualization there may
be more than one piece of bone of other individual(s) (Spanish Association of
Forensic Anthropology and Odontology, 2013). The sampling of unidentified
bodies for DNA analysis is accomplished once the number of individuals and/
or the minimum number of individuals is known. Then, these samples will be
stored (at low humidity) and processed according to the results of non‐genetic
identification. It is recommended to include in this sampling the bodies identi-
fied by non‐genetic data as quality control to support the identification, because
according to experience of several cases (as in Kosovo; see ICMP, 2010), there
is a wrong identification rate of up to 20% with only non‐genetic data.
b. Choose the number of bone samples and/or fragments carefully. In individualized
bodies, consider at least two samples of preferably long bones which do not
include anthropological identification markers, and in the case of groups of
fragmented samples, consider the unique pieces that represent the minimum
number of individuals (such as C1 vertebra, atlas or mandible with teeth) plus
the number of fragments to collect as calculated by a probabilistic sampling
method chosen by the identification team.
c. Include in the sample the relatives of the persons identified by non‐genetic data. It is
recommended to choose the closest relatives with the highest a priori proba-
bility of identification, whose effect increases the likelihood ratio (LR) (Ge
et al., 2011). For this reason, it is necessary to establish the limit of the posterior
probability which is equal to the a priori probability of identification as 1/(v − 1),
where v is the number of victims, and whose value is multiplied by the
minimum expected LR as v/(1 − p), where p is the expected posterior proba-
bility (Budowle et al., 2011).
d. Avoid missing and incorrect data using standardized codes. It is recommended to
use a RFID (radio frequency identification) or barcode for the samples of
remains and relatives. It allows identification in a standardized code for the
kinship of the individual with respect to the missing persons and the type of
sample. Also, these codes should be supported by adequate collection forms
c30.indd 475 11/26/2019 8:31:39 PM

I 1 2
II 3 4
Figure 30.2 Family tree.
(Donkervoort et al., 2008). For example, take the following family tree
(Figure 30.2). The code of the reference samples is R1‐3‐B1, meaning it is a
reference sample of Family 1, number 3 = son of missing persons and male sex
(odd number), and B = blood sample 1, the same for R1‐1‐B1 and R1‐4‐B1.
The same criteria are used to codify any type of relatedness. In the case of the
unidentified person UP1‐2, the meaning is unidentified persons of family 1,
the number 2 = mother and female sex (pair number). In the case of remains,
the code M0001‐FL1 indicates M = missing persons, body 1, and F = left femur
sample 1. This standardization helps to develop an algorithm for the automati-
zation of match results in the database, and to simplify the analysis when there
are more than one missing in a family tree, even more so in cases of similarity
of genetic profiles by genetic structure.
e. Use good quality DNA, avoiding organic purifications. It is a good option to have at
least one first line of DNA extraction and purification protocol with silica col-
umns and a second alternative protocol with magnetic beads for the fail results
in the first line. Both types of protocol have demonstrated differences depend-
ing on the type of samples used, but these systems have shown the best results
(Davis et al., 2012; Amory et al., 2012). To improve results, the automatization
of these systems is recommended.
f. Combine DNA markers (kits) for genetic profiles in degraded remains. The range of
options can be from a variety of commercial kits, with markers of up to 23 A‐
STR plus Y‐chromosome STR marker in the same kit detected by capillary
electrophoresis, to next‐generation sequencing (NGS) for a set of SNPS markers
or mitochondrial DNA in the same kit. The selection of each system will be a
function of the budget, case type, quantity and quality of DNA in the
samples.
g. Accurate genotypes using standardized thresholds. The maximum processing number
per case with partial profiles or below the threshold or no genetic profile must
be determined. In this context, the international recommendations of param-
eters of genetic profile include the limit of detection (LOD), limit of quantita-
tion (LOQ), stochastic limit, and radio peak height (PHR), among other
parameters. Under low copy number (LCN) conditions, the chances of drop‐
out and drop‐in increase and produce unreliable profiles (Putkonen et al.,
2010). Failure to take caution of the maximum amount of processing per case
can generate excessive reprocessing and imbalance of reagents in each part of
the process, which can prevent identification because of lack of resources.
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h. DNA quantification ensures quality in genetic profiles and cost savings. It is advisable
to establish the quantity of human DNA, presence of inhibitors and degrada-
tion, with the aim of selecting samples that may be amplified by combinations
of kits under a criterion of repeatability in markers and samples. In this sense,
one allele is not considered if it does not have at least one confirmation in
markers and/or samples (Bright et al., 2012).
30.3 Substructure and matching between genetic profile

databases (Factor 3)
When the A‐STRs pass the established quality standards in the genetic profiles of
the remains and relative database, the reliability of a genetic similarity between
them will depend on the genetic structure of the population and their degree of
intra‐population kinship (Factor 3), which correlates directly with the effective
population number (Ne, associated with allele transmission at next generation) and
gene flow within populations (related to inbreeding) and between populations
(related to genetic distance as Fst or theta).
In order to assess the effect of individual genetic similarity in the random
matches, in the context of DNA identifications of missing persons in Peru, we
performed a simulation with the aim of comparing the effects of the level of sub-
structure in the random matches. We generated 1000 random genetic profiles
(1000 non‐related individuals) and simulated two levels of bottleneck for the loss
of 10% and 3% of total alleles at each A‐STR marker considered in the study.
Then, the random genetic profiles were compared by an algorithm generated in‐
house called ALIGEN (http://www.adnsoluciona.com). The results showed a high
probability of random matches (more than two matches) with 16% of unique
profiles for the loss of 10% of alleles, and in the case of the loss of 3% of alleles,
showed fewer random matches, with unique or two matches at 44% (Iannacone,
2009; Kracun et al., 2007; Biruš et al., 2003). So, the genetic structure must be
taken into consideration to decrease false positives at the time of matching with a
genetic database.
As a preventive action to reduce the risk of wrong identification by genetic sim-
ilarity, it is recommended that limits of the false positives and negatives (two
limits) are established. In this sense, the range between the two limits corresponds
to the inconclusive results, which is the limit of non‐overlapping curves for
positive and negative results. These limits should be considering for the acceptance
of a genetic profile: likelihood ratio (LR), a priori probability and posterior proba-
bility. For example, in the case of the LR, we can calculated the lower limit as v/
(1 − p) and the upper limit as v2/(1 − p), where v is the number of victims and p
is the expected posterior probability. For example, if we have a case with 10 victims
and a limit of posterior probability of 99.9%, the a priori LR lower limit is 10,000
and the upper limit is 100,000. Then, the results between this ranges should be
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Table 30.1 Comparison of the combined STR commercial kits for fragments lower than
250 bp. The numbers are the expected success of these STR markers.
Commercial Globalfiler 24plex Powerfusion Powerfusion Minifiler

kits QS 5C 6C
Globalfiler 12
24plex QS 16 10
Powerfusion 5C 14 14 10
Powerfusion 6C 15* 15* 11 11
Minifiler 18* 15* 16* 16* 6*
* The FGA alleles from 42.2 to 51.2 in the ladder are not considered.
supported with non‐genetic data which can be expressed as LR for characteristics

such as sex, age, dental features, fractures, and so on. In closed cases (where the
number of missing persons is known), the frequency corresponds to the frequency
of these characteristics within the population of missing persons. In open cases
(where the number of missing persons is not known) the frequency of these char-
acteristics corresponds to previous population studies. Then, the non‐genetic LR
can be expressed as the coincidence of the characteristic represented as one
divided by any individual in the population who may have such a characteristic
(frequency in the population).
Another solution is to increase the number of A‐STR markers to improve the
confidence levels of the results, especially under conditions of DNA degradation
or small amounts of DNA, which increases random matches by less information in
each marker. By increasing the power of discrimination with more markers, it is
possible to use amplification of small A‐STR (mini‐STR) of less than 250 bp. The
more mini‐STRs there are in the kit, the better, because it does not compete in the
PCR amplification with larger fragments as shown in Table 30.1.
If the number of conventional A‐STRs is not enough, they can be supplemented
with other markers not considered in the recommended extended CODIS markers,
such as the A‐STR kit HDplex of QIAGEN, together with other types of autosomal
markers such as insertions or deletions (INNULs), or retrotransposable insertion
polymorphism (RIP). In all cases with a priori knowledge of the genetic structure
of the population for each of these kits, it is important to support the confidence
in the LR (Sinha et al., 2015).
It is important to mention that, in some cases, more markers do not give
confidence in identification, even more so in conditions of genetic similarity (Li
et al., 2012). In these circumstances, multiple matches can be found between
one set of remains and more than one family in the database, where it does not
necessarily correspond to a high probability of identification, because this result
is a product of substructure and/or inbreeding and/or incomplete genetic
profiles.
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Finally, to avoid random matches, it is recommended to use the most informa-

tive relatives (Factor 2). The criterion of score family is a good and simple option.
This method is supported by a priori weight of each relative. In function of the
type and number of relatives, we will know a priori the need to solve the case with
only A‐STR and/or uniparental markers such as Y chromosome STR (Y‐STR)
and mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA). The score is calculated from the sum of the
weight of each available relative, with the aim of reaching at least a value of 15 or
20 points (minimum), as described in Table 30.2 (Brenner, n.d).
30.4 Origin of Peruvian population and the genetic

structure (Factor 3)
Missing persons in Peru correspond to a universe of at least 20,329 people bet-

ween the years 1980 to 2000. Until today, approximately only 6000 to 8000 bodies
have been recovered, because many of these remains are buried in harsh environ-
mental conditions that impact on the preservation of DNA, so there is a high
probability of degradation and disintegration (see Chapter 41).
Most of the missing persons were from Ayacucho (south of Peru – Andes)
whose geographical and historical characteristics predict a higher probability of
finding genetic similarities between unrelated persons, with the consequence of
random matches as mentioned above.
In this context, the baseline of our comparisons in the database is the genetic
structure of the central‐south region of Peru (Factor 3). The inclusion of this
consideration in the biological (X) and population (Y) hypothesis (LR = X/Y) has
two options. On one hand is the use of allelic frequencies for the general population
using a theta (coancestry) value between 0.01 to 0.03 (NRCII recommendation);
the latter value corresponds to the subpopulations or it can be calculated, as rec-
ommended by other authors (Buckleton et al., 2016). Another option is using
the frequency closest to the population of missing persons.
In this sense, it is important to known the origin and migrations of the popula-
tions because the LR decreases in value when the population is more similar to
that of the missing persons. Also, it increases the certainty of positive identification
due to the need to meet the quality limits by increasing the number of markers,
relatives, and/or combined genetic and non‐genetic LR.
According to historical and archaeological data, the Peruvian population has an
Amerindian origin, from the ancient migration of Asian groups who crossed the
Bering Strait. At that time, as the effects of climate change melted the ice masses,
human populations migrated north–south along America. Before that, human
populations stayed for a long period in the northern region of North America, and
the evidence is some fixed mutations in the DNA of the Amerindian population at
the haplogroups Q1a3* in the Y chromosome, whose presence is at high frequency
in the North American population compared with the South America population,
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Table 30.2 Selection criteria and recommendations for relatives to avoid random matches. The value of the type of relative represents
the value of use only for that type of relative; for this reason it is necessary to use at least two relatives.
Missing Father Mother Children Sibs Grandparents Uncle Half‐sibs

relative
Man Priority Priority All possible/ All possible/ Preference for both sides, Not related to each All possible/
preference man preference man but if not possible, the other/ father’s side preference
father’s side man
Score for 10 10 10 5 2 (plus 4 if there are all 1.5 1.5
man or the grandparents)
woman
Woman Priority Priority All possible/ man All possible/ man Preference for both sides, Prefer not related to All possible/
and woman and woman but if not possible, the each other/ man and
mother’s side mother’s side woman
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and is a consequence of a reduction in genetic variability at the Bering Strait

(Bisso‐Machado et al., 2011).
Likewise, similar evidence of north–south migration has been found in the
mitochondrial DNA sequence (mtDNA). In the hypervariable regions 1 and 2
(HV1 and HV2) of the mtDNA, analysis of molecular variance (AMOVA) and mul-
tidimensional scaling (MDS) showed a higher percentage of variance among
groups than within groups, if we consider grouping 20 Amerindian populations
(including three groups in Peru) by language rather than geography. Then, the
gene flow through Amerindian populations was most frequent among popula-
tions with the same language rather than in the same geographical area (Lewis
et al., 2004). As a consequence of this gradient through America, inbreeding is
favored by the population distance (isolated populations) and by the effective
number (Ne).
At this point, there are many questions related to the genetic structure of South
America, regarding the migration from Central America to South America; was it
one big migration or multiple migrations? The hypervariable region of mitochon-
drial DNA was analysed in 26 populations, including the region of Panama and
South American populations. The MDS analysis showed a west and east genetic
structure in South America, where the Andean population have greater vari-
ability at an intra‐population level than to the east of South America, where the
variability is at the inter‐populational level. For this reason, Andean populations
(west) have a high effective number (Ne), with a high degree of migration flow,
unlike the Amazon populations where Ne and the gene flow are low. This is also
corroborated by Y chromosome markers (Lewis et al., 2007; Tarazona et al., 2001).
However, the AMOVA difference in mitochondrial sequences between North
America and Central America are greater than in South America, where there is
no difference between east and west. This similarity between the east and west of
South America does not rule out the possibility of migration in the east‐west
direction (Lewis and Long, 2008). In this context, there was most likely one great
migration (the most significant of its time) from Central to South America.
Over time, these migrations along the Andes may have generated places where
the Andean populations lost some of their variability, and these have complex ge-
netic structures by expansions of diverse Andean cultures before the Spanish con-
quest (Cabana et al., 2014). This is the actual admixture in the genetic structure
of the Peruvian population that we will discuss below in relation to the conse-
quences of the similarity of genetic profiles and admixture for DNA identification
in Peru.
Additionally, the ancient Peruvian genetic structure is a product of the junction
of migration between the west and east of South America, as proven in a Peruvian
population of 800 individuals from different areas of Peru. We found three
population structures comprising the north, central and south of Peru. The center
and south of Peru are more related between them than the north of Peru. Also,
analysing the genetic distances using delta‐mu for microsatellites (Figure 30.3),
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AYACUCHO
APUR+CUSC
PUNO
AREQ+MOQ+TACN
ANCH+LIMNOR
JUNIN+CERPAS
HUAN+UCAY
LIBER+LAMBAY
PIURA+TUMBES
CAJAMARCA
AMAZO+SANMAR
0.001
Figure 30.3 Distribution tree of populations in microsatellite markers delta‐mu.
we found the first older entry to Peru into the Andean region of Cajamarca (north
Peru). After that, the populations migrated to the east, near to the jungle, and
years later migrated to the west near to the coast. The north Peru populations
are more related to Ecuador.
Subsequently, a second migration took place as populations of western Brazil
entered the central region of Peru (Ucayali – jungle) and populated the mountains
in the direction of the coast in the middle of Peru. The last migration was for
populations with the same ancestor of the central Peru area (East of South
America) into the Puno region (south Peru) and populated the mountains in the
direction of the coast in the southern region. Figure 30.3 shows the tree delta‐mu
relationships of Peruvian populations and their geographical distribution.
The colors correspond to the respective genetic populations.
This evidence is also supported by the analysis of Y chromosome haplogroups in
relation to the most recent ancestor analysis, with SNP SA05 and Z19319 ancestry
of 13,433 and 9765 years respectively. In both SNPs the evidence is for an origin
from the southeast of Peru for one group in Peru. In the case of the second group,
their origin is from the northwest of Peru and it has a most recent ancestor with
the SNP SA04 from about 8034 years. So, the evidence is congruent that at least
two sources (east and west of South America) came together in Peru (Iannacone
et al., 2011; Jota et al., 2016).
Additionally, it has been evidenced in north Peruvian populations, such as the
Quechua‐Lamistas, where their genetic signature for mtDNA and Y chromosome
SNP is more related to populations in the north and south of Ecuador (Sandoval
et al., 2016).
Finally, in the case of DNA identification of missing persons and the genetic
structure of Peru, the majority are related to the southern genetic structure (green
area in Figure 30.3). Therefore, in this case, it would be more convenient to
analyse at least a database for central‐southern Peru because it has the same
common ancestor from the east of South America.
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30.5 Admixture of Peruvian population

and the genetic structure (Factor 3)
The impact of genetic similarity in the context of the identification of missing

persons in Peru, depends on the degree of gene flow between near and distant
populations in the Andean region, and the degree of admixture (with European,
Asian and African populations) because of genetic drift, Ne, consanguineous
behaviors (detected culturally in the Andes and Amazon regions), and the contact
time determined the percentage of the foreign component in Andean population,
where a place with a higher foreign component decreases the probability of
random matches in the database. This degree of admixture determines differences
in the genetic structures in the populations (Factor 3), and in the case of a higher
foreign component, this increases the distribution of alleles frequencies. In this
way, the kinship hypotheses will have greater weight in the biological hypothesis
(numerator) that in the population hypothesis (denominator) compared with a
population with less admixture.
In relation to the degree of admixture of Peruvian population, we used A‐STR
analysis with the Amerindians of North America and Spaniards as ancestors.
We found a 71% Amerindian contribution. Also, this approximate percentage of
contribution was confirmed with another group of Aymara origin, where the
Amerindian contribution was around 80%. Likewise, a study with InDels using
the STRUCTURE software and the parameter K equal to 2 showed a 30% foreign
component, which was also observed in the case of Ayacucho populations with
a moderate degree of admixture (Sandoval et al., 2013). These studies confirm
the range of Amerindian contribution of near to two‐thirds of the Peruvian
genome, and a high probability of ancestral genetic structure in the Andean
population of Peru.
Also, this admixture is evident in the Y chromosome STR (Y‐STR) and HV1
sequence of mtDNA (mtDNA‐HV1). In the case of Y‐STR haplotypes diversity
showed as 98.65% using the algorithm HAPLOGROUP PREDICTOR (Athey,
2006). The distributions of these haplogroups in the Peruvian population were for
the Q haplogroup (57.6%), which is Amerindian, and for those of foreign origin
as R1B (17%), J (9.09%) I (6.06%), E3B (4.24%), G (3.64%), E3A (1.21%), L
(0.6%) and R1A (0.6%).
In the case of mtDNA‐HV1 the haplotype diversity showed as 96.44%. The
phylogenetic tree by the Neighbornjoin method showed 99.98% of Amerindian
haplogroups as B (46.8%), A (17.02%), C (17.55%), D (15.42%) and foreign
(3.19%).
Then, Y‐STR and mtDNA‐HV1 gives a joint theoretical Amerindian contribu-
tion of 77.2%, which is close to the two‐thirds Amerindian contribution found in
the first study by A‐STR in the Peruvian population.
This degree of admixture is also confirmed at intra‐ and inter‐population level
in Y‐STR and mtDNA‐HV1. The analysis of the maximum matching probability
within the population (mwmax), the minimum matching probability within the
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COL
ES
BAM
BRA
BA
NSA
PER
SAL
SUR
CHI
AF
MO
Figure 30.4 Tree UPGMA distance matrix of probability of intra‐ and interpopulation
comparison for Y‐STR among the population of Peru studied and other populations
published. PER = Peru, AF = Africa, BA = Basco, BAM = Argentina, BRA = Brazil,
COL = Colombia, CHI = China, ES = Spain, MO = Mongolia, NSA = Native Americans
South America, SAL = Salvador, SUR = Surinam.
population (mwmin), and the minimum matching probability between two popula-
tions (mbmin) (Brinkmann et al., 1999) and the distance proportions of upper
(mwmax/mbmin) and lower values (mwmin/mbmin) showed, in the case of
Y‐STR, that the Peruvian population (PER) was more likely to match with the
native South American Amerindian population, as we found in the tree of matches
(Figure 30.4).
In the case of mtDNA‐HV1, the match of the Peruvian population was closer to
the South American populations than North and Central America populations
(Figure 30.5). In the South American group, the Peruvian study population
(PERNEW) showed greater chance of match with the population of Mexico
(MEX). Chile (CHI) and Colombia (COL) were grouped together because they
have little chance of matching with other groups because of their small number of
haplotypes in the analysis. These results are consistent with the structure in the
South American population that we mentioned above (South America is one
group).
Historically, in Peru the Amerindian structure pre‐Inca and Inca remained
intact until the year 1521, the time of the first arrival of the Spanish in the Peruvian
region. The Spanish colonization, unlike the English colonization of North
America, had an involuntary factor (diseases) that reduced the Amerindian
population. Some estimates place the decline of the Amerindian population at
approximately 95% (15 million people). According to the genetic structure of
Peru, we expect high effective population numbers (Ne) and major variability
within populations rather than among populations (Seldin et al., 2007). This con-
text is different from other South American populations where the Ne and genetic
c30.indd 484 11/26/2019 8:31:40 PM

PERNEW
MEX
BRAZ
PEROLD
ARG
USANAT
PAN
CANDNAT
COS
CHI
COL
Figure 30.5 Tree UPGMA distance matrix of probability of intra‐ and interpopulation
comparison for mtDNA among the population of Peru studied and other native popula-
tions published for America. PERNEW = Peru this study, ARG = Argentina, BRAZ = Brazil,
CANDNAT = Canada, CHI = Chile, COL = Colombia, COS = Costa Rica, MEX = Mexico,
PAN = Panama, PEROLD = published for Peru, USANAT = Native American United States.
variability is higher among populations than within populations, as in the case for
the Colombian population of Antioquia, where the Amerindian content is higher
(90%) at the mitochondrial level, but the Y chromosome shows 94% European,
5% African and 1% Amerindian (Carvajal‐Carmona et al., 2000) or in the case of
Santiago de Chile, where the Amerindian content is less than 30% (Cifuentes
et al., 2004).
Also, consider the admixture component may vary in function in the population;
for example, in Peru one can find populations more isolated by the Andean geog-
raphy which have retained more ancient Amerindian structures. On the other
hand, there are urban populations where the Amerindian component is small.
This gradient of admixture has been observed, for example, in populations of
Mexico. The Amerindian component reaches between 29% to 49%, depending on
the population (Cerda‐Flores et al., 2002; Long et al., 1991). Some Mexican popu-
lations show about 77.5% of the Amerindian component (Martinez‐Marignac
et al., 2007). Identification of Peruvian missing persons can involve an Amerindian
content ranging from 70% to 100%. For this reason, the admixture in the genetic
structure (Factor 3) in the central‐south region of Peru increases the likelihood of
matches in the database and negatively affects the kinship pairwise analysis.
30.6 Matching of genetic profiles in the context

of genetic similarity (Factor 3)
When the genetic similarity is high by alleles identity by descent (IBD) in the
genetic structure (Factor 3), the matches have a greater risk of false positives and
negatives. The false negatives are the most critical, since false positives can be
differentiated using non‐genetic data.
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Although the process of DNA identification may take into consideration every-
thing mentioned in this chapter for the universe of the missing (Factor 1), the
presence of mutation and null alleles in the A‐STR is unavoidable. In the case of
null alleles, this differs from drop‐out, because in the best technical conditions it
remains null, unless we change the marker system (primers in different kit) for
the same locus. In the case of drop‐out, this may be improved with better technical
conditions such as quality of DNA, quantity of DNA, PCR conditions, and so on.
In conditions of genetic similarity, the presence of mutations and null alleles
increases the probability of false positive and negatives, as observed in the missing
population and their relatives in Peru. For example, a mutation in one step (+1
tandem or −1 tandem) produces a match in an individual’s presumed sibling, as it
fails only in two A‐STR markers, while the real results without mutation gives no
match as a brother because they fail on three markers. These mutations and null
alleles increase the presence of alleles identity by state (IBS), which are alleles that
do not have a common ancestor (not by inheritance).
It is for this reason that it is important to include in the search algorithms the
criteria of mutation and/or null alleles. In the case of mutations there are three
models: one‐step mutation (−1 tandem or −1 tandem), two‐step mutation (−2
tandem or +2 tandem), and a mixed mutation model which considers the first two
models and gives a differential weight; generally, it has a higher weight for one‐
step mutations (Martinez‐Marignac et al., 2007; Ricciardi and Slooten, 2014).
Then, the matches between the database of genetic profiles of missing persons and
relatives could be:
a. Full genetic profiles with some mutations and/or null alleles.
b. Full and partial genetic profiles where, in some cases, there are mutations and/
or null alleles.
For any of these circumstances, it is recommended to search using two criteria,
The number of sharing alleles for markers and probability of sharing alleles IBDs
in analysis of kinship pairwise is based on the probability of carrying alleles IBD
(K0 = zero IBD alleles, K1 = one IBD alleles, K2 = two IBD alleles). In the case of
the kinship pairwise analysis it is recommended to use two searching criteria such
as the relationship of father–son and brother–brother; this last criterion reduces
the false negatives but increases the possibility of false positives, which could be
checked using non‐genetic information.
With these considerations in the DNA identification of missing persons, we
developed an algorithm called ALIGEN, which was published with the aim that it
can be implemented by any laboratory (Iannacone, 2015). In this algorithm are
two simultaneous search criteria. The first is the search by number of matching
markers pairwise (alignment profiles), which includes the possibility of finding
cases of mutations that can be considered as exclusions. A second search criterion
uses the likelihood ratio (LR) of kinship with two possible options of relatedness.
In the case of partial genetic profiles or failing to share some A‐STR markers, the
algorithm calculates the LR of kinship with the aim of reducing false negatives.
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In the case of many fragments, even more so in a substructure situation, the use
of a combination of different systems is recommended.
It is recommended, for an identification in substructure population, to consider
as a first line of analyses the implementation of a database of uni‐parental markers
as for mtDNA or Y‐STR. This allows the grouping of samples (a network of haplo-
types), which then allows for the individualization of the samples and reassocia-
tion of the fragments. Then, the second step is to implement a database of A‐STR
which allows the genetic association of individuals from the groups formed by
uniparental markers, and thus decrease false positives, hence avoiding incorrect
conclusions from random matches.”
Additionally, each fragment of a single set of remains has variability in the
amount of DNA. Those fragments with the most complete A‐STR of the same
individual help to reduce the sample universe to compare with in the database,
hence reducing the computational resource needed for the comparisons.
Finally, in order to simplify and speed up searches with A‐STR, it is recommended
to build a matrix of pairwise comparisons based on sharing alleles, wherein the dis-
tance is expressed by the amount of sharing haploid genetic profiles generated in
two diploid genetic profiles (as a simulated meiosis), in which each of these haplo-
types can be expressed as a numerical quantity. In that sense, the closest simulated
haplotypes, sharing more of these haplotypes, has higher weight. This approach
works well in relationships between parents to son and brothers where it has the
highest percentage incidence in the identification cases. Also, this approach has
been included in the algorithm ALIGEN with the aim of clarifying the complexity of
the genetic structure and aiding with the identification of missing persons in Peru.
We want to emphasize that each context has its own difficulties, it must be
tackled using a holistic approach to the problem that can help detect the best way
to adapt international standards to local contexts. For the Peruvian case, we iden-
tified that the degradation of the bodies and the disintegration of the DNA, the
factors of the genetic structure, the kinship reality (social and biological), the
sociocultural cosmovision (as observed by Bennett, Chapter 33) on the search
areas of missing persons, the expectations of the relatives and other loved ones,
are all sensitive dimensions that can exacerbate the humanitarian forensic work.
To face this problem, a strategy with a global vision of the entire line of evidence
collected, beyond the use of only one criterion (or only the use of one of them to
control another), will be needed, as well as a forensic response that is integrated
and rigorous.
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CHAPTER 31
Short tandem repeat markers applied

to the identification of human remains
School of Forensic and Applied Sciences, University of Central Lancashire, UK
31.1 Introduction
The forensic identification of deceased persons is undertaken for legal and human-
itarian reasons in a myriad of contexts ranging from man‐made disasters, such as
plane crashes, to natural disasters and conflict between and within States.
In many instances, especially with complex cases and contexts, genetic data has
become one of the critical tools assisting with identification. Since it was first used
in the 1990s for the identification of human remains (Clayton et al., 1995;
Hagelberg et al., 1991; Jeffreys et al., 1992), improvements have been seen in the
techniques for recovering DNA from post‐mortem samples, generating highly
informative profiles, and evaluating the DNA data (Davoren et al., 2007; Edson
and McMahon, 2016; Parsons et al., 2019).
The focus of the chapter will be autosomal short tandem repeat DNA markers
(STRs), which are the mainstay of most laboratories around the world. The pro-
filing of single nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs) with the latest massive parallel
sequencing technology will be introduced.
31.2 Selection of genetic markers
Since the advent of DNA profiling, genetic markers have been applied to the
identification of biological material recovered from crime scenes and kinship test-
ing (Gill et al., 1985; Jeffreys et al., 1985). Variable number tandem repeats
(VNTRs) were the first DNA markers available to forensic genetics, and while
they were very powerful in some situations, their use was restricted by the
491
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requirement for relatively large amounts of high molecular weight DNA, and
therefore their application in human remains identification was limited (Olaisen
et al., 1997).
To overcome these limitations, methods were developed that utilized the poly-
merase chain reaction (PCR) and targeted regions of the genome called short
tandem repeats (STRs). This facilitated the analysis of low quantities of DNA and
allowed DNA that was partially degraded to be analysed (Hagelberg et al., 1991;
Jeffreys et al., 1992). Development of fluorescent PCR labels along with slab and
then capillary electrophoresis (CE) marked a step change in the technology and
the widespread adoption of STR analysis.
The human genome has an abundance of loci that can be used for identification.
These include single nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs), short tandem repeats
(STRs), and insertion/deletions (INDELs). While SNPs and INDELs have potential
as marker systems in forensic genetics, especially when coupled with massive
parallel sequencing (MPS) technology, STRs have been and will continue to be,
for the foreseeable future, the genetic marker of choice for most forensic genetics.
Many national forensic providers are, to some degree, locked‐in to using STRs as
they have developed databases of DNA profiles (e.g. criminal DNA databases)
with, in some cases, millions of STR profiles.
The power of STR‐based DNA profiling is rooted in the multi‐allelic nature of
STR loci along with the ability to co‐analyse several loci in one tube (multiplex-
ing), especially when this is coupled with fluorescence‐based detection of the
amplified DNA fragments. Early multiplexes contained only a few loci; for
example, the quadraplex system, first used in the UK in 1994, amplified 4 STR loci
(Clayton et al., 1995). Gradually multiplexes have been developed that incorpo-
rate more and more loci, and several amplification kits that incorporate 20‐plus
STR loci are now commercially available (Table 31.1). Kits have incorporated
autosomal STRs, present on chromosomes 1–22, and a sex marker, the amelo-
genin locus. This is present on both the X and Y chromosomes; it contains a 6 bp
deletion on the X chromosome, thereby enabling DNA to be identified as origi-
nating from a male or female (Sullivan et al., 1993). Additional Y chromosome
markers have been added to more recently developed kits, to make the
identification of sex more robust.
As the human genome was decoded, thousands of autosomal STR loci were
identified. Selecting core STR loci, that is, the ones that should be analysed by all
laboratories, has been a priority of the forensic community; if results from differ-
ent laboratories are to be compared, then the same STR loci must be analysed.
Defining core loci has largely been driven by early adoption of some loci, and
more systematically through national institutions, such as the Federal Bureau of
Investigation (FBI) in the US, and international organizations, such as the
European Network of Forensic Science Institutes (ENFSI). In 1997, the FBI eval-
uated the data available for STR loci and selected 13 to make up the CODIS
(Combined DNA Index System) loci (Budowle et al., 1998). The original CODIS
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Table 31.1 Currently available autosomal STR kits provided by AB, Promega Corporation and Qiagen.
Autosomal STR Applied BioSystems Promega Qiagen
ESX 17 & ESI 17 systems

Fusion 6C system
ESSplex SE Plus
VeriFiler™Plus
NGM Detect™
ESSplex SE QS
Fusion system
NGM SElect™
GlobalFiler™
ESSplex Plus
Identifiler™
18D system
IDplex Plus
MiniFiler™
VeriFiler™
24plex QS
21 system
NGM™
1 CSF1POa
2 D5S818a
3 D7S820a
4 D13S317a
5 TPOXa,d
6 D3S1358a,c,e
7 D8S1179a,c,e
8 D16S539a
9 D18S51a,c,e
10 D21S11a,c,e
11 FGAa,c,e
12 THO1a,c,e
13 vWAa,c,e
14 D2S1338b
15 D19S433b
16 D1S1656b,d
17 D2S441b,d
(Continued)
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Table 31.1 (Continued)
Autosomal STR Applied BioSystems Promega Qiagen

Fusion 6C system
ESSplex SE Plus
VeriFiler™Plus
NGM Detect™
ESSplex SE QS
Fusion system
NGM SElect™
GlobalFiler™
ESSplex Plus
Identifiler™
18D system
IDplex Plus
MiniFiler™
VeriFiler™
24plex QS
21 system
NGM™
18 D10S1248b,d
19 D12S391b,d
20 D22S1045b,d
21 SE33
22 D6S1043
23 Penta D
24 Penta E
Amelogenin
Sex‐specific
markers
Y‐indel
DYS391
DYS570(RM)
DYS576(RM)
Internal quality control
Data from https://www.thermofisher.com, https://www.promega.co.uk/ and https://www.qiagen.com.

a
CODIS (13 loci).
b
CODIS (20 loci).
c
ESS (7 loci).
d
ESS (13 loci).
e
INTERPOL (7 loci).
c31.indd 494 11/26/2019 8:28:56 PM

Short tandem repeat markers applied to human remains 495
loci were CSF1PO, FGA, TH01, TPOX, vWA, D3S1358, D5S818, D7S820, D8S1179,
D13S317, D16S539, D18S51 and D21S11. In 2015, seven further CODIS loci were
added: D1S1656, D2S441, D2S1338, D10S1248, D12S391, D19S433 and
D22S1045 (Hares, 2015).
The European DNA Profiling (EDNAP) Group and ENFSI have also been active
in directing the development of STR multiplexes, with a primary aim of facili-
tating the exchange of data across borders. In 1999, the ENFSI defined the
European Standard Set (ESS) as vWA, TH01, FGA, D3S1358, D8S1179, D18S51
and D21S11; in 2009, the ESS was expanded by adding six loci, three of which
were characterized as mini‐STRs with a maximum amplicon size of 123 bp
(D10S1248, D22S1045, and D2S441), and three others: D12S391, D1S1656 and
TPOX (Gill et al., 2006). The recommendations of ENFSI were adopted by the
European Council. The International Police Organization (INTERPOL) has also
defined 7 STR loci as core to facilitate exchange of DNA profiles by members.
Commercial companies have sought to produce commercial kits allowing the
analysis of core loci. Two kits that have been widely used around the world are
PowerPlex 16 (Promega Corporation) (Krenke et al., 2002) and AmpFLSTR
Identifiler (Applied Biosystems) (Cotton et al., 2000), each of which include all of
the original 13 CODIS loci and amelogenin in a single PCR amplification. These
two kits have dominated the commercial market since their introduction in the
early 2000s and are still the primary systems used in several countries. However,
there is a general trend of moving to kits with additional loci (Table 31.1).
31.3 STR loci and kinship testing
The identification of human remains typically relies on kinship testing rather than
direct comparisons of profiles (as is the case with most crime scene analysis).
Whilst the match probabilities achieved with the STR kits containing 15 loci or
more are typically extremely high when comparing full profiles, the same is not
always true in kinship testing. Therefore, for laboratories involved in kinship test-
ing it is desirable to have additional STR markers to utilize in complex cases. For
many years the commercial options have been limited, and common practice in
many laboratories was to use combinations of kits, for example, PowerPlex 16 and
Identifiler, which together provided 17 loci. Supplementary kits are now available
and utilized by many laboratories that undertake kinship testing, allowing tens
of additional loci to be analysed (Table 31.2).
31.4 The strength of DNA evidence
To use DNA evidence for identification, both ante‐mortem and post‐mortem data
are required. Post‐mortem DNA data from deceased individuals can be from soft
tissue if decomposition is not advanced, or skeletal elements that can act as a
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Table 31.2 Six commercial kits with supplementary autosomal STRs: SureID® 23 comp
(Health Gene Technologies, China); Investigator® HDplex (Qiagen); PowerPlex® CS7
(Promega Corporation); Microreader™ 23sp ID (Suzhou Microread Genetics, China)
(Li et al., 2017); Goldeneye™ DNA ID 22NC (Goldeneye® Technology Ltd., China)
(Fu et al., 2018); and AGCU 21+1 (AGCU ScienTech Incorporation, China) (Zhu et al.,
2015). It also shows a set of 26 supplementary STRs (26plex) recommended by
the National Institute of Standards and Technology (NIST) (not commercially available:
Hill et al., 2009).
Goldeneye™ DNA ID 22NC*

Microreader™ 23sp ID*
Investigator® HDplex
SureID® 23 comp
PowerPlex® CS7
Chr. STRs
26plex (NIST)
AGCU 21+1*
1 D1S1656
F13B
D1S1677
D1S1627
D1GATA113
2 D2S441
D2S1360
D2S1338
D2S1776
3 D3S1744
D3S3045
D3S1358
D3S4529
D3S3053
4 D4S2366
D4S2408
D4S2364
5 D5S2800
D5S2500
6 D6S474
D6S477
SE33 b
F13A01
D6S1017
7 D7S3048
D7S1517
8 D8S1132
D8S1115
LPL
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Goldeneye™ DNA ID 22NC*

Microreader™ 23sp ID*
Investigator® HDplex
SureID® 23 comp
PowerPlex® CS7
Chr. STRs
26plex (NIST)
AGCU 21+1*
9 D9S1122
D9S2157
Penta C
D9S925
10 D10S1248
D10S2325
D10S1435
11 D11S2368
D11S4463
12 D12S391
D12ATA63
13 D13S325
14 D14S1434
D14S608
15 D15S659
FESFPS
Penta E
16 D16S539
17 D17S1301
D17S1290
D17S974
18 D18S1364
D18S51
D18S535
D18S853
19 D19S253
D19S433
20 D20S482
D20S470
D20S1082
21 D21S2055
Penta D
D21S1270
22 D22GATA198B05
D22S1045
* Kits are solely for Chinese forensic use (Phillips, 2017).
c31.indd 497 11/26/2019 8:28:56 PM

arbour for DNA for years post‐mortem. The collection of post‐mortem data
h
should be mirrored by the collection of ante‐mortem data; as with post‐mortem
data, the type of ante‐mortem data available/collected is context‐ and case‐specific
(Puerto et al., 2014). For DNA analysis there are two main sources of ante‐mor-
tem data. Ideally, a biological sample from the missing person(s) would be used;
this could be a blood sample, a hair sample that contained roots, or biological
material recovered from a personal artefact, such as a razor blade. This may be
viable in some contexts, but not possible in others.
The second option is to collect biological samples, either blood or buccal cells,
from biological relatives; this is dependent on suitable relatives being available.
The choice of relatives is somewhat limited when using autosomal DNA. Children
inherit 50% of each of their parents’ DNA and so have a 50% chance of having
any given piece of DNA in common through descent; this goes on with each gen-
eration, so, for example, grandchildren only have a 25% chance of inheriting a
given piece of DNA from a grandparent. Very quickly the chance of sharing DNA
by descent (IBD) (i.e. directly inherited) is not significantly different to sharing a
given piece of DNA by state (IBS) (i.e. coincidentally sharing the same allele), and
so the power of DNA analysis diminishes.
When the kinship testing suggests an individual cannot be excluded from a claimed
relationship due to allele sharing, the event can then be quantified to assess the
strength of the evidence by calculating the relationship index likelihood ratio (RI‐
LR) (Gjertson et al., 2007; Prinz et al., 2007). Some relationships can be calculated
manually, such as one parent and one child, or two parents and one child. However,
other, more complex pedigrees cannot be routinely assessed without computer soft-
ware (Brenner, 1997; Kling et al., 2014). The effect of using different relatives and
also increasing numbers of STR markers can be seen in Figures 31.1 and 31.2.
In cases that involve one or a few missing person(s), a range of relatives can be
used, and it may be possible to get sufficiently strong likelihoods of identity with
relatives such as siblings. However, in cases of large‐scale identifications, such as
following conflict or natural disasters, it is common to require multiple relatives
in order to get sufficiently high likelihood ratios (Goodwin and Peel, 2012;
National Institute of Justice, 2006).
31.5 Limitations of STR loci for the identification

of human remains
STR loci have proven to be a powerful tool to assist in the identification of human
remains in multiple contexts. With the latest generation of multiplexes, both core
and supplementary, it is possible to produce extremely high likelihood ratios for
identity in many cases. However, there are some limitations, particularly with the
number of markers that can be analysed in a single reaction, and the length of the
DNA fragments that need to be present in the post‐mortem sample. In addition,
when analysing degraded DNA samples some information will typically be lost as
c31.indd 498 11/26/2019 8:28:56 PM

(a)
15
10
LogLR
A B C D E F G H I J K L M N O P Q R S T U V W
Relatives available for testing
(b)
20
15
LogLR
10
A B C D E F G H I J K L M N O P Q R S T U V W
Relatives available for testing
Figure 31.1 Boxplots comparing the typical log10 LRs of 23 relationship scenarios
c alculated using DNA.View’s simulation function. The groups of relatives labelled A to W
in the box plots are: A, 1 sibling; B, 3 grandparents; C, 1 parent + half sibling (opposite
side); D, 1 child; E, 1 parent; F, 2 grandparents (different sides) + 1 child; G, 1 parent +
aunt/uncle (opposite side); H, 2 siblings; I, spouse + 1 child; J, 1 parent + 1 sibling; K, 2
grandparents (same side) + 1 child; L, 4 grandparents; M, 3 siblings; N, 1 parent + 1 child;
O, 1 grandparent + 2 children; P, 2 children; Q, 1 parent, spouse + child; R, 2 grandpar-
ents (same side) + 2 children; S, 3 children; T, 1 parent + 2 children; U, spouse + 2
children; V, 2 parents; W, 1 parent, spouse + 2 children. The plot is based on the data
from (a) Identifiler® simulations; (b) Identifiler®plus e‐ESS loci simulations. The groups
of relatives recommended by ISFG are circled. These are: one parent and sibling (J);
children and spouse (I = 1 child, U = 2 children); one parent, spouse and children (Q = 1
child, W = 2 children); and two parents (V). Adapted from Goodwin and Peel (2012).
c31.indd 499 11/26/2019 8:28:57 PM

25
20
15
Log10 LR
10
0
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
Figure 31.2 Boxplot comparing the distribution of simulated log10 likelihood ratios for ten
relationship scenarios: (1) one sibling; (2) one parent/child; (3) two siblings; (4) spouse
and child; (5) parent and sibling; (6) two children; (7) one parent and one child; (8)
three siblings; (9) spouse and two children; (10) two parents. The data are based on 100
simulations with DNA.View using data for the PowerPlex 21 loci in an Iraqi population.
Adapted from Farhan et al. (2016).
D3S1358 vWA D16S539 CSF1PO TPOX

90 150 210 270 330 390
600
400
200
0
15 19 11
121.35 189.32 252.19
739 331 138
16 19 13
125.50 189.32 260.10
643 331 110
Figure 31.3 Panel from a GlobalFiler kit showing the effects of DNA degradation. Two
loci, CSF1PO and TPOX, have dropped out, reducing the amount of information recov-
ered from this sample.
some of the larger DNA fragments will fail to amplify as the STR alleles are up to
450 bp long (Figure 31.3). STR markers also have a relatively high mutation rate
(around 1 mutation every 300–400 meiotic divisions), which can complicate the
interpretation of kinship tests.
To overcome these limitations, shorter single nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs)
and/or insertion/deletion polymorphisms (INDELs) can be utilized; amplicons for
c31.indd 500 11/26/2019 8:28:59 PM

SNPs and INDELs can be considerably shorter (typically 100–200 bp) and have a
much lower mutation rate than STRs. SNP and INDEL multiplexes have been
developed that can be analysed using the same equipment base, including capil-
lary electrophoresis platforms, that are used for analysis of STRs (Pereira et al.,
2009; Sanchez et al., 2006). However, the assays that are analysed with capillary
electrophoresis are limited to around 50 markers.
31.6 Massive parallel sequencing (MPS)
Developments in sequencing technology have introduced the possibility of ana-

lysing thousands of sequencing reactions simultaneously. The technology was
developed primarily for genome sequencing but is now being applied in a more
diverse range of applications, including forensic genetics (Børsting and Morling,
2015; Bruijns et al., 2018). A challenge faced in forensic genetics when looking to
adopt the new technology has been to make it compatible with the STR‐based
technology. In response, systems based on targeted sequencing have been devel-
oped, where the loci of interest are amplified using PCR prior to MPS (Børsting
and Morling, 2015). Commercial kits that target STR markers include ForenSeqTM
DNA Signature Prep (Verogen) (Churchill et al., 2016; Silvia et al., 2017; Xavier
and Parson, 2017), PowerSeqTM Auto/Mito/Y system (Promega Corporation) (Van
Der Gaag et al., 2016) and Precision ID GlobalFilerTM NGS STR (Müller et al.,
2018; Wang et al., 2017) (Applied Biosystems) (Table 31.3). The amplicon sizes,
except for penta E, are below 300 bp, with many below 200 bp, facilitating the
amplification of degraded samples.
The power of discrimination is enhanced in some kits by the analysis of addi-
tional loci, including Y chromosome STRs, and identity and ancestry SNPs. In
addition, using MPS detects micro‐variants (typically base changes) present in the
tandem repeat region and in the flanking sequence that are not detectable using
capillary electrophoresis (CE) technology. Table 31.4 illustrates the increased
power of discrimination that can results from MPS in comparison with CE.
Other MPS systems analyse only SNPs, which, while not compatible with
national DNA databases (that are based on STRs), can be powerful in individual
cases, both criminal and kinship. For example, the Applied Biosystems Identity
Panel analyses 90 autosomal SNPs (Børsting et al., 2014). Commercial systems are
currently under development and testing which amplify thousands of SNPs and
will be a valuable tool in kinship testing when close relatives are not available
(Parsons et al., 2019).
There are some limitations of MPS‐based technology. The analysis process is
more involved, with several analytical steps, and the technology is considerably
more expensive. These limitations will restrict the widespread implementation of
MPS technology in forensic genetics in the short term, but its application is likely
to increase as the costs reduce and the technology improves.
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Table 31.3 DNA markers included in three commercially available STR‐MPS kits. Data
from https://verogen.com, https://www.thermofisher.com, and Faith and Scheible (2016).
Locus Amplicon length range (bp)
ForenSeqTM DNA signature PowerSeqTM GlobalFilerTM

(Primer Mixs A&B) Auto/Mito/Y NGS STR
D1S1677 – – 151–191
D1S1656b,d 141–189 161–208 167–215
D2S441b,d 144–180 158–204 163–195
TPOXa,d 85–145 196–244 167–199
D2S1776 – – 163–195
D2S1338b 114–182 197–269 133–197
D3S4529 – – 167–195
D3S1358a,c,e 138–186 192–240 129–177
D4S2408 93–117 – 167–191
FGA a,c,e 150–306 176–268 137–299
D5S2800 – – 171–211
D5S818a 102–150 191–239 141–173
CSF1POa 85–129 185–229 143–183
D6S1043 163–227 – 163–227
D6S474 – – 158–186
Autosomal STRs
D7S820a 135–179 211–255 130–166

D8S1179 a,c,e a,c,e,ee 86–138 203–255 151–199
D9S1122 108–140 – –
D10S1248b,d 128–172 135–179 155–199
TH01 a,c,e 100–148 220–264 129–173
D12S391b,d 237–281 202–254 149–193
vWA a,c,e 132–192 202–262 147–207
D12ATA63 – – 126–146
D13S317a 138–186 209–257 149–181
D14S1434 – – 163–195
Penta E 362–467 179–284 168–273
D16S539a 132–180 198–253 139–179
D17S1301 114–142 – –
D18S51 a,c,e 140–227 190–277 156–232
D19S433b 154–212 193–253 155–195
D20S482 125–165 – –
D21S11 a,c,e 158–276 203–273 179–245
Penta D 209–293 192–266 139–204
D22S1045b,d 193–229 129–176 178–211
c31.indd 502 11/26/2019 8:28:59 PM


DYS393 – 294–256 –
DYS505 154–194 – –
DYS456 – 141–165 –
DYS570 162–214 157–217 –
DYS576 183–235 155–203 –
DYS522 294–334 – –
DYS458 – 171–199 –
DYS481 102–129 139–184 –
DYS19 261–345 168–294 –
DYS391 123–167 147–178 –
DYS635 214–306 155–179 –
DYS437 178–210 181–197 –
DYS439 199–239 204–224 –
DYS389I 231–275 258–294 –
Y‐STRs
DYS389II 255–299 – –
DYS438 144–169 202–242 –
DYS390 242–286 204–248 –
DYS643 115–215 150–210 –
DYS533 198–258 242–284 –
GATA-H4 151–203 231–251 –
DYS612 215–248 – –
DYS385 a 316–354 202–303 –
DYS385 b
DYS460 356–380 – –
DYS549 214–262 189–230 –
DYS392 346–358 143–164 –
DYS448 288–324 213–255 –
DYF387S1a 123–255 _ –
DYF387S1b
DXS10074 211–309 – –
DXS10103 161–185 – –
DXS10135 228–334 – –
X-STRs
DXS7132 176–208 – –
DXS7423 147–215 – –
DXS8378 430–462 – –
HPRTB 193–237 – –
(Continued)
c31.indd 503 11/26/2019 8:28:59 PM


94 ID‐SNPs 63–170 – –
SNPs
56 AI‐SNPs* 73–227 – –
22 PI‐SNPs* 67–200 – –
– – 10 amplicons –
(cover the
Mito
mitochondrial
control
regions)
*
Primer mix B includes the 56 AI‐SNPs and the 22 PI‐SNPs in addition to those markers in primer mix A.
a
CODIS (13 loci).
b
CODIS (20 loci).
c
ESS (7 loci).
d
ESS (13 loci).
e
INTERPOL (7 loci).
Table 31.4 Power of discrimination comparison for four loci by using STR‐CE systems,
MPS systems for variants in the repeat region, and for variants in both repeat and
flanking regions. This study was conducted to examine STR loci variations
for the Korean population (Kim et al., 2017).
Power of discrimination (PoD)
Locus Size‐based Include variations Include variation in repeat

systems in repeat region and flanking regions
D2S441 0.900 0.930 0.931

D7S820 0.904 0.904 0.947
D13S317 0.928 0.930 0.956
D21S11 0.927 0.983 0.983
31.7 Incorporating DNA analysis into the identification

process
In domestic contexts, identification of the deceased individuals is typically straight-

forward and requires limited input from forensic practitioners. However, where
deaths have occurred through transport disasters, fires, natural disaster and
conflict, the situation is often much more challenging. Complications can arise
through fragmentation of bodies, burying the deceased in clandestine/mass
c31.indd 504 11/26/2019 8:28:59 PM

Refute
hypothesis of Identification
Collection of
identity
ante-mortem
data
Generate Test
hypothesis of hypothesis of
identity identity
Collection of
Location Recovery post-mortem
data
DNA
Anthropology
Re-association Fingerprints
Odontology
Context information
Anthropology DNA Eye-witness testimony
Personal artifacts
Other relevant data
Figure 31.4 Schematic representation of the different stages in the identification process.
A hypothesis of identification can be generated from a wide variety of sources and then
tested using all the available data. Adapted from Goodwin (2017).
graves, large numbers of deceased persons, limited contextual information,

extended time between death and recovery/identification, and limited ante‐
mortem data (Parsons et al., 2019).
Incorporating DNA profiling into human remains identification, whether for a
single person or in large‐scale cases, is part of a multi‐step process (Figure 31.4).
The location and recovery of the remains is essential but can be complicated in
terms of identifying the location of bodies and accessing sites. Appropriate recovery
is vital to preserve evidence and minimize commingling when relevant (Puerto
et al., 2014). In complex cases it is more challenging to formulate a realistic hypo-
thesis of identity for a given set of human remains, which in turn necessitates
more input from forensic practitioners and often DNA analysis (Goodwin, 2017).
Following the collection and generation of ante‐ and post‐mortem data, differ-
ent approaches are available for incorporating DNA data into the identification
process. The classical approach is to use only the DNA data after a hypothesis of
identity has been generated: this can be through artefacts, such as documents or
identification tags, eye‐witness testimony, or comparison of non‐genetic ante‐
and post‐mortem data. The hypothesis is then tested using genetic evidence,
which will either refute or add weight to the existing hypothesis. An alternative is
to use a DNA‐led approach to generate potential identifications (DNA‐led), which
can then be tested using any other source of data available, including additional
genetic markers.
Lineage markers, both STRs and SNPs on the Y chromosome and sequence
polymorphisms in the mitochondrial DNA, can be powerful tools in human
identification, but are limited when dealing with multiple identifications as the
c31.indd 505 11/26/2019 8:28:59 PM

power of discrimination is limited. However, they can be useful to add weight to

matches made through autosomal DNA.
Ideally, a mechanism like an Identification Committee can be used to evaluate
all the information in a specific context and reduce the potential for producing
unreliable identifications (American Association of Blood Banks, 2010;
International Committee of the Red Cross, 2009; Interpol, 2014; MREC and ICRC,
2014; National Institute of Justice, 2006).
31.8 Conclusions
The use of DNA profiling to facilitate the identification of human remains is

widespread and its value has been proven in many contexts. The increased panels
of STR markers that are available using conventional CE‐based detection open
the potential to resolve increasingly complex cases. The increased scope of DNA
analysis is further enhanced by the development of MPS‐based systems.
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CHAPTER 32
Genetics without non‐genetic data:

Forensic difficulties in correct
identification – the Colombian
experience
National Institute of Legal Medicine and Forensic Sciences, Colombia
32.1 Genetics in the identification of bodies associated

with the violation of human rights and international
humanitarian law: A humanitarian challenge
The role of forensic genetics in all its applications – the investigation of sexual
offences and homicides, parentage testing and the identification of corpses – has
been recognized by the high level of certainty of its findings, taking into account
that it constitutes objective and reproducible scientific evidence, not dependent
on the expert’s opinion, subject to obsessive quality controls and consensual
methodological protocols, unified and standardized worldwide, in addition to its
possibility of measuring the level of uncertainty of genetic findings in probabilistic
terms.
But in the midst of all the judicial investigations benefiting from DNA analysis,
genetics is proving a major role in identifying victims of great violations of human
rights and international humanitarian law, constituting a special field of applica-
tion that provides particular demands and challenges, not only in terms of meth-
odological protocols, but also in its interaction with the victims and relatives of
missing persons.
This necessarily involves the forensic geneticist in a new role, in which he must
interact with other traditional disciplines specialized in the identification of human
remains, as well as with the communities of victims, who demand to know and
participate in the identification process and request that the geneticist is willing
to put science at the service and understanding of the community of victims.
The above implies a humanitarian attitude in which the victims are the axis and
the final objective of the scientific work, and the forensic expert, knowing the
509
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circumstances of the armed conflict that has violated their fundamental rights,
recognizes them as active subjects of the identification process and involves them
in decisions about the planning and development of the forensic process, both in
the search for their relatives, as well as in the identification and the dignified
handing‐over of the corpses, once their identity has been recovered.
This social function of forensics, added to the great impact that genetics has had
on the identification of corpses, has motivated recommendations from scientific
commissions and international organizations to encourage their use in countries
in conflict. In this sense, the United Nations Human Rights Commission, at its
annual Assembly in 2009, generated a recommendation to boost the creation of
this discipline and to promote its development as a key tool in the identification
of persons in the context of IHL (United Nations Human Right Council, 2010;
Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores y Culto and ICRC, 2009).
32.2 The integration of genetics into traditional forensic

disciplines specialized in the identification of human
remains
Historically, the identification of corpses has been in the hands of forensic

pathology, supported in most cases by fingerprinting studies, to resolve the iden-
tity of a body, with the limitation that not every country keeps fingerprints of its
population, and that most of the bodies recovered for forensic study in armed
conflicts are skeletonized and it is not possible to recover fingerprinting. In
Colombia, forensic odontology was incorporated as a specialty in the Legal
Medicine Institute just in the late 1980s, and a decade later, physical anthropology
was used to support the protocols for identifying corpses.
In the Colombian experience, these forensic disciplines became valuable tools
for the pathologist who was assigned the responsibility of the final concept. Two
common terms that were used at the time and still persist in some physicians to
qualify the degree of certainty of a finding were: reliable identification and
circumstantial identification. The first was a rating that was assigned only on
matching fingerprints and/or concordance with dental features of the cadaver, if
these could be compared with ante‐mortem dental records. On the other hand,
the circumstantial identification assigned value to minor findings or coincidences
that did not necessarily constitute definitive individualizing features: the recogni-
tion of the body by relatives or friends, the identification of the clothing worn by
the corpse, the presence of objects belonging to the disappeared person associated
with the body or close to it, or anatomical findings coinciding with the description
given by the family, the place where they were buried by their own relatives, and
so on. Fundamentally, this practice came from the concept of scientific authorities
or experts in the field, who made the decision to consider a body as identified if it
met a group of findings that, in their opinion and experience, generated sufficient
c32.indd 510 11/26/2019 8:29:03 PM

Genetics without non-genetic data in Colombia 511
certainty to consider the body as identified, but often lacked quantifiable and
objective scientific evidence.
For many forensic groups in the world, the advent of forensic genetics at the
end of the 1980s meant a readjustment of their processes, partly because the new
technology made it possible to reach much higher levels of certainty than those
achieved with traditional forensic techniques, and also because it allowed differ-
ent body tissues or fluids to be made accessible to molecular analysis, usually with
highly informative results.
Discarding dactyloscopy in fully skeletonized corpses, genetic study is the only
way to provide quantitative evidence of identity. In principle, the findings of
anthropology and odontology are qualitative, and although they may eventually be
quantifiable (e.g. ante‐mortem and post‐mortem radiological coincidences between
odontological or osteological traits), in practice they are not presented as such; at
best, more value is given to non‐discrepancy than to the coincidence of traits.
Although Alec Jeffreys’s DNA fingerprinting (Jeffreys et al., 1985; Gill et al.,
1985) was initially applied to criminal and illegal immigration investigations, it
was evident from the 1990s that it could be a great tool for identifying human
remains in complex settings such as mass disasters (DVI) and missing persons in
armed conflicts (ICRC, 2009).
In spite of the benefits of DNA, genetic studies were viewed with some caution
by the forensic community because of their high cost, in addition to the long time
taken by the laboratory studies, taking into account that in a significant number
of cases they would be negative, in the sense of not being able to obtain any
results since not infrequently the DNA of cadaveric tissue was highly degraded.
The use of genetics in the process of identifying people in contexts of violations
of human rights and international humanitarian law was developed in the 1980s
in Latin America. In Argentina, a pioneer country, the movement of the
Grandmothers of Plaza de Mayo was born, which undertook the search for chil-
dren, many born in captivity, of people who disappeared during the military
government between 1976–1983, and who were then taken over or, as they say
“appropriated,” by families linked to the government (Madariaga and Wulff, 2009)
Facing the great difficulty of recovering the remains of murdered parents, “the
Grandmothers” developed strategies to search for and follow up on the appropri-
ated children. Once located, the suspicious cases required an objective proof that
demonstrated the relationship of “grandparenthood.” This is, perhaps, one of the
best experiences of interaction between the victims’ society and genetic science.
Claiming science as a tool for justice, the Grandmothers found a group of scien-
tists such as Victor Penchaszadeh, Ana María Di Lonardo and Mary Claire King,
among others, (Penchaszadeh, 1992; Di Leonardo et al., 1984; King, 1991) who
developed the mathematical bases to construct the “Grandparenthood Index,”
which would allow them to assess the findings of shared polymorphisms between
grandmothers and grandchildren. At the time of writing, 128 grandchildren have
been recovered thanks to this society of victims and geneticists.
c32.indd 511 11/26/2019 8:29:03 PM

Meanwhile, genetics began to play a leading role in the identification of victims of

mass disasters, either as the last alternative for analysis, or, as in some cases, as the
first study conducted. An example of this was the identification of the victims of the
Spitsbergen aircraft accident in August 1996, in which 141 Russian and Ukrainians
died, and given the scanty ante‐mortem data, it was decided to use DNA analysis as
the primary identification method (Olaisen et al., 1997). Forensic scientists in many
laboratories developed specialized techniques to obtain DNA from calcified tissues,
including highly degraded bone samples. These procedures are now routinely used
throughout the world (Loreille et al., 2007; Davoren et al., 2007).
Subsequently, there were the dramatic events that shocked the world in New
York in 2001, where fundamentalist terrorists accounted for almost 3000 mortal
victims in a single episode during the World Trade Center attack. More than
1600 people were identified by mainly genetic methods (Biesecker et al., 2005).
A similar scheme based mainly on genetic study was applied in the identification
of victims of the conflict in the former Yugoslavia in the 1990s, where according
to the International Commission of Missing Persons (ICMP), about 14,792
bodies were identified using DNA‐assisted methods (Primorac et al., 1996;
Sarkin et al., 2014).
32.3 Forensic genetics in the Colombian armed conflict
Many historians agree that the armed conflict in Colombia began in the late 1940s,
with 60 years of continuous confrontation in which nearly 300,000 people have
died, the majority of them (83%) civilians, mainly in the last 25 years, associated
with the emergence of the paramilitary phenomenon and the support of drug
trafficking money to all actors in the conflict (Duncan, 2015; Ronderos, 2018).
Today, after the historical La Havana Peace Agreement signed by the Colombian
government and the FARC‐EP (Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia)
(Acuerdo Final, 2016), the acts of war have decreased remarkably. Nevertheless,
Colombia is experiencing a resurgence of the violent phenomena derived from
war, involving dissident guerrilla and paramilitary groups clearly associated with
drug trafficking and with a totally delinquent profile. Alongside this problem,
there is the persistence of old guerrilla groups that have not reached peace
agreements and continue to fight, such as the ELN (National Liberation Army).
The characteristics of the Colombian armed conflict are directly reflected in the
complexity of forensic identification work. Many actors were linked to the conflict
(guerrillas, paramilitaries, narco‐traffickers, narco‐paramilitaries, narco‐guer-
rillas, etc.), presenting diverse modus operandi that are reflected in patterns of
injuries recognizable in their victims. On the other hand, the universes of victims
cannot be defined with certainty, so it is not easy to delimit the number of disap-
peared associated with a particular event or a defined geographical region, or even
a specific period of the conflict (Acuerdo Final, 2016).
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At present, the National Center of Historical Memory (CNMH) has set at 82,998
the number of cases of forced disappearances in Colombia throughout the history
of the armed conflict (Centro Nacional de Memoria Histórica, 2016, 2018), a figure
that constitutes a forensic challenge for the coming decades. The difficulty in estab-
lishing the size of the universes of victims for specific war events also makes it diffi-
cult to estimate reference populations for the assessment of genetic coincidences.
An additional component of the conflict is that most of the victims come from
geographical areas of humid jungles and tropical plains, with soils of accelerated
organic degradation and high acidity – environmental conditions that facilitate
tissue and DNA degradation, even of calcified tissues, due to high temperatures
and humidity of greater than 70%.
Furthermore, for the state forensic genetics laboratories in Colombia (to date
five), the age of the cases generates several challenges: obtaining DNA from bone
samples degraded in to a high degree, from people who have been missing for 20 to
40 years. During this period the relatives of direct reference have in many cases
died, and there are no informative pedigrees for the genetic study of kinship; in fact,
the number of relatives per victim in the Bank of Genetic Profiles of Disappeared
Persons of Colombia (BPGD) does not even exceed the index of 1.3 (Paredes, 2016).
Finally, an additional effect produced by such prolonged periods of burial is that
it makes it more difficult to detect injuries that report the cause of death and thus
identify the body. In most cases, the necropsy of skeletal remains does not provide
much information on the circumstances of death.
The complexity of the Colombian scenarios of identification of human remains
associated with the armed conflict has shown that the only way to achieve a high
level of quality and efficiency is through interdisciplinarity. In forensic teams,
genetics begins to be understood as the main axis of the process, since anatomical
information has been lost or there are not enough ante‐mortem references for
comparison (Salado Puerto et al., 2014).
32.4 Interdisciplinary forensic work is a priority
The first experiences of interdisciplinary work applied to the identification of dis-

appeared persons were known in the Latin American context. In this regard, the
first signs of collaborative work had already been observed in the 2000s, and this
modality was adopted by the Legal Medical Service of Chile and also by the
Argentinean Team of Forensic Anthropology (EAAF) (Salado Puerto et al., 2014).
The anthropology teams of Guatemala and Peru also began to show the advan-
tages of this integration.
Currently, it is common to find integrated forensic identification reports, where
the decision to hand over a body is only adopted if a probabilistic threshold is
reached. In these reports, genetic and non‐genetic data are valued in the same
conclusion.
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This contribution is supported by important work from mathematicians, statis-

ticians and geneticists, who in the last decade have incorporated concepts of
Bayesian statistics into the evaluation of genetic and non‐genetic findings, in
identification scenarios of high complexity (Budowle et al., 2011; Brenner and
Weir, 2003).
32.5 Tasks of the forensic geneticist within

the interdisciplinary identification team
Nowadays, forensic genetics has protocols and standards applied to integrated

processes within interdisciplinary forensic work models in several countries.
Regarding this, in 2007 the DNA Commission of the International Society for
Forensic Genetics (ISFG) published recommendations on the role of forensic
genetics in disaster victim identification (DVI) (Prinz et al., 2007). In the Colombian
experience, we highlight the following activities as the main tasks of the geneticist
in the identification team:
1. The geneticist must participate in the design of the forensic interview that will
be applied to the relatives of the disappeared persons, so that information of
interest for the genetic study is collected, especially that required to facilitate
searches in genetic databases.
2. Promoting the creation of expert committees to document cases and establish
universes of victims from which it is possible to define the a priori probabilities
of an identity hypothesis in each case.
A genetic coincidence is evaluated through a likelihood index, popularly
known in forensics as the LR (likelihood ratio). Although it is a globally used
calculation, it is not easily understood by the non‐geneticist, and leads to mis-
interpretations. If it has an a priori value, it is possible to integrate it with the
LR and obtain an expression that is accepted easily in the judicial field: the
probability of identity (Budowle et al., 2011).
The exercise transforms a complex expression like: “… it is 10,000 times
more probable to find the genotypes of the relatives and the unidentified body,
if the hypothesis that they are family is true vs. that they are not…” into
another easily‐understood expression: “… the studied body corresponds to
Ramon, with an identity probability higher than 99.99% (Salado Puerto et al.,
2014; Budowle et al., 2011).
In addition to this, the committee can evaluate the complexity of the case
and establish a decision threshold, such as the probability of identification,
which must be exceeded in order to identify a body, defining the level of uncer-
tainty that it is possible to accept in order to minimize the number of false iden-
tifications (Brenner and Weir, 2003; Prinz et al., 2007).
The above becomes more relevant when, due to the anatomical destruction
of the remains, there is little non‐genetic information available for identification:
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that is, when the degradation or fragmentation is such that parameters like
age, height or sex of a skeleton and the minimal number of individuals (MNI),
among others, cannot be established. In the Colombian cases, this situation is
very common.
In these scenarios, genetics may become the only useful information to
resolve the identity of a body or a group of bodies; even so, in the most difficult
scenarios it is not appropriate to assume the genetic findings out of context.
3. Participating in the forensic approach for complex cases, together with the
team of forensic experts: the geneticist must know the case in its context, its
history and circumstances as far as accessible information exists, so that they
can contribute to the planning of laboratory work. This allows us to be alert to
unexpected or incoherent findings, to detect errors in the labeling of samples
between anthropology and genetics laboratories, and to provide the team with
greater clarity about the findings of a complex case (Salado Puerto et al., 2014).
4. Conducting the sampling of bone pieces that offer greater possibilities of results,
evaluating their external appearance either on an individualized body by the
anthropologist or, even more so, for mixed and fragmented bodies, where
there is no reliable estimate of minimum number of individuals. The presence
of the geneticist at this point not only helps with selection of the most suitable
pieces for DNA analysis, but also gives better control of the traceability of the
submitted pieces and the coherence of the findings obtained afterwards. In this
regard, the geneticist can propose and define with forensics the coding system
of the samples so that they can be easily interpreted in the forensic team.
5. When, due to its magnitude, a case has involved more than one laboratory or
institution in the past, or because the case deserves revision or additional work,
the geneticist must elaborate and unify the databases of genetic profiles that
have been carried out in all the laboratories that know the case.
6. Establishing a protocol for the administration of the bank of genetic profiles of
missing persons, and ensuring that the identification team understands it and
works in accordance with it. It is very important that the administrator estab-
lishes a workflow for the management of matches detected in the gene bank
and defines the steps to follow once the finding is documented.
7. Ideally, in a complex case with a high number of victims, a lead analyst from
the genetics laboratory should be assigned, and he/she must act as a direct
contact with the forensic team and perform the integration of genetic findings
with the non‐genetic data obtained by the other members of the team.
8. It is paramount to involve geneticists in the planning of mass sampling of
relatives of missing persons associated with a complex case. In this regard, the
following considerations should be taken into account:
• In the Colombian case, it is very difficult and risky for family members to
visit a lab for samples to be taken. The Attorney General’s Office has con-
ducted many mass sampling sessions of relatives of the disappeared persons,
where unfortunately the geneticist is not always present to control the
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quality of available relatives and the number of relatives per victim to be

taken. As a consequence, many profiles that do not correspond to informa-
tive relatives are entered into the genetic bank, creating difficulties when
doing the searches.
• In our experience, the most efficient and rational strategy has been to coor-
dinate with a non‐governmental organization (NGO) the safe convocation
of relatives to take blood or oral epithelial cells, having previously trained
its members in the application of surveys to detect genetically informative
relatives. This information allows filtering of a database elaborated by
geneticists to locate useful relatives, verify biological relatives, and decide
whether or not to take their samples. In this way, samples are only taken
from previously accepted relatives and only informative relatives are
summoned.
9. Collaborating with the forensic team in the design and implementation of
models of dignified care for family members. It is necessary to plan and execute
periodic meetings with relatives or their representatives where the following
objectives are advanced:
• Presenting the design of the forensic approach to the case.
• Setting real expectations of success for family members.
• Planning a schedule of meetings to present progress and difficulties on the
process, without committing to dates for delivery of final results.
• Coordinating with family members the decision to hand over parts or
complete bodies.
• Defining a protocol of counter‐samples.
• Elaborating informative booklets, audiovisual media and didactic aids to
facilitate the presentation of the technical processes in genetics and its
foundation, to the groups of relatives.
32.6 Effects of the overvaluation of the genetic result
So far, we have exposed the need to integrate genetics into the identification
study, and further, we highlight the role of genetics as the integrating axis of inter-
disciplinary forensic work in extreme scenarios where non‐genetic information is
scarce and the genetic findings can be key for decision‐making. Even under these
extreme conditions, or even having valuable information for or against identity,
many authorities consider the genetic finding as the only reliable analysis
alternative in the identification of human remains. This overvaluation of DNA can
generate errors in both the exclusionary result and the positive identification.
32.6.1 False negatives: non‐existent exclusion

There is a belief that a result excluding kinship has a 100% certainty whereas a
compatible result is susceptible to error. Actually, the exclusion must be verified
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because there are several possible sources of error that must be discarded
before accepting the result; once ruled out, the incompatibility of kinship is
unquestionable.
The error consists of assuming the genetic result of non‐relative as definitive,
without taking into account the context of the facts or the coherence of the non‐
genetic forensic findings as a whole: the circumstances of the disappearance, the
biological profile, the height, sex and apparent age of the skeleton, the garments
with which it was found, and so on. In the integral vision, context analysis should
call the attention of the forensic team to a genetic result that is not coherent
with the other findings and force them to think about possible errors made in the
process to obtain genetic profiles (Salado Puerto et al., 2014).
The first scenario to consider is the one where the family reference used for the
comparison turns out not to be a real biological relative of the disappeared person.
If this situation is not taken into account, the investigator may conclude that the
remains are not those of the disappeared person and re‐categorize the body as
unidentified, when it actually may correspond to the person sought.
The error could have been generated in the forensic interview, when the sam-
ples were taken from the relatives of the disappeared person, possibly because the
relatives were not sufficiently interrogated to corroborate that the socially accepted
kinship is a biological relationship. Perhaps biological kinship was not clarified,
and cultural or social kinship or foster kinship was assumed, for example, when a
person could have been raised in a family that is not their own but is assumed
socially as a member of it. If the interviewer does not ask the direct question clar-
ifying the possibility of error by including non‐biological social relatives in the
genetic study, the comparison between the bone remains and the relative will
generate false exclusions. It is necessary to structure model questions in the inter-
views so that they are obligatorily applied with an assurance that it is a biological
kinship.
On the other hand, there remains the possibility that the relationship is not
really known and is therefore assumed to be true. Faced with this possibility, if the
relative available for the study is the father of the disappeared person, it is also
advisable to take a sample from a member of the victim’s maternal lineage, when-
ever possible. A compatible maternity and a paternal exclusion can be found.
This presupposes on the part of the geneticist, or the official carrying out the
interrogation, an ethical attitude towards the possibility of knowing confidential
information about the family. In this respect, an expert report can be generated
only including the persons who were informative for the identification, without
including the profiles of the incompatible relative, or equally, not to report unex-
pected findings, for which this possibility must be included in the informed con-
sent and consciously accepted by the relatives.
The second scenario may be that of a false negative because the sent sample was
not the correct one. The subject speaks of the capacity of the work team to control
and guarantee the authenticity of the samples sent from the anthropology
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laboratory to the genetics laboratory. It implies the need to develop not only an
efficient, clear labeling system, known by all the operators and assumed as unique
for all, but also to implement good practices aimed at guaranteeing the traceability
of the sample during all the steps of the process from its collection.
Some good practices to prevent these situations can be:
• Training assistants in charge of handling, packing, labeling and sending bone
samples, in a written protocol, of the process of attention to the user.
• Supervising daily all the processes under the charge of the assistants or
auxiliaries.
• Keeping a photographic record of the sampled pieces and the fragments obtained
from them.
• Labeling directly the bone fragment that is sent to the laboratory.
• Clarifying concretely the request to the laboratory, specifying the sense of the
study, the usefulness, the particular comparison that is required, with whom
the comparison should be made, and so on
• Applying the same good practices inside the genetics laboratory, since the con-
fusion of bone fragments can also occur there. In this regard, it is important to
handle one sample at a time and use identifiers fixed to the fragment as far as
possible during the process.
• During the reception of the case and its samples, verifying the identity codes
with which the pieces were sent and make delivery in custody, checking the
codes for a second time when delivering the pieces for pulverization to the
assistant or to the expert who will carry out the laboratory analysis.
• Keeping a systematic record of the entry and exit of the bone biobank in the
genetics laboratory.
32.6.2 False positives and spurious matches in databases

A false coincidence between relatives and a body is an increasingly common fact
in the administration of a genetic profile bank. Although genetic banks have
become one of the best tools for the identification of persons in Colombia and in
many other countries, there is a paradox: the bank must continuously grow to
represent in a significant way the universes of comparison (the profiled bodies
without identity on the one hand, and the family groups of the disappeared on
the other). At the same time as increasing the possibility of finding a match if the
bank increases its profile files, it also boosts the possibility of false coincidences
even with very high levels of certainty.
This depends on several circumstances:
• The number of markers to be set as the minimum threshold for incorporating a
profile into the gene bank, e.g. 23 STR loci.
• The search capability of the computer system that supports the genetic bank, so
that it can search not only for pairs of parents–son, mother–child, but can also
search for family groups (pedigrees) simultaneously.
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Table 32.1 Guide chart to determine whether the finding is consistent.
Survey information from relatives of Information about necropsies to

the disappeared person corpses without identification
Date of disappearance Date of exhumation

Place of disappearance Place of exhumation
Sex Sex by anthropology analysis
Age Age by odontological analysis
Size Size by anthropology analysis
Dental features ante‐mortem Dental findings post‐mortem
Other individualizing traits Individualizing necropsy findings
Circumstances of disappearance Type of finding: single or multiple
Number of missing relatives Anatomical pieces with genetic profile
• A detected match must have reasonable management. That is, starting from the
idea that any match must be verified since it does not constitute a definitive
identification in itself, the gene bank administrator must implement a matching
management protocol that includes verifying whether the match is consistent
with the information available from the detected body and the matching family.
This function can be performed by a parallel team of forensic experts who have
authorized access to existing non‐genetic databases of missing persons.
Table 32.1 shows a guide chart to determine whether the finding is consistent.
32.7 Conclusion
All the aspects discussed here can be summarized in two final actions: the need for
interdisciplinary forensic work, and the need for differential and humanitarian
forensic work. It is to consider the contribution that each forensic science can
make to the identity of a body and, at the same time, to consider that all the work
of the forensic team is directed to the victims as its main addressee, and that the
victims demand more and more (and rightly) to be participants in the process of
search and identification and to know the voice of the forensic experts, the
scientific tools that will be used in the process, and to receive the knowledge in
accessible language.
To be rigorous is also to be ethical, and to be ethical is also to be able, as scien-
tists, to recognize the rights of victims and, even more, those where the forensic
scientist can intervene or affect. A humanitarian attitude is an ethical attitude to
which the scientist can relate. Perhaps one of the best opportunities to work for
the rights of victims is through the exercise of science.
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CHAPTER 33
Is DNA always the answer?

Caroline Bennett
Victoria University of Wellington, New Zealand
33.1 Introduction
The use of DNA analysis in the identification of human remains continues to grow
in frequency and popularity. Its ability to produce positive identification of
fragmented, damaged, and large numbers of anonymous remains is remarkable,
and in many instances it may be the only means by which body parts can be
re‐associated and/or positive identification of skeletal remains achieved, particu-
larly in post‐disaster or complex post‐conflict scenarios. However, its use resides
within a forensic approach to the identification of human remains, which comes
with a range of normative and positivistic assumptions as to the basis of knowledge
and foundation of identity, as well as appropriate treatment of the dead. For a
number of cultures and in differing circumstances, however, this approach may
not be the most appropriate means to identify human remains; for some it can
conflict with cultural understandings of treatment of the dead, while for others
the very basis of identity is produced in non‐biological ways. Even where cultur-
ally appropriate, the use of DNA analysis may not always be appropriate, necessary,
or possible. And yet it retains a mystical, almost mythological status as a provider
of identity and an imagined necessary tool in the treatment of human remains
when mass death occurs.
In this chapter I explore some of the assumptions underlying the use of DNA
analysis in the identification of human remains, and consider cases where its use
may undermine or conflict with cultural and/or religious norms or cause tensions
in the communities within which it occurs. This is not to undermine the fact that
very often DNA analysis is the best, if not the only means of providing a positive
521
c33.indd 521 11/26/2019 8:29:07 PM

identification of human remains; rather, it is to remind us that the world is a vast

and varied place, and there is no such thing as a universal response to crisis, mass
death, or dealing with the dead.
33.2 The magic of DNA
Since its first forensic use in 1987 (Roewer, 2013), rapid technological advances
have increased the success rate and accessibility of DNA profiling techniques
across the globe. It has changed from being a rarely used and highly expensive
technology only accessible within the realm of institutions, to one that is now
(in the form of ancestral DNA profiling kits) part of the everyday consumer life-
style of some people. The lay public, however, remains largely ignorant about the
technology of DNA analysis – not only its methods, but also its limitations. Its
ability to provide evidence from minute fragments of biological matter in a way
that cannot be understood by most ordinary people imbues it with a kind of mag-
ical aura, and it has become increasingly mythologized as a panacea for any
forensic matter, including identification of the dead. As Lynch et al. (2008: 257)
noted, there is an “awe and anxiety about the perceived power of DNA analysis,”
which leads to it being given “extraordinary credibility” for all matters forensic
and biological. Through this, and its location within science, producing
identification via DNA analysis appears an almost mystical art, one that produces
unquestionable fact in the form of identity.
DNA attracts a high level of media attention because of its relation to crime,
disaster and conflict. While some authors contest the so‐called “CSI” effect (Lynch
et al., 2008), fictional crime shows like CSI regularly present the technology as the
ultimate evidence of perpetration, while simultaneously conveying a picture of
simplicity and immediate success for all identification efforts because of their fic-
tional temporality and technology.1 Meanwhile, high‐profile mass identifications
of human remains, such as ongoing efforts across the Balkans (Parsons et al.,
2019), successful identifications of 100‐year old remains from First World War
battle site Fromelles (Bhattacharya, 2014), and ongoing efforts to identify remains
from 9/11 (Pager, 2018), have brought its use in humanitarian efforts to the
attention of the media and thus the wider public. These combined factors have led
to a perception that DNA is a readily available, always successful technological
tool without limitation, and it appears that DNA can be extracted from any
biological material to provide an identification of any, once living, human.
Of course, this is not the case. DNA analysis requires expertise – technical
and logistical – it is expensive, and it is not always possible. Even in ideal
1
It is not only fictional shows that simplify technologies and scientific knowledge: scholars often miscommunicate
their own research to the media and the public, exaggerating findings, simplifying methods, or not discussing
implications and interpretations, in attempts to get media coverage, or in a belief that the lay public cannot under-
stand its full complexity (Schroeder, 2010; Sturloni, 2012).
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Is DNA always the answer? 523
circumstances, only certain bones consistently yield sufficient DNA for analysis
(Miloš et al., 2007), while disaster and conflict often results in fragmented, com-
mingled and degraded remains from which it is difficult, if not impossible, to
extract data (Zietkiewicz et al., 2012). There must be a comparative sample from
living biological relatives, or from already identified deceased whose data is stored
somewhere it can be taken from – something not always possible after humani-
tarian crises when a disaster might kill whole families or a conflict causes their
dispersal around the globe. There must be money and expertise to either process
the material in country, or logistics and arrangements to have it done overseas.
There must be political will to undertake the lengthy and time‐consuming process
of identification, as well as the funding to do so – most projects rely on interna-
tional funding from a variety of sources, which comes with its own potential
restrictions. Even if all these factors are in place, it may not yield results: as of
2018, over 1000 individuals from 9/11 remain unidentified (Pager, 2018), despite
world‐leading expertise, unlimited funding, and political will all being in place.
33.3 DNA as truth, identity and relatedness
Logistics aside, the underlying rhetoric of DNA analysis is based in a scientific

discourse of rationality, objectivity, and truth or fact. Stephen Palmié (2007) likens
the technology to divination, not only because of the unclear methods (for most
of the public), but also because while its results may be subject to doubt, the social
reality within which it rests (i.e. science as a basis of fact) seemingly is not. As
Sarah Wagner (2008: 256), and Barbara Prainsack and Martin Kitzberger (2009)
point out, the use of DNA, like other forensic approaches, exists within the seem-
ingly objective language of “hard science”; as such, it seems both incontrovertible
and impenetrable, and above both cultural concerns and human intervention.
Part of the underlying assumption of this is also that it is apolitical and ahistorical.
However, none of this is true: the use of DNA is neither objective nor impervious
to error, scientific knowledge exists within frameworks of understanding that are
both cultural and socially constructed, and there is a subjective element to this
apparently “objective” technology related to its use or dismissal. Science itself is a
system of knowledge that arose within its own sociocultural and historical milieu
and has its own cultural system (Finkler, 2000).
The notion of rationality, objectivity and absolute truth resides in a post‐enlight-
enment discourse that positions itself in opposition to religion and other forms of
knowledge that are not based on the scientific method (Ossewaarde, 2015).
Cosmologies that do not centre science as the only, or main, means of discovering
facts and creating knowledge are situated as irrational and illogical, giving the
potential to undermine their systems of knowledge and authority. Science, mean-
while, not only creates new knowledge, but because of the underlying method,
apparently irrefutable, absolute “fact” and “truth”. The categorizations it produces
c33.indd 523 11/26/2019 8:29:07 PM

cannot be questioned – to do so determines the questioner as irrational and illog-

ical. In the case of identification by DNA, therefore, the identities it produces, all
of which reside within cultural and social categories of identity and belonging,
become irrefutable and reified because of the magical expertise and scientific
knowledge construction within which they are produced (Palmié, 2007;
Rosenblatt, 2015).
This is related not only to the scientific basis of the knowledge, but also to the
increasing reification (in the West, at least) of biology as the only “true” provider
of identity. As we learn more about human biology, there has been an essential-
ization of genetics as central to all aspects of human behavior and identity (Dar‐
Nimrod and Heine, 2011). As identifications become possible from increasingly
minute amounts of material, DNA increasingly appears to be the only legitimate
provider of identity of both living and dead humans. As Ferrándiz and Robben
(2015: 9–10) commented, “DNA technology has revolutionized the forensic field,
transforming biological identification almost into a fetish of sorts…”; we see its
use as evidence for kinship, identity, and even physical presence in the case of
crime scene investigation. However, biology is not the only, or in some cases, the
primary, factor in identification. In addition to the ongoing research in epige-
netics, which shows how external factors can influence phenotypes while the
underlying DNA remains unchanged (Carey, 2012), social scientists have long
shown that identity does not relate only to biology even in the West;2 it is created
through complex and fluid inter‐relations of social and biological factors, and is
ultimately produced within specific social and cultural constructions of knowledge
and belonging.
Related to the increasing reification of genes as the locale of identity is the
essentialization of genetics as the only true provider of relatedness. This is impor-
tant to consider in humanitarian identification efforts because human remains are
rarely identified in relation to their own DNA, but rather in comparison to s amples
collected from living, biological relatives. This raises a number of issues. Firstly,
humanitarian crises often occur in countries where family is not necessarily made
up of the nuclear, biological relations favoured in the West, but is determined
through various social acts. In the Caboclo‐Indian community of Brazil, for
example, the mother–child relationship is established through sharing food and
acts of care, rather than biological relatedness (de Matos Viegas, 2003). Even in
the West, where DNA and genetics is fetishized as the core of identity, and biology
as the “real” denoter of relatedness, genetics may not establish kinship. Not all
children are biologically related to their parents, or to all their parents: some are
adopted, formally or informally; other members of the community care for some;
some have one biological parent and one‐non. International adoption, assisted
reproduction through egg or sperm donation, and blended families are just some
2
As far back as 1934, Ruth Benedict wrote about the myth of family, showing how it is a culturally constructed
idea that is situated in relation to changing social, political and religious norms.
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of the ways in which new kinship systems do not necessarily adhere to biological
relatedness, and where identification by DNA analysis might therefore be neither
appropriate, nor possible.
Secondly, when disaster or conflict occurs, families are split and reconstituted in
new configurations, especially when mass migration occurs. Children may travel
alone, or with caregivers to whom they are not biologically related, families may
be split across the globe, and contact may be lost between biological relatives.3
Attempts to identify the dead using DNA analysis in cases such as these might not
only be impossible, but could arguably add to the suffering of people who have
already undergone significant upheaval as forms of knowledge that undermine
local systems, or ones that highlight individual familial circumstances.
33.4 Justice and healing
As biology has been increasingly normalized as the provider of identity, so too has
the exhumation and individual identification of human remains become increas-
ingly positioned as a key mode of providing justice and healing following conflict
or disaster. The underlying assumption is that where mass death has occurred,
without exposure and, often, identification, of the dead, individuals, communities
and whole nations will suffer ongoing trauma and will not be able to heal. The
international framework of transitional justice, which is increasingly applied to
post‐conflict environments, asserts that individuals and communities need justice
to move into peaceful and democratic futures, something partially achieved by
acknowledgement of past violence, and related reparation mechanisms. Where
mass death has occurred, forensic humanitarian investigations are often posi-
tioned as central to this. London, Parker and Aronson (2013: 1178), for example,
asserted that following a disaster, forensic identification of the remains is necessary
to ensure the welfare and human rights of those who survive, while Fowler and
Thompson (2015: 119), argued that identification of the dead using DNA analysis
can be a tool towards truth and reconciliation, by offering a means by which states
can own up to past abuses through bringing the dead back into the state recogni-
tion (see also Wagner, 2008).
In many instances, this may be the case. However, to suggest that this is universal
risks ignoring the multiple and sometimes conflicting understandings of justice,
healing and suffering that exist across the globe. Although international frame-
works exist, these are based in Western, Judeo‐Christian models of justice, truth
and healing (Bennett, 2018b). The concepts of justice and healing are, however,
culturally specific and may involve various factors, of which individual
3
The recent separation of migrant children from their parents at the US border highlighted this issue – when DNA
was suggested as a means to re-unite children with their parents, human-rights groups objected for several rea-
sons; partly because many of the migrant families were not biologically related to each other, but also because
there were concerns of the potential access to the information afterwards (Weise et al., 2018).
c33.indd 525 11/26/2019 8:29:07 PM

identification may, or may not, be relevant. In Cambodia, for example, justice for
the genocide of the 1970s is determined partly through the international hybrid
court – the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC) – but also
through Buddhism, which frames and directs the everyday lives of many Khmer.
Buddhism, specifically the ontological reality of karma and reincarnation, ensures
that many Khmer Rouge cadre will suffer terribly in subsequent lives (Hinton,
2009; Bennett, 2018b), and that the majority of the Cambodia population can
find some way of making sense of the violence of the past. Uncovering the hun-
dreds of thousands of corpses that remain in mass graves across the country, or
individually identifying them, is not a priority; care for them is managed through
annual rituals and ongoing relationships (Guillou, 2012).
Even when recovery of bodies and identification is considered an important
aspect of justice and healing, forensic approaches, including DNA analysis, might
not be the main mode of enabling either of these. Following the conflicts in Timor
Leste throughout the latter part of the twentieth century, when thousands went
missing (Kinsella and Blau, 2013), some human remains were identified by fam-
ilies pouring blood over bones, with a belief that if it was the corpse of their
relative, the blood would be absorbed (Komar, in Rosenblatt, 2015: 23).4 In
Vietnam, psychics are regularly consulted to determine the location of human
remains from the Vietnam War (Schlecker and Endres, 2011). Craig Etcheson
(2005), who worked in Cambodia shortly after the fall of the Khmer Rouge,
reported that in one area local officials allowed family members to take one skull
each from a mass grave as symbolic of their missing loved ones. The exact biological
identity of the remains was unimportant. In his book on the politics of mass grave
investigation, Adam Rosenblatt writes of families in Guatemala who, despite DNA
analysis showing they were not related, took unclaimed remains because none
should be left unmourned, thus undermining the DNA analysis project, but
successfully caring for the dead in socially and culturally appropriate ways

(Rosenblatt, 2015: 23).
Related to notions of justice is often an idea of healing. Fowler and Thompson
(2015), for example, suggested that as well as justice, DNA analysis can help to
bring healing by helping bring closure to families who have lost loved ones.
However, healing, like justice, is culturally situated. The concept of closure, for
example, rests on an assumption that there is a linear relationship between life
and death and between the living and the dead, something which physical death
ends. However, in many cultures, death is a process (see Dernbach, 2005), and
interactions between the living and the dead continue for years after physical
death, with the dead intervening in the lives of the living and influencing social
action. In Cambodia, for example, the dead often visit the living in their dreams
and demand certain care and attention (Bennett, 2018a). Following the Khmer
4
While this shows a potential overlapping of forensic and local methodologies, its use and success remains in the
local, rather than forensic, cosmology.
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Rouge regime, sometimes these dreams contained the locale of the dead’s corpo-
real remains. In cultures where Hinduism or Buddhism are central to the wider
cosmology, there is no end‐point to life and death, because life is an ongoing cycle
of death and rebirth in which both perpetrators and victims exist. Even in the
Western world, the moment of death is fluid – in the medical arena, for example,
someone can be declared brain dead, while the rest of their body remains alive at
the cellular level.
Even where the relationship between life and death is consistent with this
discourse, identification by DNA analysis might not provide the assumed closure
that Fowler and Thompson suggest. As Jay Aronson (2012) discovered in his
research in post‐apartheid South Africa, DNA analysis provided a biological
identification for recovered remains of black political activists from the 1980s, but
did not provide the familial or wider social identification that are also necessary
aspects of humanitarian efforts. It cannot, he therefore concluded, give closure to
those who survive; rather it offers one opportunity towards closure, which can
only be fully achieved through a combination of biological, social and political
identification. Likewise, Rosenblatt (2015: 22) described how, in Bosnia‐
Herzegovina, no identification is complete until the family has accepted it;
identification here has a double nature, both scientific and social.
33.5 Dealing with bodies5
The above notwithstanding, mass death, be it from disaster or conflict, creates

dead bodies that need to be managed. I have written previously on the need to
consider appropriate treatment for the dead within a cultural context when
approaching the identification of human remains (Bennett, 2014), but it is worth
reiterating here. Every nation has specific norms and regulations related to
treatment of the dead; some of these are state‐level legislations (the need, for
example, for a coroner to be informed) or practical requirements (the necessity of
a death certificate to claim inheritance or pensions), but many are sociocultural
and/or religious. These norms create the means by which the dead can be moved
on to the next phase of their existence, and the social ruptures that death brings
to the living can be repaired. They may include rules on who can tend to a dead
body, what clothing can be worn, taboos on food to be eaten, directives on specific
rituals that must be followed, and overall treatment of the body. Without the
correct treatment of the dead, they are liable to become dangerous; mistreated
dead around the world are prone to interfere in the lives of the living, sometimes
in malevolent and dangerous ways – from haunting, to making people sick, even
sometimes to death.
This section is adapted and updated from Bennett (2014).

5
c33.indd 527 11/26/2019 8:29:07 PM

Excess death, as humanitarian crises produces, has the potential to create

masses of dangerous dead: killed violently, and buried without proper rituals.
Some assert that to properly respect and treat the dead, they must be exhumed
and (if necessary) repatriated and provided with a “dignified” burial. However,
there is no universal understanding of a dignified death and burial; it depends on
locale and context. In Cambodia, for example, people live in an ongoing cycle of
samsara: death and rebirth in pursuit of nibbana (nirvana). Once dead, the spirit
(or, rather, the many souls that reside in the body) leaves the skeleton and moves
on to its next life, while the skeleton becomes “like wood”: lay ritual specialists
work with Buddhist monks to help move the spirits on, but the corporeal remains
are not needed for this. Biological, individual identity of the masses of human
remains that exist across the country following the Cambodian genocide, there-
fore, was not a priority for the post‐genocide population: caring for the spirits,
however, was (Bennett, 2018a; Guillou, 2012). When people returned to their
homes following the conflicts in Timor Leste, meanwhile, the imperative was to
re‐establish reciprocal relations with the guardian spirits. Not doing so put the
surviving population in danger of the excess spiritual potency in the landscape
resulting from the mass dead who had not had proper burials (Bovensiepen,
2009). Identifying the unknown dead came later in the process, and, as previously
mentioned, was not always done using forensic means.
Even where DNA analysis is pursued, there are issues to consider in respect of
the dead. When international teams are involved in identification efforts, it may
undermine usual funerary practices: gender norms on who should touch a body,
for example, or how a body should be mourned. Disturbing the body through
exhumation, storing it while waiting for identification, and reburial practices
could conflict with other norms. Although sometimes easily completed with little
damage to the corpse (for example, via the collection of blood or saliva samples),
humanitarian identification efforts often require the destruction of parts of the
corpse – teeth must be removed, or parts of bones cut out and ground down for
analysis. Flesh may be removed to access bones; consideration should be given to
what happens to this as well as the bones of the recovered dead. Excavations of
mass graves across the Balkans, for example, resulted in the uncovering of many
small, fragmented and degraded bones, which could neither be identified nor
associated with specific bodies. These remains are collected and buried en masse.
In Israel, the increasing violence led to the establishment of ZAKA: a team of vol-
unteers who following suicide bombs, car crashes, and other incidents, collecting
as much of the dispersed remains (blood, flesh, and body parts) as possible to
ensure a proper Jewish burial (Stadler, 2006). In some forensic labs, soft matter
removed to access bones is carefully labeled and stored ready to be buried with
the skeletal remains after identification; in others it is disposed of as biological
waste. Where religious or cultural norms require bodily integrity, these aspects all
have the potential to conflict with these norms, and have been the source of
tension in some communities (see Rosenblatt, 2015).
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33.6 The politics of identification
Treatment of the dead is always bound up in political projects, and after humani-
tarian crises this is even more the case. Although as a scientific technique and a
humanitarian intervention, identification of the dead using DNA analysis is pre-
sented as apolitical, it does not occur in a sociopolitical vacuum. As Aronson
(2012: 296) pointed out, it is attached to political endeavors including commem-
oration and memorialization, evidence, denial, and the claiming of various iden-
tities. After humanitarian crises it can be part of the toolkit used by governments
to (re)assert control over a population that has suffered loss and chaos as a result
of whatever befell it. This population includes the dead as well as the living.
Uncovering and identifying the dead not only brings them back into familial and
public space, but also into the political arena (“the embrace of the state” as Sarah
Wagner (2008) calls in it her ethnography on DNA identification in the Balkans).
By returning the dead to the care of the state, they are also rendered subject to
state policies, which enables their use in political projects. In Victor Toom’s (2012)
article on the forensic genetic practices in The Netherlands, he argues that the use
of forensic profiling, including DNA analysis, transforms bodies from private into
public bodies, where science and law act on the bodies to create certain kinds of
belonging, identity and exclusion. Although he refers to the bodies of living crim-
inals, we can extend this to the remains of those who died as a result of humani-
tarian crises, conflict, or disaster. Whether they be the dead of conflict – such as
those identified and buried in the annual remembrance ceremony at Potočari
cemetery in Bosnia‐Herzegovina or returned US soldiers from the Second World
War – or of disaster – such as those who died in the World Trade Center – human-
itarian identification projects have both the potential to give back the dead to their
kin and provide their use for political endeavours.
While positioned in relation to human rights, uncovering the dead (and often
identifying them too) is presented as “for the greater good.” However, because
there is always a political dimension to identification of the mass dead, politics
directs who can and will be acknowledged and identified. Only certain dead are
uncovered, and only certain remains identified. Identification efforts privilege one
kind of dead over another – the victim over the perpetrator; the rich over the poor
(Wagner, 2008);6 the fair‐skinned over the darker‐skinned (Rosenblatt, 2015).7
There can be tensions when identifications of remains contradict these orders.
Rosenblatt details the identification of Taliban remains in Afghanistan, creating an
6
In her ethnography on DNA identification, Sarah Wagner (2008) detailed the differing use of DNA analysis
within the US: unlimited in time and funding for those who died during 9/11, limited and late to begin for those
who died during Hurricane Katrina.
7
Rosenblatt (2015: 29) comments on mass grave investigation: “for a group of professionals scientifically and eth-
ically committed to deconstructing racial ideologies, one large-scale pattern stands out: the effort and expense
spent on the identification of relatively light-skinned bodies in countries considered part of (or on the doorstep of)
the West, compared with the effort and expense put into identifying dark-skinned bodies in non-Western
countries.”
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ethical question when we consider that identification efforts are usually under-
taken for “victims” and the Taliban are usually presented as the perpetrators.
Following 9/11, the remains of the perpetrators were identified along with those
of the victims. This was necessary for the investigation, but also for the rights of
all who died: if it is a human right to be identified, as some contend (Interpol
(2009), for example, states that identification of human remains is a “basic human
right”), then this applies to perpetrators as well as victims. This is not always an
easy story to sell, however, particularly when the identification efforts rely on an
essentialist narrative of guilt and innocence to begin with.8
Identification of human remains in humanitarian projects depends on the kind
of crisis encountered – disasters draw differing responses and outcomes than con-
flicts and human rights abuses. Following a disaster, the main priority is to regain
control of a population and environment that has been subject to some kind of
catastrophic event, be it natural (hurricane, tsunami, and so on), or of human
origin (terrorist attack, for example). In such an environment, international teams
from multiple nations often descend to assist with identification efforts. The result-
ing environment is one of multiple teams, each with their own ways of working
and own instructions, competing over the identification efforts. Following the
Asian tsunami of 2004, for example, over 30 international teams worked on iden-
tifying the dead, resulting in missing bodies and serious delays in identification
(Beauthier et al., 2009).
The post‐conflict or human rights abuses environment is a different scenario.
Control of the dead may be vital in this instance, but the urgency to identify and
repatriate remains is not the same because it often occurs well after the event. The
drive in this instance is often about political positioning – uncovering past abuses,
distancing current governments from previous ones, providing justice in what-
ever form that might take. It is still often characterized, however, by different
agencies each working in their own specific way on particular projects. Exhumation
of graves and identification of the dead from Franco’s regime in Spain, for example,
relies on volunteers and non‐governmental organizations (Bervenage and Colaert,
2014), which makes it difficult to conduct consistent and ongoing identification
efforts. Since the fall of Saddam Hussein’s Ba’athist regime in Iraq, meanwhile,
training on the investigation of mass graves, including the use of DNA analysis,
has been conducted at differing times by Inforce, the International Committee of
the Red Cross (ICRC), and the International Commission on Missing Persons
(ICMP). While there is some crossover in personnel (both the staff providing the
training and those undergoing it) and procedure for these agencies, each has their
own agenda and funding requirements that direct their work.
8
There is also the potential for this seemingly benevolent act to work the opposite way, to obfuscate ongoing
political violence even when they enact care of the dead. The display of human remains in Rwanda is an example
of this, as are ongoing identification efforts in Iraq.
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In addition to these factors, funding requirements create other issues. Mass

identification is time‐consuming and costly.9 International aid often comes with
restrictions or is project‐based, with set outcomes and timescales, and aid missions
based on a narrative of “capacity building” can be argued to be as much about
social and political capital as they are about genuine resource building (Bennett,
2014). In addition, many humanitarian crises occur in locations where infrastruc-
ture and conditions may make it difficult for consistent programs to be put in
place – not only in the global south, but also in the contemporary economic and
political climate, across the world. Because of this, identification efforts across the
world are often sporadic, inconsistent, and even where the will exists, a mass
identification project using DNA may be unachievable. They sometimes promise
outcomes they cannot achieve, or raise hope amongst populations who have
come to view DNA analysis as the answer to any forensic dilemma, including
identification of the dead. Because of these factors, amongst others, in her
discussion of forensic identification efforts in Uganda, Kim (2018) notes that
despite the rhetoric of healing usually applied to forensic interventions, they can,
on occasion, exacerbate suffering.
33.7 Conclusion
A forensic approach to human remains, including identification using DNA anal-

ysis, emphasizes the corporeal remains of the dead as central to care for the living
and the dead. They are positioned as central to justice, and their exhumation and
individual identification as central to due care for surviving populations, and
respectful treatment of the dead (Wagner, 2008). Such intervention is usually
considered a humanitarian action that is used to alleviate various kinds of suffering
of living populations (Kim, 2018: 33). However, as this chapter has explored, the
story is not so straightforward as it appears.
Dealing with humanitarian crises is often as much about asserting political con-
trol as much as it is about supporting the wider population. Bodies have always
been part of this – from burial in war cemeteries, to uncovering graves, to display-
ing remains, and now, identifying them. Identification by DNA analysis is
approached from the assumed needs and rights of the victims, but these often do
not include a consideration of the religio‐cultural context of treatment of the
dead, which is of the utmost importance, but varies from country to country.
9
To give an example of the temporality, the location and identification of human remains from the conflicts across
the Balkans in the 1990s, led by the International Commission on Missing Persons, is arguably one of the most
successful identification projects following conflict globally, and is a pioneer in the processing of DNA for mass
identification. The use of DNA by ICMP began in 2000, and is ongoing to date. So far they have identified approx-
imately 28,000 people from across the Balkans, and although this is a phenomenal achievement, around 12,000
individuals remain unidentified (to read more about ICMP’s DNA project, see Parsons et al., 2019).
c33.indd 531 11/26/2019 8:29:07 PM

The use of DNA can contradict understandings of identity, kinship, and appro-
priate treatment of the dead.
Western science continues to “scientize the soul” (Hacking, 1995, quoted in
Kwon, 2015: 218) – reducing identity to the molecular level, and disregarding the
sociocultural frameworks within which identity and knowledge is created and
shared. As we increasingly reduce human identity to a molecular level, we reduce
and dismiss the multifaceted reality of identity and belonging, and different ways
of knowing. At the same time, we see an increasing push towards standardized
modes of dealing with humanitarian crises, in which international discourses
around responsible governance, justice, recovery, and healing become increas-
ingly influential. This reflects an assumption that there is a universal response to
mass death, and therefore universal and standard ways to deal with it (Summerfield,
1999). However, there is no empirical basis to this: instead the opposite is true.
Around the world we see multiple ways of dealing with mass death, disaster,
conflict and recovery. While the dead must always be managed, uncovering and
individually identifying their physical remains is only one way of doing this, and
in many parts of the world, it is not a priority. Even when it is, Western modes of
enabling this (such as DNA analysis) are not necessarily the primary means of
achieving identification.
In the discussions above I do not mean to dismiss the great technological
advances that have revolutionized humanitarian efforts related to mass death
and disaster, of which DNA analysis is an important technique. Nor do I want to
suggest that even where differing cultural and cosmological understandings of
knowledge exist, are they always in exclusion to the scientific method. In the
globalized world in which we now live, systems of knowledge interact with and
influence each other in multiple ways, and never exist in isolation. It is also
important to acknowledge that there are many successful DNA identification pro-
jects, which do indeed offer care and consolation to the living and, perhaps, to
the dead. But even these exist within a political realm of management of the dead
and are not without tension. What I have aimed to do in this chapter is raise some
of the assumptions and potential conflicts that exist in relation to identification
using DNA analysis, and by doing so, ask for a consideration of the implications
of the increasing normalization of international modes of dealing with death and
disaster, and the genetic essentialism that identification using DNA analysis can
engender.
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SECTION V
Identifying deceased and finding
missing persons
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CHAPTER 34
Migrant deaths along the Texas/Mexico

border: A collaborative approach to
forensic identification of human remains
Kate Spradley1 and Timothy P. Gocha2
1
Department of Anthropology, Texas State University, USA
2
Clark County Office of the Coroner/Medical Examiner, Department of Anthropology, University of
Nevada, Las Vegas, Nevada, USA
34.1 Introduction
Global, national, and local discussions of immigration reform tend to overlook the
treatment of the dead. Within the United States, there are no federal laws govern-
ing unidentified human remains; rather, investigation and identification efforts
are left to locator state governments. California, Arizona and New Mexico have
coroner and medical examiner systems that provide investigation and identification
efforts for migrants that die along the US/Mexico border. In Arizona and Texas,
the death toll has been so high that local jurisdictions continue to be overwhelmed.
While Arizona has no state laws regarding unidentified deaths, all deaths in the
state are afforded proper investigation by appropriate medico‐legal authorities,
including autopsy and DNA sampling of presumed migrants. Furthermore, the
investigation into migrant deaths is largely centralized in Arizona with some
migrant deaths investigated by the Maricopa County Office of the Medical
Examiner (Fleischman et al., 2017), although the vast majority of unidentified
migrant remains in Arizona are under the care of the Pima County Office of the
Medical Examiner (PCOME) (Spradley et al., 2016). Additionally, the PCOME, as
a governmental agency, keeps track of the final disposition of the burials and
associated case information, ensuring that each deceased migrant has the poten-
tial to be identified and repatriated to their family (Anderson and Spradley, 2016).
Instead of a traditional medical examiner or coroner system, the majority of
Texas operates under a Justice of the Peace (JP) system. Of the 254 counties in
Texas, only 14 counties have medical examiners, typically in large metropolitan
areas far from the US/Mexico border. Within South Texas, only one county has a
medical examiner, while two counties utilize a contracted, board‐certified forensic
537
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pathologist. In counties without a medical examiner, the local JP has jurisdictional

authority over unidentified human remains and is responsible for conducting an
inquest into them, despite the fact that they often have little to no training
regarding their responsibilities for unidentified human remains, as it is only one
of their many job duties (Gocha et al., 2018).
The decentralized nature of death investigation in Texas, the lack of resources
in many poor, rural counties, coupled with a lack of understanding or familiarity
with state law regarding unidentified human remains has led to a situation of
long‐term dead in South Texas, the majority of them presumed migrants. Over
the past few decades in Texas, the deaths of hundreds, if not thousands, of pre-
sumed migrants have not been thoroughly investigated. Instead, the remains of
the dead were buried in unmarked graves, and over the years, forgotten (Kovic,
2013). Within the last decade, however, some have started to take note of this
silent humanitarian crisis of migrant deaths along the Texas border, and efforts to
return the identities to those who perished are underway (Latham and O’Daniel,
2018; Gocha et al., 2018; Baker, 2014; Spradley et al., 2018; Anderson and
Spradley, 2016). In these particular situations, identifications are only made
possible through the collaborative efforts of academic institutions and non‐

governmental agencies working with local medico‐legal and jurisdictional author-
ities, both within and outside of the US federal system. The purpose of this chapter
is to highlight the collaboration of academic, non‐governmental agencies, and
local, state, and federal agencies in the identification of migrant remains found on
the US side of the US/Mexico border, with a focus on South Texas. While collab-
orative efforts in identification are nothing new, the collaborative efforts described
here are not the norm for most jurisdictions within the United States.
Specific examples discussed in this chapter come from exhumation and
identification efforts from three South Texas counties, Brooks, Cameron and
Willacy, through the efforts of Operation Identification (OpID) and the Forensic
Border Coalition (FBC).1 First, background will be provided into the human rights
and humanitarian crisis at the South Texas border, followed by the efforts of OpID
and the FBC. Additional background will be provided through case studies to
highlight the collaborative nature of locating unidentified migrant burials in South
Texas and pursuing identifications with various agencies across jurisdictional lines.
34.2 Background
34.2.1 Lack of humanitarian forensic action

The lack of jurisdictional authorities who systematically follow state laws has
created a scenario of long‐term unidentified dead in South Texas (Spradley et al.,
2018). In 2005, the Texas legislature passed laws explicitly governing the treatment
that unidentified human remains should receive. Specifically, the Texas Criminal
Forensic Border Coalition: https://forensicbordercoalition.org/

1
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Migrant deaths along the Texas/Mexico border 539
Code of Procedures Chapters 49 and 63 state that unidentified human remains

are subject to a minimum of an external medical examination by a qualified
physician, and DNA samples must be collected and submitted to a federal DNA
database in order to increase the chances of identification. Furthermore, state law
requires that the final burial location be recorded and tracked by the appropriate
jurisdictional authority for no less than 10 years.
Although many migrant deaths arguably result from the federal immigration
policy of “Prevention through Deterrence,” through which migrants are purposely
forced to travel over rural and hostile terrain (Rubio‐Goldsmith et al., 2006;
Martínez, 2014), the deaths are dealt with at the local level. In South Texas these
are often some of the most rural and poor jurisdictions in the state, which creates
difficulty in handling the high number of migrant deaths. Due to a lack of local
agency resources, the burden of investigating and tracking the dead often falls to
local, non‐governmental agencies, such as funeral homes or volunteers, resulting
in fragmentation of information.
For example, even though unidentified remains can now be tracked in Hidalgo
County, prior to 2007 when a forensic pathologist was hired, the remains were
buried in the county cemetery, unmarked, with no cemetery map generated or
updated. These long‐term dead were found and taken to a funeral home, where
little to no investigation occurred, and burial followed, with no system in place to
track the final disposition of the dead. Commonly, temporary markers placed on
burials fade, disintegrate, or are displaced during cemetery maintenance, resulting
in invisible graves with no record of where migrants are buried (Spradley et al.,
2018). While state laws mandate that the Justice of the Peace records the location
of the burial, this did not happen in six out of the seven counties surveyed by the
FBC (Spradley et al., 2017).
Globally, the United Nations recommends implementing protocols to ensure
that families have the ability to locate missing members of their families (Callamard,
2017). However, identification and repatriation continue to be difficult for
migrants that die crossing the US/Mexico border. Even though some Latin
American countries have government‐sponsored genetic databanks with DNA
from families of the missing, foreign government systems cannot communicate
with the US federal DNA database due to federal policy restrictions in the United
States, thus prohibiting an unknown number of DNA identifications of migrant
remains (Inter‐American Commission for Human Rights, 2018).
The United Nations’ Universal Declaration of Human Rights articles 6 and 7 state
that everyone has the right to recognition before the law and are equal before the
law – the migrants representing the long‐term dead in South Texas were not
afforded these rights. Thus, the situation in South Texas represents human rights
violations as well as a humanitarian crisis, because families do not know what
happened to the dead and have no ability to claim their dead. As the long‐term
dead do not represent criminal cases that warrant further investigation by local
authorities, there are no plans to conduct exhumations and proceed with
identification efforts, thus creating a lack of humanitarian forensic action.
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Border Coalition (FBC)
Operation Identification was founded in May 2013 when the Forensic
Anthropology Center at Texas State (FACTS) received 45 unidentified migrants
from Brooks County, Texas, for the purpose of providing identification efforts. The
migrants were exhumed by Lori Baker of Baylor University and Krista Latham of
the University of Indianapolis, and their students, from the Sacred Heart Burial
Park in Brooks County. FACTS has two large laboratories, one dedicated to
cleaning and processing decomposed and skeletonized remains, and one dedi-
cated to skeletal analysis and curation. Additionally, FACTS has a 26‐acre outdoor
facility dedicated to the study of human decomposition, the world’s largest. It is
the uniqueness of this decomposition facility that allowed FACTS to receive and
store so many remains, all severely decomposed, prior to processing and anthro-
pological analysis.
Once migrant remains were received, student volunteers and faculty began the
task of cataloging, cleaning and analysing the remains, as well as taking and sub-
mitting DNA samples. Standard operating procedures were developed and OpID
immediately began to collaborate with international, national and local non‐
governmental organizations, including the Argentine Forensic Anthropology
Team (EAAF), Colibrí Center for Human Rights (Colibrí), and the South Texas
Human Rights Center (STHRC) to facilitate identifications. Additional collabora-
tors included local law enforcement, Justices of the Peace, Mexican and Central
American consulates, and United States Customs and Border Protection’s Missing
Migrant Project (MMP).
The mission of OpID is to locate, identify and repatriate unidentified human
remains found near the South Texas border through community outreach,
scientific analysis, and collaboration with governmental and non‐governmental
organizations while training the next generation of forensic anthropologists.
OpID’s primary non‐governmental collaborative organizations are members of
the FBC. The FBC was founded in 2013 with the mission of “supporting families
of missing migrants searching for their loved ones and to address problems related
to the identification of human remains found near the US/Mexico border” (foren-
sicbordercoalition.org). In 2015, the FBC began a cemetery survey project to
address questions related to migrant deaths, including where migrants were
buried (forensicbordercoalition.org/home/the‐texas‐cemetery‐survey/). The FBC
knew that many recent migrant deaths occurred near Falfurrias, Texas, in Brooks
County; however, deaths had occurred and were continuing to occur in many
other counties – where were those unidentified migrants buried?
Through collaborative community outreach and public information searches
from county offices, the FBC found eight cemeteries within seven counties with
potential migrant burials. Out of seven counties surveyed, only one county
(Hidalgo) had an indigent burial program that contracted a forensic pathologist
for autopsy and subcontracted cemeteries for indigent burials. Therefore, in
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Hidalgo County, any unidentified person could be tracked – from location found,

to burial plot. The same was not true for the rest of the counties. In the other
counties it was talking to individuals, a death investigator, funeral directors,
groundskeepers, and community members that provided information on where
unidentified presumed migrants were buried. Therefore, the majority of uniden-
tified burials, most not marked in any way, were located through memory recall.
In 2017, OpID began to carry out the task of exhumation and identification efforts
based on the findings of the FBC.
The following case studies present information derived from exhumations and
identification efforts from multiple agencies and across jurisdictional lines, and
highlight the true need for collaborative efforts to achieve identification of
deceased migrants.
34.3 Case studies
34.3.1 Case 0387

In early June 2012, 22‐year‐old Elmer Barahona decided to make his way to the
United States in order to find work and escape the escalating gang violence in his
native El Salvador (Frey, 2015). On 27 June 2012, Elmer successfully crossed the
border into McAllen, Texas, and then waited for days with several other migrants
in a stash house until a “coyote,” or human smuggler, could help them on their
journey through the Texas scrub desert to get past inland Border Patrol check-
points. On 5 July 2012, Elmer’s family was contacted by the coyote stating Elmer
had been left behind somewhere near Falfurrias, Texas, in Brooks County (Kovic,
2013). Only three days later on 8 July, a set of unidentified human remains were
discovered on private ranch land in Falfurrias, Texas, and transferred to a funeral
home in Mission, Texas. Prior to 2007, and from 2013 to present, Brooks County
utilized Medical Examiner’s offices in either Nueces County or Webb County to
help investigate and identify unidentified human remains found in their jurisdic-
tion. However, between 2007–2013 any unidentified human remains found in
Brooks County, including those of Elmer, were sent to a funeral home for
identification efforts. Because Elmer had no identification on him and a DNA
sample was not taken from his remains, the funeral home was unable to identify
Elmer and he was eventually buried in the Sacred Heart Burial Park in Brooks
County.
In August 2012, Elmer’s family reported him missing to the Salvadoran Forensic
Data Bank on Missing Migrants. The EAAF, acting on behalf of the Salvadoran
genetic Data Bank, completed a missing person’s report from Elmer’s family and
collected DNA samples. On 7 September 2012, another missing persons report
was filed by Elmer’s family through the Colibrí Center for Human Rights; several
days later, Colibrí entered the case into NamUs. Nearly a year after he perished,
Elmer’s remains were exhumed on 21 May 2013, by a team of students from
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Baylor University led by Dr Lori Baker and assigned the case number 0387. Shortly
thereafter, on 5 June, the remains were transferred to FACTS, as part of OpID, for
identification efforts and curation pending identification.
The skeletal analyses for case 0387 were completed and the report finalized in
March 2014. The skeletal findings were entered as an unidentified person into the
NamUs database, and, as required by state law in Texas, a DNA sample was sub-
mitted to the University of North Texas Center for Human Identification (UNTCHI)
for genetic analysis and eventual uploading of the DNA profile to CODIS, the
Combined DNA Index System. CODIS is administered by the Federal Bureau of
Investigation (FBI), and contains multiple DNA databases including databases
containing DNA profiles from missing persons and from families of missing per-
sons, in addition to DNA from unidentified human remains (UNT Center for
Human Identification Forensic Services Unit, 2011). CODIS works to generate
genetic associations, but DNA samples from families must be taken in the presence
of US law enforcement, making it difficult for undocumented families and fam-
ilies residing outside the United States.
In July 2014, the first author was searching the NamUs database for all missing
persons reports of individuals last known alive in Brooks County. NamUs is a
database sponsored by the federal government containing information from
missing persons reports and information from unidentified human remains, and
is publicly searchable. Inputting information into NamUs is voluntary for law
enforcement and medico‐legal agencies. At the time there were only eight missing
persons reports for Brooks County, despite 129 bodies of presumed migrants
being found in 2012 alone, but luckily Elmer’s was one of them. A note was
found within the missing persons report that indicated Elmer had injured his
knee and had a brown plaid shirt tied around it when he was last seen alive.
At the time, student volunteers with OpID had just washed a brown plaid shirt
belonging to case 0387, establishing an identification hypothesis that 0387 might
be Elmer. The ante‐mortem and post‐mortem information was reviewed and
found to be consistent. The first author reached out to Colibrí and the EAAF on
22 July 2014 and discovered that the EAAF had already taken DNA samples from
family members.
Unfortunately, because the DNA samples obtained by the EAAF originated
outside the US and were not collected in the presence of law enforcement, they
were not eligible to be uploaded into the CODIS where they could be compared
with the DNA sample from 0387 submitted by OpID to UNTCHI. After consulta-
tion with the EAAF, OpID sent an additional bone sample to an internationally
accredited private forensic genetics laboratory for comparison with the Barahona
family DNA samples. The EAAF incurred all costs associated with the DNA
comparison. Weeks later, in August 2014, a genetic association report indicated a
strong genetic association. Ante‐mortem information collected by the EAAF was
compared with the post‐mortem information from OpID, and it was concluded
that Elmer Barahona and case 0387 were one in the same. In September 2014, an
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identification report detailing all aspects of the case was prepared by the EAAF,
OpID, Colibrí and Baylor University. Because Justices of the Peace have jurisdic-
tional authority over the remains, the identification report was submitted to the
appropriate Brooks County JP who legally approved the identification in April
2015. Elmer was released to a funeral home for repatriation on 8 June 2015. To
complete repatriation, however, the name on the death certificate had to be
changed from unidentified to reflect Elmer’s identity. Unfortunately, this was a
newer process for the funeral home, the JP, Consular officials, and the Department
of Vital Statistics, which led to significant delay in amending Elmer’s death certif-
icate. On 1 May 2017, Elmer was finally repatriated and returned to his family in
El Salvador, more than two years after his identification, and nearly five years
after he had gone missing.
34.3.2 Case 0383

On 4 September 2012, unidentified human remains were found on a private
ranch in Brooks County, Texas, by US Border Patrol agents. The remains were
sent to a private funeral home in Mission, Texas, for identification efforts. Because
the decedent had no identification on him and a DNA sample was not taken from
his remains, the funeral home was unable to identify him and he was eventually
buried in the Sacred Heart Burial Park in Brooks County. On 20 May 2013, the
remains were exhumed from Sacred Heart, given the case designation 0383, and
transferred to Texas State University on 3 July 2013 for processing, identification
efforts, and curation pending identification.
During 2013 and 2014, a total of 65 sets of human remains were delivered to
OpID for identification efforts, all of them in various states of decomposition and
therefore in need of skeletal processing and cleaning. At that time, all identification
efforts with OpID were completely voluntary. The first author volunteered in her
spare time, outside of academic obligations, and many students also volunteered
their time to assist with cleaning remains and washing personal effects and
clothing by hand. Therefore, progress in the first few years of Operation
Identification was slow, yet steady. Forensic anthropological analyses for case
0383 were completed in November 2016.
After skeletal analyses were completed, an unidentified persons report was
created in NamUs which included photographs of personal effects. Additionally,
in December 2016 a DNA sample was submitted to the University of North Texas
for genetic analysis and eventual uploading of the DNA profile to CODIS, as
required by state law.
In July 2017, Zaira Gonzalez discovered NamUs and began looking through the
unidentified persons cases that were discovered in Brooks County beginning in
2012. She was looking for her brother Christian, who was 23 years old when he
went missing in South Texas, trying to return home to his family in Central Texas
(Augenstein, 2018). She discovered Case 0383 and looked through the photo-
graphs of associated personal effects (Augenstein, 2018).
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Zaira saw a pair of Nike sneakers, black with blue soles, which looked just like
the ones she had purchased for Christian prior to his journey home. A few days
later, the remainder of the personal effects had been photographed and a necklace
that read “Christian” was uploaded to the casefile in NamUs. When Zaira saw the
necklace, she knew Case 0383 must be her brother (Augenstein, 2018). She and
her family submitted DNA samples in August 2017 and a one‐to‐one comparison
was requested from the University of North Texas Center for Human Identification.
In January 2018, FACTS received a genetic association reported from UNTCHI
indicating a strong genetic association between Case 0383 and Christian’s family
members. Further, circumstantial information regarding the disappearance of
Christian, the discovery of Case 0383, personal effects, and anthropological
findings were all consistent, bolstering the genetic association.
In February 2018, OpID prepared an identification report comparing all
circumstantial information regarding the disappearance of Christian, the discovery
of Case 0383, and noting all personal effects and anthropological findings were
consistent with Christian, bolstering the genetic association. A Petition for Change
of Identification Status was signed by the appropriate Justice of the Peace in
March 2018, thereby approving the identification of Case 0383 as Christian
Gonzalez.
Once the family was notified of the genetic association they were given little
information on the next steps of how to go about claiming the remains of their
brother. In March 2018, Zaira contacted NamUs asking how to proceed with
claiming the remains of her brother. A regional administrator with NamUs put her
in contact with FACTS, and the first author explained the process of repatriation
and what steps needed to be taken. On 2 April 2018, Christian was repatriated to
his family in Central Texas. Christian was born in Mexico, and was 8 years old
when he came to Texas, eventually graduating from a local high school where he
played soccer and ran cross‐country (Augenstein, 2018). He was deported to
Mexico at the age of 22, one month before the Deferred Action for Childhood
Arrivals (DACA) program went into effect. Having grown up primarily in Texas,
Christian felt he had no real connections to Mexico and so he decided to make the
difficult journey home to his family in Texas (Augenstein, 2018).
34.3.3 Hugo Escobar Rodriguez2

In January 2018, Operation Identification initiated and led large‐scale exhuma-
tions that took place for the first time within the Tres Norias Cemetery located in
Willacy County, Texas. This cemetery was found through the Forensic Border
Coalition (FBC) Cemetery Survey Project. Although the Tres Norias cemetery is
located in Willacy County, the unidentified remains buried within it originate
from Cameron County, the southeasternmost county in Texas. The FBC learned
of this cemetery by reviewing NamUs reports of unidentified persons found in
Name of the decedent has been changed to protect their privacy, and the privacy of their family members.
2
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South Texas and seeing it listed as the burial location for several presumed
migrants. In January 2016, the FBC was given a tour of the cemetery by a medico‐
legal death investigator from Cameron County who helped secure access from the
private land‐owners. Although Tres Norias had been in use as a private family and
community cemetery since the 1800s, it was not until 2005 that it began being
used as a burial ground for migrants. At the time of the FBC tour, the investigator
pointed out 30 burials, five of which had plastic burial markers labeled as uniden-
tified, and the rest had no markers but were large, unmarked depressions, which
reportedly corresponded to the burial locations of unidentified human remains.
As per FBC protocol, the GPS coordinates of all burial locations were recorded,
and each was assigned an individualizing number for location tracking purposes
and entered into a GIS database. The investigator indicated that the remains of all
presumed migrants were double‐bagged, being buried inside two body bags, with
associated information regarding time and location of discovery and any potential
identification, placed within and on the outside of the body bags. Members of the
FBC were told that if a body bag had a name on it, it represented an individual
who had been identified, and that burial should not be disturbed. At the time,
aside from the five marked unidentified burials, no other burial markers existed
for any of the presumed migrants buried in Tres Norias – identified or unidenti-
fied. Furthermore, no map existed of the cemetery; thus while burial locations
were evident from the soil depressions, it was impossible to tell whether a depres-
sion represented an identified or unidentified migrant.
Two years after locating and surveying the Tres Norias cemetery, OpID led
exhumation efforts with assistance from other members of the FBC, as well as
volunteers from the University of Indianapolis and the University of Nevada Las
Vegas. Due to the size of the cemetery (over 6000 m2), the short amount of time
in the field (9 days on site), and the compact nature of the soil, a backhoe was
utilized to clear much of the topsoil layers in the cemetery where unidentified
individuals were thought to be buried. While each of the 30 locations identified
by the investigator yielded a burial with remains, additional burials were found
during the exhumation process – in the end, a total of 74 burials were exposed, 38
of which were deemed to be forensically significant. Some of the 74 burials were
clearly pauper burials, having names of decedents marked on their body bags, and
were evidently interred without a coffin or a permanent grave marker due to lack
of financial means. Other burials with names could represent a migrant who had
been identified by local authorities. Among the burials with names marked on the
body bag was one found by the Operation Identification team with the name
Hugo Escobar Rodriguez on it. Information associated with each burial regarding
potential identification, as well as burial location, was recorded in both list and
map form and provided to the county for future reference.
The list of names was also provided to the Missing Migrant Program (MMP), a
division of United States Customs and Border Protection. The mission of the MMP
is to help locate and identify missing migrants along the southern US border. As
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federal agents tasked with helping save lives and identify the dead, the MMP has
access to USCBP databases, including detention and deportation databases that
are unavailable to OpID. The MMP was asked to investigate the names of the
individuals in the cemetery to make sure they were properly identified. During
investigations by OpID and the FBC in other South Texas counties, it was learned
that in some instances funeral homes had been used for identification services,
resulting in non‐legal identifications (circumstantial identifications, sometimes
without a preponderance of evidence and not approved by appropriate jurisdic-
tional authorities). With the help of the MMP, OpID could help ensure this was
not the case for any of the migrants in the Tres Norias cemetery.
In the case of Hugo Escobar Rodriguez, the MMP reported that he had been
previously detained by USCBP and therefore had fingerprints on file. When he
was found deceased, it was through a fingerprint comparison that his remains
were identified. The MMP also discovered, however, that there was an open
missing‐persons report for Hugo through the Mexican Consulate. Although Hugo
had been identified, his family had not been notified. Hugo died near the Texas/
Mexico border in Brownsville, Texas, less than a month after he had been deported
to Mexico. After receiving the information regarding his identification from the
MMP the identification was again verified through the local, contract forensic
pathologist, and finally, one year after his death and identification, Hugo’s family
was notified of his death.
34.4 Discussion
Collaborative efforts in identification are common; however, for the majority of

missing and unidentified persons in the United States, local and state govern-
mental agencies can work with great success with local and national resources
available, including NamUs and CODIS. The majority of unidentified deaths in
Texas occur in South Texas. The high volume of deaths in poor counties without
medical examiners created an unknown number of long‐term, forgotten dead. In
Brooks County, the unidentified were buried without proper identification efforts
prior to their burial, the locations of which were never recorded. In Tres Norias,
identification efforts were made and some remains were identified; however,
the families were not notified. Further, no burials were marked within the Tres
Norias cemetery.
As the case studies of deceased migrants presented in this chapter highlight, a
more complex approach to identification is required that necessitates collabora-
tion with foreign governments, local and international non‐governmental organi-
zations, state agencies, federal identification systems (NamUs and CODIS), and
academic institutions. In all cases presented, the families of the long‐term dead
were searching for their loved ones. Elmer’s family waited for five years and it
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took volunteers from multiple universities to exhume and work towards

identification. Christian’s family knew that he was attempting to cross the border
to come back to the US, but for more than five years did not know what happened
to him, or that he too was buried in the Sacred Heart Burial Park in Falfurrias.
Hugo’s family knew he was missing and had no idea that he had been positively
identified. In the cases presented in the chapter, collaborations between non‐
governmental and governmental organizations, academic institutions, and
community members resulted in identification and repatriation.
To date, OpID has helped facilitate 31 identifications: 14 from collaboration
with the EAAF and a private DNA lab, 15 from CODIS genetic associations, and
2 from fingerprints. Of these 31 positive identifications, nearly all required
assistance from the South Texas Human Rights Center by either helping families
get their DNA into CODIS, and/or by helping get the appropriate jurisdictional
signatures to legally recognize the identification. Christian was identified through
CODIS because his family lived in the United States and felt comfortable providing
a DNA sample to a federal government database. In contrast, Elmer’s family lived
in El Salvador and could not easily get a DNA sample into CODIS. Therefore, the
EAAF collected a missing persons report and a DNA sample which was processed
by a private DNA lab. Meanwhile, Hugo’s identification was only able to be veri-
fied and additional information found through collaboration with the USCBP
MMP and their access to federal databases. Each of these cases required a different
investigative route, highlighting that identifications of non‐US citizens requires
international collaboration and cooperation, as well as the involvement of non‐
governmental organizations that the families can trust.
References
Anderson, B.E. and Spradley, M.K. (2016) The role of the anthropologist in the identification of
migrant remains in the American Southwest. Academic Forensic Pathology, 6, 432–438.
Augenstein, S. (2018) ‘I’m my brother’s keeper’: NamUs helps Texas family find missing man.
Forensic Magazine. https://www.forensicmag.com/news/2018/01/im‐my‐brothers‐keeper‐
namus‐helps‐texas‐family‐find‐missing‐man (accessed 18 March 2019).
Baker, L. (2014) Reuniting Families Project [Online]. Baylor University (accessed 26 February
2019).
Callamard, A. (2017) Statement by Ms. Agnes Callamard, special rapporteur on extrajudicial,
summary or arbitrary executions to the seventy‐second session of the General Assembly
United Nations.
Fleischman, J.M., Kendell, A., Eggers, C. and Fulginiti, L.C. (2017) Undocumented border
crosser deaths in Arizona: Expanding intrastate collaborative efforts in identification. Journal
of Forensic Sciences, 62, 840–849.
Frey, J. (2015) Graves of Shame: New evidence indicates wrongdoing in the handling of
migrant remains in Brooks County. Observer, 6 July. https://www.typeinvestigations.org/
investigation/2015/07/06/graves‐shame/
Gocha, T.P., Spradley, M.K. and Strand, R. (2018) Bodies in limbo: Issues in identification ADN
repatriation of migrant remains in South Texas. In: Sociopolitics of Migrant Deaths and Repatriation
(eds. K.E. Latham and A. O’Daniel). Springer, pp. 143–156.
c34.indd 547 11/26/2019 8:32:00 PM

Inter‐American Commission for Human Rights (2018) USA Missing Migrants.

Kovic, C. (2013) Searching for the Living, Dead, and the New Disappeared on the Migrant Trail in Texas.
Clearlake: University of Houston.
Latham, K.E. and O’Daniel, A. (eds.) (2018) Sociopolitics of Migrant Death and Repatriation:
Perspectives from Forensic Science. Springer.
Martínez, D. (2014) Structural violence and migrant deaths in Southern Arizona: Data from the
Pima County Office of the Medical Examiner, 1990–2013. Journal on Migration and Human
Society, 2, 257–286.
Rubio‐Goldsmith, R., McCormick, M.M., Martínez, D. and Duarte, I.M. (2006) The “Funnel
Effect” and Recovered Bodies of Unauthorized Migrants Processed by the Pima County Office of the
Medical Examiner, 1990–2005. Tucson, AZ: Binational Migration Institute.
Spradley, M.K., Doretti, M., Kovic, C., et al. (2017) Searching for the Unidentified in South Texas:
The Forensic Border Coalition (FBC) Cemetery Survey Project. New Orleans: American Academy of
Forensic Sciences.
Spradley, M.K., Herrmann, N.P., Siegert, C.B. and McDaneld, C.P. (2018) Identifying migrant
remains in South Texas: Policy and practice. Forensic Sciences Research, 4 (1), 1–9.
Spradley, M.K., Reineke, R., Doretti, M. and Anderson, B.E. (2016) Death Along the United States–
Mexico Border: A Comparative View of Policy and Practice in Arizona and Texas. Las Vegas: American
Academy of Forensic Sciences.
UNT Center for Human Identification Forensic Services Unit (2011) Frequently Asked Questions:
DNA [Online]. UNT Center for Human Identification. https://www.untfsu.com/NamUs/
FAQ_DNA.html (accessed 26 February 2019).
c34.indd 548 11/26/2019 8:32:00 PM

CHAPTER 35
The Argentine experience in forensic

identification of human remains
Mercedes Salado Puerto, Laura Catelli, Carola Romanini, Magdalena
Romero and Carlos María Vullo
Argentine Forensic Anthropology Team, Buenos Aires, Argentina
35.1 Introduction
From 1976 to 1983, the military dictatorship that took power in Argentina brought
enforced disappearance and death to thousands of people in the country. The
bodies of a large number of victims during this period were buried either legally
in public cemeteries or illegally on military or police premises. They were usually
buried in the ground in primary (individual or mass) graves, and less often in
secondary burial sites, which involved the intermingling of remains, posing a
huge challenge for the correct re‐association and identification of a large number
of victims.
In 1984, the Argentine Forensic Anthropology Team (EAAF) undertook the
task of searching for and exhuming the victims’ bodies in order to carry out
anthropological analyses with a view to identifying and restoring the remains to
their families. There were several reasons why it was deemed necessary to create
a forensic team specialized in applying forensic anthropology to the investigation
of human rights violations or crimes against humanity, instead of resorting to the
local forensic institutions engaged in investigating common crimes. Among them,
it is worth mentioning the crime context itself, which consisted of the clandestine
detention, kidnapping and execution of victims, usually by state or para‐state
institutions, followed by the hiding of their bodies.
The logical consequence was civil society’s lack of confidence in official institu-
tions (the police, the armed forces) due to their involvement with and participa-
tion in these criminal activities. In addition, official forensic physicians had no
experience in the exhumation and analysis of human remains that were
either skeletonized or in an advanced state of decomposition; moreover, their
549
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independence from the state apparatus was questioned due to their performance
as staff members of official forensic bodies during the dictatorship period.
Therefore, it was necessary that local non‐governmental organizations develop
methodological strategies involving the use of archaeological survey techniques to
find burial sites outside the usual areas, in order to ensure the independence and
credibility of the investigations conducted.
From the beginning, the strategy to approaching such cases was both compre-
hensive and multidisciplinary, consisting of a preliminary investigation into the
case, the exhumation of the remains and their analysis, and the comparison of
ante‐mortem (AM) and post‐mortem (PM) data for identification purposes.
The forensic genetic techniques currently used were not yet available at the time,
so identifications were made by comparing anthropological, medical, dental and
fingerprint data.
The first time forensic genetics was used by EAAF for the identification of vic-
tims’ remains was on three bodies found in sector 134 of the Avellaneda cemetery,
Buenos Aires province, in 1992. In 1999, forensic genetics was applied once again
to identify a series of victims from the so‐called “Fátima massacre” in the province
of Buenos Aires.
By 2003, EAAF had incorporated forensic genetics into the identification pro-
cess on a systematic basis. It is worth noting that, based on the investigations
conducted by the team since 1984, it was possible to determine that some exhumed
burials were “open” cases with no identity hypothesis, while others were “closed”
cases, that is, with an identity hypothesis. From 2003 to 2008, forensic genetics
was applied to the identification of the latter group, which involved simple, non‐
commingled cases for which there was a previous identity hypothesis available,
derived from the previous investigation conducted.
In 2008, as a result of the Latin American Initiative for the Identification of the
Disappeared (LIID) project conducted by the EAAF,1 it was possible to make a
quantitative leap in the use of forensic genetics in identification processes. This
project consisted of taking reference samples from victims’ relatives at a broad,
national scale, as well as sampling thousands of bone remains exhumed since
1984, conducting genetic analysis, and making a systematic, complete comparison.
At present, EAAF is a multidisciplinary team made up of more than 60 members
specializing in forensic anthropology, archaeology, architecture, physics, genetics
and pathology. It has its own forensic genetics lab (EAAF‐FGL) in the city of
Córdoba, Argentina. At the point of writing, more than 700 victims of enforced dis-
appearance under the last military dictatorship in Argentina have been identified
(in addition to more than a hundred cases of documentary identifications made by
matching fingerprints, as the remains were physically unrecoverable), while thou-
sands of commingled remains have been subject to intra‐skeletal re‐association.
This chapter is intended to show the methodological and conceptual changes
undergone by EAAF’s identification process throughout its history.
Latin American Initiative for the Identification of the “Disappeared” (LIID): https://eaaf.typepad.com/iniciativa_en/.
1
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The Argentine experience in forensic identification 551
35.2 Methods and challenges in applying

forensic genetics
As almost 30 years had passed since the enforced disappearances had taken place,
several circumstances were particularly relevant to the results of the identification
of the disappeared:
1. Few remains could be recovered because victims had been buried in clandes-
tine burial sites, many bodies had been thrown into the sea in so‐called “death
flights,” and a large number of bodies had been taken to common ossuaries in
cemeteries, with remains of people unrelated to enforced disappearances.
2. A countless number of victims’ bodies had been exhumed and reburied in 1984
by the forensic‐medical system at the national level, without applying any
scientific method, causing further commingling, deterioration and destruction.
3. The DNA from many bone remains was partially degraded, and some bodies
were burnt or charred, yielding incomplete genetic profiles or no profiles at all.
4. There were few relatives still alive to obtain from them both ante‐mortem data
and biological reference samples for genetic comparison purposes.
5. The high number of victims of enforced disappearance had an impact on the
probabilistic values of identification within the Bayesian inference context
(Budowle et al., 2011).
To date, EAAF’s genetic databank includes the genetic profiles of more than
2700 bone remains and 10,000 reference samples from the victims’ family
members.
Although the post‐mortem interval (the time elapsed since death) in the case of
the remains recovered was relatively consistent, as enforced disappearances in
Argentina took place over a ten year period (1974–1975 and 1976–1983), the soil
type, pH, temperature and humidity in the different burial sites had effects on the
preservation of the remains, and consequently on the genetic results. Humid and
acid soils had an adverse impact on the preservation of the remains and DNA,
as opposed to burials in dry, calcareous soils (Alaeddini et al., 2010).
The type of bone elements also had an impact on the genetic results. Figure 35.1
shows the bone elements more likely to yield successful genetic results (teeth,
femur, tibia and the petrous part of the temporal bone), while it has been observed
that the long bones of the upper limbs (ulna, radius, humerus) yielded worse
results than those of the lower limbs, as their content of cortical bone is less
significant.
DNA extraction methods have had a notable influence on genetic results. EAAF‐
FGL has continuously striven to improve its methodology to extract the highest‐
quality DNA from bones; therefore, DNA extraction protocols and the amount of
bone processed (between 0.1 and 2 g) have changed over the years. The chemistry
of bone DNA extraction changed from the organic method (phenol chloroform)
through the manual silica mini‐columns to silica maxi‐columns (Davoren et al.,
2007). Currently, a silica‐based DNA extraction automated platform is used,
processing 1–2 g of bone with full demineralization, yielding 80% of reportable
c35.indd 551 11/26/2019 8:29:13 PM

%
100
90
80
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
0
Tooth Femur Tibia Temporal Vertebra Fibula Pelvis Humerus Radius Ulna
bone
(petrous)
Figure 35.1 Differential successful typing rate (aSTR) for different bone elements.
genetic profiles from bone samples to build post‐mortem databases (Amory et al.,
2012). Just as happened with DNA extraction methods, quantification methods
have also evolved over time, thus enabling not only the quantification of DNA, but
the evaluation of degradation and the detection of PCR inhibitors.
The family members’ AM reference samples collected in FTA (Flinders
Technology Associates) cards have also been a challenge faced by the EAAF since
the beginning. The ante‐mortem reference samples database improved signifi-
cantly thanks to the mass campaign launched within the framework of LIID in
2008, with the participation of civil society, the mass media, artists, politicians,
sportspeople and others. However, despite this effort, there are few first‐
generation family members still alive per disappeared person, due to the time
that has passed since the events and to the demographic features inherent in this
kind of population, for which reason the ante‐mortem reference database is still
relatively poor.
To build a high‐quality biological reference database for identification purposes,
some major requirements should be met: (a) have complete representation of the
victims by collecting biological reference samples from family members (both
parents); (b) include several first‐generation family members (parents, siblings
and/or children); and (c) construct a correct and detailed kinship chart, mainly of
second‐ and third‐generation family members. Taking into account the above
considerations, the biological reference samples database in Argentina is remark-
ably deficient. Figure 35.2 shows that the reference samples are very limited for
c35.indd 552 11/26/2019 8:29:14 PM

Fathers/Mothers
Number of AM reference samples: 10,000 15% 15%
representing 5,700 missing persons (75% ♂ offspring
and 25% ♀)
Reference/missing persons (MP) ratio: 1.75 Siblings

30%
40%
• Few relatives per MP Other (aunts, uncles,
nephews, nieces,
• High proportion of siblings
half-siblings, cousins)
Figure 35.2 AM family reference database composition in Argentina.
carrying out genetic comparisons for the victims of enforced disappearances from
the last military dictatorship. The reference/victim relationship shows an average
of less than 2 family members per victim, while 40% of donors are victims’ siblings.
This has led to the need to exhume first‐generation deceased family members, at
first only in cases with a strong identity hypothesis, but recently this has become
a common practice with a view to improving the family representation of hundreds
of victims of enforced disappearance with poor pedigrees.
STR (short tandem repeat) markers in autosomal chromosomes (aSTRs) are
the most commonly used in genetic profile databases for human identification.
In the last years, the commercial kits used at EAAF‐FGL to build AM and PM
databases for aSTR typing have increased the number of genetic markers from
15 to more than 20.2 In addition to these commercial kits, it was also necessary
to develop and validate “in‐house” kits at EAAF‐FGL, as well as to type short
amplicon nuclear markers like SNPs (single nucleotide polymorphisms) and
Indels (Insertion/deletions) (Catelli et al., 2008; Romanini et al., 2012). As a
consequence, there was a need to establish population frequencies for these
markers in Argentina or in identification projects undertaken in other countries
for statistical calculations. The incorporation of new DNA quantification methods
and improved amplification kits for degraded samples has enabled us to enhance
the aSTR genotyping and the use of complementary typing kits, and increase our
identification capabilities through the use of genetics at EAAF‐FGL. Figure 35.1
shows the percentage of typing success of 186 different bone samples, by using
automated DNA extraction, real‐time PCR quantification and aSTR genotyping
with any of the following commercial kits: Identifiler Plus, GlobalFiler or
PowerPlex Fusion.
Y‐STRs and mNA markers as well as SNPs and Indels are used at EAAF‐FGL as
additional markers in specific situations (Catelli et al., 2008, 2009; Romanini
et al., 2012), such as in cases with poor AM references, with second‐ or third‐
generation relatives or in degraded samples. Because of its high number of copies,
mtDNA analysis has been particularly useful in severely degraded or burnt
2
IdentifilerTM and GlobalFiler™ PCR Amplification Kit, Thermo Fisher Scientific: https://www.thermofisher.com/
us/en/home.html; Powerplex16® System and PowerPlex® Fusion 6C System, Promega Corporation: https://
worldwide.promega.com/.
c35.indd 553 11/26/2019 8:29:15 PM

s amples, although this might require the analysis of multiple fragments (up to 16
for HVR1 and HVR2) of small size (120 bp or 250 bp), thus increasing costs and
demanding more time. EAAF‐FGL has analysed with a high degree of success
(85%) about 400 PM samples covering the HV1 and HV2 regions and about
750 AM samples from family members. Although the match between lineage
markers can be useful for the identification of human remains, the need to estab-
lish population frequencies is fundamental (Vullo et al., 2010, 2011) and should
be used with caution in cases involving several biologically related victims.
35.3 Databases, data comparisons and reconciliation
The PM profile database currently contains about 700 genetic profiles of PM

samples exhumed in Argentina that have not yet been identified; this number of
unidentified PM remains is associated with the poor number of AM reference
samples available (10,000 AM samples representing only 50% of the total number
of victims of enforced disappearance).
The main difficulty regarding the PM profile database is how to obtain partial
profiles from degraded samples having a low discrimination power. EAAF‐FGL
incorporates profiles with reportable results for at least seven aSTR markers, as we
have proved that genetic profiles with less information result in a large number of
random matches.
The comparison of genetic profiles on a large scale necessarily requires suitable
software; EAAF‐FGL uses DNAview (http://dna‐view.com/) to make comparisons
of both PM–PM and AM–PM genetic profiles, and has recently started to use a
software known as Familias (Kling et al., 2014) to carry out mass comparisons
(not only for mathematical calculations) with good results, although only for
few data.
Ante‐mortem information on the victims is crucial in all identification projects
concerning people subjected to enforced disappearance, because when a large
number of victims are involved, the statistical appraisal of the uncertainty of an
identification result is strongly influenced.
The need to centralize AM and PM data, as well as the data on the follow‐up on
identity hypotheses, quality control and result reviews, led to the creation in 2008
of an identification coordination unit (EAAF‐IC), in charge of such follow‐up, as
well as communicating with the different areas concerned (investigation,
archaeology, anthropology and genetics) (Goodwin, 2017; Prinz et al., 2007;
Salado Puerto and Tuller, 2017; Tidball‐Binz et al., 2013).
The information centralized by EAAF‐IC, involving background information on
the case (such as cemetery records, date of burials, anthropological records on
biological profiles, radiological and fingerprint records among others), has given
rise to a mechanism designed to reconcile all the AM–PM information in a com-
prehensive manner, including the results obtained in DNA studies, ensuring the
c35.indd 554 11/26/2019 8:29:15 PM

reliability of the identifications made. Through the years, this reconciliation

process has proved vitally important not only in revising compatible or excluding
cases through genetics, but also to create new identity hypotheses (taking into
account historical investigations) based on the identifications achieved by the
DNA‐led system.
In the context of large‐scale enforced disappearances, the classification of events
is fundamental to establishing statistical parameters: “prior odds” values (Budowle
et al., 2011), probability thresholds to consider a reliable identity, random matches
and false negatives, are all important parameters to establish and analyse in mass
comparisons. As a result of the interactions between EAAF‐FGL and EAAF‐IC, it
was possible to reconcile information and evaluate the consistency of identifica-
tions to produce integrated expert reports. EAAF has established 99.99% as the
reliable posterior probability threshold in a genetic match and to start the recon-
ciliation process prior to reporting the identification. However, some cases are still
below the probability threshold due to deficiencies in the AM reference data or to
partial profiles from bone remains that reduce identification power. On many
occasions, this probability threshold of 99.99% imposes the need to further
analyse additional aSTR markers, analyse lineage markers and/or incorporate
more AM reference samples from family members (through exhumations).
The interaction algorithm implemented is the following: EAAF‐FGL reports ge-
netic match results to EAAF‐IC, and EAAF‐IC launches a reconciliation process to
review the consistency of the other, non‐genetic AM and PM information related
to the case.
1. Genetic match results with a high probabilistic value: in general they are con-
sistent with AM information and exceed the confidence threshold of 99.99%.
2. Weak genetic match results (low LR matches):
(a) Inconsistent with AM data → registered as random matches.
(b) Consistent with AM data → genetic analysis is increased.
This permanent interaction between EAAF‐FGL and EAAF‐IC has created a
useful mechanism that successfully reconciles all the AM and PM findings to
report identifications on a reliable basis. Through this mechanism, it has been
possible to detect multiple (mathematically significant) random matches as well as
to recover weak genetic matches that could have otherwise passed unnoticed.
To date, EAAF has reported more than 700 identifications of victims of enforced
disappearance in Argentina, as shown in Figure 35.3.
The impact of genetic studies is reflected in the number of identifications made:
in 2003, EAAF started to apply genetic techniques to cases having strong iden-
tity hypotheses following investigations since the 1980s, and in 2007, within the
framework of the LIID project, PM and AM profile databases started to be mas-
sively compared. A high number of these identification reports included
information on intra‐skeletal re‐association with other PM samples.
At the beginning of this chapter, it was mentioned that in Argentina there were
“open” and “closed” cases. An example of an open case is the burial with
c35.indd 555 11/26/2019 8:29:15 PM

N
800
700
600
500
DNA LIID
400
300
200
100
2018 Nov
1984
1986
1988
1990
1992
1994
1996
1998
2000
2002
2004
2006
2008
2010
2012
2014
2016
Figure 35.3 Cumulative identifications achieved by EAAF in Argentina from 1984
to 2018.
commingled remains and partially articulated body parts described in Box 35.1:

Pozo de Vargas. In this case, it was necessary to analyse multiple bone elements for
intra‐skeletal re‐associations (PM–PM comparisons); after re‐association, AM–PM
genetic comparisons were made to identify the victims. An additional complexity
in this case was the presence of biologically related victims inside the well.
As examples of “closed” or “semi‐closed” cases, we can make reference to the
identification of Argentine soldiers who died in combat during the Malvinas/
Falkland Islands war, in the South Atlantic Ocean. As a result of the conflict,
the bodies that had been buried in 121 graves remained unidentified (Box 35.2).
The ICRC (International Committee of the Red Cross) led a project with the
agreement of both Argentina and the United Kingdom, in which EAAF was
entrusted with the task of conducting the genetic analyses. After exhuming the
remains of 122 soldiers from the 121 graves marked as “Argentine soldier known
only to God”, DNA samples were taken. The state of preservation of the remains
allowed complete genetic profiles to be obtained for 22 genetic markers, thus
enabling the identification to date of 105 out of the 122 exhumed bodies. The
project is still in progress and family members of soldiers not yet identified continue
to be summoned.
35.4 Conclusions
The search for and identification of the remains of missing persons on a large scale
with which EAAF has been concerned for more than 30 years has undergone a
methodological evolution thanks to the incorporation of new technologies, among
c35.indd 556 11/26/2019 8:29:16 PM

Box 35.1 Pozo de Vargas
Box 35.2 Argentine cemetery in Darwin – Malvinas/Falkland Islands
which forensic genetics is a major one. Although such incorporation has

exponentially increased the possibilities of identifying the remains of the disap-
peared, it has involved a learning process in terms of its correct interpretation
and evaluation within a new identification system. Identification as a process and not
as a technique is one of the main lessons learned over the years, and the need to
c35.indd 557 11/26/2019 8:29:18 PM

integrate, centralize and reconcile information is one of the main challenges. The
identification of the remains of victims of enforced disappearance on a large scale
involves the design of new mechanisms and imposes methodological and struc-
tural changes at the organizational level. One last recommendation drawn from
experience is that no technique is infallible – only by integrating all the information
available in a case can the reliability of the identification process be guaranteed.
References
Alaeddini, R., Walsh, S.J. and Abbas, A. (2010) Forensic implications of genetic analyses from
degraded DNA – A review. Forensic Science International: Genetics, 4 (3), 148–157. doi:10.1016/
j.fsigen.2009.09.007
Amory, S., Huel, R., Bilić, A., et al. (2012) Automatable full demineralization DNA extraction
procedure from degraded skeletal remains. Forensic Science International: Genetics, 6, 398–406.
persons identifications. Investigative Genetics, 2, 15.
Catelli, L., Borosky, A., Romanini, C., et al. (2008) Skeletal reassociation from an illegal common
grave of Argentina by using STR, miniSTR, and mtDNA analysis. Forensic Science International:
Genetics, Supplement Series, 1 (1), 408–410. doi:10.1016/j.fsigss.2007.10.212
Catelli, L., Romanini, C., Borosky, A., et al. (2009) Common mitochondrial DNA haplogroups
observed in an Argentine population database sample. Forensic Science International: Genetics,
Supplement Series. doi:10.1016/j.fsigss.2009.09.016
Davoren, J., Vanek, D., Konjhodzić, R., et al. (2007) Highly effective DNA extraction method for
nuclear short tandem repeat testing of skeletal remains from mass graves. Croat Med J, 48 (4),
478–485.
Goodwin, W.H. (2017) The use of forensic DNA analysis in humanitarian forensic action: The
doi:10.1016/j.forsciint.2017.07.002
Kling, D., Tillmar, A. and Egeland, T. (2014) Familias 3 – Extensions and new functionality.
Forensic Science International: Genetics, 13, 121–127.
disaster victim DVI. Forensic Science International: Genetics, 1 (1), 3–12.
Romanini, C., Romanini, C., Catelli, M.L., et al. (2012) Typing short amplicon binary polymor-
phisms: Supplementary SNP and Indel genetic information in the analysis of highly degraded
skeletal remains. Forensic Science International: Genetics, 6 (4), 469–476. doi:0.1016/
j.fsigen.2011.10.006
Challenges and considerations. Forensic Science International, 279, 219–228. doi:10.1016/
j.forsciint.2017.08.025
Tidball‐Binz, M., Penchaszadeh, V., Vullo, C., et al. (2013) A good practice guide for the use of
forensic genetics applied to Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law investigations.
Forensic Science International, Genetics Supplement Series, 4 (1). doi:10.1016/j.fsigss.2013.10.109
Vullo, C., Borosky, A., Catelli, M., et al. (2011) Population data for 38 autosomal insertion/dele-
tion (InDels) and 50 SNPS polymorphisms in Argentinean population. Forensic Science
International, Genetics Supplemental Series, 3 (1), e419–e420. doi:10.1016/j.fsigss.2011.09.071
Vullo, C., Borosky, A., Romanini, C., et al. (2010) Frequency data for 12 mini STR loci in Argentina.
Forensic Science International: Genetics, 4 (3), 79–81. doi:10.1016/j.fsigen.2009.06.006
c35.indd 558 11/26/2019 8:29:18 PM

CHAPTER 36
The approach to unidentified dead

migrants in Italy
Cristina Cattaneo1, Debora Mazzarelli1, Lara Olivieri1, Danilo De Angelis1,
Annalisa Cappella1, Albarita Vitale1, Giulia Caccia1, Vittorio Piscitelli2 and
Agata Iadicicco2
1
Laboratorio di Antropologia e Odontologia Forense (LABANOF), Sezione di Medicina Legale,
Dipartimento di Scienze Biomediche per la Salute, Università degli Studi di Milano, Milan, Italy
2
Ufficio del Commissario Straordinario del Governo per le Persone Scomparse, Rome, Italy
36.1 Introduction
36.1.1 The paradox of the largest mass disaster

of the past century
One of the most important yet ignored issues in the present plight of forced migra-
tion is the high number of men, women and children who die in the attempt to
cross borders or the sea. According to the report of the International Organization
for Migration (IOM), the greatest number of victims is registered in the central
Mediterranean Sea, as shown in Table 36.1, and representing 50–60% of such
fatalities all over the world (IOM, 2019). It is thus clear that the problem of immi-
gration and dead migrants involves above all the Mediterranean Sea, and in
particular Italy among Mediterranean states.
Despite the fact that different legislative documents decree how host States
have to operate in these circumstances (e.g. the Geneva Convention of 1949 and
the Additional Protocols of 1977), and regardless of recent efforts of the
International Committee of the Red Cross to highlight some important recom-
mendations that all the agencies working at this problem have to follow during
two international Conferences (Milano 2013,1 Barcelona 20152), many migrants
1
First Conference of the Management and Identification of Unidentified Decedents, with an Emphasis on Dead
Migrants: the Experience of European Countries. ICRC/ Università degli Studi di Milano/ LABANOF/ Croce Rossa
Italiana, Milan, Italy, 22–23 November 2013.
2
Second Conference on the Management and Identification of Unidentified Decedents, with an Emphasis on
Dead Migrants: the Experience of European Mediterranean Countries. ICRC/ Spanish Red Cross/ Centro para la
Cooperación en le Mediterráneo, Barcelona, Spain, 29–30 October 2015.
559
c36.indd 559 11/26/2019 8:29:24 PM

Table 36.1 The number of migrants dying worldwide in the attempt to cross borders or
sea, the number of migrants dying during the crossing of Mediterranean Sea,
and the percentage of the number of victims registered in the Mediterranean compared
with the total, for last five years.
Year Fatalities Fatalities on Percentage of fatalities

worldwide Mediterranean on Mediterranean
2014 5287 3283 62.1%

2015 6575 4054 61.7%
2016 8070 5143 63.7%
2017 6279 3139 50.0%
2018 4727 2299 48.6%
2019* 404 223 55.2%
* 2019 refers only to January and February 2019 (http://missingmigrants.iom.int).
remain missing at sea or die without identity and are buried in foreign cemeteries
far away from their original country – with the world remaining inert.
The humanitarian consequences of this problem are serious especially for sur-
vivors, who are affected by many social, civil and administrative repercussions.
This is due to the fact that there are so many intrinsic issues to be tackled, such as
financial resources requested for the recovery and transport of bodies, storage,
autopsy, laboratory analyses, the absence of databases in the region that contain
all the information of the different shipwrecks, and recovering ante‐mortem
information. On the other hand, it is to be stressed that up to a while ago, southern
European countries have been constantly engaged in the emergency of living
migrants (Piscitelli et al., 2016). So even if the identification of unknown victims
in mass disasters is a standard procedure and forensic experts are trained for this
situation, the victims of these tragedies have not been treated, until now, as they
should (Cattaneo et al., 2015).
This chapter summarizes how Italy is trying to tackle the problem of dead
migrants, and how this attempt has been extremely useful in presenting some of
the challenges under different perspectives.
Over 360,000 migrants arrived in Europe in 2016 by sea, many fleeing from
armed conflict, torture and abuse. One in ten die in the crossing. In the past 25
years at least 34,000 men, women and children have died during their journeys
(Laczko et al., 2017; UNITED 2018), 18,000 only in the past three years (Table 36.1),
but this is clearly only the tip of the iceberg. We are indeed witnessing one of the
greatest humanitarian tragedies of recent times.
Although 65% of these bodies remain unidentified and victims are buried name-
less in cemeteries across the south of Europe (Brian and Laczko, 2016), very few
efforts have been made to identify them, in contrast to what usually happens in
mass disasters. Yet identification of the dead is a universal value for all cultures and
c36.indd 560 11/26/2019 8:29:24 PM

The approach to unidentified dead migrants in Italy 561
is enshrined by domestic and international law, including the four Geneva

Conventions and their Additional Protocols (ICRC, 1977). It is first a humanitarian
and moral obligation, not only for the dead, but also and especially for those who
are left behind. Relatives of the missing who do not know whether their loved ones
are dead or alive suffer from greater psychological distress than bereaved persons
with confirmed losses. Furthermore, administrative consequences for those who
remain behind may be tragic without death certificates (and thus identification) of
their loved ones. For example, young orphans (minors) without death certificates of
their parents may not be reunited with their only living relatives in Europe.
Although the above‐mentioned problems concern, in general, all the countries
through which migrants attempt to reach their final destinations, the countries
mostly affected by this phenomenon are the ones bordering the Mediterranean
Sea. Notwithstanding that this issue has been known for years now, and its extent
is such to require a common approach shared by the various countries involved,
a modus operandi concerning the management of identification of dead migrants is
currently not uniform. To date, there is still an absence of a clear legal framework
which obliges the European countries or supra‐national organizations to recover
and identify these victims, and so operations aiming to achieve such goals only
rely on the good intentions of each European nation. In this context, for some
time Italy has stood out for its approach toward this specific issue and has taken
action in several instances by recovering corpses and attempting their identification.
In 2007 a governmental office was established in Italy for handling data
concerning domestic missing persons, as well as unidentified corpses in the
national territory; since 2013 the same office has also initiated an experimental
strategy aimed at gathering data regarding dead migrants. We will briefly describe
the creation of the aforesaid Italian strategy, as well as the two pilot studies carried
out, with the ambition of proposing a possible strategic model that can be adapted
to deaths occurring in the Mediterranean Sea.
36.1.2 The Italian perspective
36.1.2.1 The issue of unidentified bodies in general

The problem of unidentified dead in Italy has been known since the second half
of the 1990s, even though forensic scientists and the media have not always given
it the right attention. A study on unidentified bodies recovered in Milan from
1995 to 2008 reveals that 454 cadavers or human remains came to the morgue
without identity (about 32 unknown subjects every year), and that 62% reached
a positive identification in a period of time ranging from a few days to 10 years
(Cattaneo et al., 2010). Also, at a European level the importance of this issue is
underestimated, as shown by a questionnaire administered across European
countries. The eight countries who responded (Denmark, Finland, Germany,
Greece, Ireland, Luxembourg, Portugal and Spain) reported that from 1994 to
1998 a total of 3035 unknown bodies were counted, of which 800 (about 30%)
remained without identity (Cattaneo et al., 2000).
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DNA databases have increased the number of identifications, but are still not
the solution to the entire problem.
Since the late 1990s the University of Milan has promoted a specific protocol for
unknown cadavers and human remains that arrive at the morgue: all post‐mor-
tem (PM) data of an unknown corpse have to be recorded by filling in a specific
form during the autopsy, and a complete biological profile has to be defined by
collecting biological samples for the estimation of sex, age and race for poorly pre-
served bodies. The Institute of Legal Medicine in Milan started a collaboration
with a national television program entitled “Chi l’Ha Visto” (Raitre) and some
voluntary agencies (such as Penelope) that deal with missing persons, and more-
over a section of the LABANOF (Forensic Anthropology and Odontology
Laboratory) website was created containing a short description of unknown dece-
dents arriving at the Milan morgue (http://www.labanof.unimi.it/Cadaveri%20
senza%20nome.htm). These initiatives were begun in order to make available the
information about unidentified cadavers for relatives who were looking for their
missing loved ones.
Over the years the need for a national database for unidentified bodies, in order
to cross‐match them with missing persons, has become urgent, especially for indi-
viduals recovered and examined in cities different from their residences. Indeed,
in this situation it is very difficult to reach a positive identification, even if a person
was already reported as missing by relatives at one police station.
In Italy a greater awareness concerning the problem of unknown cadavers
increased from 2007. The first survey on the problems related to searches for
missing persons was performed on 21 June 2007 by the Italian Government, and
later, in 2008, the first census of unknown cadavers and missing persons was con-
cluded. The delegate Commissioner for Missing Persons of the Italian Government
(UCPS – Ufficio Commissario straordinario per le Persone Scomparse) was instated
for the first time in Italy on 31 July 2007 following a point of order, with the
specific mandate of monitoring data of missing persons and the consequent
identification of unidentified decedents, also through the comparison of national
data on missing persons (ante‐mortem or AM data) with data on unidentified
bodies (PM data) present in the national Database “Interforze” in addition to
information at a more local level. The Office also keeps and updates the national
register of missing persons, coordinates public initiatives for the search of the
missing, supervises the work of the different institutions (police, local authorities,
humanitarian associations, academia) that work at this problem and collaborates
with them through Memoranda of Understanding (hereafter MoUs), maintaining
a relationship with the relatives of missing persons, and reports the results to the
President of the Council of Ministers.
In order to look for useful identification strategies for unknown persons, a col-
laboration between the Commissioner for Missing Persons and the University of
Milan, in particular LABANOF, was established in the same year. An incoming law
“Progetto di Legge n. 144 A.C. 1828” was enacted by Parliament on 6 March 2007.
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It established the creation of the Ri.Sc. system (Ricerca Scomparsi) – a database for
police forces that organizes the information relating to missing persons and uniden-
tified bodies, compares the data and verifies matches in order to obtain a list of
suspects of identity (Cappella et al., 2011). A partnership between the Department
of Public Safety of the Interior Ministry had begun, with the initial aim of testing
and improving the PM forms of the Ri.Sc. system that are used in cases of unknown
cadavers. Later, in 2014, an experimental project to create a procedure that pro-
moted the identification proces, involving some districts in Lombardy (Milano,
Lodi, Monza, Busto Arsizio and Pavia), was launched. On 6 March 2015 a MoU
was edited that established a collaboration between the Commissioner for Missing
Persons, the Lombardy region, the Prefecture of Milan, the Italian Republic
Procures, the University of Milan, the District of Milan and the ANCI of Lombardy,
and described a proposal of operative actions that the agencies working at this
problem have to follow (Protocollo di Intesa 6 Marzo 2015).
The phenomenon of missing persons has increased in the past few years, owing
to migration movements not only in Italy but also in other European countries, as
was highlighted in the recent Congress on missing persons held in October 2014
during the Italian Presidential Semester of the European Union.
36.1.2.2 The Italian model applied to migrants

In the meantime, migrant deaths began increasing in numbers. After two ship-
wrecks in Lampedusa on the 3 and 11 October 2013, when 387 cadavers of men,
women and children were recovered and transferred to Italy (the total number of
victims is still unknown), the UCPS Office signed on 30 September 2014 a MoU
with the University of Milan (in particular with LABANOF) and the Department
for Civil Liberty and Immigration, aimed at promoting actions for recognition/
identification of the victims recovered from the sea (related to the disasters men-
tioned above) (Protocollo di Intesa 30 Settembre 2014). This MoU was thought to
be a starting point for developing “best practice” for the management of similar
situations.
Later, after another similar disaster (a shipwreck on 18 April 2015 involving
more than 800 victims), a new MoU was signed again between the UCPS Office
and the University of Milan (LABANOF) on 23 July 2015, intending to act for the
identification of victims.
The latter was implemented later (on 31 March 2016) thanks to an agreement
signed by actors such as the Interior Ministry, the Ministry of Instruction,
University and Research (MIUR‐ Ministero dell’Istruzione, Università e Ricerca),
and the UCPS Office: it specifically included some guidelines explaining in‐depth
procedures to be carried out for the recovery and examination of the 18 April
2015 shipwreck victims (Protocollo di Intesa 23 Luglio 2015; Protocollo di Intesa
31 Marzo 2016).
The procedures adopted for the recovery and identification of victims who died
in the aforementioned disasters will be discussed below (pilot studies 1 and 2).
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36.1.2.3 Issues arising in the identification of dead migrants

The identification of missing persons can be difficult because the AM and PM data
have not always been collected in a complete and correct way. To find matches
between unknown cadavers and missing persons, it is necessary to compare ante‐
mortem data of a missing person (data such as documents, photos, clinical docu-
mentation, radiological images, personal belongings, and, when possible, DNA
from the missing person or from a next of kin) with post‐mortem data collected
from the unknown dead (i.e. medico‐legal, odontological, DNA and anthropolog-
ical information) (Figure 36.1).
With migrants, a series of problems arise. First of all, the AM data are not easy
to collect because of the difficult situation, sometimes political, characterizing the
original country from which migrants travel. Victims’ relatives may not be able to
approach their own States to ask for news about their loved ones, and they have
to be contacted through humanitarian associations and volunteers. Additionally,
often the relatives have not seen their loved ones for a long time, which makes
gathering data difficult. Sometimes, the only way to collect more “detailed”
information (for example, photographs) is through social networks (e.g. Facebook).
The collection of AM DNA samples through personal belongings such as tooth-
brushes is usually impossible, and DNA from relatives can be ineffective: for
example, sometimes siblings declare to be such but are only half‐siblings, or par-
ents entrust a child to another family and children are not always aware of this. It
is also difficult to obtain other important data such as fingerprints that are avail-
able only if the subject had a criminal record, or if the country of origin automat-
ically takes prints from all citizens. Medical and odontological information is
difficult to find because of the poverty of the country. For these reasons some
important methods of identification, called “primary methods” by Interpol, such
as DNA, fingerprints and odontology, cannot be utilized because of the lack of
PM DATA AM DATA
(Cadaver or human remains) (Missing Person)
medical, pathological personal, physical, medical

and dental information; and dental information;
cause of death; information of
description of physical the circumstance of
appearances, disappearance;
body modifications, photographs and
clothes and personal items; video materials;
biolgical samples for sex, comparison DNA matherial.
age and race estimation.
MATCH
PRIMARY and SECONDARY ID METHODS
POSITIVE IDENTIFICATION
Figure 36.1 Flowchart of the different phases to reach a positive identification.
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comparison material, and “secondary methods” (medico‐legal and anthropolog-

ical analysis such as comparison of medical devices and prostheses for the first
group, and evaluation of tattoo, scars and moles for the others) have to be used
instead (Baraybar, 2008; Sweet, 2010). PM data may be varied and incomplete,
due to the fact that a full autopsy is not always requested, or an external exami-
nation performed at all, depending on the case and the needs of prosecutors.
36.2 The experimental Italian strategy
36.2.1 Pilot Study 1: AM data collection

A pilot study was performed in order to verify the feasibility of identifying dead
migrants. The focus of this study was the two shipwrecks of 3 and 11 October
2013 (Olivieri et al., 2018).
In the first disaster, a boat that departed from the Libyan port of Misrata on 1
October 2013, with about 500 African migrants on board, sank half a mile from
the Italian island of Lampedusa; 366 bodies were recovered by Italian forces and
155 persons were saved.
In the second, a fishing boat with approximately 400 migrants from Syria and
Palestine sank 120 km from Lampedusa in Maltese territorial waters. For this
tragedy, only 34 cadavers were recovered, and of these, only 21 by Italian forces
(the remainder were recovered by Maltese authorities), 206 persons were saved,
and at least 160 bodies are still missing (Fortress Europe, 2016).
For the two disasters the Police Headquarters of Agrigento, Sicily, in spite of a
shortage of available resources for this emergency, performed photographic docu-
mentation of the bodies recovered in the two shipwrecks, as well as of the clothes
and personal belongings, while the Forensic Science Police Service (Polizia
Scientifica) extracted biological material from all the bodies for DNA analyses.
Soon after the two shipwrecks, 183 victims of the 3 October (i.e. 50%) and 8 of
the 11 October disasters were considered identified, after visual recognition con-
ducted by survivors of the same shipwreck or by relatives in Agrigento, without
reaching a positive identification through standardized ID methods.
For the collection of AM data, the Commissioner for Missing Persons informed
and encouraged the relatives of the missing persons to give all information
necessary to identify their loved ones who died or disappeared in those ship-
wrecks, through the most representative humanitarian organizations such as the
Italian Red Cross, the International Committee of the Red Cross, the International
Organization for Migration, Amnesty International, CEI – Fondazione Migrantes,
and the associations of relatives such as Borderline‐Europe and the “Comitato 3
Ottobre”, in order not to compromise the safety of living relatives. The first inter-
views to relatives were organized (first in Rome and then in Milan) in October
2013, where personnel of LABANOF, the Italian federation “Psicologi per i Popoli”
and of the UCPS Office, and finally a cultural mediator, took part. In these
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interviews the “Missing Person Form” supplied by ICRC for the victims of mass
disasters (ICRC, 2006) was used. The interviewers collected all information about
missing persons, including photographs and video material, personal items (such
as combs) and DNA samples, if the interviewee was biologically related to the
missing person (preferably parent or child). Finally, the interviewee who con-
sented could see the PM photographs in an attempt to recognize the face or
personal belongings of the victim.
To date, AM data of 79 missing persons were collected, relating to 56 missing in
the shipwreck of 3 October and 23 in that of 11 October. Among the subjects
declared disappeared on 3 October, 35 were positively identified (i.e. 62.5%),
while 8 have a strong match (however, they are pending and as a result still
unidentified). The AM data collected for the 11 October shipwreck did not corre-
spond with the PM data of the 23 victims that were recovered in Italy – none of
the missing that were being looked for were in Italy.
The 35 positive identifications were achieved with the help of different ID
methods (genetics, odontology and anthropology) or a combination of them. The
procedure to collect AM data that was tested for the October 2013 shipwrecks can
be considered successful.
36.2.2 Pilot Study 2: PM data collection

On 18 April 2015 one of the largest shipwrecks in the Mediterranean Sea occurred.
A fishing boat capsized 100 km north of the Libyan coast and 200 km south of the
Italian island of Lampedusa: only 28 people survived and about 1000 died. A task
force for the recovery and identification of the victims was created by the Italian
Government, including the Commissioner for Missing Persons, the Italian Navy,
the Italian Fire Fighters, the Italian Military Red Cross and a team of forensic
pathologists, anthropologists and odontologists from 12 different universities.
From July 2015 to January 2016, 169 cadavers were recovered from the waters
near the boat, while the fishing boat with the remaining cadavers was retrieved in
a mission called “Melilli 5” in July 2016. During the last mission, 506 body bags
were recovered from the boat, each one containing one subject or more, some-
times a collection of commingled skeletonized human remains, and therefore the
total number of the victims is still unknown. The PM data of the first 169 victims
were collected during five different missions; 231 body bags were examined in
July 2016, and the remaining 275 body bags in another mission from September
to October 2016.
For every subject a PM form was filled in with biological, medical, pathological
and dental information, measurements for ancestry and stature, body modifica-
tions, clothes and personal items. General and detailed photos were taken of the
body, clothes and personal objects, and in some cases a 3D scan of the skull was
done. Finally, personal items (ID documents, phones, SIM cards, UNHCR cards,
notes with phone numbers or names) and biological samples such as jaw and
mandible (with teeth) for age and ethnic estimation, bones for age estimation,
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bones with signs of traumas/diseases, shafts of femur/tibia for DNA, hair/body

hair, epidermal layer of hands (fingerprints) and tattoos were collected.
Currently, AM data collection is being attempted through a governmental
agreement with the ICRC and AM forms, and biological profiles are being col-
lected in countries of origin such as Mali and Mauritania.
36.2.3 Working towards a national approach for the issue

of dead migrants
All conferences and meetings so far have underlined the lack of an archive that
contains the data of the different shipwrecks and missing subjects at a national but
also international level. In parallel with the extension of the two pilot studies
explained above, which show that identification of dead migrants is possible
regardless of some difficulties, the Italian Office of the Commissioner for Missing
Persons has started to organize its employment to bridge this gap. At a national
level, currently the UCPS Office is attempting to collect all data concerning
unknown dead migrants from the different Public Prosecutors Offices (Procure)
that have jurisdiction on every disaster/shipwreck occurring in Italian waters, or
on single decedents who arrived in the domestic ports. For this purpose, LABANOF
has been involved by the same office and is currently providing technical support
in the collection of PM data. This process specifically concerns data provided by
eight different Public Prosecutor Offices (Catania, Palermo, Agrigento, Reggio
Calabria, Crotone, Siracusa, Messina and Trapani) regarding more than 80 events
since 2014, whereby the number of persons involved is estimated at more than
600 victims. Autopsies on corpses were and are currently assigned to the numerous
pathologists operating within the territory, and although some guidelines exist for
gathering PM data (Ri.Sc. PM), one must rely on the sensitivity of the individual
Prosecutor and/or forensic pathologists, whose work is often limited by the scarce
resources available or the poor preparation and actual experience. Thereby the
final result is the collection of PM data which are sometimes incomplete and
uneven, lacking DNA samples from some bodies, or fingerprints from decom-
posed cases; all these shortcomings are obviously critical in a situation that is
already very complex.
The above‐mentioned actions have proven in the last couple of years that
identification of dead migrants can be performed even with few resources. Maybe
it is time to call for more efforts by joining forces, and prompting towards a more
equal policy on this issue?
36.3 Conclusion
The tragedies that occurred in recent years highlight the necessity for European
countries to take an interest in the problem of unidentified migrants and their
identification; this task is important not only for the dignity of the dead, but also
c36.indd 567 11/26/2019 8:29:25 PM

for the judicial and social repercussions for living relatives. Italy, which is involved
in the problem of clandestine disembarkations because of the proximity of
Lampedusa and Sicily to Africa, is one of the first European countries that has
started to work towards the identification of dead migrants.
In particular, the partnership between the Commissioner for Missing Persons
and the University of Milan has enabled the identification of at least 35 persons
declared missing in the shipwreck of 3 October 2013. To increase these identifica-
tions, however, the victims’ relatives have to give AM data, which are indispens-
able in achieving a positive match.
The creation of a database that contains all the information about shipwrecks,
missing persons and unidentified bodies is an important starting point that can
allow the creation of a link between the different agencies working on this problem
(also from different countries), making it easier to locate the cadavers for the rel-
atives who are looking for their loved ones.
Shipwrecks are particular disasters for which new protocols of action are indis-
pensable. It is also necessary that the data (both PM and AM) are treated by
forensic specialists in an attempt not to lose important information.
There are many issues that need to be solved. A few examples or proposals are
listed below.
1. Within every country, at least at a regional level, post‐mortem databases must
be created. All data must be conveyed into a single container. Such data should
not only be genetic but also anthropological and medico‐legal in general. In a
country such as Italy, this may be difficult since autopsies may be performed in
a different fashion depending on who performs them and why they are being
performed – if autopsies are performed at all.
2. This data must be shared among countries, or there should be a higher unit to
which all post‐mortem data are conveyed in order to compare it with incoming
ante‐mortem data.
3. The Italian experiments have proven that ante‐mortem data is possible to
obtain. There are several ways of doing this: in the countries of origin, in the
countries of transition, and in those of destination. In each of these cases the
collection can be done in a different manner depending on the situation: by the
State, by agreements with large NGOs (e.g. ICRC, such as in the case of Melilli)
or by academia, as in the case of Lampedusa.
4. Ideally, the same higher unit should be able to compare AM and PM data.
However, for many reasons this may not be possible; therefore solutions need
to be found in order to have those countries who have access to PM data gain
access to AM data also, and vice versa.
5. Data protection issues need to be solved. In many cases it is called for that data
should not enter law enforcement databases, and therefore privacy and protec-
tion are of paramount importance. However, these problems should be solved
with an open‐minded perspective in order not to hinder identification. Data‐
sharing policies may be different between governments and NGOs. Regardless,
c36.indd 568 11/26/2019 8:29:25 PM

common agreements on methods by which to exchange information need to

be devised so that data‐sharing can be done.
6. Financial issues are one of the main aspects. Both experimental projects over
the years experienced a lack of national and international governmental fund-
ing for the technical identification process. This aspect often depends on the
many legislative gaps for who is effectively responsible for acting in this sce-
nario. Despite this, LABANOF, being a University laboratory, has so far has
relied on a list of economic supports which are usually those that academia can
gain access to. Non‐governmental organizations and/or private foundations
are some examples of those agencies that offer and provide funds through
international and national grant calls. The goals achieved up to now are strictly
correlated to the economic resources provided by Fondazione Isacchi Samaja,
Terres des Hommes, Fondazione Cariplo, and the American Academy of
Forensic Sciences Humanitarian and Human Rights Resource Centre. It is cru-
cial to keep seeking funds to continue in this direction.
7. Scientific issues are not the least aspect, since it is essential to create research
projects completely built on these specific identification challenges; there is the
need to implement data on genetic and anthropological variability of the popu-
lations mostly involved in this phenomenon (sub‐Saharan Africa) in order to
facilitate the identification process.
Acknowledgements
We wish to thank the UCPS Office, in particular Dr Mario Papa, Dr Vittorio

Piscitelli, and Dr Adele Iannantuoni. Thanks also go to Fondazione Isacchi Samaia,
Terre des Hommes, Fondazione CARIPLO, and the American Academy of Forensic
Sciences Humanitarian and Human Rights Resource Centre, for their support.
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CHAPTER 37
Identification of human skeletal remains

at the Federal Bureau of Investigation
(FBI) Laboratory
Angi M. Christensen, Ann D. Fasano, Richard B. Marx, John E.B.
Stewart, Lisa G. Bailey and Richard M. Thomas
Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) Laboratory, Quantico, Virginia, USA
37.1 Introduction
The successful identification of human skeletal remains frequently involves a col-

laborative and multidisciplinary approach. The Federal Bureau of Investigation
(FBI) Laboratory, located in Quantico, VA, is a Division of the FBI’s Science and
Technology Branch, whose mission is to apply scientific capabilities and technical
services to the collection, processing and exploitation of evidence for the FBI and
other duly constituted law enforcement agencies in support of investigative and
intelligence priorities (FBI Laboratory Services, n.d.). As part of this mission, the
FBI Laboratory is frequently involved in the location, recovery, analysis and
identification of human skeletal remains. As one of the largest and most compre-
hensive forensic science laboratories in the world, the FBI Laboratory has the
advantage of employing qualified practitioners in many disciplines related to
human identification, working together within the same division. Here we review
the roles, protocols and workflow of four disciplines involved in the identification
of human skeletal remains at the FBI Laboratory: the detection, documentation,
and recovery of remains by Evidence Response Teams (ERTs); anthropological
examinations; DNA analysis; and facial approximation. The combination of a
shared mission, standard procedures, physical proximity and frequent communi-
cation results in an effective and efficient workflow that facilitates positive
outcomes.
571
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37.2 Search and recovery – FBI Evidence Response Teams
The FBI’s Evidence Response Team Unit (ERTU) was established in 1991 to oversee
the FBI’s crime scene and human remains recovery operations throughout the
United States. ERTU performs various managerial oversight functions and pro-
vides training, equipment, funding, forensic expertise and resources to the 56 FBI
field office Evidence Response Teams (ERTs). These highly specialized teams con-
duct searches, process crime scenes, recover human remains, and perform other
evidence recovery operations in support of federal, state, local, tribal and interna-
tional investigations. Each ERT member must complete a standard 80‐hour course
where they learn to locate, document, collect, and preserve physical evidence in
accordance with current FBI Laboratory standards and procedures.
Through investigative means and lawful authority (e.g. consent or warrants),
ERTs can search for suspected human remains deposition or burial sites. Search
techniques often include line searches (involving visual assessments for remains
or other clues such as vegetation or soil disturbances), cadaver canines, aerial
photography, metal detectors, and soil probes (Figure 37.1). In some cases, more
specialized approaches may be used, including drones, alternate light sources
(ALS), or thermal imaging. Once human remains are located and the scene
identified, the appropriate medico‐legal authority is notified, and the site is secured
and protected in preparation for documentation and recovery.
The ERT method for scene processing includes both standardized procedures for
scene operations, as well as standard team positions and responsibilities. This
method is consistently applied at any scene regardless of its size or the nature of
the evidence. The standard team positions are: Team Leader, Photographer,
Sketcher, Evidence Recorder, and Evidence Recovery Personnel. Depending on
the nature of the scene, other specialists may also comprise the team such as
Bomb Technicians, Anthropologists, or Hazardous Materials (Hazmat) Specialists.
Figure 37.1 FBI ERT conducting a visual and metal detector search for human remains
and associated evidence.
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Identification of skeletal remains at the FBI Laboratory 573
The ERT method incorporates a standardized 12‐step process that is utilized by all
ERT personnel during evidence recovery operations, which ensures uniformity
among the teams and a seamless integration of team members from different FBI
field offices for major operations. This process enables ERTs to process scenes in a
systematic, logical, comprehensive, safe and effective manner for all scene types,
including those involving hazardous materials, dangerous crime scene searches,
or human remains recoveries (Table 37.1).
In addition to the required 80‐hour Basic Crime Scene Course, ERT members
may also attend several advanced trainings to maintain and enhance their
knowledge and skills related to human remains recoveries. One of these advanced
training opportunities is held at the University of Tennessee Anthropological
Research Facility in Knoxville, Tennessee, and includes learning to locate, exca-
vate, and document human remains from clandestine graves, as well as locating
and documenting surface scattered skeletal remains (Figure 37.2). University and
guest lecturers include pathologists, anthropologists, entomologists, botanists and
odontologists who instruct ERT members in the proper procedures for processing
scenes that involve human remains. A practical exercise during the course gives
ERT members direct hands‐on experience in the location, excavation and map-
ping of real human remains. Additional advanced training is also provided by FBI
Laboratory Forensic Anthropologists and Visual Information Specialists in the
recovery and documentation of surface scattered and buried skeletal remains
using the 12‐step ERT process.
One of the strengths of the ERT program is the continuous support of the FBI
Laboratory examiners and experts who are available to provide expert guidance
and technical support. These experts provide technical input regarding
anthropology, firearms, photography, scene documentation, trace evidence, haz-
ardous materials, footwear impressions, DNA, and many other forensic fields.
Many ERTs also have members who have been specially trained to utilize digital
surveying equipment (Total Stations) to produce diagrams and document evi-
dence recovery operations (Figure 37.3). These regionally located Total Station
Teams can assist in providing accurate measurements over large distances with
geospatial reference points. This approach is especially useful for documenting
burials, scattered human remains, commingled remains, wreckage from vehicles,
or debris from post‐blast scenes. The Laboratory may also utilize laser scanning
and spherical photography to document large‐scale or complex scenes involving
post‐blast damage, shooting trajectories, and multiple locations.
Following the recovery of human skeletal remains, and in accordance with any
requirements of the local medico‐legal authority, the remains may be submitted
to the FBI Laboratory for forensic analysis. When ERTs locate and recover skeletal
remains, they are not required to submit them to the FBI Laboratory, and many
FBI field offices have working relationships with local forensic anthropologists or
laboratories to whom they may submit their skeletal evidence. In some cases, FBI
offices may send cases to the FBI Laboratory even when local resources are
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Table 37.1 FBI Evidence Response Team 12‐step process for evidence recovery
operations.
Step Key elements
1. Preparation Obtain authority for search

Assess safety and gear needs
Identify Team Leader
2. Approach scene Evaluate for safety hazards
Identify who has control of the scene
Determine investigative jurisdiction and ERT role
Receive a status briefing from on‐scene personnel
Take extensive notes on your observations
3. Secure and Establish a perimeter
protect scene Secure and protect the scene
Document scene personnel using a sign‐in log
4. Initiate Develop plan of action
preliminary Perform scene walkthrough
survey Identify and protect transient evidence
Define the scope of search area
Determine personnel and equipment needed
5. Develop Determine evidence types likely to be encountered
evidence Prioritize collection of transient or hazardous evidence
collection plan Consider and report actionable intelligence
6. Document Prepare required search documents
search activity Record events, items, and activities of significance
Review documentation and evidence packaging for consistency
7. Depict scene Photograph the scene completely
photographically Photograph evidence in original location, using long, medium,
close‐up views in original location
Document photographs in a log
8. Prepare diagram/ Complete sketch of the scene including perimeter and evidence
sketch items in detail to recreate the scene
Fully document evidence items before they are moved
9. Conduct detailed Search slowly and methodically
search Assign evidence ID markers, photograph and record evidence
locations on sketch prior to collection
10. Record and Ensure each item of evidence meets the criteria of the legal
collect physical authority
evidence Two people should view evidence in place
Collect controls when appropriate
Package, label, and seal each evidence item appropriately
Complete evidence log
11. Conduct final Conduct a final walkthrough of the scene and account for all
survey evidence
Ensure documentation is completed
Ensure all team members are satisfied that the search is complete
12. Release scene Ensure (where appropriate) a receipt for property and/or copies
of search warrants are provided
Secure the scene if necessary
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Figure 37.2 FBI ERT members receiving human remains recovery training at the
University of Tennessee’s Anthropological Research Facility in Knoxville, TN.
Figure 37.3 FBI ERT using a Total Station to document scattered skeletal remains.
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available, often because other evidence recovered in the case (latent prints, DNA,
or firearms, for example) will also be examined at the FBI Laboratory and work-
flow is therefore streamlined. All FBI Laboratory analyses are provided free of
charge, regardless of whether the contributor is FBI or non‐FBI.
37.3 Forensic anthropology
Forensic anthropological examinations are one of the newer services offered by

the FBI Laboratory. Prior to 2004, anthropological services were provided to the
FBI by the Smithsonian Institution’s National Museum of Natural History (NMNH)
in Washington, DC (Ubelaker, 2000). In 2004, the FBI Laboratory began a shift to
offering this service through in‐house forensic anthropologists, and as of 2006,
these examinations have been performed in the FBI Laboratory in Quantico, VA.
This shift has served to better integrate anthropological analyses into the FBI
Laboratory workflow process, and allows greater oversight into the practices
and quality assurance measures used. Anthropological examinations performed
include the determination of skeletal versus non‐skeletal origin, human versus
nonhuman origin, biological profile estimation, skeletal trauma analysis,
identification comparison, as well as several other specialized examinations.
The FBI Laboratory can accept anthropological evidence from any law enforce-
ment or medico‐legal office requesting assistance, and many cases are therefore
received from non‐FBI contributors. These cases are often submitted due to lack
of access to a local forensic anthropologist. Nearly half of the anthropology cases
received for examination are submitted by FBI field offices, while slightly more
than half are submitted by state and local agencies including local police or sher-
iff’s offices, medical examiner’s offices, as well as other federal and international
agencies. Some skeletal remains cases are referred to the FBI Laboratory because
of specialized analyses that are not available in other forensic anthropology
laboratories, such as X‐ray fluorescence spectrometry (XRF), bone histomorphology,
and high resolution computed tomography (CT) scanning.
The first step in the anthropological analysis is typically triage and communica-
tion with the contributor regarding what type of evidence is being submitted and
what types of anthropological examinations are needed. It is sometimes first
necessary to determine whether the material is medico‐legally significant
(i.e. whether it is skeletal in origin, human in origin, and recent in origin).
A recent review of FBI forensic anthropology cases found that between 2013 and
2017, around 64% of cases submitted were human remains, while 26% were
nonhuman, 7% were of undetermined skeletal origin, and 5% were non‐skeletal
in origin (Christensen and Pokines, 2019, in press). The determination of skeletal
or non‐skeletal origin is often already determined by the contributor, or is readily
apparent upon receipt. In more challenging cases, however, such as very small
questioned material fragments, techniques such as XRF can be used to determine
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Ca
Ca
0.00 keV 1.28 keV 2.56 keV 3.84 keV 5.12 keV 6.40 keV 7.68 keV 8.96 keV 10.24 keV
Figure 37.4 XRF spectrum of a suspected bone fragment submitted to the FBI Laboratory.
The “P” line indicates where the phosphorus peak would appear (in addition to the
calcium peak) for a sample consisting of skeletal tissue; its absence indicates that this
material is non‐skeletal in origin (in this case, a likely sea‐shell fragment).
the elemental composition of the material, which can aid in concluding whether
the material is skeletal or non‐skeletal in origin (Christensen et al., 2012; Ubelaker
et al., 2002) (Figure 37.4).
The human or nonhuman origin of skeletal remains can often be quickly deter-
mined by visual examination. In cases of small bone fragments, the origin may be
clarified using bone histomorphology, with humans presenting osteonal bone
microstructure, and many nonhuman animals presenting plexiform bone micro-
structure (Mulhern and Ubelaker, 2012). In order to assist in visual and histomor-
phological assessments, the FBI Laboratory maintains a Non‐Human Skeletal
Collection, with each specimen also having associated bone histology slides, which
can be used for comparative purposes in casework (Figure 37.5).
Most cases received for forensic anthropological analysis by the FBI Laboratory
are human skeletal remains. While some cases involve remains that have already
been identified (often submitted for skeletal trauma analysis), many are uniden-
tified remains that are submitted for assistance with identification. Anthropological
analyses to facilitate identification include estimation of the biological profile
(sex, age, ancestry and stature), recognition of skeletal features that may further
narrow the search for possible missing persons, comparison of skeletal remains
with known ante‐mortem records, and assessment of facial and cranial features to
facilitate facial approximation. All analyses are performed in accordance with FBI
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Figure 37.5 Selected crania from the FBI Laboratory’s Non‐Human Skeletal Collection
(left), and a histological sample of a sheep from the collection (right). (Left photograph
courtesy of Kevin Brown, FBI Laboratory.)
Laboratory quality assurance practices and standard operating procedures (FBI

Laboratory Quality System Documents, n.d.), as well as following methods
promulgated by the Anthropology Subcommittee of the Organization of Scientific
Area Committees (OSAC, n.d.).
Sex estimation preferentially involves assessment of pelvic traits (e.g. Klales
et al., 2012) and metric analysis of post‐cranial bones (e.g. Spradley and Jantz,
2011, Jantz and Ousley, 2005) when possible. Age estimation methods include
dental and skeletal development for subadult remains (e.g. AlQahtani et al., 2010,
Blankenship et al. 2007, Scheuer and Black, 2000), and degenerative changes,
usually of the pelvis and ribs, in adults (e.g. Hartnett, 2010a, 2010b). Ancestry
estimation is typically performed using Fordisc (Jantz and Ousley, 2005) when
possible, as well as assessment of morphoscopic traits (e.g. Hefner, 2009; Hefner
and Ousley, 2014). Stature estimation is usually performed using Fordisc software
(Jantz and Ousley, 2005). Biological profile estimation may also involve other
methods that have been validated and published in peer‐reviewed literature,
depending on the material and features present in any particular case. Unidentified
skeletal remains are also assessed for any skeletal anomalies that may further
narrow the search for potential missing persons, including ante‐mortem fractures,
skeletal pathologies, skeletal anomalies, or normal individual variation.
The FBI Laboratory is one of few forensic laboratories that routinely uses post‐
mortem CT scanning of skeletal remains. CT scanning can be used in the estimation
of the biological profile, trauma analysis, taphonomic evaluation, identification
comparison and skeletal measurement (Christensen et al., 2018). CT scans can
also reveal features and structures that may not be otherwise be visible
(Figure 37.6), which can be useful for forensic identification purposes. In some
cases, CT scanning even has diagnostic or academic value for specimens in the
FBI’s Non‐Human Skeletal Collection (Figure 37.7). CT scans can be performed in
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Figure 37.6 A CT scan of this skull revealed a supernumerary tooth located within the
palate (right); dental and skeletal anomalies such as this can be used to support a
personal identification if suitable ante‐mortem records are located for comparison.
Figure 37.7 CT scan of a bearded dragon (“Mel”) from the FBI Laboratory’s Non‐Human
Skeletal Collection; in addition to documenting the skeleton as a forensic reference, the
scan also revealed several skeletal anomalies possibly related to a metabolic bone
disorder.(Specimen courtesy of Suzie Webb.)
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conjunction with other anthropological analyses, or as an isolated request to assist

medical examiners or other forensic anthropologists who may not otherwise have
access to the technology.
For identification comparisons, ante‐mortem medical or dental records are
obtained and submitted by the contributing agency, which can then be compared
with post‐mortem records created at the FBI Laboratory. In one case example,
skeletal remains were uncovered by loggers who inadvertently ran over a t arpaulin
containing human bones. The remains were tentatively identified as a homicide
victim who lacked relatives suitable for DNA comparisons, but the individual had
had an ante‐mortem clinical head CT scan several years prior. A post‐mortem CT
scan was created at the FBI Laboratory and compared with the ante‐mortem
clinical record. The agreement of the features, including the configuration of the
frontal sinus (with no unexplainable differences), meant that the individual could
not be excluded as the source of the skeletal remains (Figure 37.8). Several other
skeletal anomalies, including ante‐mortem fractures, degenerative joint disease
and arthritis, further supported a correct identification.
FBI forensic anthropologists are also involved in the process of facial approxi-
mation (to be discussed in more detail in a later section). In addition to estimating
biological information relevant to the approximation (such as sex, age and
ancestry), anthropologists also call attention to features of the facial and cranial
skeleton that may be useful for the artist to consider for the facial approximation.
Such features can include facial trauma that may affect soft tissue features (such
as broken nasal bones that may have affected the projection of the nose), features
whose accentuation may facilitate recognition (such as prominent features like
Figure 37.8 Comparison of ante‐mortem (left) and post‐mortem (right) CT scans; the
configuration of the frontal sinus along with several other shared features supports a
correct identification.
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very wide interorbital distances or facial asymmetry), or the identification of

whether tooth losses (particularly of anterior teeth) were ante‐mortem or post‐
mortem, which may affect whether teeth are displayed in the approximation.
37.4 DNA analysis
In 2000, the FBI Laboratory developed the National Missing Person DNA Database
(NMPDD) program for the identification of missing and unidentified persons
(Stewart et al., 2011). The DNA Casework Unit at the FBI Laboratory assists with
the identification of unidentified human remains (UHR) by processing samples
from anthropologists that have not been identified by osteological and dental
examination methods. DNA is extracted from skeletal samples by cleaning and
neutralizing potential DNA contaminants and inhibitors from taphonomic
processes by mechanical and chemical methods. A few grams of skeletal material
are powdered by a freezer mill impactor that is housed in a cryogenic bath that
embrittles the sample and prevents thermal degradation of the DNA (Figure 37.9).
The pulverized sample is immersed into buffered aqueous solutions that decalcify
and inhibit DNA degradation (Lorielle et al., 2007). A succession of liquid handling
steps, washes, and concentration steps produces an isolated and concentrated
DNA product. The DNA is quantitated and diluted to obtain the optimal DNA
concentration for amplification.
DNA typing strategies are based on the sex of the UHR. The sex of the UHR can
be determined by gross morphology (i.e. anthropologically) or by amelogenin
results from DNA analysis. Most UHR are typed for nuclear DNA autosomal short
tandem repeats (STRs) and maternally inherited mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA)
profiles. Male UHR may also be typed for Y chromosome short tandem repeats
(Y‐STRs) to determine paternal DNA markers. The UHR DNA profile can be
Figure 37.9 A freezer mill vial set (cylinder, end plugs and impactor) with resulting
powdered bone.
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directly compared with the DNA profile of a known sample that was obtained
from the missing individual or from close biological relatives. Biological relatives
will require kinship analysis to determine the strength of proposed familial rela-
tionships between the DNA profiles of the biological relatives of missing persons
and the UHR. The FBI uses the KIn CALc program, developed at the California
Department of Justice, to estimate statistical support (Steven P. Myers, California
Department of Justice). UHR that are not processed in parallel with reference
samples, are only partial UHR, and/or have been excluded as the individual of
interest, have their DNA profiles placed into the NMPDD within the Combined
DNA Index System (CODIS).
The FBI administers the NMPDD as part of the National DNA Index System
(NDIS). The NMPDD compares DNA records stored in the Missing Person, Relatives
of Missing Person, and Unidentified Human Remains Indexes of NDIS. At NDIS,
the UHR index is also compared against the Convicted Offender Index, which
includes detainees and arrestees. There have been numerous CODIS associations
between the UHR Index and the Convicted Offender Index. The FBI processes and
enters missing person‐related DNA profiles into CODIS at no cost to the submit-
ting agencies. It should be noted that the DNA information is released only to
criminal justice agencies for UHR identification purposes and for comparison with
DNA profiles related to the disappearance of individuals indexed in the missing
person database. The DNA profiles obtained from the Family Reference Samples
are only searched against the DNA profiles from UHR stored at NDIS. Once the
samples have been genetically typed, the DNA profiles are entered into the CODIS
software for uploading into the Local and/or State DNA Index System (LDIS and
SDIS, respectively). DNA profiles in SDIS are searched at the state level. DNA
profiles that meet the minimum requirements of the NDIS are searched nationally
(www.fbi.gov).
Sufficient DNA data from both the UHR and the relatives of the missing person
are needed to produce a statistically significant database association involving
DNA profiles in a missing person case. In order to maximize the potential for such
associations, as much genetic information as possible is requested and obtained in
a missing person case investigation. Genetic information in the form of genetic
profiles from multiple relatives, especially first‐degree relatives such as a parent,
child and siblings, are requested. In some investigations, first‐degree relatives are
not available or willing to donate samples; in these instances, second‐degree rela-
tives (aunts, uncles, half‐siblings, and grandparents) or third‐degree relatives
(great‐grandchildren, great‐grandparents, and first cousins) would be considered.
Additionally, if offspring of the missing person are collected, attempts should be
made to collect the offspring’s other parent. All family members must be willing
to submit their sample voluntarily for testing and complete the Consent and
Information Form (FD‐935), which is available by contacting the FBI Laboratory’s
DNA Casework Unit. The FBI Laboratory will determine which samples are
analysed and stored on the database to provide a robust pedigree tree.
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Mitochondrial DNA analysis is performed on at least one maternal relative for

all missing person cases, regardless of sex. At the FBI Laboratory, STR and mtDNA
analyses are attempted on all UHR. Y‐STR analysis is also attempted on male
remains. STR, mtDNA, and Y‐STR (males) data are entered into the missing person
indexes of CODIS. Enhancements to kinship analysis for missing person data and
mass disaster events were made during the development of the upgraded CODIS
software that was implemented in 2008. The enhancements allow profiles from
relatives of missing persons to be combined into pedigree trees for a more thor-
ough genetic analysis. A pedigree tree for the missing persons‐related DNA record
is strongly encouraged. A pedigree tree is a graphical representation of the rela-
tionship of the missing person with their relatives (Figure 37.10). The more robust
pedigree trees have at least one relative that is a biological mother, biological
father, or biological child of the missing person. Metadata for non‐genetic
information such as date of last contact, date of recovery, age, or sex, is captured
by the Consent and Information Form which aids in the identification process.
The evaluation of multiple DNA technologies assists in the reconstruction of
maternal and paternal lineages. The use of multiple types of DNA testing and the
collection of non‐genetic metadata by CODIS has proven to be successful on both
the national and international levels by assisting in missing person and disaster
victim identification (DVI) events.
At the FBI Laboratory, a small portion of each sample is stored for archival pur-
poses for potential additional testing, while the remainder of the sample is returned
to the contributor. Contributors receive written notification of a CODIS association
or hit. Once a potential association is found, the results are provided to the
contributors who submit the samples. Only the designated medico‐legal authority
can declare the identity through the issuance of a death certificate.
Figure 37.10 A pedigree of a missing male with both parents. The circles represent
females, the squares represent males. The square with the question mark represents the
missing male without known genetic information. The small blue circle in the mother
notes that her maternally inherited mitochondrial DNA profile is known, while the small
yellow triangle notes the father’s paternally inherited Y‐STR DNA profile is known. The
small red squares for the mother and the father denotes that the STR DNA profile is
known for each.
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Despite these efforts, when limited genetic information is available, associations

may not be possible through database searches. Circumstances that may prevent
a database association from occurring can be because the minimum required DNA
data has not been uploaded to NMPDD/NDIS, insufficient DNA results were
obtained from the human remains, the resulting DNA data contains a mtDNA or
Y‐STR haplotype that is relatively common in the relevant population, the first‐
degree relatives are not available, or there is diminished STR allele‐sharing
between the available relatives and the remains.
Through a combination of increased federal funding and expanded database
laws, the number of profiles in NDIS continues to increase dramatically.
Additionally, the need for missing persons and DVI capabilities continues to grow.
With these needs in mind, the FBI is developing the next generation of CODIS to
be a user‐friendly, multifunctional software program capable of efficiently
processing large databases. The software provides enhanced kinship analysis tools
for missing person cases, utilizing not only STR, Y‐STR, and mtDNA information,
but also capturing metadata information to assist in identification efforts.
Most of the missing person CODIS cold hits are between UHR and convicted
offenders. In September 2014, a fisherman on the pier at Kure Beach, North
Carolina, recovered a partial innominate when it became hooked on his fishing
line. The bone was turned over to the Kure Beach Police Department, NC. An
anthropological examination determined it came from a young adult male aged
24 to 30 years. In 2009, an 18‐year‐old male was reported missing from the
Carolina Beach area, which is approximately two miles north of the pier. In
January 2015, the bone and a known sample from the mother of the missing
swimmer were submitted to the FBI Laboratory. The DNA Casework Unit devel-
oped a DNA profile from the bone, and a comparison with the DNA profile from
the mother demonstrated that the bone was excluded as part of remains from the
2009 missing male. The DNA profile from the bone was entered into the UHR
index of CODIS in July 2015. In August 2015, a CODIS hit was returned between
the bone and a convicted offender sample that had been DNA typed by the South
Carolina Law Enforcement Division Forensic Services Laboratory. The offender
from South Carolina was swimming in the ocean at Carolina Beach in May 2014
when he was caught in a rip current. Lifeguards noticed that the swimmer was in
distress and were on their way to rescue him when he disappeared. An extensive
search involving lifeguards, rescue boats and a helicopter was conducted, but the
swimmer’s body was not recovered (StarNewsOnline, 2014). The FBI issued a
report on the CODIS hit in September 2015.
37.5 Facial approximation
Facial approximation (sometimes referred to as facial reconstruction or skull

reconstruction) is the practice of estimating the facial soft tissue features of an
individual based on the underlying skull structures, with the goal of capturing
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Figure 37.11 Resin skull replica being printed on a 3D printer; this replica will be used to
sculpt the facial approximation in place of the real skull.
public attention to see whether anyone recognizes the approximation as possibly

belonging to a missing person they know. It is best practiced as a combination of
scientific (usually anthropological and sometimes DNA) analysis as well as artistic
skill, and is often used as a last resort after other scientific and investigative leads
have been exhausted.
Various methods can be used to create facial approximations, including sketches,
clay sculptures, and computer‐assisted digital sculptures. Digital sculpting is
becoming more widely used by forensic artists generally, and has some advan-
tages including reduced cost and storage. Digital sculpting methods may be
integrated as a standard option at the FBI Laboratory in the future, but clay sculp-
ture currently remains the primary approach. Advantages of clay sculpture include
the ease with which artists can make adjustments to the approximation, and the
ability to present the customer with an actual 3D model to be used in newscasts
and other media events to help generate public attention.
Historically (and even currently in some jurisdictions) clay facial approxima-
tions were sculpted directly on the bony skull. At the FBI Laboratory, facial
approximations are now sculpted on a 3D replica, usually a resin print
(Figure 37.11). This approach protects the integrity of the evidentiary skull, and
allows the artist to continually refer to the skull throughout the sculpting process.
This method also allows any missing skeletal information on one side of the face
(due to, for example, trauma or taphonomy) to be reflected on the other side as
part of the 3D replica if necessary. In order to print the resin model, a 3D scan of
the skull is needed. This can be created using either 3D surface scanning or a CT
scanner. If a customer requesting a facial approximation has a 3D scan of a skull,
this can even be submitted to the FBI Laboratory in place of the actual skull.
Facial approximations are sculpted in one neutral, monochromatic shade
(Figure 37.12) versus the use of colored eyes, skin, hair, or other characteristics.
This approach avoids influencing the viewer with regard to features that cannot
be directly interpreted from the skeletal evidence. Forensic facial approximation
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Figure 37.12 Completed facial approximation, consisting of clay sculpture over resin skull
replica; the use of one neutral shade keeps the viewer focused on features that are
directly supported by the skeletal evidence.
differs in this regard from representations of deceased historical figures, which

allow for more artistic latitude. In forensic cases, a potential identification can be
missed if a sculpture is shown with a particular hair color or skin tone, which
might cause it to be discounted by a viewer because the missing person they are
searching for had different features. While the use of colored features and wigs
might make the sculpture more impressive aesthetically, avoiding them serves to
keep the viewers focused directly on features that are supported by the skeletal
evidence.
Before starting the approximation, the anthropology report is consulted by the
forensic artist. This report may have been generated by an FBI forensic
anthropologist, or by an external anthropologist, and will be used to derive
information regarding the estimated age, sex, and ancestry of the individual to be
depicted. As described above, the FBI anthropology report also notes specific fea-
tures of the skull that should be captured in the sculpture, such as a broken nose,
ante‐mortem tooth loss, or facial asymmetry. Tissue depth markers are attached to
the replica, which are based on the estimated biological profile and known tissue
depths at various skeletal landmarks (Parks et al., 2014). The sculpture is then
worked from general to specific by roughing in the features first, and continuing
to a more detailed finish as the sculpture progresses.
The eyes are often placed and sculpted first. Prosthetic eyes measuring 25 mm
are used, representing the human average, which shows little variation by sex or
ancestry (Bekerman et al., 2014). The prosthetic eye is positioned about 1.5 mm
superior and 2.5 mm lateral to the center of the orbit in the anterior view, and
approximately 16 mm from the deepest point of the lateral orbital margin to the
anterior point of the corneal apex in the lateral view (Stephan et al., 2009)
(Figure 37.13). Thin strips of clay are shaped around the prosthetic eye to depict
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Figure 37.13 Positioning of the prosthetic eye within the orbit of the skull; from the
anterior view, the eye is positioned superior and lateral to the center of the orbit;
from the lateral view, the corneal apex is positioned 16 mm anterior to the lateral
orbital margin.
eyelids, and clay is added to fill in the orbit and secure the eye in place. The sur-
rounding soft tissues may be filled in at this point, and the epicanthic fold sculpted
(which may be hooded, round, or almond‐shaped). Eyebrows will generally
follow the shape of the eye orbit, beginning just under the edge of the bone
towards the center of the face, and arching slightly superiorly and laterally.
The nose is sculpted next, as the surrounding tissue will be merged into the
tissue of the outer eye area and brow line. The width of the nasal aperture is about
three‐fifths of the overall width of the nose (Gerasimov, 1968, 1971), and the
superior aspects of the nasal alae generally correspond with the medial projections
of the nasal conchae (Rynn et al., 2010) (Figure 37.14). The projection of the nose
is determined by the anterior nasal spine, the bony projection at the base of the
nasal aperture (Figure 37.15). A nasal spine that points downward would indicate
a downward‐turned nose, an upward spine would result in an upturned nose,
and a straight nasal spine would indicate a straight nose (Angel, 1978). The profile
of the nose approximately mirrors the shape of the nasal aperture, with
consideration for any asymmetry of the nasal bones (Prokopec and Ubelaker,
2002). It is not uncommon in forensic cases for the anterior nasal spine and
portions of the nasal bones to be damaged or absent due to taphonomic processes.
In these cases, an average nose is sculpted that is in harmony with the overall
proportions of the face.
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Figure 37.14 Determination of nose width based on nasal aperture width; the nasal
aperture is approximately three‐fifths of the total width of the nose.
Figure 37.15 Relationship of the projection of the anterior nasal spine to nose direction.
Lips are more subjective features to depict since there are no skeletal features
that indicate their thickness and shape. Generally, age and ancestry are considered;
for example, the lips of an older European male would be depicted as thin, while
those of a 20‐year‐old African female will be fuller. The parting line of the lips is
typically slightly above the bottom of the upper teeth (Angel, 1978), and the space
between the first and second molar can be used as a guide in determining the
c37.indd 588 11/26/2019 8:32:12 PM

width of the mouth (Gerasimov, 1968, 1971). The mouth is usually displayed
closed in a facial approximation, but the lips may be parted or slightly smiling if
there are any features of the anterior teeth that may facilitate recognition and
identification such as crooked teeth, gaps, or dental restorations. The shape and
fullness of the cheeks are suggested by the structure of the zygomatic bones and
the upper portion of the maxilla (Figure 37.16).
Hair is sculpted in a simple style, appropriate for the age and sex of the individual.
For men, this is usually a short generic haircut; for women, a soft hairstyle away
from the face. This allows the viewer to focus on the features and proportions
of the face, rather than portraying an intricate hairstyle that could mislead or
dissuade an association with the missing individual.
Facial approximations typically take about 30–40 hours of working time, usually
over several days to several weeks. Once sculpted, the facial approximation
is reviewed along with the original skull by both the artist and anthropologist,
and is only considered final when approved by both. The entire process, including
Figure 37.16 Skull and donor subject with broad, thick zygomatic bones and a flattened,
slightly convex upper maxilla which corresponds to full, robust cheeks (top); skull and
donor subject with thin zygomatic bones and convex upper maxilla which corresponds to
flattened cheeks and “double” nasolabial fold that deepens with age (bottom).
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scanning and printing of the replica and photography of the final sculpture, typi-
cally takes about 90 days. The standard practice is to provide high‐resolution
images of the sculpture to the contributor for media distribution and inclusion in
databases of unidentified remains such as NaMUS (n.d.) or the Doe Network
(n.d.). The actual clay sculpture can also be provided upon request.
37.6 Additional efforts
For cases involving remains that continue to be unidentified after forensic exam-
inations have been completed, the FBI Laboratory compiles and formats investi-
gative information and forensic examination results in an effort to assist
contributors with creating or updating nationwide database records. This
information can be forwarded, with contributor permission, to FBI Laboratory
partners who administer these databases, including: (1) the FBI National Crime
Information Center (NCIC), which manages a database utilized by law enforce-
ment entities of both missing persons and unidentified remains cases (NCIC, n.d.);
(2) the National Missing and Unidentified Persons System (NaMUS), which
supports medical examiner and coroner agencies in the identification of human
remains, and includes a public interface to assist with case investigation (NaMUS,
n.d.); and (3) the FBI Violent Criminal Apprehension Program (ViCAP), which
serves as the national repository for violent crime information and enables law
enforcement agencies to collect, collate, enter and analyse their own violent crime
information on a local level, and facilitates the identification of similar cases on a
regional, state and national basis (ViCAP, n.d.). In addition, internal and external
case records are tracked, and if an identification occurs in one system, this
information is sent to other database administrators to allow the purging of records
or to assist further criminal investigation.
37.7 Conclusion
The FBI Laboratory has a number of resources that can be used to help identify
human skeletal remains. These resources are available to all law enforcement
agencies and medico‐legal offices, regardless of whether or not a crime is sus-
pected, from the ERTs that search for and document the collection of remains to
the laboratory personnel who exploit the remains scientifically, artistically and
investigatively. These resources are all located within a single laboratory employ-
ing standard operation procedures, which helps to streamline evidence processing
and facilitates communication between investigators and analysts. This multidis-
ciplinary and collaborative approach has resulted in the identification of numerous
human skeletal remains by the FBI Laboratory.
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47, 940–943.
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CHAPTER 38
Forensic human identification:

An Australian perspective
Soren Blau
Victorian Institute of Forensic Medicine/Department of Forensic Medicine, Monash University, Melbourne,
Australia
38.1 Introduction
Australia is a large continent with a total land area of 7.6 million km2, but with a
relatively small population of 24.7 million people1 (Worldometers, 2018).
Indigenous Australians are the original inhabitants of the continent, with British
colonization, sometimes referred to as invasion (Reynolds, 2006), occurring in
1788. This was followed by the establishment of a penal colony for British crimi-
nals, and there was accompanying settlement of the land mainly by Europeans.
Despite controversy about killings and massacres of indigenous people that
occurred at the time of colonization and subsequently (Harris, 2003; Reynolds,
2001; Foster et al., 2001), compared with other countries with violent pasts, there
has been relatively little forensic investigation into such atrocities (cf. Smith et al.,
2017). However, forensic human identification is practiced in a range of contexts
in Australia, including long‐term missing persons, war dead, following disasters,
and individuals of historic interest.
38.2 Identification contexts
38.2.1 Long‐term missing persons

Each year over 38,000 people are reported missing to police in Australia (Australian
Federal Police, 2018). While the majority of missing persons are found within a
relatively short period of time (that is, within the first week of being reported
missing), there remain more than 2600 long‐term missing persons in Australia
As of October 2018.
1
593
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who have been missing for more than three months (Australian Federal Police,
2018). Searches for missing persons vary depending upon the individual case.
As with any police investigation, each case is assessed and prioritized according to
circumstances. It has been shown in Australia, for example, that initial reports of
missing white, healthy, and financially stable males are given a low priority
(Warrington, 2012) compared with a celebrity or someone of high social standing
such as a politician (Bartelink, 2018).
While police receive reports about missing persons, those who receive uniden-
tified human remains are government forensic science and medicine service pro-
viders, which in Australia are either located under Departments of Justice or
Departments of Health. The actual number of unidentified human remains in
each state and territory is unknown (e.g. Hartman et al., 2015) predominantly
because of the different levels of investigation and recording of unidentified
remains within coronial jurisdictions (Carrington, 2006). There are regular media
reports of human remains being found in different locations across Australia
(Paul, 2012; ABC, 2009, 2012, 2014, 2017). Some states report managing over
200 cases of unidentified human remains per year (Gulson et al., 1997), with
more than 500 nationally (Ward, 2017).
In many cases, the missing persons investigation initially involves attempts to
locate the physical body where death is suspected. Ideally the search stage of the
investigation involves a forensic archaeologist and/or anthropologist. There are
currently no permanently employed forensic archaeologists (as opposed to
forensic anthropologists) in Australia. However, practitioners with relevant
forensic archaeological skills are employed as either forensic anthropologists or
consultants on an ad hoc basis to assist in cases of locating long‐term missing
persons (Blau and Sterenberg, 2015a).
38.2.2 Individuals missing following war

By the end of the First World War, among the 45,000 Australian dead on the
Western Front alone, there were many thousands whose whereabouts were
unknown. In 1919 the Australian Graves Services (AGS) was established to
attempt to locate and recover the bodies of fallen soldiers. While identification
tags worn by the soldiers were often investigated to establish identification, in
some cases the tags of fallen soldiers were taken by other soldiers who intended
to pass them on to relatives back home. Unfortunately, these soldiers were often
subsequently killed, meaning there were men with two, or sometimes three or
four sets of tags located on them. There were also cases of fraud where individuals
in the AGS claimed to be able to readily find and identify bodies for sums of
money (Van Velzen, 2018).
The Australia Army now has a dedicated unit called the Unrecovered War
Casualties‐Army (UWC‐A), which is specifically responsible for finding, recovering
and identifying Australian servicemen and women who remain unaccounted
for (missing or presumed deceased) from all past conflicts with Australian
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Forensic human identification: An Australian perspective 595
involvement, which includes the First and Second World Wars, the Korean War
and the Vietnam War. The UWC‐A includes a forensic anthropologist (Contact,
2017) and has undertaken work including the investigation of those individuals
from the 60,000 who lost their lives during the First World War and still have no
known grave. Specific projects have included investigations undertaken in
Belgium where 140 Australian soldiers remain unrecovered. Work has focused on
the possible grave site of 86 Australian soldiers killed at the Battle of Messines
(Australian Army, 2018b).
The Australian Government liaised with the Commonwealth War Grave
Commission (CWGC) to undertake investigations in Fromelles, France. The Battle
of Fromelles (19–20 July 1916) has been described as one of the worst days in
Australia’s military history, with over 5500 Australian soldiers killed, wounded or
taken prisoner (Wessling, 2018). Many who were killed remain unaccounted for.
Work undertaken between 2007 and 2014 aimed to investigate surface anomalies
believed to contain the remains of Australian and British soldiers (Loe et al.,
2014). One pit contained the remains of 250 individuals. Of the 144 individuals
who have to date been identified (Cox et al., 2016), 20 were Australian (Australian
Army, 2016a).
The UWC‐A has also undertaken projects in relation to the Pacific region and
Papua–New Guinea (where over 2000 Australian servicemen remain unac-
counted for); the Korean War (1950–1953), where 42 Australian servicemen
remain unaccounted for; and the Vietnam War (1955–1975), where six positive
identifications have been achieved. There are now no Australian servicemen
missing in Vietnam (Australian Army, 2018a). While the focus of the UWC‐A is
on unaccounted Australians, they have also assisted the Papua–New Guinea
Defence Force in identifying soldiers from that nation who were killed in
Bougainville during the unrest in 1997 (Australian Army, 2016b).
38.2.3 Disaster victim identification

Australia has adopted Interpol guidelines for disaster victim identification (DVI)
and implemented these in numerous national disasters. In addition to traditional
forms of identification including odontology (Taylor, 2009) and DNA (Hartman
et al., 2011), the role of anthropology (Blau and Briggs, 2010), and the value of
technology such as computed tomography (CT) has been demonstrated in both
small (Blau, Robertson, and Johnston, 2008) and large Australian disasters
(O’Donnell et al., 2011). Australia has also provided training in the principles and
practical procedures of DVI internationally, including in Indonesia, Sri Lanka,
Singapore, East Timor, Fiji and South Africa, as well as assisted in DVI following
disasters in Indonesia, Thailand, Papua New Guinea and the Democratic Republic
of Congo.
Following the 2004 Boxing Day tsunami, which resulted in the deaths of over
226,000 people (Pickrell, 2005), there was increasing recognition by the interna-
tional community that Interpol DVI standards are often impractical to apply in
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cases of large‐scale disasters which typically result in the deaths of tens to hun-
dreds of thousands of people (De Boer et al., 2018). Consequently, the need to
appropriately manage large numbers of dead bodies is vital in order to ensure any
future possibility of identification. Based on recommendations provided by the
International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) (Cordner et al., 2016), Australia
is also involved in delivering training in dead body management to potential first‐
responders in countries across the Asia‐Pacific region.
38.2.4 Historical figures

Many countries have invested time and resources in identifying prominent/
famous historical figures, for example, King Richard III (UK) (King et al., 2014);
the author Miguel de Cervantes2 (Spain) (Dvorsky, 2015); the German Schutzstaffel
(SS) officer and physician Dr Josef Mengele (Jeffreys et al., 1992; Joyce and
Stover, 1991; Keenan and Weizman, 2012); the astronomer Nicolaus Copernicus
(Poland) (Bogdanowicz et al., 2009), and the outlaw Jesse James (USA) (Stone
et al., 2001). Similarly, in Australia a project involving a multidisciplinary investi-
gation and collaboration between Australian and Argentine experts positively
identified the remains of the outlaw (“bushranger”) Edward (Ned) Kelly (Blau
et al., 2014). The politics associated with human identification is aptly highlighted
in the Australian context through the financial investment and social fascination
in the identification of Ned Kelly (Cormick, 2014) compared with, for example,
missing persons in general or investigation of some of the darker aspects of
Australia’s past. Such issues are not, however, unique to Australia, with an appar-
ently universal situation where political factors clearly drive decisions about who
should and should not be identified after death (Blau, 2016a).
38.3 Ante‐ and post‐mortem data
Missing persons and unidentified remains investigations are necessarily collabora-

tive between stakeholders, including police and forensic medical experts. The
effective investigation of missing persons cases relies on effective communication
between these stakeholders in order to ensure the coordinated and systematic
comparison of ante‐ and post‐mortem information. In Australia, the collection of
ante‐mortem information is undertaken by the police and may include details
about the circumstances of the disappearance, such as the location, time, date,
what the person was wearing or carrying (Davis et al., 2014), and the biological
data relating to the missing person: ancestry, sex, age, stature, and health and
dental status.
Miguel de Cervantes was the author of Don Quixote, which was published in 1616.
2
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38.3.1 Fingerprint records

Many countries require citizens to have fingerprint records for government
employees, and/or identity cards, or collect fingerprints from foreign visitors upon
entry. However, in Australia, fingerprints are only obtained from an individual if
the person is charged with a crime or if they require a police record check (for
example, when applying for a licence for specific firearms). Further, fingerprint
data are required to be destroyed by law if a person is not charged within six
months of being interviewed and having fingerprints taken, or if a person is
charged and then found not guilty. Thus, even if the hands of the deceased are
well preserved and could be printed, there is no guarantee in Australia that ante‐
mortem fingerprint records will exist.
38.3.2 Dental records

Dental practitioners are required to retain dental records for at least seen years
from the last time the patient visited the practitioner. Assuming that the missing
person did actually attend a dentist, the limited time period required to retain
records may affect the utility of dentition in a long‐term missing persons case,
unless the dental information is sourced around the time that the missing persons
report is filed. However, there is no systematic collection of dental records under
these circumstances in Australia.
38.3.3 DNA information

In situations where the individual is heavily decomposed or fully skeletonized,
and there is no evidence of dental restorations or no ante‐mortem dental records,
DNA analysis may be the obvious choice for identification. In such cases the
appropriate family member has to be located by the investigating police member
and consent to provide a family reference DNA sample for identification purposes.
The sample is typically a buccal swab; however, direct comparison may be possible
if a neonatal screening card (previously known as a “Guthrie card”3) can be
located. Since 1965, every newborn baby in Australia has the opportunity to
undergo newborn screening to identify those at risk of rare, but serious, medical
conditions. The process involves pricking the baby’s heel and obtaining a few
drops of blood on filter paper. The screening card is stored in a laboratory for two
years, after which the cards are securely stored indefinitely (Bowman and
Studdert, 2011).
Some Australian states have developed their own missing persons DNA
databases (Hartman et al., 2015). In addition to serving as a repository for ante‐
and post‐mortem nuclear and mitochondrial DNA prolife information, such
databases enable the comparison of DNA profiles obtained from the deceased
3
The technique involving the neonatal heel prick is named after Robert Guthrie, an American bacteriologist and
physician who devised the test in 1962.
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individual (post‐mortem samples) with family reference DNA profiles (ante‐

mortem samples). Such screening allows for direct or kinship matches that could
provide an investigative lead (Hartman et al., 2015).
With the increased movement of people nationally (and internationally),
Australian forensic medical practitioners and scientists recognize the need for a
nationally coordinated DNA database (Ward, 2017). The framework and infra-
structure for a national DNA database currently exists in the form of the National
Criminal Investigation DNA Database ‐ Integrated Forensic Analyses (NCIDD‐
IFA), which has been designed as the central depository for the reconciliation of
DNA information for unidentified human remains and missing persons. The
system behind the DNA matching capability in the NCIDD‐IFA uses software
called Bonaparte, which was developed in 2007 by the Netherlands Forensic
Institute for large‐scale identification (National Forensic Institute, 2016; Dongen
et al., 2011). Unfortunately, to date, not all the Australian states have input data
into this system. Subsequently, interstate searching and therefore potential match-
ing is currently limited, often done on a case‐by‐case basis. However, this will
inevitably change in the future as all Australian states and territories contribute
DNA samples to be uploaded onto the NCIDD‐IFA for regular screening.
With the exception of post‐mortem fingerprints (which in the Australian con-
text are collected by police agencies), post‐mortem data are collected by forensic
medical and scientific experts including forensic pathologists, anthropologists,
odontologists, entomologists and molecular biologists. The preservation and
condition of the remains will determine not only the detail of the post‐mortem
data, but also the experts who will be required. For example, a relatively intact
and recently deceased individual will have potentially more information than an
individual who is fully skeletonized, and it is not possible to use fingerprints for
identification when the individual is fully skeletonized. Post‐mortem and/or peri‐
mortem trauma may affect the condition of the remains. For example, in the case
of a bomb blast with associated fire, it is possible that the dentition and DNA may
be affected.
One of the greatest hindrances to the successful identification of unidentified
human remains in Australia is the complexity resulting from the fact that each of
the six Australian states and two territories has their own Missing Persons Unit, as
well as their own forensic service providers, each operating within distinct state
and territory legislation (Blau and Sterenberg, 2015b). Until relatively recently,
there was no national approach to the investigation of missing persons and
unidentified human remains (Park, 2018) – that is, no central repository of missing
persons’ data that can be easily accessed and updated on a month‐by‐month basis,
let alone a daily basis. The ramifications of this lack of coordination in the collec-
tion and storage of ante‐ and post‐mortem data in terms of delay in identification
have been highlighted (Blau et al., 2006).
The recognition of the value of a database for managing vast quantities of ante‐
and post‐mortem data came after large‐scale disasters such as the 2004 Boxing
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Day tsunami, which required an international response from 13 countries

(Pickrell, 2005), and therefore coordination of vast amounts of ante‐ and post‐
mortem data, varying in both quality and quantity. During the response to the
2004 tsunami and subsequent disasters, a database called Plass DataTM was used
(Torpet, 2005; Scanlon, 2006). While each of the Australian jurisdictions subse-
quently purchased Plass DataTM, one of the main issues was the delayed ability of
forensic medical experts to access and use the database. The platform was essen-
tially a policing tool, which meant there were security issues associated with
access. In 2016, a National Missing Persons Victim System (NMPVS) was
established (Parke, 2016). The aim of this system is “to provide police and other
law enforcement agencies the ability to undertake national searches on long‐term
missing persons, unidentified remains and disaster victim identification”
(Australian Criminal Intelligence Commission, 2018). While the NMPVS is seen
as an improved approach to missing persons investigations in Australia, the fact
that it does not have the capability to store and search DNA profiles has been seen
as a limitation, and hence there has been development of a separate national DNA
database as outlined above (Ward, 2017).
38.4 Forensic anthropology in Australia
Typical of many countries, forensic anthropology in Australia had its origins in

anatomy departments (Donlon, 2008, 2016), with practitioners providing opin-
ions about human variation and anatomical detail in cases of forensic interest.
Over the last 20 years, however, the situation has changed from piecemeal con-
sultations made by anatomists (who were mostly male), to formal reports provided
by professional forensic anthropologists, the majority of whom are female
(Donlon, 2016). Many countries employ relatively substantial numbers of forensic
anthropologists, whether due to large numbers of unidentified remains resulting
from periods of conflict (such as many countries in Latin America, including
Argentina, Colombia and Peru), or as a result of government policy to recover all
war dead (such as the USA) (Holland et al., 2008; Congram, 2016). In comparison,
Australia, like many parts of Europe (Kranioti and Paine, 2011), has a relatively
small number of practicing forensic anthropologists (Blau, 2018). None the less,
with the exception of the Australian Capital Territory (ACT) and the Northern
Territory (NT), all other Australian states have at least one forensic anthropologist
attached to a recognized forensic service provider.
The increased recognition of the discipline and the role it plays in the collabo-
rative approach to forensic investigations (including identification) is highlighted
by the formation of the Medical Sciences Specialist Advisory Group (MS SAG).
Within this group sits the Forensic Anthropology Scientific Working Group (FA
SWG) which is endorsed by the National Institute of Forensic Sciences (NIFS)
(Blau, 2016b). While the FA SWG has been beneficial for the development of
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protocols and guidelines to standardize practice, unlike in other parts of the world
such as the UK (Black and MacKinnon, 2014; MacKinnon and Harrison, 2016),
Europe (FASE, 2018), USA (Reichs, 1998) and Latin America (Groen et al., 2015),
there is currently no accreditation process for practicing Australian forensic
anthropologists.
38.5 The process of identification in coronial casework
All deceased persons reported to the Coroner (which is less than 15% of deaths
per year in Australia: Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2017) are required to be for-
mally identified.4 The majority of these identifications take place by visual means
supported by circumstantial information. It is well recognized that visual
identification has a high risk of being inaccurate if not supported by scientific or
circumstantial evidence (Caplova et al., 2017, 2018). In cases where visual
identification is not possible, the coronial system in Australia requires that an
individual be scientifically identified. This may be achieved using fingerprints,
DNA, dental records or medical records, for example, prostheses with serial num-
bers (Simpson et al., 2007; Wilson et al., 2011; Blessing and Lin, 2017), or ante‐
mortem radiology. While the condition and preservation of the human remains
will inevitably influence the decision about which method is used, other factors
also come into play, such as legal requirements about obtaining and storing fin-
gerprint and DNA samples (see above).
In some Australian forensic service providers, such as the Victorian Institute of
Forensic Medicine (VIFM), post‐mortem computed tomography (PMCT) is used
as a triage tool to assist in deciding how best to undertaken identification. When
visual identification is not possible (whether as a result of trauma and/or decom-
position), a team of specialists is responsible for establishing the most appropriate
means of identification. Typically this involves reviewing PMCT scans to deter-
mine the presence of, for example, dental restorations, surgical intervention or
other potential identifying features. If such post‐mortem evidence is present, then
the identification team (made up of forensic anthropologists and odontologists)
liaise with police to locate relevant ante‐mortem records. Alternatively, the
identification team advises on the appropriateness of either fingerprints or DNA
for a scientific identification. In some cases, for example, if the individual is eden-
tulous, has no fingerprint record, and no children, no living siblings or surviving
parents, the validity of circumstantial identification is assessed. Circumstantial
identification requires a statement from the police officer who attended the death
scene which contains details that support the identification hypothesis. Such
details may, for example, include the fact that the deceased was located at a
4
This is in contrast to all non-reportable deaths, which do not require formal identification before burial/
cremation.
c38.indd 600 11/26/2019 8:29:29 PM

residential address that was inhabited by the person whose identity is in question.
There may also be items located at the death scene in the name of the deceased,
such as medication, driver’s license, bank cards, and so on. A report summarizing
these circumstances is submitted to the Coroner, who is ultimately responsible for
confirming identification.
38.6 Research
The field of forensic human identification has recognized the need for population‐
specific methods. For this reason there has been an increase in research being
undertaken to develop Australian population‐specific standards, including for
dental (Bassed et al., 2011; Flood et al., 2013; Karkhanis et al., 2013; Blenkin and
Taylor, 2012) and skeletal records (Lottering et al., 2013, 2016; Franklin and
Flavel, 2014, 2015), age, and estimation of sex (Franklin et al., 2011, 2012;
Johnstone‐Belford et al., 2018; DeSilva et al., 2014). In addition, Australian
researchers are also improving the evidence base to better understand and inter-
pret important aspects of forensic human identification, such as skeletal trauma
(Rowbotham et al., 2017, 2018), as well as evaluating the impact of different for-
mats in the presentation of skeletal trauma evidence in court (Blau et al., 2018).
Not unique to Australia, however, is the divide between the nature of the
research questions being pursued at universities and questions arising from
practitioners involved in casework. For example, despite the small number of
employment opportunities for forensic anthropologists in Australia, the subject of
forensic anthropology remains a popular field of study at universities. Consequently,
there is a requirement for student research projects, many of which are generated
with limited direct practical relevance to the discipline of forensic anthropology.
Such gaps highlight the importance of interaction between academics and forensic
practitioners. The National Institute of Forensic Science (NIFS) has developed a
research and innovation roadmap to attempt to address such issues (Australian
New Zealand Policing Advisory, 2018).
Given Australia’s colonial history and the sensitivity associated with the
treatment of indigenous human remains (Scarre, 2012), access to skeletal collec-
tions in Australia for research purposes is limited (Donlon, 1994). While some
universities with body donation programs have started to develop skeletal collec-
tions (Hinchcliffe, 2015), and the Australian Facility for Taphonomic Research
(AFTER), which opened in 2016, has ethical approval to retain the skeletons of all
its donors for future analysis, the relatively recent commencement of these pro-
grams means the numbers in the collections are relatively small. Consequently,
there is a rising trend in research being undertaken in aspects of human
identification using imaging such as post‐mortem computed tomography (PMCT)
(Christensen et al., 2018; Dedouit et al., 2014; Franklin et al., 2016; Uldin, 2017)
rather than the physical skeletal collections.
c38.indd 601 11/26/2019 8:29:29 PM

With the augmentation in DNA technology, there is now the possibility of

obtaining DNA intelligence, that is, phenotype information (including, for
example, an individual’s ancestry, hair, eye and skin colour) (Chaitanya et al.,
2017). While the “molecular mug shot” may be of use in cases of unidentified
human remains, in the Australian context it is also important to consider the
potential political and ethical issues associated with reporting percentages of a
particular ancestry (Frudakis, 2008). What are the politics associated with, for
example, reporting a human skeletal element as being 60% Aboriginal?
Although not strictly “identification,” the ability to attempt to repatriate ances-
tral (indigenous) human remains to the individual’s place of origin is extremely
important in the Australian context. For many indigenous people, burial of human
remains is unacceptable if the place of origin is uncertain. For this reason, research
into the use of stable isotope analysis is being undertaken (Pate et al., 2002), a
technique increasingly used to provide leads to assist with identification in contexts
such as border crossings (Bartelink, 2018).
38.7 Conclusion
Although Australia has a relatively small population, forensic human identification

is undertaken in a range of contexts, implementing innovative techniques
and approaches. It is hoped that developing a national forensic‐led approach to
coordinating the collection, recording, management and interrogation of
information will augment the timely identification of long‐term missing persons.
Similar to many contexts, however, decisions about prioritizing efforts to identify
the deceased remain political.
Acknowledgements
I am very grateful for the comments on a draft of this chapter provided by Dr

Melanie Archer and Dr Jodie Leditschke.
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CHAPTER 39
Forensic identification of human

remains in Cyprus: The humanitarian
work of the Committee on Missing
Persons in Cyprus (CMP)1
Gülbanu K. Zorba, Theodora Eleftheriou, Iṡ tenç Engin, Sophia Hartsioti
and Christiana Zenonos
Committee on Missing Persons in Cyprus (CMP), Nicosia, Cyprus
39.1 Origins and mandate of the CMP
During the inter‐communal fighting of 1963–64 and the events of 1974 in Cyprus,
2002 people went missing. Several inter‐communal meetings were held immedi-
ately after the events to address the issue of missing persons and the affected
families. Between 1975 and 1979 the UN General Assembly implemented three
resolutions calling for the creation of an investigatory body and, as a result of
these efforts, the Committee on Missing Persons in Cyprus (CMP) was established
in 1981 under the auspices of the United Nations and by agreement between the
Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot communities (United Nations General
Assembly, 1981; Committee on Missing Persons in Cyprus (CMP), n.d.‐a).
The CMP is a tripartite body; the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot commu-
nities are each represented by a Member appointed respectively by their leaders,
and a Third Member is selected by the International Committee of the Red Cross
(ICRC) and appointed by the Secretary‐General of the United Nations. The CMP
decisions are taken by consensus among the three Members, who have one or
two assistants also actively involved in the operations. The Committee, in accor-
dance with its terms of reference and its humanitarian mandate, does not attempt
1
The views expressed in this text are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the views of the
Committee on Missing Persons in Cyprus (CMP). Names of commercial manufacturers/products are provided for
reference purposes, and inclusion does not imply endorsement of the manufacturer or its products by the CMP or
the authors.
609
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to establish the cause of death or attribute responsibility for the death of missing
persons, but seeks to alleviate the suffering of the affected families and to allow
closure (CMP, n.d.‐b).
After its establishment, the CMP focused on investigations and negotiations to
agree on a common official list of the missing. In the mid 1990s the official list was
established, including 492 Turkish Cypriot and 1510 Greek Cypriot missing per-
sons. In 1997 the leaders of the two communities agreed “to provide each other
immediately and simultaneously all information already at their disposal on the
location of the graves of Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot Missing Persons”
(CMP, n.d.‐a, para. 2). The Agreement also recognized the right of the families to
be informed about the fate of their loved ones and to perform a proper burial.
However, due to the lack of political will between the two communities, no formal
CMP meetings were held from 1998 to 2004. Later, in August 2004, the leaders of
both communities committed themselves to implement the 1997 Agreement and
reactivate the CMP. The CMP Members agreed to consider how to expand the
Committee’s scope of activity and reconfirmed their commitment to resolve the
issue of the missing. The efforts resulted in the launching of the project known as
the “Project on the Exhumation, Identification and Return of Remains of Missing
Persons” (or the CMP Project).
By achieving the Project’s objectives, the CMP not only aspires to heal the
wounds of the recent past, but also to contribute to the reconciliation between the
two communities. This is also encouraged through the active participation of over
80 local scientists from both communities in all the phases of the Project.
39.2 The project on the exhumation, identification

and return of remains of missing persons
In 2004 experts from the UK‐based Inforce Foundation performed some surveys
on the island, but the CMP Project officially started its archaeological phase in
2005, under the supervision of the Inforce Foundation. Between January and
August 2006 the exhumations were mostly conducted by a small group of local
scientists. In August 2006 the CMP Anthropological Laboratory (CAL), located
within the United Nations Protected Area in Nicosia, was structurally completed
and the first forensic laboratory activities were initiated. The Argentine Forensic
Anthropology Team (EAAF) was recommended to the CMP by the ICRC to set up
the whole process. So, from August 2006 to April 2008, the EAAF trained and
supervised the bi‐communal team of Cypriot scientists (which were later referred
to as the Bi‐Communal Forensic Team) in all aspects of their operations. In October
2008 the CMP Project reached full local autonomy, with the EAAF acting until
today as the scientific consultants to the CMP (CMP, n.d.‐c).
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Forensic identification of human remains in Cyprus 611
39.3 Investigations on missing persons cases
Investigations aim to gather, analyse and evaluate information regarding possible

burial places of Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot missing persons all over Cyprus.
At present, two groups of investigators and researchers with multidisciplinary
backgrounds (archaeology, history, sociology, criminology) work under the Offices
of the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot Members, and under the supervision of
one Greek Cypriot and one Turkish Cypriot Investigation Coordinators. A constant
communication and exchange of information is established between the investi-
gative teams of each Office, which allows them to cooperate in reaching their
common goal.
One of the major particularities of the investigations in the framework of the
CMP is that there is no legal obligation for witnesses or informants to provide any
information they hold regarding the events that led to someone’s disappearance,
possible burial places, or any other relevant information. Therefore, the
information obtained by the investigative teams is based on a relationship of trust,
established between the investigator and the witness or informant. It is important
to note that such a relationship is backed up by a clear statement in the “Terms of
Reference” of the CMP, according to which: “The Committee will not attempt to
attribute responsibility for the deaths of any missing persons or make findings
as to the cause of such deaths” (CMP, n.d.‐b). Accordingly, confidentiality and
anonymity are provided to witnesses and informants.
39.4 Sources of information and challenges
In order to manage the investigations, the cases of missing persons have been
categorized according to the area and the time of disappearance, and the main
written sources of information are the personal files, the group files and the
geographical area files. Other written sources are the official lists of missing per-
sons and the ante‐mortem data that were collected mainly from the relatives of
the missing during the late 1990s/early 2000s, and part of them have been recently
reviewed and updated. Additional information for the investigation of missing
persons’ cases is also obtained from articles, written simultaneously to the events
or later, as well as other bibliographies.
Further to the desktop research based on the analysis of the available written
information, the investigative teams are responsible for obtaining, through their
field activity, new information from witnesses or informants. This information
may result in the location of a burial place, or it can be combined with what is
already known to strengthen a hypothesis, or add new information for the case.
To assist in this effort, the CMP regularly organizes public campaigns to raise
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awareness and call witnesses or informants to share information regarding

possible burial sites.
As a result of the passage of time, important witnesses and informants are
increasingly passing away, while others are unable to provide reliable information
due to health and age‐related issues. Moreover, construction developments and
other environmental factors result in the alteration of the landscape; thus, it
cannot be easily recognized, or creates confusion since the witness cannot link
it with his/her memories.
Since 2017 the CMP has created an Archival Research Team (ART) aiming to
enrich its sources of archival material. The ART, composed of an international
research coordinator and two Cypriot researchers, has undertaken the task of
reviewing “archival material of international organizations, state actors and
domestic authorities that were present during the events of 1963–64 and 1974”
(CMP, 2016).
To overcome the existing challenges, the CMP is oriented towards a combination
of methods designed to improve the investigation of possible burial sites, so that
the procedure does not entirely rely on witness testimonies. Today, mapping
analysis and geographical information systems are involved in the investigation
process to strengthen its outcome.
After the analysis and evaluation of the information and other technical criteria
(appropriate seasons according to the type of excavation, permission from land‐
owners or users, excavation logistics), an excavation list is created periodically by
the Investigation Coordinators. For each recommended site a preliminary site
assessment is conducted, and all available information (witness or informant
statements, maps and satellite images, photos of indicated area) is provided to the
teams of archaeologists to assist their search.
39.5 Locating human remains
The archaeological phase of the CMP is undertaken by the Bi‐Communal Forensic

Team (BCFT), which is composed of approximately 50 archaeologists, skilled both
in traditional and forensic archaeology. Through the CMP, the archaeologists
received training, initially by EAAF and later by other specialists, in the excava-
tion of human remains and in the application of other modern technologies (e.g.
geophysical techniques, drones) that are used for the documentation, survey and
excavation of the area under investigation. Training was also held for dealing with
hazards during the survey and excavation of the site, like unexploded ordnance
(UXO), asbestos and deep excavations (e.g. deep wells).
Today, the BCFT is coordinated by a Greek Cypriot and a Turkish Cypriot Field
Coordinator. The archaeologists are assigned to teams that operate in different
locations throughout the island. In 2018 there were nine recovery teams in total,
eight operating on the northern side of the divide and one team operating on the
southern side. All work carried out by the BCFT is in accordance with the Standard
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Figure 39.1 View of a mass grave, after all the remains have been exposed.
Operating Procedures (Field SOPs) of the Committee, which are regularly reviewed
and adjusted accordingly.
By October 2018, 1233 sites were excavated by the BCFT, 377 of which were
found to contain human remains (CMP, 2018). A variety of types of site locations
are encountered, and on many occasions they represent a single site. The types can
be divided into open areas and obstructed areas (Dupras et al., 2012). Open areas
include open fields, house or church yards, orchards, cemeteries, mountain tops
and slopes. Obstructed areas involve wells, kilns, streambeds, wooded areas, and
areas where there have been building developments (buildings, roads, paved areas).
There are various types of depositions that the BCFT has come across over the
years in sites relevant to the CMP project. While the most common type is the
clandestine burial – single or multiple – surface deposits, deposits in pre‐existing
natural or artificial features like streambeds, wells and kilns are also present.
Furthermore, the burials recovered are divided into four main types: primary,
secondary, disturbed, and shallow burials.
Although many burial sites (122 out of 377) revealed articulated skeletons,
in most of the cases (254 cases) either few skeletal elements were present, or the
remains were recovered disarticulated, commingled and fragmented. These
cases correspond to surface scatters of human remains, disturbed burials – due
to natural, environmental causes or human activity – or secondary burials
(Figure 39.1).
39.6 Search for and recovery of remains
Once a possible burial place is indicated by the investigation team, the reconnais-
sance of the search area is organized in order to determine the search and recovery
methods that will be used during the archaeological phase. Prior to the excavation
of any site, the Health and Safety Coordinator inspects the site and prepares the
Health and Safety Plan.
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Keeping in mind that an archaeological excavation is destructive and non‐

repeatable, the BCFT undertakes detailed documentation of the site, as well as of
each step of the survey and excavation process, which includes verbal recording,
photography, detailed drawing and analysis with the aid of modern technology
(e.g. use of tablets, GPS/GNSS, total station, drone). Moreover, the daily notes,
recovery logs, observations and measurements are recorded in handwritten forms
and/or electronic forms and everything is saved in a digital form in a centralized
online database. Data are uploaded in Google Earth and in the CMP’s geographical
information system (GIS) software, which allows the spatial analysis, visualiza-
tion and representation of the area. The gathered information is very important
not only for drafting the report, but also for the anthropological analysis of the
remains, if recovered, or for future revisits to the area.
Typically, prior to the excavation, a pedestrian survey is conducted, while at
times other geophysical survey techniques may be adopted (metal detectors,
GPR). While the non‐invasive techniques are efficient for locating surface scatters
of human remains and associated artefacts, as well as deposits that lie close to the
surface, invasive techniques (stripping, excavations) are mostly employed in order
to identify and recover possible burial locations. Excavations are carried out using
both machinery and manual labour. The mechanical excavation process is con-
ducted under the guidance and supervision of the experienced archaeologists in
order to protect the physical and spatial integrity of the grave features and human
remains that might be recovered.
As some sites are more complex than others, in terms of the type of site loca-
tions (obstructed areas), type of burial (secondary, disturbed, surface deposits)
and state of remains (commingled), extra logistical and operational planning is
required in order to make sure that the maximum amount of remains has been
recovered.
The detailed documentation of the location, distribution, preservation and
taphonomic condition of human remains and their associated artefacts, not only
help the anthropologists with the spatial re‐association of the commingled remains
and artefacts and provide evidence for the identification of the dead, but may
answer important questions related to the incidents that happened around the
time of death and the time between the deposition and recovery of the body.
The recovered remains and related artefacts, along with their recovery logs,
are transferred to the CMP Anthropological Laboratory in accordance with the
chain of custody protocol.
39.7 Analysis at the CMP Anthropological Laboratory (CAL)
The primary function of the CAL is to receive the exhumed remains and non‐
biological material, and perform scientific analysis in such a manner that
identification of individuals is achieved. At present, two bi‐communal teams,
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comprising six anthropologists each, carry out the forensic anthropological anal-
ysis under the coordination and supervision of one Greek Cypriot and one Turkish
Cypriot Laboratory Coordinator.
The analysis relates to the recording of evidence, determination of the origin of
remains (human or nonhuman) and forensic significance (remains from 58 sites
received at the CAL were proven of an archaeological context, or irrelevant to
the CMP Project), assessment of the biological profile and individualizing charac-
teristics, and recording and interpretation of peri‐mortem injuries. To maximize
scientific integrity of the analysis, the anthropologists are not a priori exposed to
information related to hypothesis of identity, or any information that could lead
to bias. Given, though, that a correct analysis approach can emerge from the
review and integration of some preliminary information relating to the cases
(Puerto et al., 2014), CAL anthropologists receive and review information on any
known facts related to the burials, including the expected number of individuals
within a case, that derives from investigative information and archaeological
search.
To ensure consistency and professionalism in the scientific operations, a
systematic analysis is followed through the adoption of standardized forms and
protocols on methodological procedures (CAL SOPs). The methodological proce-
dures include, but are not limited to, recording the remains as they were located
and prior to any sorting, assigning a unique coding system that facilitates trace-
ability of remains, and analysing in steps (referred to as initial, intermediate and
final analysis). To verify that the conclusions of analysts are supported by the
evidence documentation, all scientific analyses are also subject to an internal
peer‐review process. All information related to analysis documentation and iden-
tifications is centralized into a digital information management system.
39.8 Challenging cases
Until October 2018, 902 individuals recovered from 173 different sites were iden-
tified. Out of these 173 sites, 88 sites corresponded to either disturbed mass burials
or deposition sites (remains scattered across the ground surface). The extent of
complexity of each case varies and correlates with the context of commingling,
such as in disturbed primary graves versus secondary burials, and with the number
of victims involved (Puerto et al., 2014; Konigsberg and Adams, 2014). Clearly,
the effective resolution of commingling is vital for the overall identification pro-
cess, since individual identifications must be performed and remains should be
returned as complete as possible to their respective families.
In contrast to the straightforward analysis that can be performed on remains
recovered as intact skeletons, commingling occurring in disturbed mass burials
requires the employment of different methodological approaches (Ubelaker,
2014). At the CAL, after a thorough inventory of the remains, sorting techniques
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Figure 39.2 View of the analysis area within the CAL.
(visual pair‐matching, joint articulation, reconstruction, biological profile,

morphology, taphonomy) are employed, aimed primarily at segregate remains
into associating skeletal groups and estimating the minimum number of individ-
uals (MNI) represented within the assemblage (Figure 39.2). The review of well‐
documented information during field recovery, such as spatial distribution of
remains through mapping, assists in the sorting process.
A parallel aim of the sorting process is to strengthen the DNA sampling strategy
to obtain bone DNA profiles representing all victims, but with minimum samples
needing genetic analysis. That is, representative samples are taken from reassoci-
ated skeletal groups for confirming the reliability of the anthropological associa-
tions, as well as for reassociating further remains through DNA intra‐skeletal
matching. At the final stage, remains that could not be associated together during
the initial anthropological analysis, and were not sampled for DNA testing, are
reviewed and may be attributed to specific skeletal sets (e.g. by using a process of
elimination) if the context of commingling is closed. Conclusions on the number
of individuals and the biological profile are finalized once commingled remains
are segregated to the most complete state possible, through the incorporation of
both the anthropological and genetic findings.
Large‐scale commingling encountered in disturbed mass burials increases the
challenges in terms of both analysis and logistics (Byrd et al., 2003). The chal-
lenges are escalated in secondary burials, shallow burials and surface findings for
which intermixing, loss and extensive post‐mortem alteration are involved. The
calculation of the number of individuals present in the assemblage is based on the
most repeated element, but the calculation underestimates the true number of
individuals since most of the bones are lost post‐mortem, and those recovered are
in a very fragmentary condition (Konigsberg and Adams, 2014). The application
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of traditional sorting techniques is limited; consequently, the sorting of commin-

gling and determination of the number of individuals largely depends on DNA
analysis. However, severely degraded bones do not yield comparable DNA pro-
files. Thus, for several cases successful resolution of commingling cannot be
established. When no reliable conclusions on the number of individuals involved
are made, remains that could not be attributed to specific individuals are retained
by the CAL until all potential candidates are identified.
39.9 Sampling strategy
CAL anthropologists nominate bone samples for DNA analysis, while protocols on
selection criteria, sample taking and sample documentation ensure consistency
and confidence in the sampling process.
The first determining factor in sampling is the completeness of remains and
their preservation (Boyer, 2012). Since sampling is a destructive process, areas on
bones that may be used for identification or for re‐association purposes are not
sampled (when possible). Additionally, when the sample is the only representa-
tion of an individual, the likelihood of a successful DNA profile (and that a part of
the bone is retained by the CAL for a handover to the family) is assessed. In com-
mingled cases, the sampling strategy takes into consideration the context of
commingling (open vs closed), the estimated number of individuals in the

skeletal assemblage, and investigative information relating to the expected number
of individuals within the case. On that account, an extensive sampling strategy
may be required. Best samples (in terms of preservation and success rates) and
samples representing the calculated number of individuals are prioritized, and a
re‐sampling strategy is developed after the first genetic results are obtained. The
extent of the re‐sampling depends on the failure of the tested bones, the increase
in the MNI (through DNA testing) and on whether the expected individuals
within a case are represented. However, the aim of the sampling is to maximize
individual identifications and not to perform genetic analysis on every bone.
Therefore, anthropological assessments, to the extent possible, have an important
role in the overall analysis and sample nomination process.
39.10 The role of DNA analysis
The CMP Genetic Unit consists of a bi‐communal team of geneticists who have
equal responsibilities in managing the genetic phase. The laboratory‐based work
of the skeletal elements is performed by externally contracted DNA laboratories,
while the DNA profiling of family reference samples (FRS) is carried out by two
local DNA laboratories. The data obtained is centralized at the CMP Genetic Unit,
where the geneticists interpret and confirm the results.
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Considering the limited ante‐mortem information, the challenges and the

limitations entailed in morphological reassociations for highly commingled mass
burials and fragmented remains, the CMP integrates DNA analysis for the
identifications and sorting of remains.
The DNA identification involves direct matching between post‐mortem sam-
ples, and kinship matching between post‐mortem samples and family reference
samples. The generation of reliable genetic profiles for comparison, from recov-
ered human remains and family reference samples, is performed primarily by
autosomal short tandem repeat (STR) analysis due to the high power of individual
discrimination.
39.11 Collection of family reference samples
Detailed pedigrees were created for each missing person, documenting the
biological relationships between the relatives and the missing person. The DNA
samples from both Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot relatives were collected,
amplified using the PowerPlex® 16 (PP16) (Promega Corp., Madison, WI, USA)
STR system, and the profiles were stored in the Family Reference Sample Database
(FRSD). The FRSs were collected with a written consent clearly stating that the
DNA sample submitted will only be used for identification purposes.
The most preferred FRS to facilitate identifications of missing persons are first‐
degree relatives – parents, children and full siblings. However, when only distant
relatives are available, increasing the number of FRSs collected renders a greater
chance of a positive identification (Ge et al., 2011). The FRSD comprises auto-
somal STR profiles as well as mtDNA sequences from maternal relatives and
Y‐chromosome STR profiles from paternal relatives of the missing. The CMP Genetic
Unit also maintains a post‐mortem database where every DNA profile obtained
from the skeletal elements is stored, as well as an elimination database with the
DNA profiles of the CMP staff and individuals who are in contact with the remains.
Prior to genetic analysis, the presumptive identity hypotheses received by the
CMP investigators are checked to ensure that each missing person is represented
with informative FRSs in the FRSD. In cases where additional FRSs are needed,
the family pedigrees are reviewed, and when possible, DNA profiles are obtained
from living relatives or deceased family members who are exhumed to receive a
bone sample, with permission granted by the family and the local authorities.
39.12 DNA analysis and the identification process
The analysis of skeletal samples by the external laboratory is conducted blindly

without the knowledge of any information related to the burial sites and names,
communities or personal information of relatives. The aim of the analysis is to
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obtain at least 12 STR loci, while a set of 16 STR loci is preferable (Prinz et al.,
2007). Any reportable STR profile obtained from the remains is first compared with
the post‐mortem database to determine which elements group together and origi-
nate from the same individual. The post‐mortem comparisons assist in the sorting
of commingling, cross‐checking of morphological associations, and the establish-
ment of the number of individuals represented in a commingled assemblage.
For kinship analysis, the most complete STR profile in each group is then
selected and uploaded to specialized genetic software for comparison with the
FRSD (Puerto et al., 2014). A match between DNA profiles, either through direct
post‐mortem comparisons or kinship comparisons, is statistically evaluated by
calculating a likelihood ratio (LR) using population‐specific allele frequencies
(Prinz et al., 2007). For CMP, a posterior probability greater than 99.95% serves
as a threshold for accepting a match. The posterior probability of a match is
calculated by multiplying the LR with prior odds (Budowle et al., 2011).
Once a match exceeds the acceptable statistical threshold, the external labora-
tory submits a report to the CMP Genetic Unit. The geneticists review the DNA
results together with the case information and confirm the consistency of the
results by issuing a “consistency report”.
When the threshold for identification is not reached, additional FRSs or addi-
tional genetic markers or lineage markers (Y‐STR and mtDNA) are used (when
possible) in order to increase the statistical significance or refute the possibility of
relatedness. Y‐STRs and mtDNA sequences can also be used to exclude improb-
able pedigree relationships, reduce possible candidates and direct further investi-
gations (Ge et al., 2011; Alvarez‐Cubero et al., 2012). Composite profiles may also
be generated using reportable data obtained from the same skeletal element to
provide more genetic data in the statistical evaluation of the match.
For the CMP, the DNA analysis does not serve as the only basis for the
identification, but complements a multidisciplinary approach to achieve identifi-
cations of human remains.
39.13 Reconciliation of information and identification:

Challenges and approach
The reconciliation process refers to the comparison of all available information

pertaining to a case, and it is an essential step during which the tentative outcome
of a positive identification is determined. The Identification Coordinator proceeds
with a formal notification on positive identification when the investigative
information and laboratory‐derived evidence are consistent with the known ante‐
mortem facts of the case, and when all reasonable alternatives are eliminated.
If any discrepancies are observed between the information reconciled, all e vidence
and data are reviewed to first exclude errors (e.g. clerical errors), and then to
determine further steps to achieve identifications.
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For the cases investigated by the CMP, the ante‐mortem database is built solely
on information deriving from an interview of a relative of each victim without
any medical or dental records. Consequently, the identification of remains cannot
be established through direct matching of post‐mortem and ante‐mortem medical
and dental radiographs.
Conclusions on identifications cannot be based on investigative information
related to victims’ presumptive identities and possible burial sites, or circumstantial
evidence, if strong scientific evidence cannot support such information. In some
cases, investigative information related to the circumstance of disappearance may
derive from primary witness information, and therefore it provides substantial
information on hypothesis of identity for the persons found within the graves.
Largely, though, investigative information is confined to the “place last seen,” and
it may not link specific persons to specific burials. The biological profile may pro-
vide hints of potential identities, detect false identities, and distinguish individuals
when kin relations are involved (Cabo, 2012). However, the process becomes
challenging when shared biological characteristics (e.g. age, sex, stature) of victims
are involved.
Considering the limitations entailed in the identification process of skeletonized
remains, it is imperative for the CMP to base identifications on highly discriminant
scientific means, such as DNA matching and statistical thresholds, and eventually
to incorporate matched post‐mortem information with ante‐mortem data. Even
though, for the CMP, DNA analysis is the most reliable tool for identifications,
there are limitations to a DNA‐led identification approach. These limitations are
more pronounced when dealing with mass burials where entire families are
involved. Kinship analysis cannot be used to distinguish between siblings when
there are no descendants, and the estimation of the biological profile of the
remains becomes crucial for attributing biological differences between relatives
(e.g. different sex, age, stature or individualizing characteristics) and thus
facilitates their identification.
In the absence of evidence that can be considered as “unique” to a victim,
positive identification of remains may be precluded. This scenario is often encoun-
tered in cases where the remains are highly fragmented and degraded, and neither
anthropological nor genetic evidence can be used for identification. When
scientific data is limited, strong investigative information is critical for determining
further steps towards the resolution of a case. In the same way, any scientific data
can clarify the circumstances of disappearance, and consequently, investigative
information is revised after new identifications are established.
Identification of victims from post‐conflict contexts involves several challenges,
such as the post‐mortem interval of the remains, disturbance of the graves and
commingling of remains, a high number of victims present, as well as limited
ante‐mortem information (Fowler and Thompson, 2015). Given the complexities,
identifications can be best achieved through the comprehensive consideration
and comparison of all available information that derives from the investigative,
archaeological, anthropological and genetic data (Puerto et al., 2014).
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39.14 Notification of identification and return of remains
Once remains are positively identified, the CMP notifies the families of the
identification of their loved ones. Both the Greek‐Cypriot and Turkish‐Cypriot
Member Offices on the Committee have a team of psychologists responsible to
provide the families with psychosocial support and assistance in the process of
handover and burial of the remains. The CMP psychologists initiate the first
contact with the relatives of the identified, and according to the wishes of the
family, arrange for a meeting (referred to as family viewing) between the relatives
and the forensic team involved in the recovery, analysis and identification pro-
cess. During a family viewing, which is held at a specially designed area at the
CAL, the scientists present to the attending family members the information per-
taining to the exhumation, analysis and identification of the remains. In this way,
relatives are given the opportunity to raise any questions relating to the
identification process, to view the remains, and to determine the steps for the
handover of the remains. When cases are considered closed (known number of
individuals), the skeletal elements and the material evidence that could not be
attributed to specific individuals are explained and presented to the groups of
family members of the identified persons. These remains and artefacts are returned
in accordance with the wishes of the involved families.
In open‐commingled cases (the number of individuals represented within the
grave is unknown), the identification of remains may prove to be extremely chal-
lenging and analyses may carry on for an extended time. Therefore, the CMP
informs the relatives of any positive identification, the challenges and undergoing
analyses, as well as the possibility of later receiving additional remains. In this
way, it is for the families to decide whether they want to receive the identified
remains, or to be notified of any future identified skeletal elements.
After a family has decided on the handover of the remains, the CAL releases the
identified remains to the respective CMP Member’s Office. The remains are
released under a chain of custody form, together with a forensic archaeological
report and a report on the identification of the remains.
The identification of the remains of a missing individual does not only address
legal issues relating to the establishment of death, but also allows the living to
know with certainty the fate of their loved ones and to perform a proper burial
with funerary rituals and customs. The return of remains of missing persons may
bring closure to long‐suffering families – a closure that is not about forgetting but
remembering and honouring the dead.
39.15 Conclusion
With continuous support from the European Union and other international and
local donations, the CMP has made significant progress in the Project’s objectives.
Up to October 2018, 1233 excavations and exhumations were conducted across
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the island and the remains of 902 persons were identified and handed over to
their relatives. However, more than 1000 individuals remain on the missing per-
sons list, with their fate still unknown (CMP, 2018).
With each passing year, finding evidence that could shed light on the fate of the
missing Cypriots becomes harder. Grave sites are increasingly hard to find, and
lengthy and costly excavations are carried out, but many times without recov-
eries. The types of burial sites that the CMP encounter not only require extensive
search methods and excavations, but they add to the time and cost of the anthro-
pological and genetic analyses. Highly commingled and degraded bones result in
limitations to identifications, and in some cases, identified individuals are repre-
sented by a few bones. Considering the challenges and limitations relating to the
remains of missing persons, the employment of a multidisciplinary approach that
assesses and incorporates information deriving from all the phases of the Project
is crucial for the resolution of the cases.
The CMP recognizes the need to expedite the Project and provide answers to
the relatives of the missing persons, acknowledging that close relatives may no
longer be alive to receive the remains. To improve the efficiency of the Project and
to ensure that the needs of the families are met, the CMP is now looking into new
strategies and methodologies. These efforts include collecting new information,
increasing the coordination between the different phases of the Project, using
new technologies for searching possible burial locations, and conducting family
needs assessments.
The CMP is one of the few active bi‐communal committees in Cyprus that has
been successfully operating for more than a decade, despite the absence of a
political settlement in the island. Through CMP’s operations, hundreds of families
have been able to alleviate their pain deriving from the uncertainty over the fate
of their loved ones. The recognition of the CMP as a model of a local‐capacity built
humanitarian organization also led to the formation of a successful partnership
with the ICRC and EAAF. Since 2012, the experience gained has been shared with
scientists and stakeholders from neighbouring regions that are affected by conflict
and violent disappearances, and the CMP is supporting the ICRC in building
forensic capacity in the Middle East (CMP, n.d.‐c).
The bi‐communal nature and the humanitarian scope of the CMP not only sup-
ports families in the healing process, but it is hoped that it will also contribute to
the peace‐building and reconciliation process on the island.
Acknowledgements
The authors would like to thank the CMP Members, Mrs Gülden Plümer Küçük,
Mr Nestoras Nestoros and Mr Paul‐Henri Arni, their assistants, and the scientists
of the Bi‐communal Forensic Team for their dedication and hard work.
c39.indd 622 11/26/2019 8:32:34 PM

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persons identifications. Investigative Genetics, 2 (15). doi:10.1186/2041‐2223‐2‐15
Byrd, J.E., Adams, B.J., Leppo, L.M. and Harrington, R.J. (2003) Resolution of large‐scale com-
mingling issues: Lessons from CILHI and ICMP. Proceedings of the American Academy of Forensic
Sciences, 9, 248.
Cabo, L.L. (2012) DNA analysis and the classic goal of forensic anthropology. In: A Companion to
Forensic Anthropology (ed. D.C. Dirckmaat). Chichester: Wiley‐Blackwell, pp. 447–461.
Committee on Missing Persons in Cyprus (n.d.‐a) Origins. http://www.cmp‐cyprus.org/content/
origins
Committee on Missing Persons in Cyprus (n.d.‐b) About the CMP. http://www.cmp‐cyprus.org/
content/about‐cmp‐0
Committee on Missing Persons in Cyprus (n.d.‐c) Partners and cooperation. http://www.cmp‐
cyprus.org/content/partners‐and‐cooperation
Committee on Missing Persons in Cyprus (2016) CMP initiates archival research (press release).
http://www.cmp‐cyprus.org/press‐releases/cmp‐initiates‐archival‐research.
Committee on Missing Persons in Cyprus (2018) Figures and Statistics of Missing Persons up to 31
October 2018. http://www.cmp‐cyprus.org/sites/default/files/facts_and_figures_31‐10‐2018.pdf
Dupras, T.L., Schultz, J.J., Wheeler, S.M. and Williams, L.J. (2012) Forensic Recovery of Human
Remains Archaeological Approaches (2nd ed.). Boca Raton, FL: CRC Press.
Fowler, G. and Thompson, T. (2015) A mere technical exercise? Challenges and technological
In: Human Remains and Identification: Mass Violence, Genocide, and the ‘Forensic Turn’ (eds. E.
Anstett and J.M. Dreyfus). Manchester: Manchester University Press, pp. 117–141.
Ge, J., Budowle, B. and Chakraborty, R. (2011) Choosing relatives for DNA identification of
missing persons. Journal of Forensic Sciences, 56, S23–S28. doi:10.1111/j.1556‐4029.2010.01631
Konigsberg, L.W. and Adams, B.J. (2014) Estimating the number of ındividuals represented by
commingled human remains: A critical evaluation of methods. In: Commingled Human
Remains: Methods in Recovery, Analysis, and Identification (eds. B.J. Adams and J.E. Byrd). Oxford:
disaster victim identification (DVI). Forensic Science International: Genetics, 1, 3–12. doi:10.1016/j.
fsigen.2006.10.003
Puerto, M.S., Egana, S., Doretti, M. and Vullo, C.M. (2014) A multidisciplinary approach to
commingled remains analysis: Anthropology, genetics, and background information. In:
Commingled Human Remains: Methods in Recovery, Analysis, and Identification (eds. B.J. Adams
and J.E. Byrd). Oxford: Academic Press, pp. 307–335.
Ubelaker, D.H. (2014) Commingling analysis historical and methodological perspectives. In:
Commingled Human Remains: Methods in Recovery, Analysis, and Identification (eds. B.J. Adams
and J.E. Byrd). Oxford: Academic Press, pp. 1–6.
United Nations General Assembly (1981) Missing Persons in Cyprus (A/RES/36/165[1981]).
http://undocs.org/A/RES/36/164
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CHAPTER 40
Forensic human identification during

a humanitarian crisis in Guatemala:
the deadly eruption of Volcán de Fuego
Daniel Jiménez
Department of Anthropology, National Institute of Forensic Sciences of, Guatemala
40.1 Introduction
Forensic anthropology has been a powerful tool in the search for and identification
of missing persons in Guatemala. From the mass graves of massacres that occurred
during the Civil War, to current crimes of common violence, forensic anthropology
has had an important role in the search for justice within the legal system. The
role is equally important when natural disasters take place and many lives are
lost. The rigor of forensic investigations has been of great help in the search for
and identification of victims of several natural disasters over the years.
This chapter describes the role of forensic anthropology within medico‐legal
investigations and how those processes have been used in identifying the victims
of the recent and biggest natural disaster that occurred in Guatemala: the eruption
of Volcán de Fuego, which saw the destruction of two towns situated near the
volcano.
Forensic anthropologists use their knowledge to aid in the identification of
bodies in different states of preservation: highly decomposed, burnt, dismem-
bered, and other peri‐mortem or taphonomic states. At the time of writing, the
excavation and analysis of victims of the eruption was still in progress; many
persons are missing and many human remains still are not identified. However,
the humanitarian disaster caused by the eruption is a paradigmatic example of
body identification, which is the main subject, although the chapter will also dis-
cuss taphonomic states of bones related to high‐temperature exposure, dead body
management, interinstitutional work, and crisis and disaster protocols.
625
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40.2 The context of violence in Guatemala
Guatemala is one of the most violent countries of Central America, with over
53001 murders every year. That violence can be traced back to the Civil War that
took place between the years 1960 to 1996, which left at least 200,000 dead and
over 40,000 missing persons. That violence has become set within Guatemala’s
social structure (Jimenez, 2011).
The civil war saw countless examples of the kind of violence of which humans
are capable. The Truth Commission (CEH) (Truth Commission, 2006) recorded
the massacres attributed to the National Army of Guatemala in its campaign of
violence against the civilian population. It is only natural to find correlations bet-
ween the type of violence during the civil war and Guatemala’s current violence.
The current work of the National Institute of Forensic Science of Guatemala
(INACIF) involves the investigation of criminal activity that includes dismember-
ment of bodies, burning, torture and other violence – all of which can be directly
related to the modus operandi of the death squads during the war.
As a result of gang activity and related drug trafficking, authorities find bodies
that are dismembered and burned, buried in advanced states of decomposition, or
post‐mortem defleshed bodies during criminal rituals. The Guatemalan geography
also plays an important role in how the dead bodies are disposed of. Many dead
bodies are recovered in ravines, even near the biggest cities, with post‐mortem
degradation from the activities of street dogs or prey birds.
Guatemala’s forensic experts are overwhelmed by the demand for criminal
investigations. The forensic pathology carried out by the INACIF faces the delicate
task of identifying bodies in advanced states of decomposition. To accomplish
this the pathologists seeks aid from other forensic disciplines such as genetics,
odontology, fingerprint analysis (when the remains are suitable) and forensic
anthropology.
The more or less common path to dealing with a non‐identified body, or XX as
they are called by the Guatemalan authorities, is the following:
1. Any death suspected of being the result of a crime is investigated by the
Ministerio Público or prosecutor’s office (MP), including the crime scene, the
transportation of all evidence and the body or bodies. In some cases the human
remains are found and collected by the police or firefighters when the MP does
not have enough personnel, or the deaths result from natural disaster or mass
accident.
2. All the evidence collected at the crime scene is delivered to the INACIF for
forensic analysis. Dead bodies or human segments are delivered to the morgue
for cause‐of‐death and identification purposes.
1
National Institute of Forensic Science of Guatemala (INACIF) statistics from 2017, www.inacif.gob.gt.
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The deadly eruption of Volcán de Fuego, Guatemala 627
3. Most deaths resulting from common violence can be identified by fingerprint

comparisons with the database of National Registry of Citizens (RENAP).
However, there is no fingerprint registry for those under 18 years, so other
methods are used to help in the identification of minors, like tattoos, scars,
surgery, dental work, and in some cases fingerprint analysis if the victim was a
gang member who had been previously arrested.
4. If the corpse is in an advanced state of decomposition and there is no dental
record or fingerprints available, DNA analysis can be used. To qualify for DNA
testing, the post‐mortem profile has to fit well enough with the missing per-
son’s ante‐mortem profile, as DNA analysis is far more expensive in comparison
with other human identification techniques. When this process is completed,
the identification can qualify as positive.
5. Another example of the human identification process is when the human
remains are more or less skeletonized. In those cases a forensic anthropological
analysis is required.

medico‐legal investigation
Every forensic investigation involving human corpses or remains starts with the
medico‐legal evaluation, even if the remains are skeletons or highly decomposed
bodies. The pathologist starts the identification process by sending the remains for
forensic anthropological analysis.
Although this article deals with the forensic anthropological identification, it is
important to describe briefly the entire scope of the analysis carried out by the
anthropologists at the INACIF.
In a typical forensic anthropology analysis, there are a series of questions that
need to be asked. Are the remains human? How many individuals are? What is
the sex, age at death, height, race or ancestry? It is important to establish that the
age estimation and stature is given in a range, as the physical analysis never gives
an exact age or stature estimation. There are methods to establish the age range
for newborns, children, young adults and adults (including elders). The sex is
determined by the morphology of the skull and pelvic region, although there are
morphometric methods to establish sex when the skeletal remnants are eroded or
the skull and pelvis are absent.
Individualizing traits such as ante‐mortem fractures (bone reconstruction,
deformities due trauma and osteosynthesis materials), osteopathologies that may
be evident in life (osteoarthritis, bone infections due to trauma or infectious
diseases, osteoporosis, etc.), and peri‐mortem trauma divided into the following
categories:
1. Ballistic trauma: high‐velocity trauma caused by the impact of one or more
projectiles propelled by deflagration of gases.
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2. Blunt force trauma: low‐velocity trauma caused by the impact of an object

with considerable mass, like rocks, baseball bats or the floor.
3. Sharp trauma: low‐velocity trauma caused by objects with sharp edges.
4. Burned skeletal remains (with soft tissue).
In the Spanish literature, sharp trauma are divided into three categories:
5. Cutting marks.
6. Stab penetration in bone: caused by sharp edges and pointed objects, especially
in trabecular tissue of vertebrae, sternum or epiphysis of long bones.
7. Sharp blunt force trauma: two types of trauma in the same blow, generally
produced by a machete and very common in Guatemala’s rural communities.
The physical analysis also contains a dental description and basic analysis of the
estate of the teeth, including an inventory, pre‐mortem losses, dental work,
possible pathology like caries or infections of any type, and malposition of the
teeth. The teeth analysis also registers the ante‐mortem fracture of enamel
and roots, peri‐mortem fracture due any of the previous categories of trauma, and
post‐mortem destruction.
The complete physical analysis is called the post‐mortem profile. For
identification purposes it is very important that this profile contains the most
accurate and extensive information possible, because a comparison will be made
between the ante‐mortem profiles of possible victims versus the post‐mortem
profiles of the skeletons, hoping there is a match between these profiles.
Although in many cases DNA analysis is required for identification, the sole
comparison between ante‐mortem and post‐mortem profiles is enough to accom-
plish a positive identification. Because most cases that the INACIF forensic
anthropology laboratory currently works on are ongoing criminal investigations,
they cannot be used as examples, but I can illustrate the general characteristics of
the cases investigated at the INACIF.
Many requests from the medical examiner are bodies that are more or less
skeletonized, in an advanced state of decomposition, burned, dismembered, with
taphonomic changes like anthropophagy (very common in rural areas due street
dogs and prey birds), or all of them together. Even if the criminal investigator
finds identification documents in the clothing of a corpse, it is not enough to
assume the identity, or that the ID belongs to the remains in question. In order
to corroborate any found documents, it is necessary to start the human
identification process.
The physical analysis will focus on the post‐mortem profile, while an ante‐mor-
tem interview will be conducted with the family of the missing person. The inter-
view can be done by the identifications personnel, medical examiner or the
forensic anthropologist, always focusing on the elements that could be key
identifiers such as ante‐mortem fractures, illness or other events that may leave
evidence in bones and can be corroborated with X‐rays, medical records, or very
specific traits like amputations or deformities. The comparison of features used in
the laboratory have often been used with criminal cases all over the country.
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When the only characteristics that match are the sex, age, stature and ancestry,
other approaches may be used in order to avoid using DNA due to the cost of the
test. The location of disappearance and location of discovery, clothing, personal
artefacts (such as rings, collars, watches, earrings, etc.) and the general circum-
stances of the case can be enough for the expert team (medical examiners and
forensic anthropologists) to make a qualified identification of the victim. If there
is any doubt or confusion with the information, the last resort is to use genetic
matching (DNA).
But what happens when the bones do not have DNA to be recovered within the
cells? What if the victims are from an event more than one or two months ago,
and the geneticists cannot find useful DNA within the bones?
40.4 The Volcán de Fuego case: Paradigmatic event

in Guatemala
On Sunday 3 June 2018, Volcán de Fuego (“volcano of fire”) erupted and sent
lava and pyroclastic flows into the villages of El Rodeo and San Miguel Los Lotes,
located in the department of Escuintla, 44 km south of Guatemala City. The Volcán
de Fuego eruption was the second strongest in the recorded history of Guatemala.
The largest took place on 24 October 1902 in the highlands of Guatemala, when
the Santa María volcano erupted in an event that endured for 19 days (Aragon,
2014), leaving more than 5000 dead and many more who died later from the
subsequent malaria outbreak. The authorities did not record bodies, leaving
several villages under ground and declared as massive graveyards.
Perhaps the Volcán de Fuego eruption was not as strong as the Santa María
eruption, and the dead and missing not counted in thousands, but this time efforts
to recover the bodies are being carried out so that the survivors may be buried by
their loved ones with dignity and their cultural rituals.
It is hard to assess how many people were affected by the Volcán de Fuego’s
eruption: how many died or are missing, how many people lived in those villages,
since the poor and outdated census figure estimations are inaccurate. But we can
share some figures: at least 187 people have been identified by October 20182 out
of 332 missing persons.3
One may think that the identification process of the bodies related to the
eruption follows the typical path mentioned before. In order to illustrate why the
Volcán de Fuego eruption is a paradigmatic event within forensic science, we need
2
INACIF, www.inacif.gob.gt.
3
Prensa Libre, 4 July 2018, www.prensalibre.com.https://www.prensalibre.com/guatemala/comunitario/erupcion‐
volcan‐de‐fuego‐conred‐cifra‐en‐332‐el‐numero‐de‐desaparecidos‐por‐erupcion‐volcanica
This is an estimated figure in the field; we (the forensic team) noticed that the population census was outdated,
so we believe that there are more people missing.
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to understand the events that follow the eruptions and how the bodies were
managed by the authorities and volunteers at the site.
The National Disaster Management Agency (CONRED), which is the institution
responsible for the first response to any natural disaster, including the management
of the wounded and deceased, has its own protocols to deal with bodies, based on
international manuals like the International Committee of the Red Cross’
Management of Dead Bodies: A Field Manual for First Responders, and others. CONRED
also have very complete protocols for the rainy and hurricane seasons which
shows how to prevent the disasters, and how to act during and after events.
Information about procedures in the case of volcanic eruptions, and how to deal
with the bodies after the disaster,4 is more limited, however. There is little direction
on how to manage dead bodies from a volcanic eruption,5 or the effects of pyro-
clastic flow, high‐temperature lahars of sand and other minerals, and lava on
bodies. In fact, no one in Guatemala was prepared for the task and the implica-
tions of that unpreparedness – not even the forensic teams.
One of the most important issues was the lack of experts on the ground, that is
to say, during the first 72 hours, which is the time the CONRED protocols
established as the window to recover living victims.6 Many firefighters and volun-
teers did remarkable work saving hundreds of lives. The real problem started
when those 72 hours ended. The authorities only expected to find dead people,
which they did. The problem was in their inadequate recovery techniques because
the remains showed substantial recovery damage.
The very first day after the eruption, on 4 June, the rescue teams recovered
over 50 dead bodies and the figure increased over the following days.7 At first the
main contribution of the forensic anthropology team was to conduct the ante‐
mortem interviews and to create the ante‐mortem database for identifying bodies
with expected severe burns on the skin and flesh. Many of those 50–60 dead
bodies were identified by the pathologist using the ante‐mortem interviews, from
personal artefacts, and many of the bodies had recognizable features, like the face,
scars, and so on.
Though not all the corpses were in the same condition, some of those early
recoveries were more exposed to the pyroclastic flow, which made the soft tissue
very unstable and falling from the bones. Two things contributed to the poor pres-
ervation of the bodies: first, the sui generis nature of the natural disaster (at least
for the Guatemalan experience) because many firefighters have never seen bodies
affected by that kind of extreme and rapid heat from the pyroclastic flow; and
4
Rainy and Hurricane Season 2018 Protocol (CONRED), www.conred.gob.gt
5
In this article I will only talk about the management of dead bodies and only in reference to the events that took
place during and after the Volcán de Fuego eruption. The prevention and management of natural and humanitarian
disaster it is a broader subject that is impossible to address here.
6
Rainy and Hurricane Season 2018 Protocol (CONRED), www.conred.gob.gt
7
This data was obtained during the event by the author.
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second, related to the previous lack of suitable containers for the transportation of
human remains in those conditions.
Thus, more or less skeletonized bodies started to enter the provisional morgue
created by the INACIF in the nearby town of Escuintla.8 The next natural step was
to estimate sex and age, with other elements like clothing or personal artefacts as
discriminating elements, to perform DNA analysis of the bones, and then compare
them with referential samples taken from the potential families that survived the
disaster during the interviews. This model worked just fine in the identification of
bodies recovered the first week after the eruption. There was no major problem
with commingling of bones, and the genetic profile was good enough to associate
mixed bones and to obtain positive identifications.9
After the first week (and maybe several bodies from that very first week) the
bone samples did not contain any DNA useful for obtaining a profile for human
identification. Retests were performed, and in some cases the result was positive;
however, in many more the result was negative, which left the challenge of how
to identify those corpses.
In order to answer that question, first it is important to describe what I call the
cooked bones: a characteristic of heat exposure that presented in the majority of the
318 corpses and body segments10 registered to the provisional morgue of INACIF
Escuintla.
The cooked bones presented a brownish coloration that is considered one of the
first stages of fire (Shipman et al., 1984); however, blackening was found on a
small quantity of bones, especially those of the first bodies recovered the day after
the eruption, suggesting that a small portion of the victims’ bones were in direct
contact with the pyroclastic flow.
The majority of bones presented a brownish coloration, noticeable dehydration,
and brittle condition with white edges. Luigi Capasso analysed the necessary tem-
peratures to reach those characteristics by studying the bones of Herculaneum
victims of the volcanic eruption of Mount Vesuvius in 79 ad. I found a very similar
macroscopic stage of the bones of the victims from the Volcán de Fuego eruption
from the second week, to those described by Capasso of Mount Vesuvius from
almost 2000 years ago (Capasso, 2000).
Despite communication with people in charge of the excavation on the disaster
site not being ideal, the forensic team were able to find out that most of the bodies
8
The bodies were taken to a provisional morgue (old school building); social pressure and the lack of state morgues
were the main reasons for working in such unsuitable facilities.
9
INACIF is an autonomous State institution in charge of almost all forensic investigations in Guatemala with legal
confidentiality. For this reason, in this article we cannot quote how many bodies were identified by fingerprints,
DNA, odontology or anthropology; that information is not available while the investigation is still in progress. The
information used to write this article was taken with ethnographic techniques by the author and his own partici-
pation during the events of the Volcán de Fuego eruption.
10
The difference of 131 between the number of identified persons and the number of corpses and body segments
did not mean that that is the number of unidentified bodies; many of the 131 are body segments or loose bones,
and even bones of pets and cattle from the village affected. See INACIF web page, www.inacif.gob.gt
c40.indd 631 11/26/2019 8:29:33 PM

were found in the houses, and the houses were buried in hot sand that came after
the pyroclastic flow. This is consistent with the dehydration condition presented
in the bones, due a high‐temperature cooking process over a considerable amount
of time. These conditions in the bones was the main reason the genetic laboratory
could not find useful DNA to compare profiles between the human remains and
the reference samples of potential families.
The only way to accomplish the majority of identifications was a comparison
between ante‐mortem data and the post‐mortem profile. Thus many interviews
had to be redone or more exhaustively expanded in every detail that could be
useful: any individualizing feature that could match with the findings in bones,
like pre‐mortem fractures, dental treatment (even if there was no written record),
personal artefacts (we found credit cards, cell phones, and even how much money
one person had on the day of the disaster because he was on his way to do some
transaction).
The recovery site was key to excluding or including possible victims. As I stated
earlier, we found that many people were trapped inside their houses, and under-
standing the distribution of the villages (rural villages with farms and improvised
houses, with no accurate maps or developed urbanization) was very helpful in
narrowing down the search for missing persons and comparing their ante‐mor-
tem data with the post‐mortem profiles obtained in the provisional morgue. It is
important to highlight the strong desire of the survivors to find their loved ones.
In many cases, they were the ones who dug in the ashes, sand and rocks to find
the remains inside the houses.
The comparison between ante‐mortem versus post‐mortem data was the key to
identifying at least 60% of the 187 persons returned to their families and now
buried with dignity and cultural rituals in proper graveyards. The role of forensic
anthropology was and still is fundamental to building the information for the
identification of humans who lost their lives in a natural disaster.
40.5 Conclusions
The humanitarian approach of Guatemalan forensic anthropology is to use the

experience obtained investigating the crimes of the civil war, as well as today’s
cases of violence, and apply the same rigor in finding the missing after massive
loss of human life in natural disasters.
Forensic anthropology in Guatemala (Thompson et al., 2018) is relatively new,
starting with the exhumation of mass graves of victims of the Civil War. Its tech-
niques now help in contemporary criminal investigations, and increasingly has
become key in the search for and identification of missing persons.
The amount of violence in Guatemala creates a context where the forensic
anthropologist has to adapt their experience, protocols and techniques in order to
achieve one of the most important goals of forensic anthropology: the identification
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of human remains. Sometimes the limited resources, like the high cost of DNA
testing, represents the biggest obstacle to positive identification of bodies in
advanced states of decomposition, burned or skeletonized. However, when
the resources are not the problem, but the taphonomic state of the bones,
the comparison of ante‐mortem data collected from detailed interviews, archaeo-
logical context and circumstantial elements like personal artefacts, against the
post‐mortem profile obtained during physical examinations by the forensic
anthropologist, can be enough to obtain strong and reliable identifications.
That was the case for the humanitarian disaster that took place after the eruption
of Volcán de Fuego on 3 June 2018. The experience and scientific techniques of
INACIF’s forensic anthropologists has been an effective tool for answering
survivor demands and burying their loved ones in a proper and legal cemetery.
There is still much to do in regard to the scientific investigation involving the
relation of the eruption, taphonomic presentation of skeletal elements, genetic
profiles in cooked bones, and analysis of commingled bones.
Acknowledgements
The author wishes to thank the INACIF for the information, and special thanks to
Kelly Kamnikar of Michigan State University and Sara Maher, Adjunct Research
Fellow at Monash University, for their insights and contributions with the
development of this chapter.
References
Aragon, M. (2014) Cuando el día se volvió noche: la erupción del volcán Santa María de 1902. Digital
Magazine Estudios. Escuela de Historia, Universidad de San Carlos de Guatemala, Guatemala.
Capasso, L. (2000) Herculaneum victims of the volcanic eruption of Vesuvius in 79 AD.
The Lancet, 356, 1344–1346.
Jiménez, D. (2011) Contexto histórico y desarrollo de la antropología forense en Guatemala 1954–2011.
Universidad de San Carlos de Guatemala, Guatemala.
Shipman, P., Foster, G. and Schoeninger, M. (1984) Burned bones and teeth: an experimental
study of color, morphology, crystal structure and shrinkage. Journal of Archaeological Science,
11, 307–325.
Thompson, T., Jiménez, D., Bedoya, S. and Pleitel, A. (2018) Forensic anthropology:
Whose rules are we playing by? Contextualizing the role of forensic protocols in human
rights investigations. In: War Crimes Trials and Investigations (eds. J. Waterlow and
J. Schuhmacher). St. Antony’s Series. Oxford: Palgrave Macmillan, pp. 59–80.
Truth Commission (2006) Spanish version: Memoria del Silencio. Comisión para el esclarecimiento
histórico en Guatemala (2nd edn.). Guatemala: F&G Editores.
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CHAPTER 41
Peruvian forensic experience in

the search for missing persons and
the identification of human remains:
History, limitations and future
challenges
Roberto C. Parra1*, Martha R. Palma2, Oswaldo Calcina3, Joel Tejada2,
Lucio A. Condori3 and Jose Pablo Baraybar4
1
2
3
Specialized Forensic Team, Institute of Legal Medicine and Forensic Sciences of Peru, Lima, Perú
4
International Committee of the Red Cross, Paris, France
41.1 Introduction
The internal armed conflict that occurred in Peru between 1980 and 2000 had
serious humanitarian, cultural, social and economic consequences due to the
armed actions of terrorist groups, such as the Peruvian Communist Party–Shining
Path (PCP‐SL, from 1980) and the Tupac Amaru Revolutionary Movement
(MRTA, from 1983), as well as the counter‐terrorist response of the Peruvian state
through its Armed Forces, Police, and Self‐Defense Committees (CAD). Bonilla
(1994) argued that the violence of these armed interventions reached the entirety
of Peruvian society, and that such violence generated a cycle of incalculable chaos.
The final report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission stated that tens of
thousands of people were victims of this armed conflict, and that the majority
of the victims lived in rural areas (CVR, 2003).
The CVR Final Report tells various stories of cruel and degrading treatment suf-
fered by people who survived violence; the report also shows how the bodies of
thousands of people were treated at the time of death or before disappearing,
* The views expressed herein are those of the editor Roberto C. Parra and do not necessarily reflect the views of the
United Nations.
635
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including bodies that were deposited in individual and collective burial sites,
thrown into rivers, or incinerated in facilities built specifically for these purposes.
Certainly, the forensic investigations in which we have participated have managed
to shed light on such deathly events, confirming the stories reported by survivors.
Other published studies have reported similar forensic findings (Baraybar and
Mora, 2014).
The CVR Final Report (2003) indicated a total of 8555 missing persons and
4644 burial sites in ten different regions of Peru, with predominance in the
Ayacucho region. According to Baraybar and Mora (2014), in 2007, the Peruvian
Team of Forensic Anthropology (EPAF) recalculated the scope for missing persons
based on available lists and got a much higher number: 13,721. In 2011, the
Peruvian government acknowledged to the Organization of American States
(OAS) the existence of 15,731 missing persons (Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 2011),
based on information provided by the Institute of Legal Medicine and Forensic
Sciences of Peru. In April 2018, the Ministry of Justice and Human Rights
(MINJUSDH) announced that at least 20,329 disappearances occurred during the
1980–2000 period of violence, of which more than 13,000 remain unaccounted
for. This number establishes Peru as one of the countries in Latin America with
the highest number of missing persons as a result of violence, only after Colombia,
Mexico, Guatemala and Argentina. It is highly likely that thousands of these
missing persons died and their bodies were deposited in the 6400 clandestine
burial sites that have been reported (COMISEDH, 2012).
This chapter aims to describe the development of the field of forensic sciences
in Peru (particularly in anthropology and archaeology) and its contribution to
judicial proceedings and the current humanitarian forensic action after the
recovery and identification of the remains of thousands of missing people. To
address this issue, we have organized this chapter into three sections: (1) the
development of forensic investigations and the search for missing persons in Peru;
(2) the complexity and limitations of the Peruvian case and the expectations of
the relatives; and (3) future challenges.
41.2 The development of anthropological–forensic

investigations and the search for missing
persons in Peru
The first news about people reported as missing began to be known in 1983, and
increased substantially in following years (Defensoría del Pueblo, 2000).
According to the CVR Final Report (2003), disappearances and deaths were
reported in 1983 in Lucanamarca and Uchuraccay, two rural communities in the
Ayacucho region. In 1984, clandestine burials were discovered in Accomarca,
Soras, and Pucayacu – also in Ayacucho – with more than 40 buried bodies in
total (CVR, 2003).
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Peruvian forensic experience in the search for missing persons 637
In 1993, the finding of clandestine burials in the vicinity of Lima, the “La
Cantuta” case,1 warned of the need for forensic science guidelines to conduct
criminal investigations of such findings. Moreover, Peru was still under the dicta-
torship regime that perpetrated those crimes; this situation made it difficult to
pursue forensic interventions. In response, Amnesty International tried to get
the help of the Argentine Forensic Anthropology Team (EAAF) for the recovery
of the bodies, due to the vast experience accumulated by this team of experts,
and, the Congressional Commission of Enquiry of the “La Cantuta” case obtained
the advice of Jose Pablo Baraybar. Back then, the Peruvian government recog-
nized that the field of forensic science in Peru was not yet prepared to meet the
international guidelines developed for this type of case, and as a result, Peruvian
authorities emphasized the need to strengthen the technical capabilities of the
Institute of Legal Medicine and Forensic Sciences of the Public Ministry (IML) to
deal with this type of case.2
During the mid‐1990s, there was a growing and strong social pressure for
judicial investigations of the cases around the finding of clandestine graves and
the increase in the number of missing‐persons reports. Inadequate recovery of
human remains initially performed by police officers, medical examiners, or even
civilians made difficult the proper documentation and identification of the
recovered remains and evidence needed for judicial investigations.
According to Baraybar and Mora (2014), in 1997 a “Technical Group” was cre-
ated within the National Coordinator for Human Rights (Grupo Técnico de la
Coordinadora Nacional de Derechos Humanos), which later (2001) became the
Peruvian Team of Forensic Anthropology (Equipo Peruano de Antropología
Forense – EPAF). The activities of this technical group were aimed at dealing with
cases related to missing persons and human rights violations that were constantly
being reported, using the current international guidelines developed for forensic
investigations. This same technical group, promoted by Jose Pablo Baraybar, was
invited to participate in the forensic missions of the International Criminal Tribunal
for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) to facilitate acquiring forensic training.
At the beginning of the 2000s, the news reports related to clandestine burial
finds continued, this time in the towns of Pampas‐Tayacaja and Churcampa
(Huancavelica). The Office of the Public Defender followed up on such cases and
began receiving the advice of EPAF for the adequate documentation of this type
of case. In fact, official recommendations were made by the Office of the Public
Ombudsman to highlight that there were clear differences between those cases
linked to common criminality – and the application of conventional criminalistics
1
On 18 July 1992, members of the paramilitary group known as “Grupo Colina” kidnapped and murdered nine
students and one professor from the Universidad Nacional Enrique Guzmán y Valle, commonly known as “La
Cantuta”; their clandestine burials were found in the districts of Cieneguilla and Huachipa.
2
UN Principles on the Effective Prevention and Investigation of Extra-legal, Arbitrary and Summary Executions (1989), and
its companion document, the UN Manual on the Effective Prevention and Investigation of Extra-Legal, Arbitrary and
Summary Executions (1991), which became known, through popular usage, as the Minnesota Protocol.
c41.indd 637 11/26/2019 8:31:31 PM

methodology – and the international standards to follow in the case of discovery

of clandestine burials in the context of human rights violations, considering that
forensic documentation requires the application of different procedures, espe-
cially those borrowed from forensic anthropology. These recommendations were
legally regulated for Peru through the Public Prosecutor’s Office’s directive called:
“Prosecutorial investigation in cases of discovery of graves with human remains
that are related to serious violations of human rights”.3
However, prosecutors’ investigations focused almost exclusively on determining
the author of the crimes rather than the search for the missing persons; as a result
a new focus was needed to answer the families of missing persons. But it was not
until the beginning of 2002, through an agreement with the Public Prosecutor’s
Office, that EPAF and the professionals of IML worked on the well‐known case of
clandestine graves in Sillaqasa (Chuschi) in the Ayacucho region. Both teams
managed to recover eight bodies of farmers from Quispillacta that had been exe-
cuted in April 1983, and whose bodies had been hidden in clandestine graves in
Sillaqasa, 30 km away from the town of Chuschi. The results of the forensic inter-
vention in the Sillaqasa case were satisfactory because the identities of the deceased
were confirmed and a humanitarian response expected by the relatives of the
deceased was achieved through the restitution of the bodies in a symbolic
ceremony that was very well received both by the families and the entire

local population. It was the first time in Peru’s history that this type of protocol –
considering the participation of family members – that included the recovery and
identification of the remains along with a complete compilation of all the
information sufficient to restitute the remains and continue a subsequent judicial
process in the search for justice was practiced. The experience during this case was
compiled, with its processes and recommendations, in a “Manual for the investi-
gation in the case of the discovery of graves with human remains in Peru”, which
was an important contribution to standardizing forensic actions in Peru.
After the publication of CVR’s Final Report on 28 August 2003, a new phase of
development in the history of forensic anthropology and the search for missing
persons began in Peru, as two forensic teams were created: the Andean Center for
Forensic‐Anthropological Investigations (CENIA) and the Specialized Forensic
Team (EFE), associated with the IML and supported by civil society and the
Peruvian state, respectively.
In August 2003, EFE was designated by the Public Prosecutor’s Office as a
specialized team dedicated to the search for missing persons and the forensic doc-
umentation of human rights violations. Since then, EFE has been the team in
charge of intervening in this type of case throughout Peru. To date, EFE has
managed to recover the bodies of approximately 3900 victims of violence through
forensic protocols, conducted by an array of forensic professionals, including den-
tists, medical doctors, geneticists, archaeologists and anthropologists. EFE’s work,
Directive No. 011-2001-MP-FN by the Public Prosecutor’s Office, approved on 8 September 2001.
3
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with support from the Ministry of Justice and Human Rights, Civilian Society, and
the International Committee of the Red Cross, has identified and returned to their
families the remains of around 2578 victims.4 However, despite innumerable
efforts, several hundred bodies are still preserved in EFE facilities waiting for
future strategies for the management of these unidentified human remains and a
humanitarian forensic action.
In June 2016, with the enactment of Law No. 30470, the “Law for the Search
of Missing Persons in the 1980–2000 period of violence,” a new governmental
institution joined the search for missing persons: the General Office of Search for
Missing Persons (DGBPD), under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Justice and
Human Rights. Since 2017, this office has been carrying out research on the fate
of missing and deceased persons in the context of reparation processes for family
members, who constitute the focus of attention within the framework of a human-
itarian approach. As a result, the Peruvian search for missing persons has the
challenge of simultaneously addressing the search for missing persons from two
different perspectives –the judicial approach and the humanitarian
approach – which will have to be articulated in a way that facilitates providing the
necessary answers to family members who still wait to know where their loved
ones are and what happened to them. The actions that are carried out in both
approaches require the same expertise and professionals for the development of
their processes, for which the articulation of such approaches strengthens the
search actions in favor of the victims.
41.3 Complexity and forensic limitations of the Peruvian

case and the expectations of the relatives
The Peruvian reality for the search for missing persons presents at least three
different dimensions of complexity, based on the needs of family members and
the information potentially available about each particular case. These dimen-
sions of complexity are defined as follows:
1. Dimension I. Missing persons: Relatives have no information about the final fate
of their missing relative.
2. Dimension II. Deceased persons and missing bodies: Relatives know that their family
member died, but they do not know the place where the body was deposited,
or they know that the bodies were destroyed (thrown into rivers, cremated,
mutilated, etc.).
3. Dimension III. Deceased persons without legalization of death: Relatives know that
their family member died, participated in the funeral, and know the location of
the burial, but the legalization of the death was never carried out due to reasons
related to the context of violence surrounding the event (see Table 41.1).
4
Around 90% of the identified remains are cases typified as Dimension III, and in some cases as Dimension II,
according to the classification proposed in the next section of this chapter.
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Table 41.1 The three types of dimensions with a short description of a case that fits within the framework and complexity
described above.
Type Context and brief description of the events Forensic action
Dimension I Domingo Ayarza Military Base, known as “Los • Five years of forensic investigation involving the collection of
Cabitos”, Huamanga, Ayacucho. testimonies and the analysis of historical documents and
Located in the capital of the Ayacucho region. The archives, using procedures from social anthropology and
CVR’s Final Report (2003) concludes that “… archaeology; in addition, use of anthropological protocols for
members of the Peruvian Army installed in this the analysis of bodies and associated evidence, genetic data,
Military Base ordered, allowed and/or committed and other non‐genetic procedures.
human rights violations against the local and • 17 hectares were investigated using forensic–archaeological
regional population detained in these facilities protocols, which accounted for 27,470 m3 of removed soil
between 1983 and 1984; they carried out arbitrary and 3031 excavation units.
detentions, tortures, granted selective freedom, • 300 kg of forensic evidence was recovered, including
disappeared (using crematoria) and extrajudicially fragmented human remains and ammunition, among other
executed at least 136 people.” items of forensic interest.
• 58 clandestine graves were discovered; 22 of them were
intact and the rest were intentionally altered in order to
eliminate evidence.
• Six crematoria were registered. They contained abundant
charred and calcined materials, including non‐organic
materials (glass, metal, etc.) with thermal impact due to high
temperatures.
• The remains of at least 109 individuals were found; 53 of
them were complete skeletonized bodies.
• By 2018, 12 bodies were identified through the integration
of genetic (DNA) and non‐genetic evidence. The 12 bodies
were returned to their families.
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Dimension II Missing persons in Chungui, La Mar, Ayacucho. • During the three years of search (2010–2012) conducted by
Chungui is a district located in the south‐central EFE, the surviving woman, María, managed to locate the
highlands of Peru in the Ayacucho region. On 13 sites where the two groups were buried.
August 1984, 32 people including children, adults, • The human remains of 22 people buried in two mass graves
and the elderly who were moving from a small were recovered.
town called Paccha to Chungui (district capital) • The forensic analysis of the human remains resulted in the
were detained by members of the Peruvian army, identification of 12 people by non‐genetic methods.
who accused them of terrorism. As a result of these • Eight individuals, whose identification needed confirmation,
actions, 8 people fell into the river in their attempt were referred for complementary DNA analysis.
to escape. Afterwards, the army officers gathered • The whole case was analysed comprehensively with genetic
approximately 24 people and separated them at and non‐genetic information to achieve the final
night into two groups. The first group – with 11 identification and restitution of all the bodies to their
people – were taken to a dark field, after which relatives.
gunshots were heard in the distance; the people
from that group never returned. The next day, very
early in the morning, the soldiers took the second
group and gunshots were also heard far away in
the middle of the fields. María, a survivor of this
event who had many relatives among the two
groups, never knew exactly where they were
buried. The military decided to leave, leaving María
on the road in the company of a 9‐year‐old boy
(CVR, 2003).
(Continued)
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Type Context and brief description of the events Forensic action
Dimension III The death of Luis Morales Ortega, the Solier • Eight skeletonized bodies were recovered from individual
family, and Leonor Zamora. sites in the Ayacucho General Cemetery between 2008
The CVR concluded that a member of the Peruvian and 2009.
Army Intelligence Service was responsible for several • The bodies were analysed and identified by non‐genetic
human rights violations between July and December comparative methods.
of 1991. His pseudonym was “Agent Carrion” and • It was possible to confirm the identity and establish the
his personal diary discovered in 1996 was key to manner of their deaths: a single execution pattern (more
reconstructing the selective and arbitrary executions than two shots in the back of the head).
of the journalist Luis Morales Ortega, the Solier • The eight bodies were returned to their families, this time
family, Huamanga’s former mayor Leonor Zamora, along with death certificates and other documents, to
and other individuals as well. reestablish their individual and social identity.
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Since the beginning of the 2000s, it was understood that the work processes for
the forensic documentation of cases related to human rights violations and the
search for missing persons had to be adjusted to the particular complexity of the
Peruvian reality, but also to the context of recommendations and best practices
based on experiences across the world (Doretti and Fondebrider, 2001; Fondebrider,
2002). As stated before, the “Manual for the investigation in the case of discovery
of graves with human remains in Peru” outlined the minimum requirements and
guidelines for this type of action. Although the adaptation process was gradual,
substantial changes were observed in the medium term. For example, after 2002,
when a clandestine grave was found in Peru, most prosecutors requested the
presence of qualified professionals to deal with the case. These new decisions
made it possible to improve the case documentation and data collection by forensic
specialists who had been trained to implement recommendations and minimum
international standards to deal with this type of case. These standards included:
(1) the need to study the case before recovering the evidence; (2) the need to
have a record of evidence recovery; and (3) the need for laboratory work for the
analysis of the evidence (Fondebrider, 2002). This is a model of scientific docu-
mentation that has been formulated on the basis of more than 30 years of forensic
operations, starting in Latin America and then spreading around the world (Doretti
and Fondebrider, 2001; Steadman and Haglund, 2005).
Following this “Latin American model,” in Peru the human remains and their
associated objects recovered to date are related to a specific context of regional
and local violence. In the Peruvian context, social anthropologists have been
fundamental to reconstructing such violent events through in‐depth studies
within Amazonian or Andean communities, and avoiding applying foreign pro-
tocols and standards that turn out to be inadequate for each addressed context
(Baraybar, 2008; Baraybar and Blackwell, 2014,). For example, the collection of
ante‐mortem (AM) information is highly sensitive in the Peruvian context; it is
therefore necessary to understand and differentiate both the Andean and
Amazonian worldviews to properly carry out this process. This is particularly
the case considering that the categories and conceptualization of health and
disease may be different from a non‐specialized researcher with an etic5 perspec-
tive. In Peru, social anthropologists have demonstrated an important scientific
role by applying their own methodological approaches to data collection using
an emic6 approach in the context of forensic sciences (Baraybar, 2008)
(Figure 41.1).
5
The etic perspective defines and describes social behavior focusing primarily on the logic of the observing actor.
The structure that exists beyond the minds of the actors is prioritized.
6
An emic perspective ensures that there is a context of interaction in which the observer and the informant meet
and carry out a discussion on a particular topic.
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Figure 41.1 Social anthropologist with a forensic approach gathering information in an

highland Andean community of southern Peru. Photograph by Jose Carlos Guevara
Carrasco.
According to Baraybar (2008: 540),

Experts participating in traditional identifications must develop emic categories to trans-
form objective physical features into recognizable categories by the family, or to the
opposite, to develop a system by which the expert translates the clues given by a family
member into objective categories (etic categories).
Social anthropologists have identified that, during the exhibition of garments,

for example, relatives create spaces of memory or “memorization” of their loved
ones; such events can be key spaces where family members feel close to their
missing relatives, and where individual and collective memories are powerfully
activated. Therefore, social anthropologists use these moments to collect more
information using emic categories – without interrupting the moments of “mem-
orization” – in order to use these data as a resource in the identification process.
While it is clear that the recognized garments by themselves do not identify the
bodies, they have shown practical utility to guide the identification of missing per-
sons and the contexts of disappearances (Haglund, 2002; Baraybar, 2008), and
therefore should be part of the identification process. Additionally, the display of
garments also generate moments that allow the families to go through a repara-
tive and “preparative” process to face the next step: the restitution of the bodies of
their identified relatives.
The research process has also found that it is not possible to locate the totality
of the relatives in all the cases studied, which exacerbates the complexity of the
humanitarian search. Despite an in‐depth investigation prior to the recovery of
c41.indd 644 11/26/2019 8:31:32 PM

the evidence, not all cases have informants who can offer ante‐mortem data for
the bodies. Consequently, this is one of the main reasons why it is not always
possible to achieve identification of all the bodies recovered from a certain clan-
destine burial site. In addition, even when we have ante‐mortem information, the
data collected are not always sufficient due to contradictions found in the reports
provided by the informants (Vega and Mora, 2008). For example, there may be six
bodies in a burial site, but there is only information about three individuals who
presumably could be buried in that place. The other three bodies that will be
recovered do not have family members who can offer us any reference, despite
the thorough research conducted by social anthropologists.
The Curgos‐Huamachuco case (La Libertad) was preliminarily investigated by
EPAF, and a total of six skeletonized human bodies were recovered. However,
both EPAF and later EFE agreed in their final reports to establish the identification
of two individuals. To this day, the other four bodies recovered have not been
identified, since there are no informants or family members who can provide data
on these people buried in the same place.
Another well‐known forensic case in Peru is that called “Molinos,” in the Junin
region. In this case, it was possible to recover 60 human bodies from a multiple
burial. The bodies showed important post‐mortem information: regenerated
fractures with surgical treatment (osteosynthesis) as well as dental work, extrac-
tions, and prosthesis, among other characteristics. In spite of such individualizing
findings, to date only seven of the 60 bodies – or 11.66% – have been identified.
Reasons for this include, once again, a lack of informants who could provide
information about the individualizing characteristics of their relatives and/or pro-
vide biological information (e.g. DNA). Additionally, along with the absence of
family members that complicated the identification process, many of the buried
people – if not all – belonged to the Tupac Amaru Revolutionary Movement
(MRTA). A similar situation applies to people retained and disappeared in cases
including: Cabitos (Ayacucho), Pichari (Cusco), Chapiorco (Apurimac), and
Pucayacu (Ayacucho), since the detainees were transferred to other places outside
their locality, or even outside of the region, and consequently their relatives lost
their trace completely.
A long list of hundreds of bodies has run the same fate in Peru, and they are still
deposited in the warehouses of forensic laboratories. During forensic investiga-
tions, when it is not possible to identify skeletonized human remains by AM/PM
methods, they are sent for complementary DNA analyses to look for more matches
or lines of evidences. These DNA results are then evaluated in context following
the process shown in Figure 41.2. However, although we could use DNA as an
exclusive support for identification, this is not always possible due to several
reasons: (1) resources are not always available to use this technology; (2) skeleton-
ized bodies are biologically degraded, and DNA is not available or there is not
enough of it to extract genetic profiles; (3) there are no biologically‐related family
members; or (4) there are several deceased relatives who were buried in the same
c41.indd 645 11/26/2019 8:31:32 PM

Identification based Forensic Forensic

on AM/PM data Antemortem Postmortem Procedures performed by diverse
coincidences in Information Information professionals: Archaeologists,
closed cases (AM) Comparación (PM) Anthropologists, Odontologists,
among others.
Coincidences
Aplication of AM/PM Identified Restitution of remains to relatives

Complementary
AM/PM Results
Procedures
Unidentified
DNA profile DNA profile(s)

DNA- led matching of human Compare of one or
remains more relatives
reference
Reduced risk of misidentifications

samples(s)
Maches
Genetic Forensic Database
DNA profile DNA profile

Assess matches of human Compare of all reference
remains samples from
DNA-
database Procedures in charge of Genetists
from DNA Laboratory
Statistical evaluation of coincidences
DNA Results
Procedures in charge of forensic
Biological Age, sex, ancestral filiation, stature, healed injuries anthropologists and forensic
Profile and pathology conditions. odontologists.
Other elements of
support for Unusual traits like dental treatments, dental aesthetic Procedures in charge of forensic
modifications, personal objects, identification documents;
identification eyewitness testimonies, Information from the event. anthropologists and forensic
and congenital conditions. archaeologists.
INTEGRATION OF DIVERSE LINES OF EVIDENCES FOR FORENSIC CONTEXTS Identificacion Committee with all of
forensic specialist
FORENSIC DATABASE
Figure 41.2 Flowchart of the process of identification of human remains that is currently
practiced in Peru. Adapted from ICRC recommendations (2009: 22).
clandestine gravesite, among other considerations (see Chapter 30). Therefore, in

diverse contexts around the world, the exclusive use of DNA as a “golden rule” for
the identification of human remains can constitute a serious problem (Biruš et al.,
2003), and it is highly advisable to use a holistic approach combining genetic and
non‐genetic techniques instead (see chapters 30, 32 and 35; Goodwin, 2017; Biruš
et al., 2003). In some cases, the use of this technology may not be appropriate at
all, depending on the location and circumstances of the disappearance or death,
or because it might interfere with local religious beliefs, cultural norms, and/or
sociopolitical power structures (Bennett, 2014; see Chapter 33).
The current humanitarian approach in the search for missing persons must con-
sider that the elapsed time – at least 30 years since the disappearance – causes
DNA degradation and chemical decomposition of the bones, situations that are
found in both the Amazonian region and the Peruvian Andes when the structures
c41.indd 646 11/26/2019 8:31:33 PM

of skeletonized bodies go through decomposition. For example, in the Amazonian

region, ten years after the events occurred, the bodies of the victims have practi-
cally disintegrated, as shown by the forensic operations of body recovery in such
contexts. This process occur due to the environment in which the bodies were
deposited, characterized by the high acidity of the soil, high humidity and temper-
ature, and the proliferation of microbial fauna that facilitate bone decomposition
(Janaway et al., 2009; Nielsen‐Marsh and Hedges, 2000; Holland et al., 1997). This
means that even if we could find relatives that could provide DNA biologically
related to the missing person, this would not be sufficient for the forensic analysis,
since the DNA of the bodies would be too degraded to use. Currently, we observe
that only about 30% of bone samples from recently recovered bodies collected for
DNA analysis can actually be used for genetic studies. The remaining 70% shows
an extreme taphonomic impact on the bone structure, making it difficult to find
viable DNA in this type of sample. However, new advances in forensic DNA tech-
nology bring new possibilities to optimize the degraded DNA recovered (Ottoni
et al., 2017), but only in the samples where some DNA was available.
Regarding non‐genetic information, current humanitarian investigations must
deal with poor preservation of bone remains, a situation that makes it unlikely we
can recover diagnostic information – a biological profile – that will help us to
estimate the sex, age, or individual characteristics of the recovered remains. A few
years ago efforts were made to document the limitations of forensic anthropology
for the establishment of biological profiles, whose purpose is to favor the
identification of victims in war crimes contexts (Komar, 2003). Komar (2003)
found, through the analysis of the individuals killed in the massacre of Srebrenica
(Bosnia‐Herzegovina), that they are a clear example of how the general protocols
used to estimate biological profiles were not adequate for that specific population.
The problem was due to the fact that the range of available methods was devel-
oped for North American and European populations, which are different, in this
case, to the population of the Balkans. For example, Ross and Konigsberg (2002)
found that a certain protocol to estimate the stature of “white men” underesti-
mates the stature of Eastern European males, and therefore it was inadequate for
the studies conducted with the population of former Yugoslavia. Added to this
methodological problem are the limitations in age estimates, where only 42% of
59 identified Bosnians fell within the age‐range estimates (Komar, 2003).
For the Peruvian case, we are not clear yet about the margins of error in the
anthropological protocols currently in use. However, there have been some studies
on the margins of error for estimating age in adults by observing the teeth, and
the results of these studies have been favorable for the utility of this protocol for
the Peruvian population (Ubelaker and Parra, 2008; Parra et al., 2011). Komar
and Buikstra (2008: 152) argued that “while the physical anthropologist may be
focused upon describing and interpreting diversity, the forensic anthropologist’s
attention should be directed towards establishing the accuracy of his/her
standards on both global and local scales.” Forensic practices of this nature

c41.indd 647 11/26/2019 8:31:33 PM

would facilitate the documentation of non‐genetic evidence with a higher quality

of information. These limitations must be considered and adapted for the
Peruvian case.
On the other hand, the Genetic Data Bank (BDG), recently approved by the
Peruvian State,7 is a significant contribution that will help to provide answers to
the families of missing persons. It will also help to improve the management of
cases, considering the limitations described above, such as the time intervals and
the biological degradation of skeletons that have been buried for more than
30 years, which will impact on the chances of obtaining useful genetic data. For
ethical reasons, families should be informed of these limitations in order to avoid
high expectations about the identification of bodies using only a genetic databank.
This chapter proposes that only the integration and analysis of both non‐genetic
and genetic data provides real possibilities of identification.
41.4 Future challenges
Throughout this chapter we have reviewed the complexity of the forensic sce-
nario of the search for disappeared persons in Peru. The decomposition of human
remains – still buried in thousands of mass graves in Peru – constitutes one of the
main risk factors for their disappearance, and this risk increases rapidly. Although
a traditional approach would require an extensive forensic investigation prior to
the recovery of any evidence (Fondebrider, 2002), the current reality of the
Peruvian scenario may require emergency actions to mitigate the problem of
human remains degradation and organic bone decomposition, and enable their
humanitarian rescue. In this regard, Luis Fondebrider (2002) has emphasized that
it may be possible not always to follow a strict order of investigation, and the
phases of forensic work can overlap. This means that, in the Peruvian case, we
may choose to start with forensic recovery, in order to stop bone decomposition
in the acidic soils, and then continue the work through documentary investiga-
tion of the cases and proper reconstruction of disappearance contexts. For
example, when human remains are discovered accidentally, the recovery phase
initiates the investigation, and the historical investigation phase can continue
throughout the entire investigation process, finishing with restitution of the
remains to families. Otherwise, it could take months, or perhaps years, to elabo-
rate and enrich databases of ante‐mortem information or historical information,
while human remains keep degrading in the places where they were deposited,
increasing the risk of skeletons disappearing due to anthropogenic factors, and
decreasing the possibility of identifying them and returning them to their rela-
tives. Moreover, this scenario precipitates the social death of the unidentified
deceased persons (see Chapter 6).
See Decree Law No. 1398.

7
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The humanitarian search for missing persons in Peru must consider that the
current number of missing persons and the total number of burial sites constitute
a humanitarian crisis that needs to be addressed urgently to prevent the disinte-
gration of bodies and the loss of information due to the death of the relatives who
initiated the search, mainly elderly men and women who still hold hopes to find
their relatives, or at least to know what happened to them. One emblematic
example of this situation is Mrs Angelica Mendoza de Ascarza, popularly known
by the nickname “Mama Angelica,” who died on 27 August 2017. Mama Angelica
became a symbol for the mothers searching for their missing children, and died
still waiting for news about her son Arquímedes. Like Mama Angelica, several
dozen men and women have died waiting for news. Both emergency situations,
concerning the bodies and the relatives, are challenges that must be faced
today and constitute a primary concern for forensic sciences and humanitarian
action in Peru.
For family members, there is a humanitarian path that helps to preserve the
bio‐historical memory of people who are waiting for news about their missing
relatives; this path consists of campaigns of preliminary forensic data collection,
which involve the centralization and systematization of ante‐mortem data and
genetic records as a tool for identification and as a mitigation measure against the
death of elder relatives. On the other hand, regarding the bodies of deceased per-
sons who are still buried in clandestine graves, there might be additional options
involving the recovery and/or humanitarian rescue of such bodies; they could be
moved to specific cemeteries or specially constructed facilities in neighboring
towns, within the framework of a clear forensic strategy of documentation, anal-
ysis and conservation that must be added to any public commemoration policy.
The assessment of information related to the context of disappearance and the
possible location where the body was deposited should be included as part of a
preliminary response to the families, which, according to the progress of the
investigation, could confirm whether or not there is a body to return. This option
could constitute a challenge at two levels: first, it would involve communication
with the family to prepare it for the different outcomes that may result from the
investigation; and second, it would imply that the search for missing persons does
not start with the presumption of finding a body in a skeletonized state, but with
confirming the existence of the deceased person in a burial place instead. This
confirmation would be based on the forensic evaluation of the context as well as
the finding of human skeletal remains, and it could provide an answer to the
family about the last days of the disappeared person in a landscape that requires
dignification. Aldo Bolaños (2016) has introduced the concept of landscape of
dignification in the context of the search for missing persons; it refers to the idea
that this search is situated in a symbolic and geographical space composed of
scenarios of memory and commemoration of the events lived there. These

landscapes of dignification require, first, a search landscape where abandoned
clandestine graves still keep the memories of the deceased deposited there. These
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grave areas become degrading elements of cultural and social landscapes,

considering that they represent senseless cruelty and violence; however, once
intervened to recover and identify the remains, and with adequate documenta-
tion and treatment, these spaces can be converted into dignified landscapes
(Bolaños, 2016: 21).
To address this issue, geographical information systems (GIS) have been used
for decades to help to solve problems concerning territorial management
and natural resources, planning, and information management related to
environmental sciences, geography and geology, among other applications.

However, GIS technology is also quite useful for the social sciences, including
recent practical applications in the design of public policies to reduce crime and
homicide rates (Guerrero Velasco, 2015). In addition, this technology is increas-
ingly being applied to searches for people considered missing in humanitarian
contexts, as a fundamental tool for spatial analysis and tracking of missing persons
(Congram et al., 2016, 2017). This type of tool can contribute both to the planning
of future search actions and to the construction of the historical memory of cases
related to missing persons, thus consolidating a source of digital information for
researchers and relatives.
One of the applications that could contribute to future search and forensic
actions is the GIScience documentation system; it offers the opportunity to estab-
lish search guidelines through a spatial analysis that involves understanding the
relationships and spatial patterns of disappearance, the location of burial sites
and places of disappearance, the recurrence of violent contexts, how all these
elements could be related, and which actions are required to plan the search.
To answer all these questions, the system analyses spatial relationships, such as
proximity, coincidence, recurrence, intersection, overlap, visibility, and accessi-
bility to the places where the bodies were deposited, in those cases where there is
a presumption that the person has died. For example, in those cases where the
body has been thrown into a river, GIScience can determine river sizes and shapes,
calculating how large is the landscape of disappearance, and evaluating in terms
of its area, perimeter, length, and volume the probable whereabouts of the
remains. The use of GIS technology can therefore define patterns of disappear-
ance and death that can predict the possible places where bodies were deposited,
or those locations that could be used to determine the fate of the disappeared
person. This technological contribution could help to document and establish the
search and dignification landscapes.
Finally, recent forensic applications of stable isotope analysis have demonstrated
its value as an investigative tool in forensic anthropology casework (Bartelink and
Chesson, 2019; see chapters 19 and 20). Forensic isotopic investigations on human
remains have integrated the use of several isotope profiles (e.g. C, N, O, H, S, Sr
and Pb) as well as isotopic landscapes (“isoscapes”) from multiple body tissues
(e.g. teeth, bone, hair and nails) to predict possible regions‐of‐origin for unidenti-
fied human remains (Bartelink and Chesson, 2019; see chapters 23, 24, 27, and
others). Various isotope analyses provide additional lines of evidence during the
c41.indd 650 11/26/2019 8:31:33 PM

human identification process, even a decedent’s possible region‐of‐birth, long‐

term adult residence, recent travel history, and dietary choices, which can be
compared with the historical investigations of the case. Investigations of this
nature have begun in Peru mainly for cases related to missing persons who entered
concentration and detention camps and who were recovered from clandestine
burial sites within such places of detention.
Isotopic analyses could be used to resume search processes, thus combining
genetic and non‐genetic data (including the display of garments, testimonies, and
other sources) from particular regions affected by violence as a new opportunity
for tracking down unidentified bodies (see chapters 21 and 22). Moreover, we
must consider and understand the complexity and real limitations to the use of
genetics alone in Peru (Chapter 30), in isolation from non‐genetic information.
We will need to articulate all scientific procedures and their potential to get further
information merged into one forensic databank using GIS support, within a com-
prehensive procedure to search for missing persons in Peru. Certainly, we need to
understand that discovering the identity of an unidentified deceased person is a
holistic forensic process and not a forensic technique, which is “one of the main
lessons learned over the years” (Chapter 35).
Acknowledgements
We wish to thank the colleagues of the specialized forensic team of the Institute
of Legal Medicine and Forensic Sciences of Peru, and colleagues of the Peruvian
forensic anthropology team, who for years have been working in favour of the
victims of violence in Peru.
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CHAPTER 42
Forensic identification of human

remains in Uruguay
Alicia Lusiardo, Ximena Salvo Eulacio, Aníbal Gustavo Casanova, Natalia
Azziz, Rodrigo Bongiovanni, Matías López and Sofía Rodríguez
Equipo de Antropólogos de Secretaría de Derechos Humanos para el Pasado Reciente (SDDHHPR),
Presidencia de la República, Uruguay
42.1 Introduction
Although we can find different definitions of forensic anthropology (Burns, 2008;

Latham et al., 2018; Schultz and Dupras, 2008), in general all them agree in
pointing out that the identification of the remains is one of the fundamental
points. The identification of human remains is a process that not only requires
some experience, but also requires a series of procedures and standards to prevent
and reduce serious mistakes in the results, without forgetting the consequences
that this could have for the case and also the family (ALAF, 2016).
In order to explain the meaning of identification, the Scientific Working Group
for Forensic Anthropology (SWGANTH) defines the identification of a person as
the result of the comparison of ante‐mortem and post‐mortem data. The forensic
anthropologist should evaluate and compare this information in a systematic basis
in order to provide a reliable identification using appropriate techniques. According
to this, the forensic anthropologist contributes to identification at two levels. The
first level is through methods that establish positive identification. The second
level is through methods that contribute to identification, but limit the potential
for matching of individuals (SWGANTH, 2010b).
On the other hand, the Asociación Latinoamericana de Antropología Forense
(ALAF), in its Guía Latinoamericana de Buenas Prácticas para la aplicación de la
Antropología Forense (GLAAF), defines identification as a process and not as a tech-
nique, stating that “forensic identification means recognizing whether a debased
individual, corpse or human remains, is the person that is supposed or sought,
based on unique traits” (ALAF, 2016: 52). This is a comparative, systematic and
orderly process involving all available information (e.g. history of disappearance
653
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or death, preliminary investigation data, ante‐mortem information and post‐

mortem information). This process can be applied either to human remains or to
living persons, if their identity needs to be corroborated.
In addition, GLAAF (ALAF, 2016) defines lines of evidence as the different types
of information existing in a case (factual data, burial interpretation, biological
profile, dental data, genetic profile, associated non‐biological evidence, etc.).

The identification process should incorporate all available information in order to
properly support the conclusions, based on the comparison and correlation of
such information and the assessment of any possible inconsistencies.
Both SWGANTH and ALAF consider it appropriate that forensic (positive)
identification conclusions be simplified into three categories: identification,
exclusion, and inconclusive. In cases where there is no basis for the identification
assumption, and no clues to suggest identity, anthropological (skeletal) analysis
can be used to evaluate biological information about the individual (age, sex,
ancestry and height), leading to tentative identification. This assessment, while
useful in reducing the number of possible candidates in the search for identity, is
not a positive identification. Biological information is compared with documented
information or databases of missing persons, which are analysed to see whether
individuals can be included or excluded from the biological profile.
It should be noted that ALAF (2016) defines in GLAAF that there are no infal-
lible identification techniques, beyond their high scientific consideration or high
popularity. Therefore, the concept of identification as a process ensures that it
takes into account all the lines of evidence necessary to conclude with sufficient
certainty and minimize the risks of inconsistencies or contradictions. At the same
time, the use of resources is optimized.
Both SWGANTH and ALAF refer to the fact that the identification should
involve the participation or consultation of various disciplines. For ALAF (2016)
in GLAAF it should be teamwork with a multidisciplinary and consensual
approach, and there should be a coordinator in identification that integrates and
follows up the partial results of the different disciplines involved.
42.2 Forensic identification of human remains in Uruguay
In Uruguay there is a general lack of knowledge about forensic anthropology. This

is mainly due to three reasons. The first one is related to the almost zero represen-
tation that exists at the university level. It was not until 2015 that the subjects of
human osteology and forensic anthropology were incorporated into the new
study plan for the degree in Anthropological Sciences, two subjects that allow the
student to know the use and applicability of the discipline. The second point is
related to the few Uruguayan professionals who have a postgraduate degree in
forensic sciences. Finally, the most worrisome point is related to the operators of
justice, since the assistance of forensic anthropologists in cases is not generalized.
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Forensic identification of human remains in Uruguay 655
In relation to the application of forensic anthropology in the area of human

rights, in 2005 the Grupo de Investigación en Antropología Forense (GIAF) was
created within an agreement between the Universidad de la República and the
Presidencia de la República to search for and recover detainees who disappeared
during the last civil–military dictatorship (1973–1985). Although the team has
varied in its conformation and institutional affiliation, today the work is framed
by the direct hiring of professionals by the Presidencia de la República, although
the task remains the same. Since 2005, the remains of four disappeared detainees
have been located by the team and were identified as: Fernando Miranda (2005),
Ubagesner Chávez Sosa (2006), Julio Castro (2011) and Ricardo Blanco (2012)
(López Mazz et al., 2012). Since 2016, the team has organized its work structure
into three areas of investigation: preliminary investigation, fieldwork, and labora-
tory. Even though the four cases were identified through DNA, the last two find-
ings were analysed thoroughly and the anthropological findings were incorporated
into the process of identification.
The forensic police in Uruguay has no forensic anthropologist nor archaeologist
within their staff, and therefore the location and recovery of remains of missing
persons in current contexts is carried out without adequate training and may lead
to partial recovery of remains and associated evidence. On the other hand, the
Technical Forensic Institute has incorporated an anthropologist, but they usually
do not participate in the exhumation of bodies. Location and recovery is not the
only problem associated with a lack of training: at the end of the process, the
identification of a person can also suffer the consequences of malpractice.
We will now outline a series of cases that exemplify the problems associated
with the identification of bone remains in Uruguay, and the application of specific
techniques such as the photo skull superimposition in this process.
42.3 Roberto Gomensoro Josman case
Roberto Gomensoro Josman was arrested and disappeared during the last military
regime in 1973 in Uruguay (Işcan et al., 2005).
In March 1973, a private individual located a corpse in Lake Rincón del Bonete
in Paso de los Toros (Tacuarembó). It was in an advanced state of decomposition
and tied with barbed wire. The forensic examiner determined that he was an
adult male, 1.75 meters tall, and that due to the advanced state of decomposition
he could not obtain fingerprints or determine the cause of death. The body was
buried in Tacuarembó Cemetery (Işcan et al., 2005). In 2002, the skull and jaw
were sent to the forensic anthropologist of the Judicial Branch for analysis and
identification. With four photos – three provided by the family and one from the
Internet – the cranium–photo superposition method was performed. The skull
was manipulated manually until the approximate position of the individual in the
photo was found. After the skull was in the correct position, it was zoomed using
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the camera until the size of the skull was adapted to that of the photo (Işcan et al.,
2005). According to the authors, this method showed excellent results when the
match between the skull and the skull–photo overlap was carried out.
The judge considered that this test was not sufficient and ordered a genetic pro-
file on the remains to be compared with samples from the relatives of Roberto
Gomensoro Josman, a procedure that confirmed the hypothesis of identity (Işcan
et al., 2005).
42.4 Olivar Sena case
In the second half of the 1970s, in the context of the civil–military dictatorship
(1973–1985), several NN (“no name” – unidentified) bodies appeared on the
shores of Uruguay. At that time, the official explanation given by the authorities
was that those bodies were of Asian sailors who would probably have died in a
confrontation aboard a fishing boat.
In 1995 the book El Vuelo by Horacio Verbitsky was published in Argentina,
where the Argentine Lieutenant Commander, Adolfo Scilingo, revealed the secrets
of the so‐called “death flights,” during which the political detainees of the
Argentine dictatorship were drugged and then thrown into the sea. On the basis
of this new information, suspicions grew in Uruguay that the bodies recovered
from the sea corresponded to disappeared detainees, which triggered an investi-
gation initiated by the Servicio de Paz y Justicia – SERPAJ (an NGO for the pro-
motion, education and defence of human rights). One of the cases investigated
was that of a body that appeared mutilated and tied on the shores of La Esmeralda
resort in the Department of Rocha, on 24 April 1976. Originally assigned to the
alleged clash between Asian sailors, the body was buried in the cemetery in the
town of Castillos.
In September 2000, the body was exhumed from the cemetery of Castillos. The
study of the remains was commissioned by SERPAJ to an anthropologist, who
identified them as belonging to Olivar Sena, a fisherman who disappeared on
2 December 1974 in the town of Punta del Diablo (La Red 21, 2000a). Through
journalistic records and statements of the researcher himself, it was disclosed that
the identification was made by computer‐assisted digital video overlay (DVS)
(cranium–photo overlay), with a “99.99% certainty” according to the author of
the study. At the same time, the dentist who treated Olivar Sena during his life-
time reached the same conclusions about the identification of the remains (La Red
21, 2000b).
Once Olivar Sena’s family was informed, the news was given to the general
public on 13 December 2000 at a press conference held by SERPAJ. It was the first
disappeared Uruguayan to be located, while confirming that the “death flights”
had also taken place in Uruguay, thus opening up a new scenario in the search
for the truth about the fate of disappeared citizens. Although this news was
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interpreted by the protagonists as a final point in the case, the truth is that a pro-
cess was just beginning that was going to end with very different conclusions to
those proclaimed to the whole country in the first instance.
The “Comisión para la Paz,” set up by the then‐President of the Republic,
Dr Jorge Batlle, began to carry out its own investigations since the case was in line
with its tasks. Within this framework, the Ministerio del Interior was entrusted
with a series of reports, since during the identification process carried out by an
anthropologist of the Forensic Medical Institute, the two fingerprint tests carried
out by the forensic police and the National Naval Prefecture were not taken into
account. The report was finally submitted on 21 December 2000, in which the
unquestionable conclusion was reached that the remains did not belong to Olivar
Sena (La Red 21, 2001).
With this report and the exclusion carried out through the study of fingerprints,
the “Comisión para la Paz” offered the possibility of carrying out DNA studies in
different laboratories to definitively clear up doubts. These studies were then
entrusted to the Forensic Police of the Ministerio del Interior, to the Laboratory of
Forensic Biology of the Department of Forensic Medicine of the University of
Helsinki (Finland), and to the National Institute of Toxicology of Madrid (Spain).
The three independent studies excluded the possibility that the remains belonged
to Olivar Sena (Secretaría de Derechos Humanos para el Pasado Reciente –
SDDHHPR, 2015).
Years later, on 16 November 2004, the anthropologist in charge of the study
gave statements on Radio CX 36 about the case and its identification, claiming
that he continues to affirm that the remains are from Olivar Sena (CX 36 Radio
Centenario, 2004). In other words, for the investigator (still the only anthropologist
at the Technical Forensic Institute), neither the study of DNA nor the exclusion
through the study of fingerprints are considered reliable in the identification
process.
Olivar Sena then suffered then a sort of “second disappearance” that continues
to this day, and the remains recovered in April 1976 in La Esmeralda remained
unidentified until 2012 when the Equipo Argentino en Antropología Forense
(EAAF) was able to identify them as those of Luis Guillermo Vegas Ceballos
(Presidencia de la República, 2012).
42.5 María Claudia García case
María Claudia García Irureta‐Goyena was kidnapped with her husband, Marcelo
Ariel Gelman Schubaroff, on 24 August 1976 during the last Argentine military
dictatorship. After passing through the Clandestine Detention Center “Automotores
Orletti,” she was transferred to Montevideo in 1976, pregnant with her daughter
María Macarena Gelman García (Madres y Familiares de Detenidos Desaparecidos,
2004). The remains of Marcelo Gelman were found and identified by the EAAF in
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1989 in a 200 litre drum, filled with lime and sand; María Claudia García is still
missing (SDDHHPR, 2007).
In 2005, in the Vichadero Cemetery (Department of Rivera), bone remains
were found that could belong to disappeared persons, according to the study car-
ried out by the Forensic Medical Institute, since they were found in a mass grave
with several of the remains described as “NN”. Most of them were damaged and
inside a bag. A skull was selected and analysed through a comparison between
both the skull found and a photo of María Claudia; according to the Institute
anthropologist, the skull was more than 90% likely to belong to this person
(Montevideo Portal, 2009).
According to the anthropologist, the method of cranio‐photographic compari-
sons by computer is especially based on the fact that nature does not produce
anything exactly the same, so that with a forensic interest, it is a proven fact
that there are no two identical craniums; all are basically different, either in their
morphology, dimensions, and especially in their proportions (Solla, 2018: 30).
Macarena Gelman told Clarin newspaper it was not clear what the degree of reli-
ability of the procedure used might be, or the protocol and context in which the
remains were analysed; pertinent verification instances are missing, such as
genetic tests that must be performed (Diario Clarin, 2008). DNA studies were car-
ried out in genetic laboratories in Córdoba, Argentina and Granada, Spain. Both
results were negative and the hypothesis that both samples belong to the same
maternal line is rejected (Diario Ámbito, 2009).
Macarena Gelman described as irresponsible the content of a report by the
anthropologist, brought to justice regarding the identification of bone remains
found in a cemetery in the town of Vichadero, which he maintained coincide 90%
with those of his missing mother (La Red 21, 2008).
42.6 Jonathan Viera case
On 22 February 1991 Jonathan, a 5‐year‐old boy, disappeared from his home in

Salinas in the department of Canelones. Within 33 days of his disappearance, a
lifeless body appeared 2 km from Jonathan’s house, with a high degree of decom-
position which, according to the authorities, did not allow the family to recognize
the body. Only the child’s father was able to recognize the clothes that allegedly
belonged to the child (Diario Vecinos de la Costa, 1998).
The forensic pathologist could not determine the cause of death due to the
advanced state of decomposition, but could determine the time he had been
dead – about 30 days – and based on the list of missing persons in the area, the
authorities determined that the remains could correspond to Jonathan.
The child’s family requested a DNA study, which was carried out in Germany
and resulted in no relationship between the parents and the remains of the alleged
child. The court did not consider this DNA test to be valid, as the judge was not
present when the samples were taken from the parents, so they had to undergo
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DNA extraction again. As the results were delayed, the mother decided to talk to
the doctor in the case, who told her that the remains found were not Jonathan’s,
but would belong to a pre‐teenager. When the new DNA results finally arrived,
this time from a French laboratory, they were negative again (Diario Vecinos de la
Costa, 1998).
In 1994, the skeleton was exhumed, responding to a judge’s request. Since
there were no dental records or X‐rays or any other preliminary information,
apparently the only route was to make a facial reproduction of the child in order
to corroborate or reject his identity. Despite this, the parents questioned his study
and relied on the DNA results (Solla, 2018).
The common denominator in the cases described above is the use of techniques
that are not adequate, precise or reliable to identify the remains. Some of them
are not close yet because the results are not convincing, mostly because of the
malpractice that we mentioned before. The principal method used in these cases
is the skull photo superimposition; this technique is misunderstand by many
forensic investigators since they consider that it is an excellent method for identi-
fying people, but it is useful to exclude people (Aulsebrook et al., 1995; Stephan,
2003; Fenton et al., 2008; Gordon and Steyn, 2012, 2016).
For instance, the method of skull photo superimposition for positive identification
is highly criticized at the academic level, as many researchers use it as the only
method for identification (Gordon and Steyn, 2012, 2016). Other researchers
mention that it is a method that can be used for the exclusion of possible individ-
uals, while at the same time they clarify that it cannot be used as the only resource
without using other methods to achieve a positive identification (Aulsebrook
et al., 1995; Fenton et al., 2008; Gordon and Steyn, 2016). Following this line, if
two skulls with similar physical characteristics are found, identification by cra-
nium–photo overlap can have bad results (Austin‐Smith and Maples, 1994). In
addition, SWGANTH (2010a) say that tissue‐depth measurements are not stan-
dardized and in most cases are averaged from many individuals. Additionally,
there is error inherent in the collection of these measurements. The degree of
individual variation combined with measurement error may result in consider-
able differences between actual tissue depths and those depicted in facial
approximations.
42.7 Recommendations
Based on the current state of forensic anthropology in Uruguay, and the

development and advances at the regional and international level in the search
for standards and protocols of action, a series of recommendations is made.
As with any process involving multiple forensic specialists, it is recommended
that they work in an integrated and holistic manner in order to produce an
integrated report to be presented to the Judge and Prosecutor. In this regard, it is
essential that all operators adopt international protocols and guidelines on
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methods and techniques for the recovery and identification of disappeared per-
sons (e.g. ALAF; ICRC), in order to ensure and enforce these standards when
receiving reports and accepting or rejecting lines of evidence presented. These
protocols guide the methods and procedures reviewed and standardized by the
scientific community, and establish accepted techniques (determining their preci-
sion, reliability and range of known error), so that they lead to a positive
identification (DNA, RX, odontology). Following this line, the expert reports must
contain and explain the standards of procedures, samples and materials used,
among other requirements.
Essential inputs for the investigation process include the ante‐mortem
information of the disappeared detainees, as well as the genetic bank of reference
samples of relatives of disappeared detainees. The protocols adopted should then
establish which bodies and/or institutions are responsible, their functions and
scope, who has access to them, as well as the rules for the protection of personal
data, human remains and genetic samples. For ante‐mortem information, the
type of database, the institution that collects it, who has access to it, and its secu-
rity should be established. For genetic samples, the collection, labeling, transport,
analysis and storage of the sample must be protocolized.
We highly recommend that anthropologists and archaeologists should be incor-
porated into the judiciary, public ministry, scientific police, and so on. Moreover,
experts involved in identification processes must have specific training and
experience in the forensic area. Training should be encouraged and demanded,
therefore, degrees should be awarded by accredited universities for this reason
and accreditation should be mandatory.
In summary, in Uruguay efforts should be made to improve the identification
process and the application of international protocols through the active partici-
pation in training and updating processes with reference institutions such as ALAF
and EAAF. The aim is also to involve judges and prosecutors in the process so that
they are aware of and apply these protocols, and ensure an identification process
in accordance with international requirements and the good practices of forensic
anthropology.
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Buenas Prácticas para la aplicación en Antropología Forense. Grupo H y A, Colombia.
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Austin‐Smith, D. and Maples, W. (1994) The reliability of skull/photograph superimposition
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Burns, K. (2008) Manual de Antropología Forense. Barcelona: Bellaterra.
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Diario Ámbito (2009) Restos hallados en 2005 no son de nuera de Juan Gelman. http://www.
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Diario Clarín (2008) Reclamo de Macarena Gelman al gobierno de Uruguay. https://www.clarin.com/

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Diario Vecinos de la Costa (1998) Con la madre de Jonathan Viera Yunino. Tengo la certeza que
está vivo. Uruguay: Canelones.
Fenton, T., Heard, A. and Sauer, N. (2008) Skull‐photo superimposition and border deaths:
Identification through exclusion and the failure to exclude. Journal of Forensic Sciences, 53 (1),
34–40.
Gordon, G. and Steyn, M. (2012) An investigation into the accuracy and reliability of skull‐
photo superimposition in a South Africa sample. Forensic Sciences International, 216, 198.e1–
198.e6.
Gordon, G. and Steyn, M. (2016) A discussion of current issues and concepts in the practice of
skull‐photo/craniofacial superimposition. Forensic Sciences International, 262, 287.e1–287.e4.
Işcan, M., Solla, H. and McCabe, B.Q. (2005) Victim of a dictatorial regime: Identification of
Mr. Roberto Gomensoro Josman. Forensic Sciences International, 151 (2–3), 213–220.
La Red 21 (2000a) El desaparecido era un humilde pescador uruguayo de Rocha. http://www.
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editorial/31076‐26‐anos‐despues‐la‐verdad‐empieza‐a‐saberse
La Red 21 (2001) ADN concluyente: no es Olivar Sena. http://www.lr21.com.uy/politica/
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Latham, K., Bartelink, E. and Finnegan, M. (2018) New Perspectives in Forensic Human Skeletal
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López Mazz, J. (Coord.), Lusiardo, A., Nadal, O., et al. (2012) Investigaciones antropológicas
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CHAPTER 43
Forensic analysis of the unidentified

dead in Costa Rica from 2000 to
the present
Georgina Pacheco‐Revilla1 and Derek Congram2
Departamento de Medicina Legal del Organismo de Investigacion Judicial (OIJ), Costa Rica
1
International Committee of the Red Cross, Switzerland

2
43.1 Introduction
In this chapter, we discuss two cases that exemplify an increasing problem in the
small Central American country of Costa Rica: the discovery of unidentified
remains, sometimes buried in clandestine graves. For many years, an anthropo-
logical consultant was contracted by the forensic services only occasionally, when
a particular case required the expertise. The same applied to the uncommon
discovery of a clandestine burial: a call would be made to an archaeological expert
or to the National Museum, and an archaeologist or anthropologist, who other-
wise spent their time teaching or working on prehistoric archaeology, would
attend to the case. In recent years, however, the need for a part‐time, and soon
after full‐time forensic anthropologist became apparent. This shift reflects not
only an increasing awareness of the utility of anthropological expertise in the
recovery and analysis of skeletal remains, but also a greater need for it.
43.2 Violence in Central and South America
Compared with other regions in the world, Latin America has the notorious
title of being the most murderous (Luhnow, 2018; The Economist, 2018). Despite
having only about 8% of the world’s population, the region accounts for over a
third of all homicides globally (Igarapé Institute, n.d.). Cities such as San Pedro
Sula in Honduras, Caracas in Venezuela, and San Salvador, vie amongst each
other as the deadliest cities in the world.
663
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The Cold War, and even into the 1990s, saw Latin America suffer terribly from
military governments and civil armed conflicts, resulting in hundreds of thou-
sands of deaths and disappearances. While South American countries such as
Peru, Argentina, Chile, Paraguay and Uruguay have taken effective steps to face
and overcome their violent past, today showing relatively low levels of homicidal
violence, Central American countries such as Honduras, El Salvador and
Guatemala (the so‐called Northern Triangle) continue to experience extremely
high levels of lethal violence, albeit in different forms.
The organized armed rebel groups of the 1970s and 1980s are now local and
transnational urban gangs or maras, such as Mara Salvatrucha (MS‐13) and the
Eighteenth Street Gang (calle 18 or M‐18) (Council on Foreign Relations, 2018). In
some countries, the state response to such threats is the use of military and para-
military force in cities, in so‐called “mano dura” (“iron fist”) policies.
In contrast to its Northern Triangle neighbors, Costa Rica has enjoyed peaceful,
civil, democratic governance for almost 80 years. Nevertheless, the homicide rate
has increased steadily since 2013 (see Figure 43.1), as has human and drug traf-
ficking. Costa Rica’s highest recorded homicide rate was in 2017, at 12.1 per
100,000 inhabitants (Clavel, 2017), and this trend appears to continue through
2018 (for comparative purposes, the 2017 rate for the United States of America
was less than half, at 5.3). Many attribute this rise in crime to the infiltration of
organized criminal groups from Colombia and Mexico, which coordinate drug
trafficking (e.g. Dursun‐Özkanca, 2017; Sada, 2015).
Homicide Rate, Costa Rica

14
12
10
2
00
01
02
03
04
05
06
07
08
09
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
20
20
20
20
20
20
20
20
20
20
20
20
20
20
20
20
20
20
Figure 43.1 Homicide rates in Costa Rica, 2000–2018. Data: Estadísticas Policiales
OIJ (2018).
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Forensic analysis of the unidentified dead in Costa Rica 665
43.3 A complicating factor: Regional migration
During the first half of the twentieth century, international migration out of
Central American nations mainly occurred intra‐regionally. Since the early
twentieth century, economic hardship, lack of access to land, organized armed
violence, and the impact of natural disasters have influenced the departure of
many people from the Northern Triangle countries. Honduras, Mexico, Nicaragua
and Costa Rica became major recipients of refugees in the region, mostly in camps
or settlements along their borders (Pederzini et al., 2015: 6).
The Northern Triangle violence motivates mass migration generally to the
north, as is demonstrated by the migrant caravan of thousands that left Honduras
for the US in October 2018 (Lind, 2018). Despite fleeing violence at home, the
new, precarious circumstances of migrants reveal distinct situations of vulnera-
bility to crime. While many from northern Central America migrate north, a
steady stream of migration is also occurring from further south, principally
Venezuela and Colombia, through Panama, before reaching Costa Rica (Bronstein,
2016; Muggah et al., 2018).
There has also been historical migration, mostly economic, southward into
Costa Rica from Nicaragua. According to the latest data published by the United
Nations, Costa Rica has 414,214 immigrants, which represents 8.44% of the total
population (United Nations, 2017). Immigrants in Costa Rica come mainly from
Nicaragua (85%), with Colombia (5%) a distant second (United Nations, 2013).
These numbers, however, do not include undocumented migrants, of which there
are many.
Economic and political crisis in Nicaragua since April 2018 has triggered mass
migration out of the country, with people both fleeing violence and looking for
work in Costa Rica. Reportedly, 24,000 Nicaraguans are seeking asylum in Costa
Rica. Though many are crossing official border points, the number of undocu-
mented crossings is much greater (Semple, 2018). The increase of violent crime
in conjunction with human trafficking and mass immigration or transitory
migration of non‐nationals create increasing numbers of victims. Those who die
in Costa Rica (or elsewhere outside their native countries) are much more difficult
to identify.
Although published forensic case reports tend to focus on success stories, this
chapter highlights the growing phenomena of clandestine burials and the uniden-
tified dead in Costa Rica. Forensic policies are in place to enable the positive
identification of anonymous victims, yet typical aids such as identification cards
and victim family DNA are often absent. In many of these cases, there is no
hypothesis of victim identity to test (i.e. no reported missing person cases match-
ing the post‐mortem biological profile), thus a targeted search for ante‐mortem
medical and dental records cannot be made. The unidentified dead are thus buried
in public cemetery plots. Measures are taken to exhume bodies in case critical
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information is discovered establishing identity, yet this information very seldom

appears, as the problem of clandestine graves and unidentified corpses continues
to grow.
What follows are two case studies of recently discovered human remains, one
in a clandestine grave, the other on a river bank. A description of recovery scene
methods and anthropological analysis protocols, as well as the contribution of
odontological analysis, illustrate useful information that may contribute to the
principal questions of cause of death and victim identity. Positive, individual
identification for repatriation to family, however, is sometimes impossible.
43.3.1 Case Study 1

Although the identification of the recent dead in Costa Rica often begins with
identification media (e.g. driver’s license, national identity card), human remains
in clandestine graves are seldom found with personal belongings that could aid in
the identification process. The process for identification of these latter victims is
typically challenging: the post‐mortem work is often completed without matches.
Organized crime, drug trafficking and illegal immigration – which are often inter-
related – are believed to account for this type of case.
In February 2015, in Corredores, Puntarenas Province, a few miles from the
border between Costa Rica and Panama, the police reported the discovery of
skeletonized human remains. The witness statement (Salazar 2016, unpublished
report) indicated that, on the morning of 23 February, an adult male was allegedly
hunting iguanas on a private farm, near an old aqueduct’s water pipe, when he
noticed what appeared to be a tennis shoe, inside a ditch. Upon closer inspection
and manipulation, he discovered human bones and then he informed the author-
ities. An initial site inspection was organized for that same day by the corresponding
authorities.
Relatives of the farm owner, where the remains were located, were under
investigation for attempted homicide, drug trafficking and other crimes. In
addition, the police later linked them to homicides that occurred in the same
southern region of Costa Rica (Salazar, 2016, unpublished report). No new devel-
opments have been reported for the homicide investigations, and the links have
not been proven in court.
The Judicial Bureau of Investigation (OIJ) has on‐scene specialists for cases
outside the country’s Metropolitan Area. When this case was initiated, two on‐
scene specialists went to the site to evaluate and proceed with a systematic search
of human remains and possibly related physical evidence, including personal
belongings (Hochrein, 2012: 101; Christensen et al., 2014: 149–178). The area
was an open grassland. The human bones and a left shoe were located inside a
ditch. A primary depression was detected a few centimeters away from the ditch,
which proved to be a product of a clandestine burial. The site was guarded by
police until the next day, when both specialists returned with the forensic
anthropologist, and proceeded with forensic archaeological techniques to expose
the human remains and associated evidence.
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Figure 43.2 Top view of the clandestine grave with skeletonized human remains. (Photo
by G. Pacheco‐Revilla, with permission.)
The individual was found at a depth of 90 cm, clothed and completely skeleton-
ized, in a flexed position, resting on its right side with the right arm flexed towards
the chest, with a closed plastic zip tie looped around the wrist; the left arm was
stretched towards the lower back, also with a closed disposable plastic zip tie at the
wrist (see Figure 43.2). A third cut plastic zip tie was found on the lower back.
A piece of fabric was found between the maxilla and mandible –presumably a gag
(Figure 43.3). Clothing included a shirt, boxer shorts, a pair of jeans, a pair of
white socks, one tennis shoe (right), a necklace and a watch. No identification
documents were found.
Empty lime bags were found underneath the remains and lime was also found
in soil samples taken from the grave, as analysed by the Forensic Biology
Laboratory, OIJ. Lime is often used in clandestine burials in Costa Rica (Pacheco‐
Revilla, personal communication, Congram, 2008: 795) and other countries, as it
is a commonly held belief that lime may enhance the speed of decay and hence
reduce likelihood of detecting a body by minimizing the odor and destroying
evidence (Forbes, 2008: 211; Schotsman et al., 2014: 141).
Collection and recovery of the remains was done following archaeological
methods set forth by international protocols and standards (Cheetham and
Hanson, 2009: 141; Christensen et al., 2014: 149–178; Asociación Latinoamericana
de Antropología Forense, 2016: 32–41).
According to the Costa Rican forensic service’s Guide for Recovery, Transport, Entry
and Exit of Corpses of the Medical Examiner’s Office (Guía de levantamiento, traslado,
ingreso y egreso de cadáveres a la Morgue Judicial) (Organismo de Investigación
Judicial, 2016), when a body enters the morgue, it must be marked with a full
name (except when it is an “unknown”), provenance, and submitted with a Death
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Figure 43.3 Top view showing clothing and fabric found between the maxilla and
mandible. The arrow points north. (Photo by G. Pacheco‐Revilla, with permission.)
under Investigation Information Sheet prepared by the scene specialists, the

Judicial Authority’s autopsy request and, when applicable, medical records. When
soft tissue is present, records of fingerprints and other visual elements (e.g. tattoos)
are possible. Documents and personal objects may be used to aid identification.
As in all cases that involve human bones, the medical examiner requests a
forensic anthropologist analysis, asking for a biological profile, post‐mortem
interval, and trauma analysis. All cases are radiographed before cleaning or anal-
ysis (Serrulla, 2013: 29).
The remains were cleaned of all adherent dirt and placed in anatomical position
for analysis, description and inventory. The malars and the left zygomatic bone
exhibited post‐mortem fragmentation, as well as the sacrum, ribs, both scapulae
and the distal epiphysis of long bones. Several phalanges from the left foot were
missing. Small bone splinters were collected from the sieve. On both hands,
intermediate phalanges had post‐mortem fractures at the epiphysis, and the distal
phalanges were missing. These fractures are characteristic of post‐mortem degra-
dation of buried remains in this and many contexts. The type of soil in this
region – alluvial with high acidity (Instituto Meteorológico Nacional, 2012) –
contributed to the poor condition of the remains. Soils with a highly acidic pH
will decompose bone rapidly due to the dissolution of the inorganic matrix of
hydroxyapatite (Tibbett and Carter, 2008; Junkins and Carter, 2017: 145).
The taphonomic variables were assessed and a post‐mortem interval estimated.
The forensic anthropologist’s report estimated the post‐mortem interval to be
greater than 1.5 years. Variables such as fragile and fragmented bones, highly
acidic soil as a common characteristic of this region, and coloration marks on the
c43.indd 668 11/26/2019 8:32:26 PM

surface of the bones (soil staining) (Pokines and Baker, 2014: 73; Dupras and
Schultz, 2014: 315) were taken into account.
Climate (in many of its facets) is also a defining variable. The post‐mortem
interval estimate considered the climate, which has high temperatures (25–30°C)
along with a high relative humidity level (81–91%), which encourages faster
decomposition (Instituto Meteorológico Nacional, 2012).
The anthropological analysis of the biological profile showed that the morpho-
logical and metric traits were indicative of a male (Klales et al., 2012: 104). The
morphological characteristics also indicated that the individual was an adult,
between 35 and 45 years old (Langley‐Shirley and Jantz, 2010: 571; Brooks and
Suchey, 1990: 227; Hartnett, 2010: 1145).
The individual presented fractures in the malars and left zygomatic bone, and
an ante‐mortem fracture of the nasal bone, which obscured estimation of ancestry.
Nevertheless, a morphoscopic analysis of other traits, such as a short and broad
cranial vault (Asian/American Indian), rectangular orbits (African), shovel‐shaped
incisors (Asian/American Indian), slight coronal depression (African) and a nasal
opening flared at the base (Asian/American Indian), indicated an “admixed”
ancestry (Christensen et al., 2014: 149–178).
There are no population‐specific formulae to estimate height for this particular
region (Central America). The forensic odontologist’s report (J.M. Fernández,
2015, unpublished results) described the presence of typical dental handiwork
known to be done in Nicaragua (see below). No specific stature formulae exist for
that country. The closest population‐specific stature formulae are those for the
Mexican population (Menéndez et al., 2011: 11). Therefore, forensic stature was
estimated using the maximum femur length (45.2 cm), based on the Trotter and
Gleser equation (1952, modified by Trotter and Gleser 1958 [1977]: 463) for the
male Mexican population. The resulting mean stature value was 169 ± 2.99 cm.
An ante‐mortem fracture in the left nasal bone evidenced bone remodeling
(Figure 43.4). No peri‐mortem trauma was found, and hence it was not possible
to determine a cause and manner of death.
The forensic odontologist’s report (2015) noted a removable partial denture in
the left maxilla as an important item for possible identification (Figure 43.5). It
replaced the upper left central incisor and the prosthesis was made of chrome
cobalt – common Nicaraguan handiwork and seldom produced by Costa Rican
dentists. It also described periodontal disease in the upper and lower teeth.
The medical examiner’s final report established the cause of death as unknown.
However, given the circumstances in which the individual was found, the manner
of death was determined as a homicide from the medico‐legal point of view.
DNA samples were taken from the right femur, and sent to the Biochemistry
Section of the Forensic Genetic Unit (OIJ), in order to obtain the needed genetic
markers to be included in the Combined DNA Index System (CODIS) database,
for future comparison. CODIS enables international, state and local forensic
laboratories to exchange and compare DNA profiles to identify missing and

c43.indd 669 11/26/2019 8:32:26 PM

Figure 43.4 Frontal view of ante‐mortem fracture in the left nasal bone with bone
remodeling. (Photo by G. Pacheco‐Revilla, printed with permission.)
Figure 43.5 Inferior view of the removable partial denture in the left maxilla. (Photo by
G. Pacheco‐Revilla, with permission.)
unidentified individuals, and the use of this database is particularly important

in a country with many foreign‐born nationals and a steady migratory flow from
the south.
Other evidence described (i.e. clothing) was destroyed due the heavily degraded
state, making the clothing virtually unrecognizable and impossible to perform
any other forensic analysis, except following photographic and descriptive
documentation.
c43.indd 670 11/26/2019 8:32:27 PM

No dental ante‐mortem data was collected and no genetic match was found for
the DNA samples. Several months passed and no one claimed the remains. Bodies
not claimed are buried by the judicial authorities in a public cemetery. Prior to
discharge of the body from the morgue, all the administrative procedures are
completed and case information is reviewed and verified. Remains of unidentified
bodies are buried in an individual grave at a public cemetery in the country’s
capital, San Jose, duly labeled and barcoded, so that the remains can be relocated
and exhumed if information relevant to identification is found in the future.
43.3.2 Case Study 2

The second case illustrates the discovery of human remains above ground, specif-
ically near rivers, a common scenario in Costa Rica (Chacón, 2017; Cháves, 2017;
Galeano, 2017). Human remains that end up on river banks and islands are often
not identified by personal belongings (not found at the site) or identification traits
due to decomposition, or because only a scattered human body part or bone was
found. Forensic anthropology and odontology methods and DNA are often the
only methods of identification.
On 18 December 2016, human remains were found by a white‐water rafting
guide, on the banks of the Pacuare River (Siquirres, Limon, on the Caribbean
Coast), an area famous for adventure sport and recreation.
In Costa Rica, not locating the entire body or skeletal remains in the same site
is common. Siquirres, in particular, has a tropical climate and a large amount of
rainfall (between 3500–4500 mm per year) (Instituto Meteorológico Nacional,
2012), which translates into heavy river‐flows, flash‐floods and changes in the
rivers’ geography, especially during the rainy season (May–November), factors
that might affect the dispersal of remains.
According to the statement of the rafting guide before the Costa Rican Judicial
Bureau of Investigation, “he was informed by members of his group of the
existence of some skeletal remains on a river island, some fifty (50) meters from
where lunch was being served; (…) he observed a skull, ribs, a femur and other
bones; the remains had no hair, skin or clothes…”.
There was no indication the remains were manipulated at the time of discovery.
The witness notified the police a week after the event but emphasized the fact that
the site could only be accessed by rafting along the river.
On that same day, the Siquirres Criminal Court authorized two scene investiga-
tors to perform a visual inspection and to recover the remains. The forensic
anthropologist was not present at the time of recovery, as presence is optional, not
mandatory, pursuant to Costa Rican laws. On a case‐by‐case basis, the scene
investigator will decide whether the presence of the forensic anthropologist is
required. Unfortunately, in many cases, the human remains recovery methods
used do not provide the information required for good assessment of taphonomic
variables for an estimation of the post‐mortem interval.
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Figure 43.6 View of the site prior to collecting the remains. (Photo by OIJ.)
According to the Death Under Investigation Information Sheet (Salazar, 2016,

unpublished report), access to the site required the assistance of a white‐water
rafting company. The remains were located approximately 25 m from the river’s
southern shore, on an island of sand, rocks and logs of approximately 400 m2. The
human bones were dispersed on the surface. Mapping was not done, though the
site was duly photographed prior to the bones’ collection (Figure 43.6).
The inventory at the scene indicated the following: a skull, mandible, one
femur, both scapulae, some ribs, small bones (apparently phalanges), some verte-
brae and coccyx bones (Figure 43.7). Laboratory analysis showed the existence of
more bones. No other evidence (such as personal belongings) was recovered.
Pursuant to Costa Rican Laws, all bones collected were transferred to the
Regional OIJ Office, and then transferred to the Forensic Pathology Laboratory, in
the Province of Heredia. Upon their arrival at the morgue, the remains were
assigned a case number, radiographed and put under custody of the forensic
anthropologist for analysis.
The remains were cleaned with water to remove the adhered sand. Taphonomic
features of the skeleton were analysed and the post‐mortem interval was esti-
mated. Notwithstanding the area’s biodiversity and wildlife (e.g. vultures,
raccoons, coatis, monkeys) (Pacuare Reserve), there was no evidence of scav-
enging, given the site’s isolation within the river.
The on‐scene evidence showed the remains were not in anatomical position,
but as seen in the pictures, the bones were not very far from one another. It stands
to reason, then, that at least part of the body washed up on the island with soft
tissue connecting some, if not all, skeletal elements. It is possible the skeletal
remains were manipulated by people related to the water rafting tours, as many
days passed since the initial discovery by the guide. The remains of the individual
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Figure 43.7 Top view of some of the remains found at the site. (Photo by OIJ.)
were almost complete; no hand or foot phalanges were collected, but the sand
around the remains had not been sieved. The only trauma observed was blunt
force trauma to the skull and teeth. Other cases of individuals recovered from
rivers tend to show a series of fractures throughout the ribs, skull and long bones,
which were not present in this particular case.
A post‐mortem interval was estimated between six months to a year, based on
previous cases in the area, exposure on the surface, bone bleaching and absence
of soft tissue (Bass, 2006: 181; Pokines, 2014: 201; Dupras and Schultz, 2014: 315;
Pacheco‐Revilla, 2017, unpublished forensic anthropology report).
The forensic anthropological analysis concluded that the remains belonged to a
juvenile. The missing bones included the proximal unfused epiphysis of the right
humerus, and the unfused distal epiphyses of both radii and ulnae.
Morphological and metric analysis of skeletal traits indicated a male (Klales
et al., 2012: 104). Epiphyseal fusion of long bones provided a reliable age range
for the remains. The fusion of the ossification centers of the epiphysis of the
humerus, the radii, and ulnae had not yet ossified (ossification starts at 16–21 years
of age in males), and the proximal and distal epiphyses of the femura had fused
(16–20 years of age in males), providing an age estimate of between 16 and 20
years (Buikstra and Ubelaker, 1994: 39–46; Scheuer and Black, 2000: 374–395;
Cunningham et al., 2016: 385–472).
c43.indd 673 11/26/2019 8:32:28 PM

Figure 43.8 Left lateral view of the skull, showing a perimortem semilunar–concentric
fracture in the left parietal bone near the parietal protrusion. (Photo by G. Pacheco‐
Revilla, with permission.)
For ancestry estimation, certain bones (e.g. nasal bone, zygomatic, the maxilla,
the palatine, the mandible) adopt adult morphology and size in puberty (Scheuer
and Black, 2000: 36–170; Cunningham et al., 2016: 43–176). In this case, the
skull was completely ossified, which allowed the analysis of morphological traits
(e.g. a long and narrow face, a narrow nasal aperture), suggesting Caucasian
(white or Hispanic) ancestry (Hefner, 2009: 985).
As both femurs showed epiphyseal fusion, stature was estimated using the
maximum femur length (45.2 cm), based on Trotter and Gleser’s equation (1952,
modified by Trotter and Gleser 1958 [1977]: 463) for the (American) male
Caucasian population. The resulting mean stature value was 158 ± 3.27 cm.
A pathological condition, porotic hyperostosis, was discovered in the frontal
bone, both parietal bones and the occipital bone. Studies have confirmed that
porotic hyperostosis is caused by iron deficiency, anemia and/or malnutrition
(Ortner, 2003: 383).
The anthropological analysis revealed a semilunar–concentric fracture in the
left parietal bone near the parietal protrusion, measuring 3 cm in diameter
(Figure 43.8). The fracture affected the external table of the bone, showing a light
depression as plastic deformation. There was no evidence of osteogenic reaction,
nor taphonomic alteration, indicating peri‐mortem trauma (Sauer, 1998: 321;
Symes et al., 2012). The trauma was characteristic of blunt force trauma
(SWGANTH, 2011, on trauma analysis) as having been produced by relatively low
velocity impact over a relatively large blunt surface or object (Passalacqua and
c43.indd 674 11/26/2019 8:32:29 PM

Figure 43.9 Frontal view of alveolar bones and broken teeth showing they were not
caused by a single impact. (Photo by G. Pacheco‐Revilla, with permission.)
Fenton, 2012: 400; Symes et al., 2012: 340). The weapon used had a circular
surface, leaving a negative impression on the bone.
Fractures of the alveolar bones and broken teeth were analysed by the forensic
odontologist (unpublished forensic odontology report, J.M. Fernández, 2017). The
report indicated the presence of fractures in the maxilla and left mandible, with
peri‐mortem loss of the left upper central incisor, which is associated with a frac-
ture of the left hemi maxilla. A longitudinal fracture of the crown of the left upper
lateral incisor continued in the alveolar bone extending to the vicinity of the ante-
rior nasal spine. Fractures of the first upper left premolar, the left lower lateral
incisor and left lower central incisor all extended to the alveolar bone, as well. The
report concluded that the lesions were peri‐mortem, as the bevels of the fractures
are sharp, the dentin had no different pigmentation and there was no sign suggest-
ing healing (Figure 43.9). The fractures were not caused by a single impact, but
rather several blunt force impacts which produced multiple broken teeth.
Nevertheless, these traumas did not allow the medical examiner to establish the
cause of death. Therefore, the medico‐legal report stated an unknown cause of
death and an undetermined manner of death. After the report was delivered to
the corresponding authorities, criminal analysts were asked to carry out an inves-
tigation on reported missing persons during 2016 in the area, guided by the
provided biological profile characteristics.
The investigation determined only one person with the characteristics that
matched the profile was reported as missing (Palma, personal communication).
However, family members of this possible match supplied DNA samples that were
negative for the subject case study, as they corresponded with other skeletal
c43.indd 675 11/26/2019 8:32:30 PM

remains also found in Siquirres, province of Limón, in February 2017, which were
linked to a drug dispute case under investigation at the time. Today, the remains
of the subject case rest in an individual grave of a public cemetery in the country’s
capital, labeled and barcoded to facilitate future identification.
43.4 Conclusions
The two cases discussed here are reflective of rising levels of homicidal violence
and increasing numbers of victims who cannot be identified in Costa Rica. We
present them to emphasize a growing and frustrating social and scientific problem
in the country.
Standard forensic procedures work towards matching unidentified victim DNA
with that of families, but the essential element of victim family DNA seems to be
increasingly absent, resulting in a lack of positive identifications. It is possible,
perhaps even probable, that many of these victims are not, in fact, Costa Ricans.
The undocumented migrant population and those involved in criminal activity
related to drug trafficking are far less likely to be reported as missing by family
members. These people have an immediate interest in not being registered and
monitored by the State. One of the consequences of this anonymity, however, is
that if a person dies, the chance that they will be positively identified for repatri-
ation to the family is extremely low. Even following forensic analysis, unidentified
bodies are tracked and registered in marked cemetery plots in the hope that
information that will aid positive identification will be submitted to the medico‐
legal authorities. In the last 15 years, however, approximately five such cases have
been identified.
Currently, standard forensic identification procedures include pathological,
radiological, odontological, biochemical (DNA) and, if remains are discovered in
clandestine graves and soft tissue is partially or wholly decomposed, anthropolog-
ical examinations. These all contribute information towards the identity of vic-
tims. However, it is becoming increasingly clear that alternative methods may be
required to test the theory that some or even many of these victims are non‐
nationals. If these victims are non‐nationals, we must ask where they come from,
and from this, how governments may share data to work towards the identification
and repatriation of victims.
If, however, these victims are Costa Rican nationals, we must ask what more
may be done to reach out to families, so that they may facilitate identification.
This volume focuses heavily on one particular new method: stable isotope anal-
ysis, which might provide some answers to these questions in Costa Rica, although
currently the Forensic Science Laboratories in Costa Rica do not have the equip-
ment or capacity for this.
Thus, it remains to be seen how new mechanisms and methods may be incor-
porated to work toward the identification of these victims. Despite relatively low
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levels of violence in Costa Rica, the country is heavily affected by recent

violent events and mass migration stemming from other countries in the region.
This has spurred an increase in homicidal violence and the appearance of
unidentified – and often unidentifiable – remains.
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CHAPTER 44
Identifying the unknown and the

undocumented: The Johannesburg
(South Africa) experience
Desiré M. Brits1, Maryna Steyn1 and Candice Hansmeyer2
1
Human Variation and Identification Research Unit (HVIRU), School of Anatomical Sciences, University
of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa
2
Forensic Pathology Services (FPS): Gauteng Southern Cluster, Department of Forensic Medicine and
Pathology, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa
44.1 Introduction
South Africa is located at the southernmost tip of the African continent and is
about five times the size of the UK (MyLifeElsewhere, 2018). The country is
divided into nine provinces: the Northern Cape, Western Cape, Eastern Cape,
Free State, Gauteng, KwaZulu‐Natal, Limpopo, Mpumalanga and North West
(Statistics South Africa, 2012). Of these, the Gauteng province, which includes
Johannesburg, has the highest population and is also the economic heartland of
the country. Based on the mid‐year population estimates for 2018, South Africa
has a population of approximately 57.73 million people with just over half of the
population being female (~51%) (Statistics South Africa, 2018a). Four major
population groups are identified in South Africa – Black African, Coloured, Indian/
Asian and White – with Black South Africans making up the overwhelming
majority (80.9%) of the population (Statistics South Africa, 2018a). Almost a
quarter of the population (14.7 million people) live in the Gauteng province
(Statistics South Africa, 2018a), which is by far the smallest of the nine provinces
(18,178 km2) consisting of a mere 1.4% of the land area of the entire country
(Statistics South Africa, 2012).
South Africa is a middle‐income (developing) country (Barros and Gupta, 2017)
and home to a plethora of African migrants and refugees seeking employment,
education and or social, political or religious freedom (Maharaj, 2002; Crush
and Williams, 2002; Landau and Jacobsen, 2004; Tati, 2008; Bloch, 2010).
Unfortunately, many of these migrants and refugees are undocumented and
illegally in the country, as the legal processes are often expensive, fraught with
681
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corruption and drag out for years (Maharaj, 2002; Landau and Jacobsen, 2004;
Tati, 2008; Bloch, 2010). Migrants are considered undocumented when they enter
the country without documentation or with fraudulent documents, or when they
overstay their permits (Crush and Williams, 2002; Maharaj, 2002). Unsuccessful
asylum‐seekers that remain in the country are also classified as undocumented
(Bloch, 2010). The exact number of undocumented migrants is unfortunately not
known, but figures as high as 12 million have been unfoundedly suggested, with
more reasonable estimates suggesting around 5 million (Tati, 2008). There are a
number of reasons for this high number of migrants. South Africa is a prime des-
tination for immigrants and refugees from all over the African continent, seeking
employment, education and freedom (Maharaj, 2002; Crush and Williams, 2002;
Landau and Jacobsen, 2004; Tati, 2008; Bloch, 2010). As South Africa has an
emerging economy, which puts it ahead of its neighbouring countries (Maharaj
2002; Tati, 2008), it potentially offers employment opportunities. Migrant labour
has always formed an integral part of South African mining and agricultural his-
tory, and are often described in relation to apartheid (Maharaj, 2002; Tati, 2008).
Prior to 1963, undocumented migrants from Botswana, Lesotho and Swaziland
were allowed to cross South African borders freely to work and live in the country
(Crush and Williams, 2001, 2002); however they were not allowed to apply for
citizenship (Maharaj, 2002). The perceived economic opportunities in South
Africa, relative to the poverty and political instability of many other African coun-
tries, contribute to South Africa being a destination of choice. Other factors con-
tributing to the high number of undocumented migrants include the long, porous
borders, which act as “revolving doors” that are frequently crossed both legally
and unlawfully (Maharaj, 2002; Tati 2008; Bloch, 2010). Whereas in other regions
of the world it may be easier to recognize individuals as migrants (e.g. as they
arrive in boats across the Mediterranean), this is not the case at all in South Africa,
and these migrants and undocumented individuals easily blend in to the local
communities.
Many South Africans are of the opinion that the large number of undocu-
mented migrants places significant strains on the country’s resources, which inev-
itably leads to an increase in crime and violence (Crush and Williams, 2001, 2002;
Maharaj, 2002; Tati, 2008), as also evidenced in recent xenophobic attacks.
However, evidence to suggest the opposite is present. Migrants have been found
to be of good health (Maharaj, 2002) and are often better educated and have
more skills compared with South Africans (Landau and Jacobsen, 2004). They are
frequently self‐employed, and as such they actually contribute to the country’s
economy (Maharaj, 2002; Landau and Jacobsen, 2004). Police station reports,
specifically from Johannesburg, have also indicated that migrants are victims of
crime rather than the culprits (Landau and Jacobsen, 2004).
Unfortunately, crime and violence are rampant in South Africa, with over
1,662,815 serious crimes registered between April 2017 and March 2018 (South
African Police Service, 2018). Of these crimes, contact crimes had the highest
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Identifying the unknown: The Johannesburg experience 683
incidence (601 366; 36.2%) (South African Police Service, 2018). Contact crimes
are crimes where victims themselves are targets and include sexual offences,
assault and murder. A total of 20 336 murders were reported between April 2017
and March 2018, with 4 233 in the Gauteng province alone (South African Police
Service, 2018). This equates to approximately 56 people murdered per day (Africa
Check, 2018). A total of 156,243 common assaults and 167,352 assault with the
intent to cause grievous bodily harm cases were also registered during this time
(South African Police Service, 2018), which roughly translates to 428 and 458
victims of assault per day, respectively (Africa Check, 2018). Sadly, many crimes
are not reported to the police, especially in areas with limited resources and areas
where people do not trust the police (Bhorat et al., 2017).
Recent statistics recorded a total of 456,612 deaths in 2016, of which 405,370
(88.8%) deaths were due to natural causes and a total of 51,242 (11.2%) were
non‐natural deaths (Statistics South Africa, 2018b). The most common cause of
natural deaths was tuberculosis (29,513; 6.5%) while assault (7568; 14.8%) and
transport accidents (6425; 12.5%) were the main known causes of non‐natural
deaths (Statistics South Africa, 2018b). In Gauteng the total number of non‐
natural deaths amounted to 10,770 for 2016 (Statistics South Africa, 2018b). By
law, a medico‐legal investigation, as stipulated by the Inquest Act (Act No 58 of
1959) and the National Health Act (Act 61 of 2003), are required for all non‐
natural deaths. This is conducted by the Forensic Pathology Services (FPS).
The combination of high levels of crime, poor documentation of South African
citizens, large numbers of undocumented individuals, vast open fields and the
fragmented nature of the South African societies all contribute to the fact that the
country is experiencing massive problems with identification of deceased individ-
uals. Especially in cases where bodies are partly or fully decomposed, there is, in
the first instance, no way to easily decide whether the individual was a South
African or not, in addition to the complexities of establishing a personal identity.
This obviously creates massive legal, humanitarian and moral issues. In this
chapter we will elucidate these problems in more detail, and describe attempts
that are being made in the greater Johannesburg area to address these issues.
44.2 Forensic pathology services
In 2006 the Forensic Pathology Services (FPS) became an independent subdivi-

sion of the Department of Health, providing an equitable medico‐legal death
investigation into all non‐natural deaths in South Africa [in accordance with
Section 25(2) (m) in Chapter 4 (Provincial Health) of the National Health Act 61
of 2003]. The purpose of the FPS is to establish the cause and circumstances of
death, as well as gather evidence that will facilitate the criminal justice system.
This process then aims to assist in the prevention of non‐natural deaths and in the
prevention of and fight against crime. The service is divided into provinces, and
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within some of the larger provinces the service is further divided into clusters.
These clusters divide the province into jurisdictions within which the service can
be delivered. In Gauteng there are two designated clusters, dividing the province
into the Northern Cluster and the Southern Cluster. There are two medico‐legal
facilities within the Northern Cluster and eight within the Southern Cluster. The
Southern Cluster serves Johannesburg and the greater region surrounding it. Of
the facilities within the Southern Cluster, two are M6 laboratories, which are rec-
ognized as being able to facilitate up to 3000 medico‐legal post‐mortem examina-
tions a year. Additional to that are a further two M5 facilities, which are able to
and often do process up to 2500 post‐mortem examinations a year. This illustrates
the demand placed on these facilities annually. In the last three financial years, an
average of 12,305 non‐natural deaths were processed by the Southern Cluster,
compared with 3484 cases processed in the Northern Cluster (Prof. J. Vellema,
personal communication, 2018).
Non‐natural deaths are those deaths where, as stipulated by the Regulations
regarding the rendering of the Forensic Pathology Service (FPS), there has been
the application of force or chemical influence, together with any complications
thereof; a death which may normally be considered to be natural, but in the
opinion of a medical practitioner there has been an act of omission or commission
which may be criminal in nature; a death which is sudden and unexpected or
unexplained; and lastly, deaths following any medical procedure as noted by the
Health Professions Amendment Act (29 of 2007).
Within recent years, there has been a growing concern as to the increase in the
number of unidentified decedents within the service. Removal of individuals from
the medico‐legal laboratory requires positive identification of an individual by
family members or next of kin. In the period 2016–2017, 769 unidentified per-
sons were admitted to the facilities within Gauteng (Prof. J. Vellema, personal
communication, 2018). Data assessment has shown that the situation with
unidentified persons in Gauteng has improved, since in 2012/2013, 1603 uniden-
tified individuals were noted. These individuals, who remain unidentified or are
identified but are unclaimed, are interred by the state. In 2016/2017 the number
of unidentified persons comprised of about 5% of the total population processed
by the FPS within Gauteng (Prof. J. Vellema, personal communication, 2018). The
accumulation of large numbers of unidentified persons creates an environmental
and occupational hazard within the FPS. Further effects within the South African
Police Service (SAPS) include an increased burden placed on the investigating
officers and degradation of forensic tissue samples, both of which hinder the final-
ization of court cases and act as a barrier to the functions of the judicial system.
Furthermore, there is an impact on Provincial and Governmental legislation,
together with skewing of the national statistics. Lastly and most importantly, there
is a profound humanitarian impact, resulting in a loss of dignity, security, support
and financial stability.
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This reality was also contemplated by the International Committee of the Red
Cross (ICRC), who hypothesized that the increase in unidentified and/or
unclaimed persons within the forensic realm is secondary to an increase in labour
migration to South Africa from bordering countries. This notion was communi-
cated to the service, and out of a dual concern and awareness, an identification
unit was established in 2015 as a pilot project. The aim of the project was to aid
the SAPS and FPS in the identification of the unknown within a deceased forensic
population. Legislatively, in South Africa identification is the mandate of the
SAPS; however, the FPS assists the police through collection of evidence. The
project was formalized through a collaborative process between the FPS, ICRC
and SAPS. A standard operating procedure was established, which included the
utilization of both an ante‐mortem and post‐mortem data collection system and
systematic examination of the deceased. The documents used are based on the
Interpol collection form; however, these forms were painstakingly adapted to the
South African environment. These adaptations make allowance for the increased
workload and limited resources within the South African forensic realm, by con-
centrating on the minimal essential features that may allow for positive
identification. The project is based within the Johannesburg Medicolegal labora-
tory within the Southern Cluster. It focuses on a multidisciplinary approach, uti-
lizing forensic photography, radiology, odontology, dactylography, DNA analysis
and forensic anthropology in order to achieve a comprehensive database for sub-
mission to the SAPS. This process occurs after the performance of the post‐mor-
tem examination of an individual and allows for proper photographic
documentation and collection of information which then populates the post‐mor-
tem forms. The process has ensured that the identification process within the
Johannesburg facility equates to any other process the world over, launching the
service into the next generation of identification. Prior to 2006, identification
relied on a system that was not based on new scientific advances and did not uti-
lize standardized uniform processes.
An individual is admitted into the identification process seven days after
admission to the facility, if they still remain unidentified. This time period allows
the family or next‐of‐kin time to identify the individual, bearing in mind that
families may have to travel to Johannesburg from rural regions within the country.
To date, for the 2016/2017 period, 100 unidentified persons have been processed
by the unit. Of these cases, 30 were identified through dactylography and one
through both visual identification and dactylography. It is important to note that
in South Africa fingerprint identification is achieved through the comparison of
prints with the Interpol‐based Disaster Victim Identification system, which is
licensed for use by the SAPS, and a similar identification system licensed to the
Department of Home Affairs. This has not changed much through the years, but
what has improved is the organized submission of fingerprints, together with
other supporting information, which aids identification.
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Although small strides have been made in identification, these steps are
recognized as ground‐breaking within the FPS. It is hoped that in the near
future an identification unit can be established throughout all provinces across
the country, so that all stakeholders may benefit from the project – from
governmental entities right through to the very families who grieve for their
loved ones.
Remains that are severely burnt, badly decomposed and/or skeletonized that
are received at the FPS are referred to the Human Variation and Identification
Research Unit (HVIRU) at the University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg.
This forms part of a collaboration between the two organizations in order to form
a holistic approach to the identification process. The information obtained from
the forensic anthropological analysis is then incorporated into the data collection
system described above.
Further research is being done by the Department of Forensic Medicine and
Pathology at the University of the Witwatersrand together with the FPS and ICRC,
examining the feasibility of dental isotopic utilization in unidentified persons. It is
hypothesized that regional variation in ground geology alters dental isotopic
deposition during gestation and childhood (Hillson, 1997). Assessment of these
87
Sr/86Sr strontium isotopes in individuals may provide evidence as to the region
of origin, or at least suggest that the individual may not have been a local resident.
Other research is ongoing, which is assessing the statistics regarding unidentified
persons at the Johannesburg facility.
44.3 Forensic anthropology
The Human Variation and Identification Research Unit (HVIRU) in the School of
Anatomical Sciences, Faculty of Health Sciences, University of the Witwatersrand,
was established in 2016. It works in close collaboration with the FPS located in
Johannesburg, and assists with forensic anthropological analyses of all decom-
posed and skeletonized cases from the Southern Cluster mortuaries in the Gauteng
province, which is the most populated region in the country. Recently (March
2018) a formal collaboration between the human identification unit of the HVIRU
and the Victim Identification Centre (VIC) of the SAPS was established. Through
this collaboration the human identification unit of the HVIRU also assists with
forensic anthropological analyses of cases from a few other provinces such as the
Free State, Eastern Cape and Northern Cape, which lack their own forensic
anthropological services.
The mandate of the human identification unit of the HVIRU is to establish a
biological profile including estimates of age‐at‐death, sex, ancestry and stature,
which can be used by the SAPS in conjunction with information provided by the
FPS to make a positive identification. Trauma analyses are also frequently
requested, even when the identity of the decedent is known.
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From February 2016 to June 2018 the human identification unit of the HVIRU
received 81 cases, of which 63 case reports have been completed. An additional
26 cases are awaiting transfer to the human identification unit of the HVIRU at
the FPS Johannesburg. Of the completed cases, one represented non‐human
remains, most likely that of a dog, while another case consisted of a set of com-
mingled remains representing at least 11 individuals exhibiting various forms of
taphonomy. Three cases were submitted to the human identification unit of the
HVIRU solely for trauma analysis, and another case required an estimate of age
only. Some descriptions of the remaining 57 cases completed follow below.
The majority of the cases were males (n = 38), with 16 females and three indi-
viduals of unknown sex. Of the cases where sex could not be determined, two
were juveniles while the third included only vertebral elements for analysis.
Remains represented mostly Black individuals (n = 26), followed by two Coloured
and two White individuals. The ancestry of 14 individuals was unknown. Due to
a great deal of overlap in morphology between Black and Coloured, and Coloured
and White individuals, 12 individuals were described as either Black or Coloured
and one individual as either White or Coloured.
The skeletal remains received for analysis represent individuals of all age groups.
The youngest individual assessed was estimated to be 3 ± 1 year of age, although
the overwhelming majority of the cases are represented by adults, with a greater
number of middle‐aged to older individuals. The large number of older individ-
uals may suggest that they could have been homeless individuals dying of natural
causes, but this is difficult to ascertain.
The majority of the cases analysed showed signs of trauma (n = 45), which
mainly comprised ante‐mortem trauma. Ante‐mortem trauma was mostly noted
as healed cranial and various rib fractures. Peri‐mortem trauma included blunt
force trauma (n = 10), ballistic trauma (n = 5) as well as sharp force trauma (n = 2).
Of interest are three cases with multiple gunshot wounds (Figures 44.1 and 44.2).
In two of these cases the minimum number of gunshots were estimated to be 8 and
11 gunshots respectively and attests to the violent nature of South African society.
Just over half of all the cases analysed exhibited signs of pathology (n = 32).
These were mostly associated with degenerative skeletal pathology, such as osteo-
phytes and osteoarthritic changes, but pathology such as diffuse idiopathic skeletal
hyperostosis (DISH), ankylosing spondylitis, enamel hypoplasia, possible tubercu-
losis and periostitis were also recorded. Various surgical interventions were also
described. A total of 79.3% (n = 46) of the cases had teeth available for analysis,
but only two cases had dental procedures. This is due to the limited access many
South Africans have to dental services, and contributes to the problems with
personal identification as dental records are rare.
A number of cases had no signs of taphonomic changes (n = 39). Cases with
taphonomic alterations included mainly burning (n = 10), scavenger activity (n = 3),
soil staining (n = 3) and root etching (n = 2). Signs of erosion and delamination
were also reported.
c44.indd 687 11/26/2019 8:29:49 PM

Figure 44.1 Multiple gunshot entry wounds to the skull. (Source: N. Bacci.)
Figure 44.2 Multiple gunshots to the scapula and associated ribs. (Source: N. Bacci.)
c44.indd 688 11/26/2019 8:29:50 PM

25
20
15
10
5
0
k
/A
am
in
er
ar
or
in
av
ar
ra
r
th
N
Fa
m
/p
r/ d
do
ky
gr
O
a/
nd
In
ve
Ba
re
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/ ri
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er
a
ri a
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Sh
at
st
O
du
In
Figure 44.3 Locations where remains were discovered (n = 61).
As illustrated in Figure 44.3, the majority of the cases were found in open veldts
(field) or parks (n = 21), while the location of discovery was not reported or
unknown for 12 of the cases. Cases were often found on farms (n = 5) and in
industrial areas or mines (n = 4), and rarely indoors (n = 2). Other areas of
discovery included a tree and a bus stop terminal, with one case found being
carried by a “witch‐doctor” (Steyn and Brits, 2019).
To date, five skeletal cases have been positively identified. Four of these identi-
fications were made through DNA confirmation and one case through the use of
secondary identifiers including clothing and facial reconstruction. There are also
three more cases that will hopefully be identified: one case is awaiting DNA
analysis and two others facial approximation.
44.4 Discussion and conclusion
Approximately 1300–1600 unidentified deceased individuals are annually docu-

mented and buried in the Gauteng province alone, a number that equates to
approximately three bodies per day (Wild, 2017). Some of these deceased individ-
uals are thought to be undocumented migrants or migrant labourers from
surrounding provinces (Krüger et al., 2018).
The Bill of Rights, considered the cornerstone of the country’s democracy, pro-
tects the basic human rights of all those in the country (Constitution of the Republic
of South Africa). Unfortunately migrants and refugees are not always protected
and fall victim to crime and police harassment more often than locals. They are
also often the subjects of discrimination and xenophobic attacks (Crush and
Williams, 2002; Maharaj, 2002; Landau and Jacobsen, 2004; Tati, 2008; Bloch,
2010). It can be assumed that at least some of the unidentified individuals are
undocumented migrants.
These large numbers of unidentified individuals contribute to an ever‐growing
number of missing persons (Wild, 2017), with families inside South Africa and
across the continent looking for missing relatives. Unfortunately no regional or
continental missing persons database exists, although the SAPS does have a
c44.indd 689 11/26/2019 8:29:50 PM

limited list with documented missing persons (available at https://www.saps.gov.

za/crimestop/missing/list.php). This clearly needs better coordination and
documentation.
Case analysis and the identification of unknown deceased individuals are
impeded by numerous factors experienced by both forensic pathologists and
anthropologists. Firstly, affecting both forensic pathologists and forensic anthro-
pologists, are the high crime rates and the large number of unidentified individ-
uals, which results in large caseloads (L’Abbé and Steyn, 2012; Wild, 2017). Even
though sufficient expertise exists in the country, practitioners are often simply
overwhelmed by the numbers. Unfortunately the identification of unidentified
deceased is not high on the priority list of governmental structures, and the
resources are simply lacking. Other obstacles start at crime or death scenes, which
are not regularly attended by forensic pathologists or at all by forensic anthropol-
ogists. Most skeletal cases are delivered to forensic anthropologists for analyses
with little or no context (Krüger et al., 2018). However, through collaborations
with the FPS and VIC, information is becoming more readily available.
Unfortunately, when documentation from crime scenes is available, it is fre-
quently incomplete or incorrect, with many cases, for example, stipulating the
date and time of recovery as the time of death. Photographic material of cases is also
rarely provided, and if available is often of poor quality. These issues also impact
forensic pathologists. As forensic anthropologists or forensic archaeologist do not
attend crime or death scenes, they are also not involved in the excavation of
remains, which is usually undertaken by members of the SAPS. This again results
in the loss of context, but also in missing skeletal elements. Excavations are often
poorly executed, and numerous historic and archaeological sites are consequently
disturbed and presented as forensic cases (L’Abbé and Steyn, 2012).
Also attesting to the problems in the system is the fact that the forensic anthro-
pological cases that have been analysed during the last two years included
numerous cases dating back almost 10 years. Serious backlogs thus exist, not only
in first analyses, but also in advanced investigations such as DNA analysis.
Many cases exhibit signs of trauma, with a combination of both antemortem
and peri‐mortem trauma often noted, suggesting a high‐risk lifestyle for many of
the victims. Multiple cases of ballistic trauma, including cases of multiple gun-
shots, are also encountered. Crime statistics reported by the SAPS for 2017/2018
indicated that firearms were the cost common murder weapon used, with 41.3%
(6551) of all murders committed using firearms (South African Police Service,
2018). Cases of multiple gunshots are often found at mine sites and are probably
related to “Zama Zamas” (an isiZulu word meaning to try and try again), who are
mainly illegal migrant gold miners (Ledwaba and Nhlengetwa, 2016; Mkhize,
2017). These illegal miners often seek out abandoned gold mine shafts in and
around the Witwatersrand and Welkom areas (Ledwaba and Nhlengetwa, 2016)
and are often associated with “violent crackdowns” and conflicts between com-
petitors (Mkhize, 2017).
c44.indd 690 11/26/2019 8:29:50 PM

Almost all cases investigated at the human identification unit of the HVIRU had
dentition present; however, only two cases presented with dental procedures.
Dental records are therefore often of little use for positive identification, as most
South Africans and migrants cannot afford dental care and as such have no dental
records (L’Abbé and Steyn, 2012; Krüger et al., 2018). There are also no central
DNA databases or information on comparative DNA that can be used, and there-
fore the traditional primary identifiers are often of limited use.
Despite the numerous obstacles faced by the South African forensic community,
there has been an awareness and drive towards better collaboration between
stakeholders and the implementation of education of the police and other parties,
facilitating awareness of the importance of standardization of processes. Better
success rates when it comes to identification are imperative, so as to empower
services and in so doing boosting the criminal and justice systems.
Identification of the dead is a basic human right for the families of the deceased
and is ensconced in the Geneva Conventions of 12 August 1949 (Section III
Missing and dead persons: Article 32). Despite the difficulties, the various practi-
tioners on the ground are making every attempt to contribute, and now need
governmental structures to add adequate support and funding. Agreements for
closer collaboration between various bodies are imperative, and the time for silos
and separation between divisions and functional units are long gone and over-
shadowed by the crises faced. Although the identification process from skeletal
remains is strewn with difficulties, a few success stories keep law enforcement
officials, pathologists and forensic anthropologists motivated. Our current efforts
are bearing fruit, but need to be expanded to become routine in all centers, and in
so doing ultimately benefit the criminal and justice systems and provide grieving
families with respite and resolution.
Acknowledgements
The authors would like to acknowledge Ms Trisha‐Jean Mahon (Department of

Forensic Medicine and Pathology) and Mr Nicholas Bacci (Human Variation and
Identification Research Unit, School of Anatomical Sciences), University of the
Witwatersrand, for their invaluable assistance. Prof. J. Vellema (Department of
Forensic Medicine and Pathology/Gauteng (South) Department of Health Forensic
Pathology Service) is also thanked for her valuable advice and support.
References
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org/factsheets/factsheet‐south‐africas‐crime‐statistics‐for‐2017‐18/ (accessed 4 October 2018).
Barros, C.P. and Gupta, R. (2017) Development, poverty and inequality: A spatial analysis of
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Bloch, A. (2010) The right to rights? Undocumented migrants from Zimbabwe living in South
Africa. Sociology, 44, 233–250.
Bhorat, H., Lilenstein, A. and Monnakgotla J., et al. (2017) The Socio‐Economic Determinants of
Crime in South Africa: An Empirical Assessment. University of Cape Town, Development Policy
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gov.za/legislation/constitution/SAConstitution‐web‐eng.pdf (accessed 26 July 2018).
Crush, J. and Williams, V. (2001) Making Up the Numbers: Measuring “Illegal Immigration” to South
Africa. Migration Policy Brief No. 3. Cape Town: Southern African Migration Project.
Crush, J. and Williams, V. (2002) Criminal Tendencies: Immigrants and Illegality in South Africa,
Migration Policy Brief No. 10. Cape Town: Southern African Migration Project.
Krüger, G.C., Liebenberg, L., Myburgh, J., et al. (2018) Forensic anthropology and the biological
profile in South Africa. In: New Perspectives in Forensic Human Skeletal Identification (eds.
K. Latham, E. Bartelink and M. Finnegan). Elsevier, pp. 313–321.
L’Abbé, E.N. and Steyn, M. (2012) The establishment and advancement of forensic anthropology
in South Africa. In: A Companion to Forensic Anthropology (ed. D. Dirkmaat). Chichester: Wiley‐
Blackwell, pp. 626–638.
Landau, L.B. and Jacobsen, K. (2004) Refugees in the new Johannesburg. Forced Migration
Review, 19 (1), 44–46.
Ledwaba, P. and Nhlengetwa, K. (2016) When policy is not enough: Prospects and challenges
of artisanal and small‐scale mining in South Africa. Journal of Sustainable Development Law and
Policy, 7 (1), 25–42.
Maharaj, B. (2002) Economic refugees in post‐apartheid South Africa – Assets or liabilities?
Implications for progressive migration policies. GeoJournal, 56 (1), 47–57.
Mkhize, M.C. (2017) New interventions and sustainable solutions: Reappraising illegal artisanal
mining in South Africa. South African Crime Quarterly, 61, 67–75.
MyLifeElsewhere (2018) Country Size Comparisons. http://www.mylifeelsewhere.com/
country‐size‐comparison (accessed 10 September 2018).
South African Police Service (2018) Crime statistics 2017/2018. https://www.saps.gov.za/
services/crimestats.php (accessed 4 October 2018).
Statistics South Africa (2012) Census 2011. Statistical Release (revised) – P0301.4. Pretoria: Statistics
South Africa.
Statistics South Africa (2018a) Mid‐Year Population Estimates 2018. Statistical Release – P0302.
Pretoria: Statistics South Africa.
Statistics South Africa (2018b) Mortality and causes of death in South Africa, 2016: Findings from
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Steyn, M. and Brits, D. (2019) Dismemberment in South Africa: Case studies. In: Dismemberments:
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Tati, G. (2008) The immigration issues in the post‐apartheid South Africa: Discourses, policies
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CHAPTER 45
The Colombian experience in forensic

human identification
Search Unit for Persons Disappeared, Bogotá, Colombia
45.1 Introduction
Colombia is a Latin American country with a population of approximately

45.5 million inhabitants, in which, in spite of the fact that most people live in
the urban metropolis, there is still a fair amount of rural population.
Since the mid‐twentieth century, the country has suffered an internal armed
conflict between guerillas and official armed forces. Additionally, other armed
actors have been added gradually, like drug traffickers and paramilitary and orga-
nized crime groups. This violence phenomenon has had multiple consequences,
especially in relation to the loss of everyday liberties and also high economic as
well as social costs. Currently, it is thought that around 83,000 people have disap-
peared in this country as a consequence of more than 50 years of internal conflict
(Centro Nacional de Memoria Histórica (CNMH), 2018).
The phenomenon of forced disappearance has pressured the development of
different strategies to search for people who have disappeared, especially in the
field of forensic science in the last 40 years. Since 1991, the Colombian forensic
service is organized in the National Institute of Legal Medicine and Forensic
Sciences (Instituto Nacional de Medicina Legal y Ciencias Forenses, hereafter
INMLCF), with about 150 offices. These are located especially in cities with the
most demand for forensic services, offering attention in forensic pathology,
anthropology and dentistry, as well as a service of forensic clinics for non‐fatal
victims. It has different support laboratories, including genetics and dermato-
glyphics in order to identify humans; this is the guiding institution in development
and forensic service performance in Colombia.
693
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45.2 Evolution of the forensic human identification

process in Colombia
Before the forensic national institution was created in the 1980s, the first offices
of human identification were formed in the Office of Forensic Service in Medellín,
Antioquia. The first documentation files of unidentified corpses were created
there. Identifications were based on observation of the unidentified body by the
relatives via photographs and clothing.
In 1984 the first Missing Persons and Unidentified Bodies or NNS Information
Center was formed in Medellín. This Information Center had more detailed
documentation on unidentified corpses, for example: photographs, post‐mortem
dactiloscopy, morphological description, and description of distinctive marks and
clothing, in order to guide the relatives of the missing person. Also, written press
and local radio were used to spread the information. At that time, data verification
was very time‐consuming because it was done manually and it was not possible
to cross‐check with available information in different entities or cities in the
country (Comisión de Búsqueda de Personas Desaparecidas, 2010).
In 1991, judicial police officials and relatives, with the support of the Argentinian
Team of Forensic Anthropology (Equipo Argentino de Antropología Forense,
EAAF), created the first ante‐mortem data sheet, which provided morphochro-
matic information of the missing person. This was useful for identification, but at
that time, it was still difficult to cross‐check information.
Once the sole system of Legal Medicine and Forensic Science was established,
the identification office was founded in Bogotá, with unidentified corpse
mandatory documentation protocols and files for recognition by the relatives.
Between 1991 and 1993 five other identification offices were implemented in the
country (Comisión de Búsqueda de Personas Desaparecidas, 2010).
In 1993, the Congress of the Republic enacted Law 38, through which the dac-
tyloscopy system was unified and the dental chart was adopted for identification
purposes. In its most important aspects, this law points out that in all dentist
offices in Colombia (public as well as private), it is mandatory to perform a written
dental registry (dental chart) (Senado de la Republica de Colombia, 1993).
Likewise, and for human identification, dactyloscopy must be unified according to
the system used by the National Civil Registry, based on the decadactylar registry.
The physical and dental characteristics of deceased unidentified people, as well as
the description of the clothing used, would be noted in a special record that was
sent to the corresponding office of the INMLCF.
In 1994, based on Article 6 of the aforementioned Law 38, the national network
for the identification of unidentified corpses within the INMLCF was created. This
centralized the information files of unidentified corpses and established connec-
tions between the different offices on a national level. Formats were created to
collect unidentified corpse and missing persons information. Although it was
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The Colombian experience in forensic human identification 695
possible to cross‐check this information, it was still very time‐consuming because

it was done manually.
In May 1994, a document for the “Modernization of Identification Systems”
was approved. Its purpose was to improve citizen identification systems and avoid
duplication and dispersion of the information systems, especially those concerning
fingerprints (Comisión de Búsqueda de personas Desaparecidas, 2010). As a
consequence of this, in 1997 the National Civil Registry undertook a technological
modernization process through the implementation of the Automated Fingerprint
Identification System, “AFIS”.
In 1998, the possibility of forming a Missing Persons National Registry (RND)
was established with the purpose of documenting and storing information of cases
of forced disappearance and unidentified bodies. One of the objectives this r egistry
pursued consisted of centralizing all the information on missing persons, elimi-
nating the parallel databases that different entities had developed in Excel‐type
spreadsheets, and absorbing manual systems that were managed independently
and without any possibility of cross‐checking information.
In the year 2000, Law 589 (Congreso de la República, 2000) was approved and
sanctioned. It defined genocide, forced disappearance, forced displacement and
torture as crimes. The National Search Commission for Missing Persons (Comisión
Nacional de Búsqueda de Personas Desaparecidas, CBPD) and the National
Registry of Missing Persons (Registro Nacional de Desaparecidos, RND) were
officially created, as the sole, central and institutional tools for the search and
identification of people whose disappearance was forced. The RND includes
information on missing persons and of the inhumation/exhumation of unidenti-
fied corpses subjected to necropsy by the INMLCF. The politics of admission to the
RND were also defined according to the expertise of the relevant entities. It was
defined that the minimum requirements that the RND must include are: identity
data on the missing person, date and time of the event, relationship of the corpses,
exhumed or inhumed remains of unidentified people, time and date of the
discovery, conditions, characteristics, evidence, results of technical, scientific, and
testimonial studies, and any data that could lead to their identification (Comisión
de Búsqueda de Personas Desaparecidas, 2010).
In 2004, the Forensic Thanatology Division and the National Network for
the Identification of Unidentified Corpses and Search for Missing Persons of the
INMLCF, created and implemented the sole registry of corpses subjected to legal
medical necropsy for the search of missing persons (RUC).
In 2005, Regulatory Decree 4218 was created (Presidencia de la República,
2005), through which the general parameters to design, implement and put into
operation the National Registry of Missing Persons (RND) were established. This
is a system of data referential information provided by the intervening entities
according to their functions. It constitutes an accurate, timely and useful tool for
identifying corpses subjected to a legal medical necropsy in national territory,
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guidance for the search for people reported as victims of forced disappearance,
and allows the following of cases by entities and relatives of the missing persons;
this enables the referential cross‐checking that is defined in this decree as “analysis
process and task set aimed to correlate data included in the RND or the ones avail-
able in other information sources, that allow to guide or reference the identification
of a corpse, the search for a missing person or the investigation of a case.”
For referential cross‐checking, you must have the missing person’s basic data
(name, last name, identity document number, gender, age, height, distinctive
marks, among others) that result from the legal medical autopsy, different activ-
ities performed by the different entities for a forced disappearance, and other
information considered necessary. The regulation also specifies which are the
intervening entities in the RND and the profiles to access the platforms of
information. Finally, the decree indicates that mechanisms can be created to allow
the community in general access to the information, one of which has been the
creation of the RND’s platform of “Public Consultation” (Comisión de Búsqueda
de Personas Desaparecidas, 2010).
That same year, through Law 971 of 2005, the “Mechanism of Urgent Search”
was regulated and implemented to prevent the crime of forced disappearance.
Its purpose is that the judicial authorities immediately perform all the necessary
proceedings for the location of a citizen that has been reported missing without
considering the time of disappearance, constituting an effective mechanism to
prevent the perpetration of the crime of forced disappearance (Congreso de
Colombia, 2005).
Currently the National Registry of Missing Persons (RND) is a system of refer-
ential information in a network, formed by the following subsystems:
1. PUBLIC CONSULTATION: Allows the community to know general statistical
data.
2. LIFE: “Location of statistical forensic information” (Localización de Información
Forense Estadística).
3. HOPE: “Let’s make it mandatory to be able to find them” (Hagamos obligatorio
poder encontrarlos): allows the faces of the people reported as missing to be
visible.
4. SIRDEC: Information System of the Missing Persons and Corpses Network
(Sistema de Información Red de Desaparecidos y Cadáveres).
5. SICOMAIN: Information System Internet Massive Consultation (Sistema de
Información Consulta Masiva Internet).
6. SINEI: National System of Indirect Statistics (Sistema Nacional de Estadística
Indirecta).
The Missing Persons Search Commission has fostered the National Registry of
Missing Persons, the Urgent Search Mechanism (through the adoption of statutory
Law 971 of 2005), and the launch of the Missing Persons National Search Plan
(Plan Nacional de Búsqueda de Personas Desaparecidas, PNBPD).
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The PNBPD was developed in four phases of implementation: (a) information

collection; (b) analysis and verification of the information; (c) recovery and
identification of scientific‐technical studies; and (d) final destination of the corpses.
These activities should be developed by all the State entities and not the
government.
That same year, 2005, the Congress of the Republic approved Law 975, known
as the Justice and Peace Law, to enable the demobilization of paramilitary and
guerrilla groups. This process represents a milestone in Colombia’s history. It is the
first process of transitional justice oriented to establishing the truth of claims by
relatives, and establishing fundamental facts and elements of the process, to knit
together the social fabric devastated by decades of violence.
This process constituted a challenge for Colombian forensic doctors, both in
human identification and the search for missing persons. Very quickly, exhuma-
tions started in many different contexts, including clandestine graves in different
areas of the country; 9400 corpses have been recovered to date (Fiscalía General
de la Nación FGN, 2018), most of which were skeletonized, victims of homicide
and other associated crimes.
This challenge led to the adoption of new work models by the institutions in
charge of the recovery and identification of corpses. This is how the protocols of
interdisciplinary and interinstitutional forensic approaches are developed, accom-
panied by new rules of articulation among the institutions responsible for the
approach. By means of Agreement 102 of 19 December 2007, between the General
Prosecutor’s Office of the Nation, the National Police, the Administrative
Department of Security and the INMLCF, the Unique Virtual Identification Center
(CUVI) was created to coordinate and articulate, on an operational level, the
search and identification processes of people subjected to forced disappearance.
Their work allows the location of clandestine graves, exhumations, and the pro-
cess of human identification to be verified. The CUVI develops a route similar to
that of the PNB, with a parallel database, which also rests in the RND, with addi-
tional information related to the judicial investigation of the cases.
Currently, most of the corpses subjected to legal medical necropsy are techni-
cally identified by means of dactyloscopic comparison, comparing directly with
identity documents, like the citizenship card, for example, which contains the
person’s fingerprints, or by digital consultation with the National Registry’s AFIS
platform.
Less than 2% of the bodies undergoing legal medical autopsy are in an uniden-
tified condition, and most correspond to victims of homicide with evidence of
concealment of the body or with alterations that make their identification difficult
(dismemberment, deliberate mutilation, decomposition, skeletonization), which
are highly complex necropsies that require the approach of an interdisciplinary
team made up of at least a doctor, dentist, anthropologist, geneticist, fingerprinter,
and so on.
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45.3 Other activities developed for human identification

in the country
45.3.1 Cross‐checking or comparison of information

for identification purposes
In 2010 a tripartite agreement was reached between the National Civil Registry,
the Ministry of Interior and Justice and the INMLCF of Colombia, in order to
identify about 35,000 bodies that had undergone a legal medical necropsy without
achieving their identification and that were buried in different cemeteries at a
national level, between 1970 and 2010. The analysis of the INMLCF’s fingerprint
cards taken during each necropsy was carried out and compared with the uni-
verse of fingerprints stored in the databases of the National Civil Registry through
the AFIS system (Registraduría Nacional del Estado Civil, 2010).
According to the reports of the National Registry (Registraduría Nacional del
Estado Civil, 2011), 22,690 fingerprint cards were analysed and 9969 bodies were
identified (8810 men and 1159 women). Once the bodies were identified by
means of the full ten‐print form comparison, they were located in the cemeteries
where they had been buried, presenting difficulties such as the absence of docu-
mentation or inconsistencies in the inspection records of the corpse, inconsis-
tencies in the registration or absence in the death book of the administrators of
the cemeteries, and absence of markings on tombstones or graves. In addition, the
changes and alterations made in the cemeteries by structural adaptations, road
constructions and the presence of mass graves, evidenced a general problem in
handling unidentified bodies in the country’s cemeteries; this was partly why the
need arose to perform a check of their current status.
In 2010, Law 1408 was enacted with the aim of implementing a set of measures
that contribute to the location, identification, burial and homage to the victims of
the crime of forced disappearance, as well as providing economic support and psy-
chosocial assistance to their families during the process of delivery of the body or
remains, under the principles of dignity, personal privacy, equality and non‐
discrimination, without prejudice to the other obligations of care and psychosocial
assistance that should be provided to family members as victims.
This law creates the Missing Persons Bank of Genetic Profiles, whose purpose is
the administration and processing of the information in genetic profiles obtained
from the bodies or human remains of corpses submitted to necropsy by the
INMLCF, the Technical Investigation Body (Cuerpo Técnico de Investigación, CTI)
of the General Prosecutor’s Office of the Nation, and the National Police (DIJIN),
and of the reference biological samples taken from the relatives of persons reported
as missing.
The regulation of this law has also established the participation of relatives in
exhumation processes, prohibiting the burial of unidentified corpses without the
prior performance of a technical inspection and medical‐legal necropsy under the
order of a competent judicial authority.
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45.3.2 Forensic intervention of cemeteries

As of 2013, the Ministry of the Interior of Colombia began a project to search for
unidentified people in cemeteries, performing an integrated diagnosis of the cem-
eteries and documentation of the unidentified bodies. According to reports of the
execution of this project, up until December 2017 the diagnosis of 426 cemeteries
had been made and the number of unidentified buried bodies is 26,395 (Colombia
Plural, 2018).
This problem in handling unidentified bodies in the cemeteries of the country,
in which they had lost custody for some years, required the approach of a forensic
strategy to advance their search. To this end, a work model was designed and
implemented in three major stages:
1. Diagnosis of each cemetery by carrying out a census of the unidentified bodies,
inventory of the graves and/or vaults, and mapping of the cemetery.
2. Intervention at the cemetery, which includes: exhumation of corpses, study by
a forensic interdisciplinary team, taking samples for complementary studies,
photographs and radiographic images, burial of corpses in individual vaults.
3. Processing of biological samples of the unknown deceased and cross‐checking
these biological profiles with databases of missing persons reported in the
region.
This model began in the cemetery of a municipality in the Colombian Pacific
region called Olaya Herrera,1 which is a strategic territory because of its geographical
location and biodiversity, endowed with fluvial and maritime routes that are used
for the mobilization of troops, weapons and illicit drugs by groups outside of the
law, and therefore with a strong State military presence, which has turned this
territory into a battlefield.
As a result of the above, in the cemetery of the aforementioned municipality,
several bodies that had not been subjected to post‐mortem study (legal medical
autopsy) were therefore buried without an established identity. With the collabo-
ration of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), strategic planning
was carried out and in 2015 a forensic operation was carried out, recovering
35 bodies, some of them incomplete and with a marked deterioration due to taph-
onomic and anthropic agents. Analysis of the bodies was carried out in a morgue
located in the local cemetery, following the model already described. In addition,
forensic interviews were conducted with family members of missing persons from
the region, as well as biological samples taken in order to carry out genetic com-
parisons. Subsequently, technical cross‐checking has been done continuously in
the different databases to achieve identification, which has allowed the association,
via genetics, of body parts and the identification of bodies.
1
Municipality Olaya Herrera, located in the Colombian Pacific, is a place where two rivers converge, with approx-
imately 26,572 inhabitants, the great majority of the inhabitants of the Nariño coast being Afro-descendants. There
are also two indigenous ethnic groups and a growing population of people with combined European and indige-
nous descent.
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The main advantage of this model of forensic approach for identification pur-
poses is that it guarantees a complete post‐mortem study that complies with
accepted standards, without the need to transfer the bodies to large cities, which
is essential for the inhabitants of the regions, not only in the processes for obtain-
ing ante‐mortem information from their missing relatives, but also because it
facilitates their active participation in the process of recovery and forensic
identification.
Since then, this model of forensic approach has been implemented in different
cemeteries in regions of the country with contexts similar to those of the Olaya
Herrera municipality.
45.4 Cold case: New forensic approach to the

Palace of Justice case
One of the episodes with the greatest social and political impact during the
Colombian armed conflict was the seizure and re‐seizure of the Palace of Justice.
These events occurred on November 6 and 7, 1985, when the guerrilla group
Movimiento 19 de Abril took the said facility, located in the center of Bogotá DC,
capital of Colombia, with demands for the President related to an inconclusive
peace process. The army seized the building using heavy weapons. The episode
lasted about 28 hours, including the use of explosives and a building fire, with
99 fatal victims, including magistrates of the different courts, judicial officials,
guerrillas, employees of the palace, agents of the national police, among others,
and an as‐yet unconfirmed number of missing persons.
The bodies of several victims were reduced by fire and it was only possible to
recover their carbonized and calcined remains, The technical identification of the
victims was impossible at that point, taking into account the state of the bodies
and the non‐existence of the forensic disciplines or technological resources that
we currently have. Several bodies were, therefore, unidentified, and were buried
in a collective grave where they remained for several years. Other victims did not
appear. The relatives of the latter began a constant search for them during all
these years, going to different institutions, including the Inter‐American Court of
Human Rights, which, in a ruling in November 2014, established the existence of
11 missing persons from the events of the Palace of Justice and required the
Colombian State to develop all the necessary search tasks for the location of
the victims.
In this context, a new forensic approach to the case was initiated with the
objective of carrying out, in a scientific and technical manner, the process of iden-
tifying the victims of the crime and providing evidence for the judicial investiga-
tion that is still ongoing. This process focuses on a model of interdisciplinary and
inter‐institutional work with the use of new technology that had not been
previously available, as it is a cold case. This model is constructed according to
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international protocols, with novel aspects such as the creation of a committee of

forensic experts in human identification, statistical assessment with determina-
tion of specific a priori values for the case, and determination of identity proba-
bility thresholds. Another important aspect of the approach to this case has been
the active participation of the relatives of the victims in the technical
decision‐making.
45.5 Recent challenges
In November 2016, the Final Agreement was signed for the termination of the
conflict that lasted more than five decades, and the construction of a stable and
lasting peace between the national government and the illegal group called the
Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, People’s Army – FARC‐EP. The
agreement established the creation of the Integral System of Truth, Justice,
Reparation and Non‐Repetition. This system is based on the principle of recogni-
tion of victims as citizens with rights. In addition, there must be full disclosure
about what happened and the acknowledgement of responsibility on the part of
all those who participated directly or indirectly in the conflict and were involved
in any way in violations of human rights and violations of international humani-
tarian law (IHL). The system also orders that “… the damage caused should be
repaired and restored whenever possible” (Oficina del Alto Comisionado para la
Paz, 2016). The search for and identification of people reported missing in the
context of the armed conflict is one of the main measures of comprehensive rep-
aration to the victims. Within the peace agreement, a system has been created
consisting of five mechanisms:
1. Commission for the Clarification of Truth, Coexistence and Non‐Repetition (CEV).
2. Special unit for the search for people considered missing in the context and
because of the armed conflict (UBPD).
3. Special Jurisdiction for Peace (JEP).
4. Comprehensive reparation measures for the construction of peace.
5. No repetition guarantees.
The Special Unit to search for people considered missing in the context and
because of the armed conflict – UBPD – is of a humanitarian and extrajudicial
nature, and its purpose is to direct, coordinate and contribute to the implementa-
tion of humanitarian actions of search and identification of all persons reported
missing during the armed conflict (UBPD, 2018).
With the implementation of the peace process and the creation of the UBPD,
new forensic challenges begin in terms of human identification in Colombia,
since the search and identification of missing persons will begin in a context
that is characterized by a humanitarian and extrajudicial nature, with a
differential focus and with the permanent and active participation of the victim’s
relatives.
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In addition, problems related to the collection of ante‐mortem information for

missing persons must be solved, specifically because of the time elapsed between
the events and the time of the forensic technical interview for identification
purposes. Also, in many of the cases to be studied, the recovered bodies are incom-
plete and in a poor state of conservation, due mainly to the action of taphonomic
agents.
Therefore, the country will continue with an interinstitutional and interdisci-
plinary forensic work model with continuous training of the different profes-
sionals who participate in the search and identification process, including
exchanging experiences with international teams, developing lines of research on
the subject, and adapting work protocols and international quality standards.
References
Centro Nacional de Memoria Histórica (CNMH) (2018) http://www.centrodememoriahistorica.
gov.co/noticias/noticias‐cmh/en‐colombia‐82‐998‐personas‐fueron‐desaparecidas‐
forzadamente (accessed 15 December 2018).
Colombia Plural (2018) Informe: “resultados de la implementación de las medidas inmediatas
humanitarias y la situación actual de los cementerios municipales”. https://colombiaplural.
com/wp‐content/uploads/2018/03/05MAR2018‐InformeMedidasInmeditas‐final.pdf
Comisión de Búsqueda de Personas Desaparecidas (2010) Informe instrumentos de lucha contra la
desaparición forzada. Bogotá: Alvi Impresores.
Congreso de Colombia (2005) Por medio de la cual se reglamenta el mecanismo de búsqueda
urgente y se dictan otras disposiciones. https://colombia.justia.com/nacionales/leyes/ley‐971‐
de‐2005/gdoc/ (accessed 15 December 2018).
Congreso de la República (2000) Por medio de la cual se tipifica el genocidio, la desaparición
forzada, el desplazamiento forzado y la tortura; y se dictan otras disposiciones. https://www.
redjurista.com/Documents/ley_589_de_2000_congreso_de_la_republica.aspx#/, (accessed
15 December 2018).
Fiscalía General de la Nación (2018) https://www.fiscalia.gov.co/colombia/wp‐content/uploads/
Reporte‐estadistico‐GRUBE‐2018‐oct‐31.pdf (accessed 15 December 2018).
Oficina del Alto Comisionado para la Paz (2016) Acuerdo final para la terminación del conflicto
y la construcción de una paz estable y duradera. http://www.altocomisionadoparalapaz.gov.
co/procesosyconversaciones/Documentos%20compartidos/24‐11‐2016NuevoAcuerdoFinal.
pdf (accessed 15 December 2018).
Presidencia de la República (2005) Decreto Reglamentario 4218 por el cual se reglamenta el
artículo 9° de la Ley 589 de 2000. http://www.suin‐juriscol.gov.co/viewDocument.asp?id=
1543806 (accessed 15 December 2018).
Registraduría Nacional del Estado Civil (2010) Registraduría Nacional del Estado civil suscribe
convenio con el ministerio del interior y medicina legal para identificar a 35.000 N.N.s.
https://wsr.registraduria.gov.co/Registraduria‐Nacional‐del‐Estado,2682.html (accessed 15
December 2018).
Registraduría Nacional del Estado Civil (2011) Registraduría logró identificar a 9.969 N.Ns gra-
cias al convenio con el ministerio del interior y medicina legal. https://wsr.registraduria.gov.
co/Registraduria‐logro‐identificar‐a.html (accessed 15 December 2018).
Senado de la Republica de Colombia (1993) Carta dental y dactiloscopia para fines de identifi-
cación. http://www.secretariasenado.gov.co/senado/basedoc/ley_0038_1993.html (accessed
15 December 2018).
Unidad de Búsqueda de Personas Dadas por Desaparecidas (UBPD) (2018) Decreto 589 de 2017
por el cual se organiza la Unidad de Búsqueda de personas dadas por desaparecidas en el
contexto y en razón del conflicto armado. https://www.ubpdbusquedadesaparecidos.co/p/
documentos.html (accessed 15 December 2018).
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CHAPTER 46
The Chilean experience in forensic

identification of human remains
Marisol Intriago Leiva1, Viviana Uribe Tamblay1 and
Claudia Garrido Varas2
Servicio Medico Legal de Chile, Santiago de Chile, Avenida La Paz N°1012
1
International Committee of the Red Cross, Switzerland

2
46.1 Origins of the legal medical service
The first morgue in Santiago, according to the document History of the Legal Medical
Institute of the Ministry of Health,1 was inaugurated in 1898 on Teatinos Street,
next to the Public Prison. Soon it was clear that professionalization was needed
both in legal medicine and the spaces in which it was exercised, and so in 1915
the Servicio Médico Legal (SML), initially called Instituto Médico Legal, was for-
mally created through Law Decree No. 1851.
Dr Carlos Ybar de la Sierra, Professor in medicine, was commissioned by the
government of the time to implement this decree, managing to get the State to
transfer land in the La Paz Avenue sector for the construction that would house
the Institute, and which would not only take charge of autopsies, but also the
evaluation of the people who committed crimes and who suffered mental pathol-
ogies. This establishment was inaugurated in October 1926, 11 years after its
creation, according to Law Decree No. 646. Committed and trusted in the nature
of the forensic sciences, it was able to: “…unify the teaching, assistance, expert
work and research in the specialty. But in 1928 and for political reasons he was
abruptly separated from his positions as professor and director; he died in 1930…”.2
At the end of the nineteenth century, the procedures used in an autopsy
included the photographic record of the deceased. The autopsy was ordered
1
http://www.bibliotecaminsal.cl/wp/wp-content/uploads/2016/12/Historia-Servicio-M%C3%A9dico-Legal-y-
Morgue.pdf. Subsecretaría de Salud Pública, División de Planificación Sanitaria, Biblioteca de Salud Dr. Bogoslav
Juricic T. Subsecretaría de Salud Pública”.
2
Speech delivered by Dr Luis Ciocca at the inauguration of the itinerant Museum of the SML on 1 July 2013.
703
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Figure 46.1 Statistics Unit of Servicio Médico Legal, autopsy report of 1898.
by the judges on duty, and finally the bodies were handed over to their families:
“… in a wheelbarrow, inside an urn, to the General Cemetery on Avenida La Paz,
a route that was specially designed in the urban layout of the city of Santiago for
this purpose …”. “The procedures in the autopsies referred to a protocol that
established that the data of the deceased should be recorded in a book…
information of the expert who performed the autopsy; the day and time of recep-
tion of each body; the date the order was received to perform the expertise; the
day it was made; the place where the corpse was deposited; the assigned number
and the day of the same …”.3
The autopsy data were recorded through books of the time,4 which demon-
strate that the professionals of the time faced complex cases, such as those who
died with severe traumas, and analysis of bones, as reflected in the Report of
Dr Amunátegui Solar, professor of legal medicine, on 4 November 1898
(Figure 46.1).
The mission of the Legal Medical Institute,5 from its origins, was to serve justice
and contribute to the teaching of legal medicine. This task was slowly extended
throughout the country, in hospital mortuaries and in annexes to local
3
Ibid.
4
Subsecretaría de Salud Pública, División de Planificación Sanitaria, Biblioteca de Salud Dr. Bogoslav Juricic T.
www.bibliotecaminsal.cl/2016. Between 1893 and 1923, documents and books such as: Libros Copiadores de
Autopsia, Libros de Datos Biográficos, Libros de Control de Autopsias, and Libros de Informes de Autopsias.
5
Law Decree No. 646, 17/10/ 1925.
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The Chilean experience in forensic identification of human remains 705
cemeteries, also responding to the requirements of regions and provinces farthest

from the capital. At present, the SML has 39 offices that deal with the needs of the
entire national territory, considering in general terms the performance of autopsies,
laboratory analysis in genetics, toxicology, histopathology, clinical and forensic
sexology, as well as expert reports on adult and child mental health. It has imple-
mented a National DNA Registry to obtain, guard and compare DNA records of
accused, convicted and evidence, and the current Unidad Especial de Identificación
Forense (UEIF) provide a service at the national level.
46.2 September 1973 and the role of the Servicio

Médico Legal (SML)
On 11 September 1973, with the coup d’état in Chile by the armed forces, encour-
aged by the Chilean oligarchy and supported by the United States, systematic vio-
lations of human rights began as a State policy. The role of the Servicio Médico
Legal (SML) suffered, as did all the institutions in force in the country, a dramatic
change. The headquarters of Avenida La Paz became the place where corpses of
murdered persons were deposited as a product of the violence unleashed by the
armed forces and Carabineros of Chile in the capital; the headquarters operated
under the intervention of a military delegation while Dr Alfredo Vargas Baeza was
director (1959–1977).
As indicated, in 1973 the SML had its main headquarters in Santiago and had
very few offices throughout Chile. On average, there were approximately 9 deaths
per day, which was approximately 291 people per month. After the coup, the
number increased, with close to 30 daily arrivals, or more than 440 per month,6
which generated a complex situation from the point of view of the logistics of the
deceased and the officials, who were overpowered by the overwhelming work, in
addition to the situation of cross‐sectional violence throughout the country.
Dozens of corpses that came mostly from the public road were distributed in the
corridors and offices of the SML, and the most common visible cause of death was
gunshot wounds, generating situations of sanitary risk.
In the same way, the process of identification of the deceased was slowed down,
among other things by the situation that existed in all the other institutions of the
State, such as the Identification Cabinet (current National Civil Registry and
Identification Service) that in many cases did not send, or did so late, the results
of the comparisons, when the deceased had already been transferred to the
General Cemetery, leaving the dead as NN (without identification).
A method dictated by the circumstances was cooordinated between the Civil
Registry, depository of the fingerprints of people with identity cards, the General
Ejecuciones en Chile septiembre–diciembre 1973. El circuito burocrático de la muerte. Pascale Bonnefoy y John
6
Dinges, ArchivosChile, Enero, 2012.
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Figure 46.2 From 11 September to 31 December 1973, more than 1630 corpses were
admitted to the SML, of which 890 corresponded to deaths in the context of the violence
prevailing in the city.
Cemetery, and the Prosecutor’s Offices or Courts from which the deceased were
sent. The burial of the victims in the city of Santiago and its surroundings, with or
without identification, was carried out preferably in the common patios of the
General Cemetery without consulting or informing the families, generally not
intentionally, but due to the chaos at the time.
During the months following 11 September 1973, with the country taken over
by the armed forces and thousands of arrests and murders, the professionals, tech-
nicians and administrative staff of the SML did everything possible to properly
record the autopsies. However, the majority contained, due to the enormous
workload, only essential data such as dates, sex, approximate age and the main
cause of death (Figure 46.2).
46.3 Family members: Search, justice, memory…
From the same day, 11 September 1973 in the afternoon, there began the search
for family members who had not arrived home, to scheduled appointments, to
work places. The pilgrimage of hundreds of women, men, boys and girls request-
ing information about their loved ones was done in front of hospitals, police
stations, police checkpoints, public spaces authorized as detention and torture
centers (regional stadiums, prisons, educational institutes, etc.), and they even
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Figure 46.3 Relatives review lists of deceased at the morgue, 1973. Photograph: Marcelo
Montecino.
arrived at the SML. At the entrance, lists were installed with the names of the
persons identified, who never managed to respond to the large number of rela-
tives and friends of the persons sought. Occasionally, SML officials recognizing
shot victims gave information to family members who could enter and recognize
the deceased in situ. At that time, for obvious reasons, there were no agencies
to watch over the victims or their families, nor did the SML have a special office
to answer their questions, but rather the need to quickly clear identities and
dispose of the corpses were the priorities of the Service (Figure 46.3).
An example of how it worked in the prevailing chaos is the case of Enrique
Ropert Contreras, a 19‐year‐old university student and son of the secretary of the
late President of the Republic, Salvador Allende Gossens. Enrique Ropert arrived
with his mother, on 11 September 1973, to the Intendencia of Santiago, where he
was arrested along with other young people by Carabineros of Chile (uniformed
police). His mother was able to escape and enter the Palace of La Moneda, but the
young man was transferred to a police station, on a death route that is still
unknown. He was shot to death under Bulnes Bridge on 19 September 1973,
together with a group of people. His remains entered the SML the next day, at
10:50 hrs, according to what is recorded in the autopsy protocol sheet. An official
of the Service warned the family, who were able to rescue his body and bury him.
The rest of the murdered were mostly buried as NN in Patio 29 of the General
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Cemetery, mostly as detainees who have disappeared until now, among them
Domingo Blanco Tarrés, head of the presidential guard GAP.
Between September 1973 and April 1974 inclusive, innumerable summary
executions, illegal detentions and disappearances took place, within the frame-
work of a violent strategy that sought to terrorize and paralyse the population that
supported the Popular Unity government, throughout the country. Enclosures
such as the National Stadium in Santiago and others were used to hold people
linked to the government of President Salvador Allende in custody, as well as
militants of leftist political parties, members of popular organizations or simple
supporters. Often there was no official recognition of the arrests, which kept the
families in an anxious uncertainty about the fate of their loved ones.
This context highlights the work of relatives of victims of the dictatorship, who
from the day of the coup did not waver from reporting the crimes that were
occurring in the country, showing a clear moral and political resistance to the
crimes that took place. In October 1973, the Committee for Cooperation for Peace
(Comité Pro Paz) was created to provide social support and some kind of legal
defence for the people who were persecuted, especially in the War Councils and
the courts, in retaliation against their constant denunciation of the disappearances
and other crimes committed by the dictatorship. Many members of the Committee
were threatened, persecuted, and some imprisoned by the agents of repression. In
1975, the Committee was closed and the Catholic Church created the Vicaría de
la Solidaridad with the same objective as the Committee for Peace.
Other organizations that defended human rights begin to emerge in the interior
of the country. In 1975 the Foundation of Social Assistance of the Christian
Churches (FASIC), the Chilean Commission of Human Rights (1978), and the
Committee for the Promotion and Defense of the Rights of the People (CODEPU)
in 1980, were created.
All these institutions emerged as a support base for families who incessantly
searched for their missing loved ones, or sought justice in the criminal acts that
had been committed. Family members and human rights organizations created
during that period constituted the main source of memory protection, so that dur-
ing the years of the transition to democracy, in some cases, they could obtain
truth, justice and reparation for the damage caused.
A milestone in the organization of the families of the detainees was the publi-
cation in June 1975 of the news of the death of 119 people, who were missing in
Chile, in alleged clashes in Argentina. The source of the information was made up
of two magazines with a single published number, which demonstrated an obvious
move on the part of the Chilean dictatorship to hide its responsibility for the arrest
and disappearance of said victims. This fact is the basis for the founding of the
Asociación de Familiares de Detenidos Desaparecidos (AFDD), under the umbrella
of the Vicaría de la Solidaridad, and that in the future would gather and mobilize
thousands of relatives of disappeared victims, in the national and international
denunciation of the systematic violations of human rights, as well as the demand
c46.indd 708 11/26/2019 8:29:41 PM

for truth and justice. Shortly after, in 1976, the Asociación de Familiares de
Ejecutados Políticos (AFEP) was created, which brings together the families of vic-
tims whose deaths were at least recognized by the State, and which in conjunction
with the AFDD up to today, has developed the important task of denouncing and
seeking full justice.
In 1976, after the closure of the official detention centers recognized by the
dictatorship, it became clear that the fate of hundreds of detainees remained
uncertain and unknown. The case of the identification, in that same year, of a
female body found at La Ballena Beach, Los Molles, in the Valparaíso region, car-
ried out by Dr Luis Ciocca through the comparison of dental records, as Marta
Ugarte, detained for her militancy in the Communist Party, made it clear that one
of the forms of disappearance for the bodies of the victims of human rights viola-
tions consisted of throwing them into the sea.
The intelligence unit in charge of most of the detentions and disappearances
ordered by the dictatorship was, between 1973 and 1976, the Dirección de
Inteligencia Nacional (DINA). This unit extended its actions abroad, unsuccess-
fully moving against Bernardo Leighton and his wife in Italy, assassinating General
Carlos Prats and his wife in Argentina, former Foreign Minister Orlando Letelier
and his secretary, and the American citizen Ronnie Moffit in Washington, US. This
last action meant that the United States withdrew its support for the Chilean dic-
tatorship, and forced the military government to finish with the DINA and retreat
to its general in command. A new organization, the CNI, was created, which mod-
ified its procedures. The arrests ended with false clashes where all the dead turned
out to be members of the left, or failed explosive attacks, where these militants
suffered the same fate. And those who were detained never reappeared.
Undoubtedly, the change of strategy of the dictatorship in relation to the final
destination of the victims was marked by the finding, in December 1978, of the
mortal remains of 15 disappeared prisoners in the Hornos of Lonquén, an aban-
doned lime mine on the outskirts of the city of Santiago. The finding repelled
nationally and internationally, and a judicial investigation was initiated. The
evidence was entered into the SML, who analysed it and recorded it in detail,
managing to identify one of the victims by dental comparison. As of that moment,
the Army ordered an operation called “Retiro de Televisores,” consisting of the
removal of human remains from the places of burial, in order to hide them or
throw them into the sea, as has been subsequently recognized. The forensic
consequence of the military operation “Retiro de Televisores” is that a large part
of the findings associated with human rights violations are made up of small bone
fragments, which makes the forensic process and identification more complex.
The SML, like most public agencies, was under the control and direction of
military personnel until March 1990. During those years, the work of its profes-
sionals was, at least, closely monitored. On many occasions the completion of the
autopsies of the victims was attended by armed personnel in the room, who
sought to ensure that doctors did not issue judgments that cast doubt on the
c46.indd 709 11/26/2019 8:29:41 PM

official versions of the truth.7 The exhaustive review of the expert documents
made in those years reveals that, despite the threat and control, many doctors
managed to express in their reports the true state of the victims, evidencing
the tortures that they had been subjected to before they died, the presence of
substances to sedate them, and inconsistencies between the official versions and
the reality.
46.4 The 1990–2006 transition to democracy: Family

members and the continuous search for the detained,
disappeared and executed
The Operation “Retiro de Televisores” was constituted in a policy of concealment

of the final destination of disappeared detainees, in which the Army was ordered
to dig up the bodies of the murdered during 1973 to 1978, threatening the com-
manders of those garrisons with a move to retirement if they did not comply with
that order.
But despite the “cleaning of traces” of the final destination, the remains of the
disappeared detainees continued to show up. This was the case for the locality of
Yumbel in 1979, the national and international denunciation of the clandestine
burials in Patio 29 in the General Cemetery of Santiago in 1981, or the case of the
Hornos of Lonquén. In 1985, for example, the situation of remains found in
Cuesta Barriga was judicially reviewed, and on this occasion the identification
was supported by anthropologists, archaeologists and other professionals. This
procedure generated a point of inflection in the study of bone remains, and was
the beginning of the contribution of anthropology to the identification procedure
in cases of serious human rights violations.
In 1987, with the creation of the Human Rights Commission of the College of
Anthropologists, the Grupo de Antropología Forense (GAF)8 began, establishing a
link with the AFDD of Chile, together with Dr Clyde Snow, a North American
anthropologist, and Morris Tidball, of the Argentine Forensic Anthropology Team,
who established a specialized procedure to encompass forensic anthropology
(with theoretical, methodological and technical capabilities) that could advance
human identification.
With the arrival of democracy, and in view of the understandable mistrust and
evident incapacity of the SML to address the search and identification of the vic-
tims of the dictatorship, these professionals engaged, by judicial instruction, in the
task of finding and exhuming multiple hidden victims throughout the country.
Necessarily, the SML became part of the process as custodian and in charge of the
7
Dr Myriam Gallo, personal communication.
8
Elías Padilla and Isabel Reveco (2004) V Chilean Congress of Anthropology. College of Anthropologists of Chile
A. G, San Felipe, 2004. Memoirs of the Forensic Anthropology Group and its Contribution to the Field of Human Rights in
Chile. https://www.aacademica.org/v.congreso.chileno.de.antropologia/146.p.
c46.indd 710 11/26/2019 8:29:41 PM

legal medical expertise to determine the cause and manner of death in many of
these cases, with enormous material difficulties, technical deficiencies, and
without an institutional framework to support their efforts.
In April 1991, the Rettig Commission was created, a situation of democratic
openness began, and parts of the hidden truth began to come to light. The inves-
tigations of the commissioners focused on the history of deaths of the Legal
Medical Service, achieving with it the approximate number of people killed by
bullets, and tortures that had entered the institution from the day of the military
coup. However, even when the reports of the National Commission of Truth and
Reconciliation and of the National Commission of Reparation and Reconciliation
established in a forceful way the systematic violation of human rights exercised by
the dictatorship, it meant little for the relatives of thousands of victims when the
State committed itself to justice “as far as possible,” refusing to pursue the prose-
cution of the crimes and the search for the disappeared.
The efforts to identify the victims determined the need to work directly with
family members, applying the Anthropomorphic File as a basic instrument that
included data relevant to the process. In the SML, the Identification and Museum
Unit was created in 1994 and operated until 2002, working with a close link to the
relatives of victims of repression, victims’ associations, courts, police, and so on.
In 1991, the exhumation was ordered of 108 tombs in Patio 29 of the General
Cemetery that corresponded to 126 remains of people who died in the months of
September to December of 1973 in Santiago, and who had remained buried until
that date identified only as NN.
The analysis of the exhumed bodies was carried out in the SML, which already
had among its archives more than 170 anthropomorphic files that had been
provided by the Vicaría de la Solidaridad. The expert techniques used were those
of anthropology, dentistry and legal medicine in order to determine the cause
of death and identity. In the mid‐1990s the cranial facial overlap technique
was added.
Between 1992 and 2002, 96 expert reports of positive identification were deliv-
ered to the courts. Genetic science was only emerging at the time. The University
of Glasgow (United Kingdom) advised the SML on the use of genetics in human
identification, questioning some identifications. The same was done by national
experts external to the institution. From 2001, in order to strengthen the
identification area of the Legal Medical Institute, the mitochondrial DNA Unit was
created,9 combining professionals and technicians. Furthermore a new bank of
biological samples of relatives of the maternal line of disappeared detainees was
set up. In addition, we worked on improving the anthropomorphic files of the
victims. The Unit for the Identification of Disappeared Detainees and the mito-
chondrial DNA Unit, between the years 2001 and 2005, carried out expert actions
It should be noted that mitochondrial DNA analyses reported advantages considering that the available evidence
9
was old, highly fragmented and contaminated. However, the discriminatory power of such analyses is less.
c46.indd 711 11/26/2019 8:29:41 PM

aimed at identifying the skeletal remains that remained in legal medical custody.
In March 2005, in the face of a disagreement arising in the genetic analysis
requested by one of the families on the human remains delivered in the 1990s,
the exhumation was ordered by the court for the taking of samples and genetic
analysis of all the skeletal remains returned to the families in the Patio 29 case.
The analyses were done by the Servicio Médico Legal.10 The results were
devastating. More than half of the victims had no genetic correspondence to
the families who had received them as their loved ones.
The profound, complex and painful questioning on the part of the relatives of
the disappeared due to the reported errors marks the end of a stage in the
identification process carried out up to that moment, which evaluated the ante-
cedents from anthropology, associated evidence, dentistry and the medical report.
Change was demanded to consider advances in technology and science, especially
genetics, so that it becomes the identity determination matrix.
Since 2007, different panels of international experts have assumed that any
identification must be through the genetic route. The Servicio Médico Legal, at
the time of making the identifications questioned, did not have scientific,
professional or budgetary standards. In the 1990s there was no specialization as a
forensic medical doctor or physical anthropologist; genetics was not widely used
and its scope was limited. Chile did not apply validated forensic protocols, and the
infrastructure and budget were deficient. Nor was it projected that later the
advance of science would make it possible to make identifications with greater
scientific certainty. The crisis contributed to the modernization of the SML, espe-
cially after Law No. 20.06511 was enacted, introducing the concepts of High Public
Management,12 professionalization of the activity according to professional profile,
audit of procedures and continuous training. And without a doubt, it also
evidenced the deep need to maintain a transparent, continuous, respectful and
considerate relationship with the families of the victims and the groups that rep-
resent them, who are the ones who have mobilized throughout the years in the
search for the truth and justice.
46.5 Identifications via genetics
By instruction of President Michelle Bachelet, the Servicio Médico Legal, given

the magnitude of the crisis and as a way to repair the damage caused to family
members, following the recommendations of a panel of international experts,
created the Human Rights Program, for which the main mission is to install, main-
tain and develop a national system of forensic quality management “in support of
10
Memorias Programa de Derechos Humanos 2007–2010. Servicio Médico Legal.
11
Law No. 20.065 of “Modernization, Organic Regulation and Staff Plant of the Legal Medical Service” became
effective in October 2005 when published in the Diario Oficial.
12
In April 2007, Patricio Bustos Streeter, who was selected by the Senior Public Management mechanism, assumed
the position of Director of the Legal Medical Service. His mandate was renewed for the next three years in 2010.
c46.indd 712 11/26/2019 8:29:41 PM

the courts in the proceedings that are decreed in judicial proceedings in which
violations of Human Rights are investigated, especially in the work of identifying
human remains associated with these cases, with the aim of developing coordi-
nated actions and in collaboration with organizations, institutions and groups of
public and private nature, related to the field of human rights in Chile.”13
The role of science in identification is cardinal, and its use must be made with
consideration of the factors that give special recognition to family members and
their needs, understanding that they are the final recipients of the identification
process and that the results will strongly influence their grieving process.
The institutional communication policy implemented by the Legal Medical
Service seeks to provide comprehensive care to the families of the victims and to
the victims of human rights violations, and is based on five aspects: commitment,
conscience, collaboration, credibility and trust.
Regarding the process of identification by genetic analysis, it can result in estab-
lishing the identity of a person, when there is genetic coincidence between the
family group and the bone remains or, failing that, their exclusion is determined.
All this depends on the quality of the bone samples in custody and the database of
blood samples of the relatives of disappeared and executed prisoners, for
comparison. However, the existence of bone samples of the victims and blood
samples of their relatives does not allow us to foresee a priori a successful result.
Since 2007, the SML has adopted a set of principles regarding work with the
families of the victims and the determination of identities, which considers:
1. Comprehensive institutional commitment, explicitly documented, with work
strategies with family members, involving all levels that contact, receive, guide
and assist families.
2. Awareness of managers, professionals and officials of all levels of the need to
design, implement, evaluate and permanently improve, within a framework
of verifiable quality criteria, the policies of attention to relatives of victims of
violations of human rights.
3. Collaboration, with shared responsibilities, between the different actors –
judicial, forensic and humanitarian institutions – after common purposes.
4. Credibility, working with the highest internationally accepted standards, trans-
mitting the solidity of forensic actions that are developed at the intersectoral
and interdisciplinary level.
5. Confidence, through sustained coordination with family members and Groups,
to whom complete information on progress, difficulties, insufficiencies and,
especially, corrective actions is given regarding problems.
To date, the identification (by genetic analysis) of 170 people has been achieved.14
13
Exempt Resolution No. 3148, Approves Human Rights Program, in the Legal Medical Service, dated
27 April 2007.
14
Official Results of the Special Forensic Identification Unit, which has continued since 2011 in the Human Rights
Program of the SML.
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46.6 Comments
In our country, the reality of the human rights violations under the dictatorship is
an unresolved issue. While the State of Chile remains in the position of wanting
to turn the page, denying the right to relatives or the surviving victims themselves
in pursuit of justice, truth and memory, we will continue living as a society in a
state of denial with respect to these facts and their claims, because it is a permanent
reality to which we cannot turn our backs.
At the end of 2016, the SML managed to identify Mr Jorge Roberto Sáez
Vicencio, who disappeared on 19 October 1973. According to official information,
he was 23 years old, working as a gardener, and had no political affiliation. That
day, after 4:00 pm, he was arrested along with Jorge Antonio Aránguiz González
(16 years old) at the intersection of Ramón Cruz with Rodrigo de Araya, in Ñuñoa,
and taken to the 13th Commissariat of that commune, from where we lost their
trail. In 1991, after the exhumation of a tomb on Patio 29 in the General Cemetery,
the remains found were transferred to SML, where anthropological and odonto-
logical studies were carried out to establish possible coincidences with disappeared
victims. With the advance of technology and the possibility of carrying out genetic
tests, it became possible for him to be identified. When he disappeared, Jorge
Roberto Sáez had a partner, Isabel, and a daughter named Paulina. Isabel was
pregnant with Jorge, who was born after his father died. They were not legally
recognized as his children.
On 22 February 2017, Jorge Sáez Jr. wrote to the UEIF after great news:
“Hello, Mrs. Marisol, how are you? Jorge talks … son of Jorge Sáez.
I want to share with you and also with your colleague Marisol Fuentes (biochemistry)
my joy. At last I am my father’s son … Thank you for identify him and so I could prove
me and my sister, that we were his children.
Thank you very much to all the SML team on my behalf and my sister Paulina.
A giant hug. I’m very happy … A hug.”
The attempts of the SML, after the crisis occurred with the serious errors of
Patio 29, has led us to work throughout the year 2017, together with other State
agencies, on what was called Patio Working Table 29, which has allowed us to
correct the previous mistakes in identification. This type of joint effort with the
different institutions of the State seeks to respond better to the demands that exist
today in the standards of law and, certainly, the relatives of the victims, for without
them nothing would be possible.
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SECTION VI
Conclusions
s06.indd 715 11/26/2019 8:30:20 PM

CHAPTER 47
Humanitarian action: New approaches

from forensic science
Douglas H. Ubelaker1, Sara C. Zapico1,2 and Roberto C. Parra3*
1
2
International Forensic Research Institute, Florida International University, Miami, Florida, USA
3
47.1 Introduction
The involvement of forensic science in humanitarian action has advanced and

matured dramatically in recent decades. Chapters in this volume attest to this
development, and document the remarkable progress in many global areas of
need and the diverse areas of the forensic sciences. From investigation and detec-
tion to court testimony, forensic science has played a pivotal role in response to
political violence, mass disasters, torture and related events (Sledzik and Mundorff,
2016). Due to the nature of these events, responses utilizing modern forensic sci-
ence are frequently not available from traditional government sources. Such work
often falls on non‐governmental organizations and the remarkable volunteerism
of individual forensic scientists. Fortunately, such resources and the development
of forensic tools specifically designed for these applications are making humani-
tarian action more accessible and more effective. With regard to human
identification, recovery of human remains and analysis can help to restore the
identity of the person, as well as allowing for proper location and care of remains
(Rosenblatt, 2010). Applications involve ethical and theoretical considerations
(see chapters 5 and 6; Moon, 2017; Buikstra, 2017; Tung, 2014; Blau, 2016;
Rosenblatt, 2010; De Baets, 2009) and multiple complex approaches (Salado
Puerto and Tuller, 2017), and have become almost routine in many global
investigations (Ferlini, 2017).
the United Nations.
717
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47.2 History
The roots of forensic applications to humanitarian action are anchored in sound

bioarchaeological studies of mass graves and commingled remains. Maria del
Carmen Vega Dulanto (Chapter 4) has discussed investigations regarding violence
from the bioarchaeological approach. Verano (1986) provides such an example in
his study of the mass burial of mutilated individuals at Pacatnamu, Peru. The out-
lined techniques provided a foundation for later excavation and analysis of mass
graves in forensic contexts (Schmitt, 2002).
Stewart (1970) provided a key example of academic focus on identification
efforts related to mass disasters. Stewart’s publication followed a symposium
designed to bring the top researchers of that time to explore aspects of
personal identification. In that effort, Mant (1970) provided an early emphasis
on the importance of adequate training and the multidisciplinary approach
to identification. Neep (1970) also recognized the need for a comprehensive
approach.
Cordner and Tidball‐Binz (2017) and Cordner and McKelvie (2002) provide
excellent summaries of the history of the development of humanitarian action,
with recognition of the diverse disciplines employed in forensic science. Key
developments include formation of the International Criminal Court (Rome
Statute) in 2002, and incorporation of the Minnesota Protocol by the United
Nations Economic and Social Council and the General Assembly in 1989.
As noted by Steele (2008), institutions and quality laboratories (Sledzik and
Kauffman, 2008; Holland et al., 2008) have provided leadership in the development
of identification efforts and humanitarian assistance in general.
The Argentine Forensic Anthropology Team (EAAF) represents a stellar example
of institutional leadership by a non‐governmental organization. Formed in 1984
in association with the visit to Argentina by a delegation of forensic scientists from
the American Association for the Advancement of Science, the EAAF has provided
humanitarian assistance in Argentina and many other countries (Argentine
Forensic Anthropology Team, 2003, 2007; Skolnick, 1992; Snow et al., 1984).
Other noteworthy organizations include the International Commission on
Missing Persons (ICMP) (Hanson et al., 2016; Fondebrider, 2016), Physicians for
Human Rights (PHR) formed in 1986 (Cordner and McKelvie, 2002), the
Guatemalan Forensic Anthropology Foundation (FAFG) formed in 1997, the
Peruvian Forensic Anthropology Team (EPAF) formed in 2001 and the Specialized
Forensic team of the Peruvian State formed in 2003 (Chapter 41; Baraybar and
Mora, 2015), the UK‐based organization Inforce formed in 2001, and the forensic
unit of the International Committee of the Red Cross formed in 2003 (Cordner
and Tidball‐Binz, 2017). As noted by Steadman and Haglund (2005) these orga-
nizations employ forensic scientists with various levels of academic degrees.
Ubelaker et al. (2018) present, through published records, a historical perspective
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Humanitarian action: New approaches from forensic science 719
on these developments, where anthropology as a forensic science has played an

important role in the application of science to humanitarian action and human
rights issues.
47.3 Theoretical foundation
The theoretical framework of humanitarian actions in the forensic field is

increasingly being refined. The concepts of posthumous dignity, agency, boundary
object, moral injury, social life and social death of the human remains and their
belongings (chapters 5 and 6; Buikstra, 2017; Moon, 2012, 2017; Tung, 2014; De
Baets, 2004, 2009; Hoskins, 2006) have positively contributed to the theoretical
framework of humanitarian action with the dead, and mainly with those dead
who have not yet been recovered and have loved ones waiting for recovery and
identification.
The recovery and care of human remains can also contribute to strengthening
the image of states through the notion of protection of their citizens either alive
or after death. Magaña (2011) provides details about this perspective of protec-
tion. In this line of thought, humanitarian actions have been developed in the
forensic field to recover the bodies of combatants killed in action (Holland et al.,
2008; Wagner, 2015). Parra et al. (Chapter 6) argues that when the bodies wait for
a long time without known identities, and have deteriorated and disintegrated,
the risk of loss of connectedness with social life increases and, in consequence,
also the risk of social death of the deceased. Rosenblatt (2010) highlighted that
the bodies have been doubly violated, “first against living human beings and then
against their dead bodies” (2010: 948), and this violence continues when the
bodies are not located, when they continue without their identity and when they
are not taken care of appropriately (Rosenblatt, 2010; Chapter 6).
47.4 The legal and cultural arena
Humanitarian action must be cognizant and reactive to both international laws

and those within individual countries. Márquez‐Grant and Fibiger (2011) provide
detail on these laws with regard to the recovery and treatment of human remains.
This information focuses on remains recovered from archaeological contexts, but
is applicable to those from forensic contexts as well. Petrig (2009) provides an
overview of the legal foundations that protect persons who have died during
armed conflicts and the protection of their gravesites. Londoño Romanowsky and
Silva Chau (Chapter 2) have extended these legal approaches towards other situ-
ations of violence, natural disasters, migration, and other phenomena; including,
in addition to the dead, missing persons and their loved ones.
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Chapters in this volume relate not only the importance of following interna-
tional laws but local practices as well. Forensic scientists working in countries
other than their own must be aware of cultural, religious and community
attitudes and beliefs that relate to the work performed (see Chapter 8 and
Chapter 33).
47.5 Regional applications
The maturity of the rapidly developing field of humanitarian action reflects the
many regional applications registered to date. Chapters of this volume document
the detailed, ongoing work of forensic science in many countries around the
globe. Past applications and examples are registered in the published record. The
scientific literature contains detailed presentations of applications of humani-
tarian action in Argentina (Chapter 35; Doretti and Snow, 2009; Olmo et al.,
2009), Australia (Chapter 38; Blau, 2018, Blau and Briggs, 2011), Chile
(Chapter 46; Varas and Leiva, 2012), Colombia (Chapter 45), Cyprus (Chapter 39;
Mikellide, 2017), Bosnia and Herzegovina (Baraybar and Gasior, 2006; Komar,
2003), East Timor (Blau and Fondebrider, 2011; Blau and Skinner, 2005), Guyana
(Thompson et al., 1987), Guatemala (Chapter 40; Stuesse, 2013), Indonesia (Buck
and Briggs, 2016), Italy (Chapter 36), Korea (Park et al., 2009), Kosovo (Sprogøe‐
Jakobsen et al., 2001), Latin America (Casallas and Piedrahita, 2004; Fondebrider,
2016), Malaysia (Mohd Noor et al., 2017), Mexico (Schwartz‐Marin and Cruz‐
Santiago, 2016), Panama (Ross and Suarez, 2008), Peru (Chapter 41; Baraybar
et al., 2008; Cagigao and Lund, 2008), Poland (Ferlini, 2003), Serbia (Djurič,
2016), Solomon Islands (Archer and Dodd, 2016), Spain (Congram et al., 2014),
Thailand (Black, 2016), Uruguay (Chapter 42) and the United States (Chapter 34;
Sledzik and Wilcox, 2009; Sledzik et al., 2009).
47.6 Capacity‐building
Although humanitarian action includes direct advice and involvement in case-

work, capacity‐building of local teams represents a key goal and product. Training
represents a long‐recognized component of death investigation (Clark et al., 1996)
and all aspects of humanitarian action. Many chapters of this volume stress the
importance of training and local capacity‐building. Such training not only shares
the vital experience of the instructors, but also provides them with valuable edu-
cation regarding local approaches, problems and related issues. As noted by
Coupland and Cordner (2003), standards and guidelines need to be established
and improved with the new experience acquired. Effective capacity‐building
allows the imparted knowledge and methodology to improve the quality of case-
work long after the instructor returns home.
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47.7 Trauma assessment
Goals of humanitarian action usually focus on training, search and recovery and
identification issues. However, in many situations, trauma assessment also repre-
sents a key component. Of course, this represents a standard aspect of suspected
torture and prisoner abuse. Trauma evaluation is also included in skeletal analysis
and can detect cause of death and/or ante‐mortem injury. For example, Chacón
et al. (2008) presented evidence of torture and violence in their study of nine
individuals from Nebaj, Guatemala. Additional examples are provided by
Kimmerle and Baraybar (2008).
Baraybar (2015) presented a study of variation in gunshot injury patterns in
decedents associated with both human rights abuses and armed conflict. His study
suggested differences in the pattern of gunshot injuries. The application of this
type of knowledge supports the importance of the use of science for the collection
of data in the battlefield and, furthermore, feeds the humanitarian classification of
war wounds, which is based on features of the wound (Coupland, 1992). The
analysis of injuries and ammunition found on wounded people, including those
who have died on the battlefield or in violent armed scenarios, provide important
information for the defence of international humanitarian law, including the
assessment of the “use and manufacture of bullets that contravene the Hague
Declaration…” (Coupland et al., 1992).
47.8 Technology
Technological advances contribute to the improving effectiveness of humanitarian

action. Of course, DNA methodology continues to have major impact on
identification (Jakovski et al., 2010; Gonzales et al., 2006; Dirkmaat et al., 2008).
This impact enlarges as DNA methodology allows great mobility for analysis and
facilitates analysis on smaller and more degraded evidence. Clear limitations have
also been reported, and thus it should always be combined with other procedures
(Chapters 30, 32 and 35; Biruš et al., 2003), without losing sight of the cultural
impact of these technologies on the people where they are applied (Chapter 33;
Bennett, 2014).
Technological improvements in other areas of forensic science also positively
impact humanitarian assistance. Blau et al. (2008) demonstrated how the use of
new CT imagery can improve the process of disaster victim identification. Ruffell
et al. (2009) presented the effectiveness of ground‐penetrating radar and site
survey methodology in search missions. The use of GIS technology is opening an
important door for the spatial analysis of all information during the humanitarian
action of searching for missing persons (Chapters 18 and 41; Congram et al., 2016,
2017. In the same way, the use of stable isotopic analysis opens new search possi-
bilities for missing persons (Chapters 19 to 28).
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47.9 Expanding areas of application
Chapters in this volume document the many and diverse applications involved in
humanitarian action, forensic science and the management of the dead. In recent
years, applications have expanded to target unidentified migrants. These include:
search, location, excavation, recovery and analysis of mass graves and other sites
that contain human remains; disaster victim identification; integration of
information on missing persons and unidentified human remains; use of GIS
technology for search processes; and analysis of geographical provenience of
human remains using stable isotope forensics, which have proven useful as well
as improvements in international communication among forensic investigators.
While humanitarian forensic action initially focused primarily on investiga-
tions into the whereabouts of missing persons and the management of the dead
from armed conflicts, its role has progressively expanded to assist in the protec-
tion of those who are still alive but find themselves in a situation of high vulner-
ability. Novel examples of such kind of humanitarian forensic action are available
in the published literature, such as the report of Obertová and Cattaneo (2018)
on child trafficking and the migration crisis; Pollanen (2018) on the pathology of
torture; the interesting book edited by Jason‐Payne et al. (2018) on Monitoring
Detention, Custody, Torture and III‐Treatment; and Wells (2017) on forensic inter-
ventions in cases of sexual violence. All of them have in common the humani-
tarian importance of forensic science in this type of action. In the words of Morris
Tidball‐Binz, “this concerns its role in protecting the living, in line with today’s
requirements and expectations in humanitarian interventions, including for sub-
stantiating evidence‐based protection activities on behalf of the victims”
(Chapter 1). A new space is being developed and aims to strengthen humani-
tarian operations with respect to urban violence, which Peter Maurer, the
President of the International Committee of the Red Cross, refers to in his
Foreword to this book.
47.10 Summary
The field of forensic humanitarian action has expanded and matured remarkably
in the last decade. Gradually, that progress has become documented in the pub-
lished literature. This volume contributes to that growing record by bringing
together contributions from many disciplines and diverse areas of the world. Such
broad inclusion is appropriate because forensic humanitarian action has become a
multidisciplinary/multinational endeavor. International communication has
become an essential driving force for progress, along with new technology and
growing numbers of talented and experienced forensic scientists. Clearly, this
volume does not represent the last word on progress. Rather, it documents
advancement and experiences to date, and the great prospects for the future.
c47.indd 722 11/26/2019 8:29:58 PM

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c47.indd 726 11/26/2019 8:29:59 PM

Index
“admixed” ancestry, 669 data from surface water, 318–320

advanced glycation endproducts (AGEs), 187 and the landscape, 313–314
African Charter on Human and Peoples’ values in dentition, 312–313
Rights (AfCHPR), 31 ankylosing spondylitis, 687
age assessment methods ante‐mortem (AM), 550
choosing suitable method, 241 dental records, 510
final estimation and report, 250–251 family reference database composition, 553
medical methods forensic human identification, in Australia
dental eruption, 244 dental records, 597
dental maturation, 244–246 DNA information, 597–599
interview and medical history, 243 fingerprint records, 597
physical examination, 243–244 forensic human identification, in
skeletal maturation, 247–250 Guatemala, 627
third molar, 246–247 fracture, of nasal bone, 669
in unaccompanied minors, 236–240 information, 643
age‐at‐death estimation, 229 non‐genetic, 555
age, definition, 240–241 unidentified dead migrants, Italy, 562,
ageing, 466 564–566
age prediction tests, 468 anthropological identification markers, 475
ALIGEN, 477 approximate Bayesian computation, 359
allele frequency distributions, 460 a priori probability, 475
American Convention on Human Rights archaeological samples
(ACHR), 31 materials and methods, 316–317
Amerindian component, 485 source of water samples vs., 325–326
AmpFLSTR Identifiler, 495 testing model with, 324
amplification PCR protocols, 473 Argentina, forensic human identification
AM–PM information, 554 databases, data comparisons and
analysis of molecular variance (AMOVA), 481 reconciliation, 554–556
ancestry informative markers (AIMs), 459 forensic genetic methods, 551–554
Andean Center for Forensic‐Anthropological Argentinean Team of Forensic
Investigations (CENIA), 638 Anthropology (EAAF), 513, 540,
Andean isoscapes 549, 610, 637, 694, 718
archaeological samples armed conflict, 3, 8, 12, 15–17, 20, 21,
materials and methods, 316–317 25–29, 33, 34, 103, 105, 106, 138,
testing model with, 324 153, 163, 236, 263, 332
materials and methods in Abkhazia (1992–1993), 75
environmental variables, 314–315 internal, 171, 332, 418
surface water samples, 314 Peruvian (1980–2000), 83, 172
model creation, 317–318 Armed Forces, Police, and Self‐Defense
model validation/testing, 318 Committees (CAD), 635
multiple linear regression model, 322 Article 32 of the First Additional Protocol of
ordinary kriging (OK) model, 320–322 1977, 27
regression kriging (RK) model, 322–324 Asociacion de Familiares de Detenidos
stable oxygen isotope Desaparecidos (AFDD), 708
727
0004529954.INDD 727 11/27/2019 1:00:41 PM

728 Index
Asociacion de Familiares de Ejecutados chemical composition of teeth, 186–187

Politicos (AFEP), 709 chemical methodologies
Asociacion Latinoamericana de Antropologia advanced glycation endproducts
Forense (ALAF), 653 (AGEs), 187
aspartic acid racemization, 184–185 aspartic acid racemization, 184–185
assumptions regarding the deceased, 70–71 chemical composition of teeth, 186–187
attrition, in dental tissue, 226 collagen cross‐links, 186
Australia, forensic human identification lead accumulation, 185
dental records, 597 Chilean Commission of Human Rights
DNA databases, 597, 598 (1978), 708
identification contexts, 593–594 “Chi l’Ha Visto” (Raitre), 562
war, 594–595 civil–military dictatorship, 655
Australian Facility for Taphonomic Research clandestine burial sites, 89, 92, 180,
(AFTER), 601 260–262, 666
Australian Graves Services (AGS), 594 Clandestine Detention Center, 657
Automated Fingerprint Identification System classification and regression tree (CART),
(AFIS), 695 267, 268
Automotores Orletti, 657 CMP Anthropological Laboratory (CAL),
autosomic short tandem repeat (A‐STR), 610, 614–615
460, 473, 553 Coexistence and Non‐Repetition (CEV), 701
kits, 493–494 cold case forensic approach, Palace of Justice
case, 700–701
Bank of Genetic Profiles of Disappeared Colibrí Center for Human Rights, 540
Persons of Colombia (BPGD), 513 collagen cross‐links, 186
barrier deathwork, 45 Colombian
Bayes analysis, 462 cases of Casanare and Norte de
best interest of the child (BIC), 236 Santander, 262–264
Bi‐Communal Forensic Team (BCFT), conflict, 412, 418, 512–513
612–613 elements for differential forensic genetic
bioarchaeology vs. clinical/forensic studies, approach, 264–267
56–58 forensic geneticist, 514–516
Biochemistry Section of the Forensic Genetic forensic genetics, 512–513
Unit, 669 genetics integration, traditional forensic
biogeochemical (isotope) analyses, 331–332 disciplines, 510–512
biogeographical origin (BGO), 459–462 human rights and international humani-
biohistory, 85, 94, 95 tarian law, 509–510
biological kinship, 517 overvaluation, genetic result
biological reference sample (BRS), 33 false negatives (non‐existent exclusion),
body deposition, 176 516–518
body position, 176–177 false positives, 518–519
body recovery, 149 Predictive Spatial and Statistical Modeling
body symbolism, 80, 88 (MESP), 258–262
boundary object, 74, 94 retrospective and integrated analysis of
Bowen model, 345, 349, 357 environmental, 264–267
Boxing Day tsunami (2004), 595 stable isotope analysis (SIA), 418
burial sites, 14, 86, 92, 136, 137, 139, 140, geography, 416–417
165, 172, 174, 180, 260, 262 in human provenance, 412–415
human tissues appropriate, 415
capillary electrophoresis (CE), 492, 501 initial research efforts, 418–420
carbon isotope ratios, 372 tools for the forensic analysis of cases of
cemeteries, forensic intervention, 699–700 alleged extrajudicial executions,
center of humanitarian action 267–270
ICRC action in favor of the families, 33 Colombian armed conflict, 512
needs of families, 32–33 Combined DNA Index System (CODIS), 492,
Central Andean area, 473 582–584, 669
Centro Nacional de Memoria Historica Comision Nacional de Busqueda de Personas
(CNMH), 693 Desaparecidas (CBPD), 695
0004529954.INDD 728 11/27/2019 1:00:41 PM

Index 729
Comision para la Paz, 657 historical migration, 665

Commissioner for Missing Persons, 562, 563, immigrants, in Costa Rica, 665
566–568 violence, in Central and South America,
Committee for the Promotion and Defense 663–664
of the Rights of the People crimes against humanity, 26, 43, 45
(CODEPU), 708 criminal and illegal immigration
Committee on Missing Persons (CMP), investigations, 511
Cyprus “CSI” effect, 522
BCFT, 612–613 Cuerpo Tecnico de Investigacion (CTI), 698
CAL, 614–616 customary international humanitarian law
DNA analysis, 617–619 (CIHL), 27
FRS, 618 Customary Rule, 63
identification and return of remains,
610, 621 dactyloscopy system, 694
mass burials, 615, 616 Daubert Criterion, 211, 215
origins and mandate, 609–610 dead bodies
reconciliation process, 619–620 matter inside of place, 84–86
sampling strategy, 617 rescue and burial, 93–95
search and recovery methods, 613–614 social death of, 86–89
sources of information, 611–612 social life of, 81–84
Commonwealth War Grave Commission unidentified and deposit sites, 89–93
(CWGC), 594, 595 death flights, 551
complex migration/migration, 107–111 Death Under Investigation Information
complex systems, 106 Sheet, 672
conflicts deathwork, 42–46
to address the proceedings for the disposal barrier, 45
of the dead, 31 field constitution, 37–41
armed (see armed conflict) deathworkers, 42–44, 47
Colombian, 412, 418, 512–513 deceased undocumented, in Latin American
to ensure their appropriate treatment, 30 materials and methods, 431–433
to facilitate the return the human remains maximum likelihood estimation (MLE)
and personal effects of the dead to the model, 430–431
next of kin or the families, 31 oxygen isotopes and precipitation, 429–430
identification of the dead, 30 results, 433–435
Marawi crisis (see Marawi, Philippine) strontium and geological mapping, 427–429
in Mindanao and, 147–148 decubitus, 176, 179, 180
non‐international armed conflicts, 25 Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals
Peruvian (see Peruvian) (DACA) program, 544
to record any relevant information, 30 dental age estimation
to search for, collect and evacuate the accuracy of, 221
dead, 29 application in forensic science, 221
Congress of the Republic enacted Law 38, 694 in forensic casework, 229–230
connectedness, 80, 85–89 post‐formation changes in dental tissues,
contemporary human diet, in Brazil 226–229
geographic peculiarities in tooth developmental changes, 221–223
Brazilian Amazon, 446–447 tooth development and eruption, 223–226
Central Brazil, 447–448 dental eruption, 244
Northeastern Brazil, 447 dental isotopic deposition, 686
isotope data interpretation, 444–445 dental maturation, 244–246
isotope procedures, 443–444 dentine translucency, 227
primary source isoscapes, 448–450 dietary/isotope analysis, 277–278
source‐consumer isoscapes, 451–452 differential successful typing rate (aSTR), 552
Convention on the Rights of the Child, 235 diffuse idiopathic skeletal hyperostosis
Coroner, 600, 601 (DISH), 687
Costa Rica, unidentified dead in digital elevation model (DEM), 314
regional migration, 665–676 digital sculpting methods, 585
case studies, 666–671, 671–676 “dignified” burial, 528
0004529954.INDD 729 11/27/2019 1:00:41 PM

730 Index
dimensions of complexity, forensic externally visible characteristics (EVCs), 463

limitations, 639–642 additional characteristics, 465–466
Direccion de Inteligencia Nacional (DINA), 709 eye colour prediction, 463–464
disappearance, 101–114 hair colour prediction, 464–465
disaster risk governance, 119 individual age, 466–469
disaster victim identification, 75, 144, 148, skin colour prediction, 465
514, 583, 595–596 Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of
distribution tree, of populations, 482 Cambodia (ECCC), 526
DNA eye colour prediction, 463–464
analysis, identification process, 504–506 eye pigmentation, 463
Casework Unit, FBI Laboratory, 581, 582
dealing with bodies, 527–528 facial approximation, FBI Laboratory
extraction methods, 473, 551 clay sculpture, 385, 386
intelligence tools, 459 digital sculpting methods, 385
justice and healing, 525–527 hair, 589
politics of identification, 529–531 lips, 588
quantification methods, 553 mouth, 589
truth, identity and relatedness, 523–525 nose width determination of, 587, 588
DNA‐assisted methods, 512 projection of nose, 587, 588
DNA evidence, 495–498 prosthetic eye, positioning of, 586, 587
DNA fingerprinting, 511 skull and donor subject, 589
DNA identification, 474 3D replica, 385
DNA methylation, 467 facial morphological traits, 466
DNA techniques, 522–523 false negatives (non‐existent exclusion),
DNA testing, 6, 17, 30, 295, 312, 370, 411 516–518
Doe Network, 590 false positives, 518–519
dorsal decubitus, 176 Family Reference Sample Database
drinking water seasonal stability, 404–405 (FRSD), 618
FARC‐EP (Revolutionary Armed Forces of
economic and political crisis, in Costa Colombia), 512
Rica, 665 Fátima massacre, 550
effective number (Ne), 481 FBI’s Evidence Response Team Unit
effective population number, 477 (ERTU), 572
Eighteenth Street Gang (calle 18 or M‐18), 664 Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI),
80‐hour Basic Crime Scene Course, ERT 492, 542
members, 573 DNA analysis, 581–584
ELN (National Liberation Army), 512 facial approximation, 584–590
enamel hypoplasia, 687 forensic anthropology, 576–581
epigenetic modifications, 190–191 NaMUS, 590
epigenetic patterns, 466 NCIC, 590
epigenetic polymorphisms, 459 search and recovery, ERT, 572–576
epiphyseal fusion, 673 ViCAP, 590
Equipo Argentino en Antropologia Forense fingernails vs. hair, 405
(EAAF), 657 fleeing violence, 665
Equipo Forense Especializado (EFE), Flinders Technology Associates (FTA), 552
332–333 fluorescence‐based detection, 492
EQUITAS, 257, 258, 260, 262, 263, ForenSeqTM, 501
265, 267 forensic age prediction tests, 468
eumelanin, 463 forensic anthropology, 6, 686–689
European Convention on Human Rights FBI Laboratory, human skeletal remains
(ECHR), 31 ante‐mortem medical or dental
European DNA Profiling (EDNAP), 495 records, 580
European Network of Forensic Science biological profile estimation, 578
Institutes (ENFSI), 492 CT scanning of, 578, 579
European Standard Set (ESS), 495 facial approximation, 580
Evidence Response Team (ERT), 572–576 Non‐Human Skeletal Collection, 577–578
exemplary punishment, 174 post‐mortem records, 580
0004529954.INDD 730 11/27/2019 1:00:42 PM

Index 731
sex estimation, 578 Forensic Pathology Services (FPS), 683–686

XRF, 576, 577 Forensic Science Police Service, 565
in Guatemala, 627–628 Forensic Thanatology Division, 695
in human identification, Australia, Foundation of Social Assistance of the
599–600 Christian Churches (FASIC), 708
Forensic Anthropology and Odontology funeral rituals, 67, 72
Laboratory (LABANOF), 562, 565
Forensic Anthropology Center at Texas State General Office of Search for Missing Persons
(FACTS), 540 (DGBPD), 639
Forensic Anthropology Scientific Working genetic admixture, 461
Group (FA SWG), 599 Genetic Data Bank (BDG), 648
Forensic Border Coalition (FBC), 538, genetic markers, selection of, 491–495
540–541, 544 genetic polymorphisms, 459
forensic genetics, 501, 509, 550 genetic profile, parameters, 476
forensic human identification genetic similarity, 485–487
Argentina genetics without non‐genetic data, Colombia
databases, data comparisons and forensic geneticist, interdisciplinary
reconciliation, 554–556 identification team, 514–516
forensic genetic methods, 551–554 forensic genetics, Colombian armed
Australia conflict, 512–513
ante‐ and post‐mortem data, 597–599 genetics integration, traditional forensic
in coronial casework, 600–601 disciplines, 510–512
disaster victim identification, 595–596 human rights and international humani-
forensic anthropology in, 599–600 tarian law, 509–510
historical figures, 596 overvaluation, genetic result
individuals missing following war, false negatives (non‐existent exclusion),
594–595 516–518
long‐term missing persons, 593–594 false positives, 518–519
research, 601–602 Geneva Conventions, 8, 12, 16, 17, 19, 27,
Chile 29–31, 69, 105, 561
family members, search for, 706–710 geographical information systems (GIS),
human rights violations, 714 650, 721
identifications via genetics, 712–713 geographical patterns
legal medical service, origins of, of δ13C, δ15N and δ34S values, 403–404
703–705 from cities to individuals, 396–397
September 1973 and SML, 705–706 from continents to cities, 395
Colombia of δ18O and δ2H values, 397–400
cold case forensic approach, Palace of global meteoric water line (GMWL), 414
Justice case, 700–701 Greek Cypriot missing persons
cross‐checking, for identification BCFT, 612
purposes, 698 burial places of, 611
evolution process, 694–697 DNA samples, 618
forensic intervention, of cemeteries, official list of, 610
699–700 psychosocial support and assistance, 621
Guatemala Grupo de Antropologia Forense (GAF), 710
medico‐legal investigation, 627–628 Grupo de Investigacion en Antropologia
violence, 626–627 Forense (GIAF), 655
Volcan de Fuego, 629–632 Guatemala, forensic human identification
Uruguay medico‐legal investigation, 627–628
forensic anthropology, 654 violence, 626–627
Jonathan Viera case, 658–659 Volcan de Fuego, 629–632
María Claudia García case, 657–658 Guatemalan authorities, 626–627
Olivar Sena case, 656–657 Guatemalan Forensic Anthropology
Roberto Gomensoro Josman case, Foundation (FAFG), 718
655–656 Guía Latinoamericana de Buenas Prácticas
forensic intervention, of cemeteries, para la aplicación de la Antropología
699–700 Forense (GLAAF), 653
0004529954.INDD 731 11/27/2019 1:00:42 PM

732 Index
hair, 386–387 body position, 176–177

bundling and analysing very long, 405 forensic deposits, 178–180
colour prediction, 464–465 orientation, 177
fingernails vs., 405 recovery of, 175–176
isotopes in absence of paired water sites and their associated elements,
samples, 348–349 173–175
isotopic information incorporated into STR identification
body water, 390–391 DNA evidence, 495–498
carbon, 389 genetic markers, selection of, 491–495
hydrogen, 392 and kinship testing, 495
integrated signal, 392–393 limitations of, 498–501
nitrogen, 389–390 MPS, 501–504
oxygen, 391 human rights and international humani-
sulfur, 390 tarian law, 509–510
methods, 388 Human Rights Program, 712
and nail human rights violation, 28, 43, 49, 258
carbon and nitrogen isotopic human skeletal remains, FBI Laboratory
compositions of, 300–301 DNA analysis, 581–584
caveats for carbon and nitrogen isotope facial approximation, 584–590
analysis of, 301–302 forensic anthropology, 576–581
caveats for hydrogen isotope analysis of, NaMUS, 590
298–300 NCIC, 590
pigmentation, 464 search and recovery, ERT, 572–576
HAPLOGROUP PREDICTOR algorithm, 483 ViCAP, 590
HGDP‐CEPH panel, 462 Human Variation and Identification
HIrisPlex, 464, 465 Research Unit (HVIRU), 686
History of the Legal Medical Institute, 703 HV1 sequence of mtDNA (mtDNA‐HV1), 483
homicide hypervariable regions 1 and 2 (HV1 and
investigations, 666 HV2), 481
rates, in Costa Rica, 664
Hugo Escobar Rodriguez, 544–546 Identification Cabinet, 705
human dignity, 31, 71, 333 identification coordination unit, 554
humanitarian forensic action, 3, 6, 9–11, identity by descent (IBD), 485
20–22, 37, 38, 40, 41, 46, 102, 111, identity by state (IBS), 486
143–154 illegal detention centres (IDCs), 106
capacity‐building, 720 InDels, 460
expanding areas, of application, 722 individual deviations, 400–401
history, 718–719 Information Bureaux, 30
legal and cultural arena, 719–720 information integration
regional applications, 720 allocation of roles and/or
technology, 721 responsibilities, 166
theoretical foundation, 719 ante‐mortem and post‐mortem, 163–164
trauma assessment, 721 cross‐checking data, 164
humanitarian forensics work, 10 category agreement, 165–166
humanitarian identification, 528 characterization, 162
humanitarian investigation, 136–137, 140 conceptualization, 160–161
humanitarian mechanism, 93–95 cross‐referencing, 162–163
Humanitarian Project Plan (HPP), 15–18, 20 data quality, 165
human pigmentation, 463 documentation procedure, 162
human remains gathering information, 161–162
in clandestine graves, 666 homologation of variables, 166
disposal container, 178 information cross‐checking expert report,
evaluating relative chronology, 180 167–168
localization and recovery strategies, information system training, 167
172–173 intervening parties or actors, 163
recording monitoring information and computer
associated elements, 177–178 systems, 167
body deposition, 176 monitoring process, 163
0004529954.INDD 732 11/27/2019 1:00:42 PM

Index 733
normative, 165 earthquake disasters and dead people,

selection of qualified staff, 166–167 125–127
systematizing information, 165 evil eyes, illness and death, 120
INNULs, 478 food offerings, 125
Inquest Act, 683 graves, cemeteries, dead and living
insertion/deletion polymorphisms (INDELs), people, 124
492, 500 martyrdom, war and death, 131
in situations of international (IACs), 25 Moharam (muharram) and, 127–128
Institute of Legal Medicine and Mossadeq, Mohammad, 130
Forensic Sciences of the Public Muslim funerary rituals, 121–123
Ministry (IML), 637 Pahlavi, Reza Shah, 129
Institute of Legal Medicine in Milan, 562 resilience, 118–119
institutional communication policy, 713 risk culture, 118
Instituto Medico Legal, 703 Takhti, Gholam Reza, 130–131
Instituto Nacional de Medicina Legal y washing dead, 124–125
Ciencias Forenses (INMLCF), 693 IrisPlex, 463
interaction algorithm, 555 irregular cemeteries, 91–93
interdisciplinary forensic work, 513–514 Irureta‐Goyena, Maria Claudia Garcia,
International Commission on Missing 657–658
Persons (ICMP), 512, 530, 718 isoscapes
International Committee of the Red Cross δ18O, 433
(ICRC), 7–10, 15–16, 18–20, 26, 530, primary source, 448–450
559, 596, 609, 685, 699, 718 source‐consumer, 451–452
International Convention for the Protection isotope mapping procedure, 352–356
of All Persons from Enforced isotope ratio mass spectrometer (IRMS),
Disappearance (ICPPED), 31 349, 374, 388
International Covenant on Civil and Political isotope sample preparation, 432
Rights (ICCPR), 31 isotopic landscapes (“isoscapes”), 650
International Criminal Tribunal for the Istanbul Protocol, 38
Former Yugoslavia (ICTY), 637 Italy, unidentified dead migrants
international diet, 361–363 AM data collection, 565, 566
international humanitarian law (IHL), 25, 701 identification of, 564
concepts of, 49 interviewers, 566
protection of the dead under international monitoring data of, 562
law, 28–31 phenomenon of, 563
protection of the missing under interna- Ri.Sc. system, 563
tional law, 26–28 survey, 562
international human rights law (IHRL), 25
protection of the dead under international Jewish burial, 528
law, 31–32 Johannesburg (South Africa)
protection of the missing under forensic anthropology, 686–689
international law, 28 FPS, 683–686
International Organization for Migration joint intervention, 137, 140, 141
(IOM), 559 Jonathan Viera case, 658–659
International Police Organization Judeo‐Christian models, of justice, 525
(INTERPOL), 495 Judicial Bureau of Investigation (OIJ), 666
International Society for Forensic Genetics Justice and Peace Law, 697
(ISFG), 514 Justice of the Peace (JP) system, 537
Interpol‐based Disaster Victim Identification
system, 685 KIn CALc program, FBI, 582
Interpol Disaster Victim Identification, 144 King, Mary Claire, 511
interview for identification purposes, 162
Iran La Cantuta, 637
the commemoration of pain, 127–128 La Havana Peace Agreement, 512
death commemorations, 125 landscape of dignification, 649
the death passage rites and rituals, 125 lateral decubitus, 176
disaster risk governance, 119 Latin American Initiative for the Identification
dramatic death of Imam Hussain, 127–128 of the Disappeared (LIID), 550
0004529954.INDD 733 11/27/2019 1:00:42 PM

734 Index
Latin American model, 643 microsatellites, 460, 473

Law Decree No. 646, 703 markers delta‐mu, 482
lead accumulation, 185 migrant deaths, Texas/Mexico border
left zygomatic bone, 668 case studies
Legal Medical Service, 713 Case 0383, 543–544
Legal Medicine and Forensic Science, 694 Case 0387, 541–543
likelihood ratio (LR), 514 Hugo Escobar Rodriguez, 544–546
kinship, 486 FBC, 540–541
limit of detection (LOD), 476 humanitarian forensic action, lack of,
limit of quantitation (LOQ), 476 538–539
living duties, 72 OpID, 540–541
Lonardo, Ana Maria Di, 511 migrant labour, 682
low copy number (LCN), 476 military dictatorship, 549
mini‐columns, manual silica, 551
“mano dura” policies, 664 minimum age, 251
Mara Salvatrucha (MS‐13), 664 minimum matching probability, 483
Marawi, Philippine Ministerio Público or prosecutor’s office
conflict in Mindanao and, 147–148 (MP), 626
forensic human identification in, 145–146 Ministry of Instruction, University and
forensic humanitarian response to Research (MIUR), 563
ante‐mortem data (AMD) collection, Ministry of Justice and Human Rights
151–152 (MINJUSDH), 636
body recovery, 149 Minnesota Protocol by the United Nations
disposition of dead, 149–150 Economic and Social Council and the
logistical challenges for post‐mortem General Assembly, 38, 40, 718
documentation, 149–150 missing in action (MIA), 16, 38, 91
religious considerations, 150–151 Missing Migrant Project (MMP), 540, 545
humanitarian forensic action, 143–154 “Missing Person Form,” 566
Management of the Dead and Missing missing persons
(MDM) Cluster, 144–145 CMP in Cyprus (see Committee on Missing
María Claudia García case, 657–658 Persons (CMP), Cyprus)
Maricopa County Office of the Medical DNA identification, Peruvian Andean area
Examiner, 537 genetic profiles matching, genetic
massive parallel sequencing (MPS), 492, similarity, 485–487
501–504 previous factors, genetic structure,
maxi‐columns, manual silica, 551 475–477
maximum likelihood estimation (MLE) substructure, genetic profile databases,
model, 430–431 477–479
maximum matching probability, 483 forensic human identification, Australia
mediator deathworkers, 42, 43, 47 dental records, 597
Mediterranean Sea, 101, 102, 104, 112, 113 DNA databases, 597, 598
melanin, 463 identification contexts, 593–594
Memoranda of Understanding (MoU), war, 594–595
562, 563 in Guatemala
Mexico DNA testing, 627
stable isotope ratios post‐mortem profile, 627, 628
analysis and discussion, 356–359 violence, 626
analysis of hair isotopes in absence of Volcán de Fuego’s eruption, 629
paired water samples, 348–349 human skeletal remains, FBI Laboratory
approximate Bayesian computation, 359 DNA analysis, 582–584
drinking water, 361–363 kinship analysis tools for, 584
international diet, 361–363 NCIC, 590
isotope mapping procedure, 352–356 ICRC, 26, 103
materials and methods, 356–359 identify, 10–11
mathematical models, 348 information integration of, 160
regional diet isotopes, 361–363 MESP, 258
US supermarket diet, 360–361 Peruvian scenario regarding search for,
water stress in, 346–348 136–139
0004529954.INDD 734 11/27/2019 1:00:42 PM

Index 735
protection rights of, 27 National Missing Persons Victim System

technical cross‐checking process, 164 (NMPVS), 599
and unidentified bodies, 694 National Registry of Missing People and
unidentified dead migrants, Italy Burial Sites (RENADE), 139
AM data collection, 565, 566 National Registry of Missing Persons, 695
identification of, 564 National Search Commission for Missing
interviewers, 566 Persons, 695
monitoring data of, 562 network analysis theory, 106
phenomenon of, 563 nibbana, 528
Ri.Sc. system, 563 NNS Information Center, 694
survey, 562 non‐body centred forensic response,
mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA), 188–189, 111–112
479, 481, 583 non‐genetic information, 514
Modernization of Identification Systems, 695 non‐governmental organization (NGO), 516
modus operandi, 174, 512 Non‐Human Skeletal Collection, 577, 578
molecular biology methodologies non‐international armed conflicts (NIACs), 25
epigenetic modifications, 190–191 non‐natural deaths, 684
mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) mutations, Northern Cluster, 684
188–189 Northern Triangle neighbors, 664
sjTREC rearrangements, 189–190
telomere shortening, 188 Office for the Search for the Missing
Molinos, 645 (DGBPD), 139
moral injury, 72–74, 94 Office of Forensic Service, 694
morgues, 84, 89, 90, 93 Official Graves Registration Service, 27, 30
MPS‐based technology, 501 Olaya Herrera, 699
multidimensional scaling (MDS), 481 Olivar Sena case, 656–657
multidisciplinary approach, to Operation Identification (OpID), 538,
identification, 718 540–541
multi‐isotope approaches, 369–382 OpID‐0383, 433–434
multiple linear regression (MLR) model, 322 OpID‐0608, 435
Muslim funerary rituals, 121–123 ordinary kriging (OK) model, 320–322
organic purifications, 476
National Center of Historical Memory Organization of American States (OAS), 636
(CNMH), 513 osteosynthesis, 645
National Civil Registry, 694, 695 overlapping genes, 464
National Civil Registry and Identification oxygen isotopes and precipitation, 429–430
Service, 705
National Commission on Disappeared Papua–New Guinea Defence Force, 595
Persons in Argentina, 5 pedigree tree, 583
National Crime Information Center Penchaszadeh, Victor, 511
(NCIC), 590 peri‐mortem trauma, 669, 674
National Criminal Investigation DNA Guatemala, 627–628
Database‐Integrated Forensic periodontal recession, 226
Analyses (NCIDD‐IFA), 598 periostitis, 687
National Disaster Management Agency personal dignity
(CONRED), 630 and identity protected, 148
National DNA Index System (NDIS), 582, 584 outrages upon, 30, 69
National Health Act 61 of 2003, 683 Peruvian, 340
National Institute of Forensic Science of conflict and government response, 332–333
Guatemala (INACIF), 626, 627, 631 forensic experience
National Institute of Forensic Sciences anthropological‐forensic investigations,
(NIFS), 599, 601 636–639
National Institute of Legal Medicine and complexity and forensic limitations,
Forensic Sciences, 693 639–648
National Missing and Unidentified Persons integrating traditional and non‐traditional
System (NaMUS), 590 methods to identify missing persons,
National Missing Person DNA Database 339–340
(NMPDD), 582, 584 isotopic techniques to aid
0004529954.INDD 735 11/27/2019 1:00:42 PM

736 Index
Peruvian (cont’d) DNA information, 597–599

stable carbon and nitrogen isotopes, fingerprint records, 597
338–339 non‐genetic, 555
stable oxygen isotopes and strontium profile database, 554
isotopes, 336–338 unidentified dead migrants, Italy, 562,
missing persons DNA identification 564, 566–567
genetic profiles matching, genetic post‐mortem computed tomography
similarity, 485–487 (PMCT), 601
previous factors, genetic structure, PowerPlex 16, 495
475–477 PowerSeqTM Auto/Mito/Y system, 501
substructure, genetic profile databases, Precision ID GlobalFilerTM NGS STR, 501
477–479 Predictive Spatial and Statistical Modeling
national policy (MESP), 258–262
progress made by the DGBPD, 139–142 pre‐DNA identification, 475
search for missing persons, 136–139 preliminary isoscapes, 311
search for missing persons, 334–335 primary methods, Interpol, 564
searching and identify of victims’ principal component analysis (PCA), 267
bodies, 340 “Progetto di Legge n. 144 A.C. 1828,” 562
Peruvian Communist Party–Shining ath protection of the dead under
(PCP‐SL), 635 international law
Peruvian Forensic Anthropology Team international humanitarian law, 28–31
(EPAF), 718 international human rights law, 31–32
Peruvian population (PER), 484 protection of the missing under interna-
admixture, genetic structure, 483–485 tional law
origin, genetic structure, 479–482 international humanitarian law, 26–28
Peruvian study population (PERNEW), 484 international human rights law, 28
Peruvian Team of Forensic Anthropology Provincial and Governmental
(EPAF), 636 legislation, 684
phenol chloroform, 551 “Psicologi per i Popoli,” 565
phenotypic markers, for forensic purposes
BGO, 459–462 racemization, aspartic acid, 184–185
EVC radioactive isotopes, 275
additional characteristics, 465–466 radiographic atlas, 247–248
eye colour prediction, 463–464 radio peak height (PHR), 476
hair colour prediction, 464–465 Rayleigh distillation, 311
individual age, 466–469 regional diet isotopes, 361–363
skin colour prediction, 465 Registro Nacional de Desaparecidos (RND).
preliminary prediction model, 466 see National Registry of Missing
Physicians for Human Rights (PHR), 718 Persons
Pima County Office of the Medical Examiner regression kriging (RK) model, 322–324
(PCOME), 537 regular cemeteries, 89–91, 93
Plass DataTM, 599 relationship index likelihood ratio (RILR), 498
polymerase chain reaction (PCR), 492 Rensch’s Rule, 200
population‐specific polymorphisms, 461 resilience, 118–119
posthumous dignity, 71, 94 restitution, 85, 137, 138, 140–142, 334
assumptions for the existence of dignity Retiro de Televisores, 709
after death, 70–71 retrotransposable insertion polymorphism
boundary object, 74 (RIP), 478
conceptualizing, 67–70 Ricerca Scomparsi (Ri.Sc. system), 563
deconstructing, 71–72 risk culture, 118
living duties regarding deceased, 72 risk governance, 119
returning remains of deceased, 75–76 rituals, 43, 82
theoretical framework regarding safe- batttle, 54
guarding dignity of deceased, 74–75 Iran death passage rites and, 125
post‐mortem (PM), 550 setting, 42, 44
degradation, 668 violence, 50
forensic human identification, Australia Roberto Gomensoro Josman case, 655–656
dental records, 597 Rodriguez, Hugo Escobar, 544–546
0004529954.INDD 736 11/27/2019 1:00:42 PM

Index 737
Scientific Working Group for Forensic composition, 413

Anthropology (SWGANTH), 653 and nitrogen, 338–339
score family, 479 stable isotope analysis (SIA), 275, 285–288
search and rescue (SAR), 102, 144 bio‐elements and geo‐elements, 372–373
secondary dentine, 226 case studies, 377–381
secondary methods, unidentified dead dietary/isotope analysis, 277–278
migrant, 565 hair and nail
self‐authentication, 40 carbon and nitrogen isotopic composi-
self‐vindication, 40 tions of, 300–301
semilunar–concentric fracture, 674 caveats for carbon and nitrogen isotope
Servicio Medico Legal (SML), 703, 704 analysis of, 301–302
sexual dimorphism, 200–201 caveats for hydrogen isotope analysis of,
degree of precision and reliability, 215 298–300
morphological characteristics of the jaw in human tissue, 288–292
and the ilium, 212–213 longer‐term “memory” tissues
skeletal growth, bone maturation and sex carbon isotopic composition of bioapatite
steroids, 213–215 and collagen, 294–295
sexual violence, 8, 9, 20 caveats for the oxygen isotope analysis
shipwrecks, in Lampedusa, 563, 565, 566 of bone and teeth, 296–297
short amplicon nuclear markers, 553 oxygen isotopic composition of bioapatite,
short tandem repeats (STRs), 492, 581 292–294
analysis, 618, 619 provenancing studies, 371–372
human remains identification records in human tissues, 289
genetic markers, selection of, 491–495 results, 375–377
MPS, 501–504 samples and analytical methods, 373–374
loci and kinship testing shorter‐term “memory” tissues
DNA evidence, 495–498 geographical place of residence,
limitations of, 498–501 279–280
markers, 553 quality control, 278–279
silica‐based DNA extraction automated residence, 279–280
platform, 551 strontium and lead isotopic compositions,
single bone method, 248 302–303
single nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs), trace element analysis, 276–277
460, 491, 492, 500, 553 variation within individuals, 278–280
sjTREC rearrangements, 189–190 stable isotope ratios, 373, 374
skeletal maturity score, 248 stable oxygen isotope
skeletonized human remains, 667 data from surface water, 318–320
skin colour prediction, 465 and landscape, 313–314
skin pigmentation tests, 465 and strontium isotopes, 336–338
skull photo superimposition, 659 values in dentition, 312–313
Smithsonian Institution’s National Museum striae of Retzius, 223–224
of Natural History (NMNH), in strontium isotope ratios, 373
Washington, DC, 576 and geological mapping, 427–429
social death, 86–89 STRUCTURE analysis, 462
social identity, 86–88
social life, 79–95 Tanner and Whitehouse (TW) method, 248
social space, 85 taphonomic variables, 668
social theory, 54–55 telomere shortening, 188
solved forensic investigations, 403 temperature conversion elemental analyser
South African Police Service (SAPS), 684 (TC/EA), 349
Southern Cluster, 684 Test Admissibility Criteria, 211, 215
South Texas Human Rights Center tetra‐allelic SNPs, 460
(STHRC), 540 Tidball‐Binz, Morris, 3–22, 38, 85
Specialized Forensic Team (EFE), 638 tooth development
87
Sr/86Sr strontium changes, 221–223
isoscape, 433 and eruption, 223–226
isotopes, 686 tooth formation, 222
stable carbon isotopes torture, 7–9, 20, 21, 38, 173
0004529954.INDD 737 11/27/2019 1:00:42 PM

738 Index
trace element analysis, 276–277 United Nations Human Rights

tragedy, framing Commission, 510
complex networks and migration, 107–111 United Nations Protected Area in
data, 103–104 Nicosia, 610
missing and dead, 104–105 United Nations’ Universal Declaration of
non‐body centred forensic response, Human Rights, 539
111–112 Universal Declaration of Human Rights
tracing and identification, 105–107 (UDHR), 31, 84
trait expressions, 204 Universidad de la Republica and the
travel history, 401–403 Presidencia de la Republica, 655
tri‐allelic SNPs, 460 University of North Texas Center for Human
Truth and Reconciliation Commission, 137, 635 Identification (UNTCHI), 542
Truth Commission (CEH), 626 University of Tennessee Anthropological
Tupac Amaru Revolutionary Movement Research Facility in Knoxville,
(MRTA), 635, 645 Tennessee, 573
Turkish Cypriot missing persons, 609, 610 Unrecovered War Casualties‐Army
BCFT, 612 (UWC‐A), 594, 595
burial places of, 611 unsuccessful asylum‐seekers, 682
DNA samples, 618 UPGMA distance matrix, 484, 485
official list of, 610 Uruguay, forensic human identification
psychosocial support and assistance, 621 forensic anthropology, 654
Jonathan Viera case, 658–659
Ufficio Commissario straordinario per le María Claudia García case, 657–658
Persone Scomparse (UCPS), 562 Olivar Sena case, 656–657
UK‐based Inforce Foundation, 610 Roberto Gomensoro Josman case,
unaccompanied minors, 236 655–656
undocumented border crosser (UBC), 369, 412 US–Mexico border, 369–382
undocumented migrants, 682 US supermarket diet, 360–361
Unidad Especial de Identificacion Forense
(UEIF), 705 variable number tandem repeats (VNTRs), 491
unidentified dead bodies ventral decubitus, 176
clandestine deposit sites, 89, 92 vicious cycle, 189
irregular cemeteries, 91–93 violence
morgues, 84, 89, 90, 93 bioarchaeologists, 55–56
regular cemeteries, 89–91, 93 in Central and South America, 663–664
unidentified dead, in Costa Rica definitions of, 49–50
regional migration, 665–676 Guatemala, forensic human
case studies, 666–671, 671–676 identification, 626
historical migration, 665 interpreting, 52–54
immigrants, in Costa Rica, 665 patterns of, 53–54
violence, in Central and South America, physical, 49, 50
663–664 skeletal data, 51
unidentified dead migrants, Italy social theory, 54–55
experimental strategy violent acts, 50
AM data collection, 565–566 Violent Criminal Apprehension Program
national approach for, 567 (ViCAP), 590
PM data collection, 566–567 Volcan de Fuego, 629–632
identification of, 564–565 volcano of fire in Guatemala, 629–632
issue of, 561–563
mass disasters, Mediterranean Sea, 559–561 water isotope ratio data, 350–351
unidentified human remains (UHR), 538, water stress, in Mexico, 346–348
541, 542, 581, 594, 722 Western‐style diet, 442, 447
unidentified skeletal remains
global standardization, 204–206 X‐linked gene complex AR/EDA2R, 466
morphological traits, 201–203 X‐ray fluorescence spectrometry (XRF),
sexual size dimorphism, 200–201 576, 577
Unique Virtual Identification Center
(CUVI), 697 Y chromosome STR (Y‐STR), 479, 483
0004529954.INDD 738 11/27/2019 1:00:42 PM

Forensic Science and Humanitarian Action 2020

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Forensic Science and Humanitarian Action 2020

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Forensic Science and

ffirs_v1.indd 1 12/2/2019 4:50:37 PM

Forensic Anthropology and the U.S. Judicial System

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About the editors, xxv

Section I History, theory, practice and legal foundation, 1

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4 Between darts and bullets: A bioarchaeological view on the study

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7 A forensic perspective on the new disappeared: Migration revisited, 101

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9.2 Peruvian scenario regarding the search for missing persons, 136

Section II Forensic basic information to trace missing persons, 157

11 Integration of information on missing persons and unidentified human

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11.4.7 Selection of qualified staff, 166

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18 Forensic complex scenarios and technological innovation:

19 The role of stable isotope analysis in forensic anthropology, 275

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20.5.4 Caveats for the carbon and nitrogen isotope analysis of hair

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23 Utility of stable isotope ratios of tap water and human hair in determining

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27.2.2 Oxygen isotopes and precipitation, 429

Section IV DNA analysis and the forensic identification process, 457

29 Phenotypic markers for forensic purposes, 459

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30 Genetic structure and kinship analysis from the Peruvian Andean area:

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Section V Identifying deceased and finding missing persons, 535

34 Migrant deaths along the Texas/Mexico border: A collaborative approach

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36.2 The experimental Italian strategy, 565

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39 Forensic identification of human remains in Cyprus: The humanitarian work

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41.3 Complexity and forensic limitations of the Peruvian case

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45.3.1 Cross‐checking or comparison of information for identification

47 Humanitarian action: New approaches from forensic science, 717

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Roberto C. Parra, MA, DLAF, is an anthropologist formed in the School of

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Sara C. Zapico, PhD, D‐ABC, is an Instructor in the Department of Chemistry

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Joe Adserias‐Garriga, DDS, PhD, D‐ABFO, is a forensic anthropologist and

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Élisabeth Anstett, PhD, is a social anthropologist, tenured senior researcher at

Diana Arango Gómez is a political scientist from the National University of

Natalia Azziz obtained her degree at the Universidad de la República (Udelar),

Jose Pablo Baraybar, PhD, is a Peruvian forensic anthropologist and

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Forensic Anthropology (ABFA #11). Recent awards include the American

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Ángel Carracedo, PhD, is Professor of Legal Medicine at the University of

11 Integration of information on missing persons and unidentified human

18 Forensic complex scenarios and technological innovation:

20.5.4 Caveats for the carbon and nitrogen isotope analysis of hair

23 Utility of stable isotope ratios of tap water and human hair in determining

30 Genetic structure and kinship analysis from the Peruvian Andean area:

34 Migrant deaths along the Texas/Mexico border: A collaborative approach

39 Forensic identification of human remains in Cyprus: The humanitarian work

41.3 Complexity and forensic limitations of the Peruvian case

45.3.1 Cross‐checking or comparison of information for identification