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Military Review, Vol. LVIII, No. 3 (Mar. 1978)
Military Review, Vol. LVIII, No. 3 (Mar. 1978)
ilarch 1978
US ARMY COMMAND AND
STAFFCOLLEGE,FORTLEAVENWORTH,
KANSAS
COMMANDANT
DEPUTYCOMMANDANT
w’ Brigadier General Robert Arter
.
Editor in Chief Production Editor
Col Edward&~adford Dixie R. Dominguez
*
,. : .:
,j,
.,, ,
.’
I
,.
Military Review
ARTICLES
Ellen P, Stern
Israel’s Defense Doctrine. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Maj Gen Israel Tal, Israeli Army Res 22
DEPARTMENTS
88
92
102
103
MIlllArfY REVIEW IS pub! fshed monthly m Engllsh, Span!sh and Portuguese by the US Army Command
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thereof Basis of Offlclal dmtrlbutlon IS one Per general otficer and one per five freld gfade officers
An Unpleasant Prospect
I
112 Military Review
1
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WE ARE CHANGING
This is the last issue of Milimy Review-in its msrrertt format, that is.
The familiar6 x 9-inch size gives waynext month toalarger7!4 x9%
inch format.
Much useful data were obtained. We are capitalizing on it. Some more
significant results showed 85 percent perceived a need for a journal to
enhance professional development, and 79 percent saw Mrhtary Review
as accomplishing that task. We found 64 percent considered themselves
regular readers as opposed to browsers or nonreaders. Only 27 percent
preferred the same number and length of articles as wasthenorm, but
42 percent wanted a mix of long and short articles, Half our officers
liked the size, but 25 percent preferred a Time-sued journal. And 58
percent considered appearance of A4R tohavea major effect on reader
appeal.
on the mechamcal side. the saddle stitch binding as found in th~s issue
goes, to be replaced with a perfect bind which should increase the
magazine’s durabd]ty and appearance.
March 1978 3
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NOTES
10 Military Review
~ A Propositional Invento%f”’;
March1978
MILITARY INTERVENTION
12 Military Review
MILITARY INTERVENTION
{7
14 Military Rewew
MILITARY INTERVENTION
f+
.,
opinion about alerts between civilian political leaders and
military officials. Political leaders tend to seek the minimum level
of mobilization and wish to articulate the alert with corollary
diplomatic meeeages. However, the military commanders press for
rapid and extensive mobilization in order to maximize reeources
for various options, to maintain operatitmal effectiveness and to
make their message and intent credible. Tensions between fac
tions make it difficult to modulate military alerts. As a result,
alerte tend to be characterized by overreaction and loss of
effectiveness. Under theee circumstances, they also run the risk of
being misunderstood.
niegrounded in evidence
ayagz+ez affairs to the
by the General
inthe C3structure of the US
,
Proposition Four: Changing Military Operatlons–Airlift
March 1978 15
MILITARY INTERVENTION
16 Military Rewew
.
{, MILITARY INTERVENTION
posture, and this has special relevance for the United States in the
European, zone. However, the introduction of precision guided
missiles has been accompanied by an intensified arms buildup,
reflecting the element of indeterminacy which the new weapons’
have introduced.
Msrch 1978 17
MILITARY INTERVENTION
18 Military Review
MILITARY INTERVENTION
I+
March 1978 19
MILITARY INTERVENTION
military in teruention.
expenv ltures since World War 11 has been reversed since 1975,
20 MiltaryReview
MILITARY INTERVENTION
! ..-.,
organization of the IDF. A second Israelis may win wars, but they
factor of decisive importance was cannot decide the fate of the con
the problem of the few against the flict by these means nor impose
many posed by Israel’s numerical their will on a region stretching
inferiority to its enemies. A third from the Atlantic Ocean to the
factor was the sober realization Persian Gulf.
that we did not have the option of Two basic. assumption also
gaining a final and definite were made regarding the aims of
national decision by means of the war: the destruction of forces and
military defeat of our enemies. the conquest of territory. It wae
On the other hand, if the Arabs clear that the destruction of forces
ever eucceeded in gaining a bestowed only a temporary ad
military victory over Israel, their vantage eince the resources of the
victory would be final. The Arab world in manpower and
materiel in comparison to our own
were unlimited. Conquered
. territory would be hard to hold
since the world system would
oPpose one-sided annexations in
the conditions of international
order existing after two world
wars. The conquest of territory
wae, therefore, seen as granting a
strategic advantage and as a
bargaining card in the framewo~k
of negotiations on bordere and
peace settlements.
The geographical factor had a
decisive influence on the defense
concept, the doctrine of war and
Major General Israel Tal the structure of our forces. Even/n
!srae[i Army Reserve, is the era of “individual weapons,”
zssistant minister of defense when infantry formations were
“responsible for the Israeli tank the assaulting echelons of land
Project. He was educated at the warfare, it wae clear that we had
Uebrew University ifi
no strategic depth and, therefore,
Jerusalem and served in th(
British Army during World Wal no freedom of choice between a
~1. He participated i~h:heSi$i rigid and flexible defense. The
>f Independence, generation responsible for
Campaign, the Six-Day Wal shaping Israel’s military thinking
znd, during the 1973 Octobe] was not unaware of the advan
War, was deputy chief of th< tages latent in the geographical
~eneral staff and also com data—that is, the advantage con
wander of the Southern Front ferred by internal lines of com
/ munication.
March 1978 23
The Basic Prlrrctples for the Israel’s mili ary doctrines en
Organization of Military Forces visaged a d 4 al role for all the
equipment and vehicles (in
cluding, at the time, horses and
It was clear that Israel’s mules) in the country. In times of
military superiority would have to peace, they would constitute the
be based on the qualitative infrastructure of the civilian ac
superiority of Israel’s society in tivities, and, in wartime, they
every area: ethical, cultural, scien would be mobilized and become a
tific and technological-on a part of the military logistic
difference in essence not only in framework.
degree. In military terms, our � In order to maintain militia
. . . .
ground forces facing large
%%%%%::::;::;; standing Arab armies, the in
motivation, scientific and telligence corps, the air force and
technological expertise, the navy must be standing forces.
professional virtuosity and Intelligence must provide an early
original military thinking. The warning in order to enable the
following principles were the base effective mobilization and
of our concept in building military deployment of the militia arjny.
power: The air force has to cover) the
� Full exploitation of all the mobilization and depio~ent
national resources in time of war. process by providing protection
Israel’s ground fdrces are based against air raids and support the
on the militia principle-that is, standing army in containing
the whole nation is the army. In enemy offensives by its
normal times, the citizens of overwhelming firepower until the
Israel engage in every sphere of main ground forces can concen
creation and production connected trate their full strength. (The air
with the building of their country arm is conceived of as the most
and society. In times of war, versatile, flexible and fastest force
everyone is called to the flag. In capable of intervening within
this way, Israel i> able to minutes in every theater.) The
maintain the biggest army in the navy must demonstrate a per.
world in relation to the size of its manent presence at sea since the
population. The principle of full maintenance of maritime
exploitation of resources aiso is sovereignty is a permanent task
applied in the “area defense” not limited to wartime. Of course,
system which embraces youths, certain technical and economic
women and men too old to find consideration also necessitated
their place in the assault echelons. the establishment of the air force
Moreover, the IDF is a militia- and navy mainly as regular serv
type army not only in”terms of its ices.
manpower, but also in terms of its . The creation of artificial
equipment. The founders of strate~c depth by means of area
24 Mllltary Rewew
ISRAEL’S DEFENSE DOCTRINE
P
defense. Since we have no natural judged also by their long-term
depth, every settlement becomes a effecte on the eociety and national
fighting position in wartime. The morale. They understood that the
area defense framework also state of mind of the individual
operates as an organization and the society are no less im
enabling the maximum ex portant than t e military,
ploitation of manpower in accord political or econo ic situation
ance with the principle of full after the war.
exploitation of resources. In the ?
field of operational doctrine, it I
‘*. .*.
side., Beginning with the Six-Day good stead in the tactical land
War and up. to the 1973 October battles of the future and that we
War, our superiority increased could no longer rely mainly on our
steadily. And, despite the quan “flying artillery.”
titative superiority of the Arabs in The 1973 October War. For the
artillery, we gained an absolute purpose of this discussion, I shall
quantitative superiority in overall ignore the political and general
firepower due both to the growth strategic considerations un
in our air power and to the derlying the Arab approach and
qualitative superiority of the concentrate on the military
Israeli Air Force. aspects. The Arabs understood
The War of Attrition. The that they were unable to defeat
manner i&~which we conducted Israel with one military blow.
the War of Attrition which They realized that they were not
followed in the wake of the Six- in a position to achieve their total
I)ay War was made possible only war aims.
by virtue of our air force. We held They grasped that, in modern
the Suez Canal line by a rigid and warfare, overall military decisions
static defense, and only our air can be gained only by the con
cover prevented the Egyptians quest of vital strategic objet Ives
from making massive and in the depths of the en k y’s
effective use of their artillery. territory and the heart’ @f his
It may well be that, during the state. The Arabs understood
War of Attrition, the alarm bells (what some Isralies do not want to
rang and the red light went on understand even today) that such
when the Soviet antiaircraft remote objectives could be gained
systems were activated against only by means of mobile armored
our planes. We contented formations with the tank as their
ourselves with looking for backbone and this, too, only on
technical countermeasures and condition that the enemy has no
refused to understand that freedom of action in the air and
something basic and essential that they could overcome the
was in the process of changing— quantitative superiority of Israel’s
that the air force was losing its firepower (borne by the air force).
capability to provide close tactical They were confronted by the
support in land battles and that same problem which faced us in
this decline in capability had the War of Independence—the
serious implications for our whole quantitative superiority of the
concept regarding the structure enemy’s firepower. And, just as
and organization of our armed we solved the problem in our own
forces and for our combat doc way by a combination of in
trine. We did not realize that genuity and a sober assessment of
Israel’s tremendous firepower— the situation, they solved theirs in
greater than that of all the Arab their preparations for the 1973
states—would not stand US in October War. They knew they had
.
28 Mllltary Rewew
ISRAEL’S DEFENSE DDCTRINE
.
no chance of overcoming us in support of static artillery and
armored or air confrontations. antiaircraft dispositions.
They came to rational conclusions The Arabs grasped the fact
based on experience. They learned that war is a comprehensive
to evaIuate the basic factors cor operation and that the military
rectly, to recognize constraints element has a partial function in
and to plan according to the its overall framework. They
limitations of their political, realized that they could never
economic, social and military gain a total victory over Israel by
power. means of one military blow, both
While we were sunk in because of Israel’s military
dogmatic hibernation between the superiority and because of the
Six-Day War and the 1973 October international system.
War, the Arabs were preparing an Once having reached this con
overall war plan tailored to suit clusion, the rest followed
their capabilities: a surprise automatically: If the objective was
attack on limited military objec not a total military defeat, the
tives conducted aImost as a static upity of the Arab worId was not a
war under cover of permanent necessary condition for opening
defense systems and with the hostilities. Inter-Arab cooperation
March 1978 29
. .
ISRAEL’S DEFENSE DOCTRINE
{
was sufficient for their urposes.
And, if unity was no longer a
b a political dynamic would be set
in motion or the Arabs would be
prerequlsite~ there also was no forced to wage war. We relied on
necessity to postpone the war the assumption that we were in a
untli such unity was achieved. position of strength both
The postponement of the war was militarily and politically and
rightly perceived by the new assumed, in the event of a war,
rational thinking of the Arabs as the Arabs would suffer heavy
very dangerous to them. They losses and our bargaining
understood that “facts were being position would not be weakened
created” and that the inter but strengthened. We came to
national system was becoming regard it as axiomatic that, so
accustom to the new situation long as the Arabs acknowledged
in the Mi‘% le East. our operational and strategic
superiority in firepower (the air
force), they would not dare to
War Creates Political Oynamlcs attack us.
We forgot the leeson of the Six-
Day War. Then, we had assumed
The new Arab strategy held it that, as long as the Egyptians
preferable to attain limited were involved in the war with
/
m]iitarv objectives at once rather Yemen, they would not ~,zlble to
than strive for total aims m the disengage themselves to wage a
future. They saw the very out war against us. The result was
break of the war as an objective in that, in the Six-Day War, we were
itself dnd a guarantee of ob taken by surprise from the
talnmg their more ~eneral objec strategic point of view, just as in
tives. In other words, the war the 1973 October War. The
would set in motion a political difference was that, then, the
dwwim[c: the powers would be Arabs acted spontaneously and
constrained to intervene; inter did not attempt to gain a tactical
national pressure would be surprise, while we did not take
brought to bear on Israel: and, in any “calculated risks” but
this way, them “’self-confidence mobilized immediately and, loyal
and self-respect” would be to our defense doctrine, delivered
restored. ‘ the first blow. This time, we forgot
‘h’e, on the other hand, thought the Six-Day War and sat waiting
It pret’erable to “create facts” and passively facing the Arab forces,
to “accustom” the Arabs and the ignoring the inevitable alter-,
Internatlonai system to the new natives of political dynamics or
reality m the Middle East. At the war.
same t]me. we assumed that the After the Six-Day War, our
Arabs would not be able to sit and deiense concept changed. Thanks
wait indifferently and that there to the strategic depth we had
were only two possibilities: either acquired, we no longer clung to
30 MhtaryRewew
ISRAEL’S DEFENSE DOCTRINE
P
. ...
also reducing the force of the teaching them once again that
motivation against it and en they would not advance their
surhg that it would remain a aims by military means.
Jewish state? Furthermore, the improved
Engrossed in this debate, we cease-fire lines would serve as a
did not pay attention to the conse bargaining counter in our hands,
quences of the inevitable and we would have something to
development in the direction of offer in exchange for a settlement.
political dynamics or war: We Our self-confidence was a function
claimed that we neither needed of the sense of power we had
nor wanted a war in order to acquired after the overwhelming
advance our aims, but that, if one military victory in the Six-Day
was forced on us, we would tarn it War and the feeling of security we
to our advantage, “preventing derived from the fact that we had
any territorial gains on the part of finally acquired the longed for
the Arabs, destroying as much of strategic depth.
their armies as possible and im The same controversy which
proving our cease-fire lines,” thus raged among us af+er the Six-Day
March 1978 33
ISRAEL’S DEFENSE DOCTRINE
March 1978 35
ISRAEL’S DEFENSE DOCTRINE
U NLIKE strategtc
Soviet conventional
purpose)
each
forces
other;s
forces,
do not threaten
territory
US and
(or general
directly in
East and West to develop and cpn
tlnue
� By
guarantees
making
for the
credible
secu@
( US
of
stead, these forces are arrayed Western Europe, US forces have
against each other’ !n third areas helped avoid West German
w%ere trends rn the balance of US perception of a need to develop
and Sowet conventional mllltary nuclear weapons, thus also
capabllmes are belreved to have a facllttatlng East-West rap
slgnlflcant impact on the course of prochement and greater cooperation
world events One such Important among the nations of Western
area IS Europe Europe
The Importance of Europe to the US forces In Europe have
security and economic and polmcal strengthened the close econom!c
well-being of the Un!ted States has and polmcal cooperation that now
been discussed at length in various characterizes relations between the
publications US Armed Forces play United States and Western Europe.
three roles in protecting these tn Most publrc comment on the
terests mllltary sltuatlon In Europe
� By balanc)ng Soviet power emphasizes a decade-long buildup
and deterring Sowet adventures, US In Warsaw Pact forces Yet focusing
forces In Europe have permitted solely on Pact capablldies Ignores
political rapprochement between tlqe substantial efforts of NATO
38 Military Review
MILITARY BALANCE
n
The Balance of Forces in Northern and Central Europe,
1970 and 1976
Change Change
Component 1970 1976 [Percent) 1970 1976 (Percent)
Combat and direct and support
troops (thousands) 580 635 9 900 910 1,
Tanks (number deployed
with umts) 5,500 7,000 2-I 14.000 19,000 35
Tactical aarcraft 2,200 2,100 5 3,940 4,200 6
Tactmal nuclear warheads. 7,000 7,000 0 3,500 3,500 0
Source The M<lr,erv Balance 1970 1971 an, 18, M,,,,,,, 8,,..,, ,976 ?977 ,., ,.,,,,..,,..., ,.,,,,.,. ,.,
Str.teg<c Stud,,,, London E“q 1970,”0 1976
Table 1
nations to Improve their own Wh!ie the Warsaw Pact has ac
mllltary capabll!tles NATO’smllitary quired more new combat aircraft ln
position vIs-b-vIs the Warsaw Pact the last few years, the aircraft ac
clearly weakened during the late quired by NATO can carry a larger
1960s when the Sowet Union sub total payload Other improvements,
stantially Increased Its conventional such as those In avionics and
forces in Eastern Europe But, since precls,on-gu[ded ordnance, also
about 1970, both sides have been have favored NATO
expanding and modernizing their Second, both stales have been
fortes at comparable rates As a modern lz]ng their armored forces,
result, gross comparisons of force The Soviet Un!on has produced
levels, Iike the one mTable l, show about 17,000 tanks since 1970,
little slgniftcant change In the Including 2,000 of the new T72
balance of forces so far m the design NATO has acquired about
1970s. 4,000 new tanks dur!ng this
Changes Inthebalance of forces period—mostly the US M60 and the
resultlng from the modermzat!on of West German Leopard 1, both of
weapon systems are more difficult wh!ch appear to be as capable as
to assess, yet, m stde-by-wde com the T72. The Warsaw Pact, which
parisons of s[mtlar weapons’ traditionally has emphasized armor,
technology, NATO appears to have continues to have about three times
done rather well the tank Inventory of NATO, but
First, the modern !zatoln of NATO has made lmpresswe strtdes
Warsaw Pact air forces has been In closing thegapin tank production
substantially matched by NATO rates—the ratio by which NATO IS
March 1978 39
MILITARY BALANCE
outproduced, having been cut from Sixth, the Sowet Union has
about 4 to 1 to about 2 to 1 doubled the number of artillery
Third, Irlcreases In antnank tubes wrth Its forces; NATO has
capabll!tles seem roughly balanced, Increased Its arttllery capabilities by
NATO’s antitank guided mrsslles are developing substantially more
considerably easier to operate and effectwe artillery munrtlons.
have shorter fllghttlmes than those The Ilst could go on, but It seems
deployed by the Warsaw Pact evident—within the Itmlts of uncer
Shorter fllght times are a slgntflcant tairmes surrounding any such
advanta(je because they Increase assessments—that the modern
the probability that the antitank ization of Wersaw Pact forces has
gunner WIII be able to guide the been effectively matched by NATO
Improvements. Even If one accepts
~:~~e~~~~~~’ hw
before wew and
the target this conclusion, howaver, a
because they reduce the amount of question remains Have the
time the gunner must rematn ex characteristics of these new
posed to enemy observahon and weapons changed the nature of
fire On the other hand, Pact an warfare In a way that would favor
titank gunners enjoy greater one side or the other? Two
protection from artillery and small hypotheses seem to have g&ned
arms fire because thetr weapons wide acceptance.
are mora often designed to be � New weapons have Iw.J eased
operated from !nslde armored the rates at which materiel would
vehicles. be destroyed and consumed in
Fourth, Improvements In a)r battle
defense capabilities also appear � The expected ratio of combat
roughly balanced Since 1970, the losses has shifted In favor of
Sovtet Union has Introduced four defensive ground forces at the ex
mobile alr defense mwslle systems pense of attacking ground and air
which, along with continued forces.
procurement of prewousiy trr In Europe, thesecond hypotheses
troduced Items such as th~Z.SU23 favors NATO which, despne the
4 arr defense gun, have greatly necessity for counterattacks, IS
Increased the protection offered by likely to be on the defensive more
Pact alr defenses to combat units on than the Warsaw Pact. The first
the front lines This speclf~c effort hypothesis, however, favors
has not been matched by NATO Warsaw Pact efforts to achieve a
However, with NATO’s deployment quick wctory before NATO rein
of very capable fighter aircraft such forcements could be moblllzed
as the FT5, Its a,r combat Combined w!th longstanding
capabllmes have Increased more concern about a mismatch between
than those of the Warsaw Pact the Soviet emphasr~ on short wars
Fifth, both sides have deployed and NATO preparations for more
roughly comparable tank-destroying protracted conflicts, this
helicopters. presumption that battle In Europe
40 MNitary Review
‘-5
.
MILITARY BALANCE
F
would result In heavy losses and the with either nuclear or conven nal
rapid consumption of materiel has weap&ns. If the USSR were J%lng
contributed to current misgiwngs to use nuclear weapons, its forces
about the adequacy of NATO’s clearly would have the capability of
defenses should It fall victim to a destroying most of NATO’S military
surprise attack. resources in nearly simultaneous
In effect, the current balance of attacks. Warsaw Pact ground forces
forces is such that neither side would then be able to occupy what
could be guaranteed a favorable was left of Western Europe without
outcome should war break out in facing major opposition. However,
Europe. Assuming that the Warsaw since the uncertainties involved in
Pact would begin to moblhze for war any nuclear war—particularly the
before NATO did, Its greatest nsk that the West’s response would
milttary advantage would exist In be to destroy Sowet cmes-are
the f]rst few days of a cnsls great, a surprise nuclear attack
Thereafter, If an uninterrupted would seem to be an attractive
butldup of forces were to continue mdltary option for the Soviet Union
on both sides, the ratio of opposing only tf n should belleve that war
combat forces available In Europe was necessary and that a conven
would continue to shift In NATO’s tional attack would inevitably es
favor unless the Sowet Urrlon were calate to large-scale nuclear
wilhng to move large numbers of warfare
troops from !ts Central, Southern A more Ilkely possibility would
and Far Eastern military dwtrlcts be a surprise ettack w!th conven
an unlikely development In wew of tional forces If all Pact forces In
the threat from China In the very Eastern Europe were to attack at ful!
long term, the ratio would probably strength without warning, exwting
continue to shift in NATO’s favor NATO forces would doubtless be
because of Its far larger population faced with the unfortunate choice of
and economtc base and conse yleldlng substantial territory or us
quently greater potential for rawng ing nuclear weapons Moreover, the
and supporting mllttary forces cost of prowdlng conventional
Because of these disadvantages, capab[lltles sufficient to stop such
the most attractwe strategy for the an attack would be considerably
Warsaw Pact would be an attempt more .than NATO IS now wllllng to
to achieve victory In the shortest spend But such fears rest .on
possible time—not surpnslngly, the pesstmwtic assumptions. In reahty,
very strategy advocated by Sowet the Sowet Union would face severe
mllltary doctrine The chances of problems tn orchestrating a surprise
success in such an effort would attack—problems of sufficient
obviously be greatly enhanced if the magmtude to place an effective
Warsaw Pact were able to achieve conventional defense well wlthm
strategic and tactical surprise. NATO’s reach.
The Warsaw Pact could inmate a It IS unrealistic to assume that
surprise attack on Western Europe the ground forces of the Warsaw
March 1978 41
MILITARY BALANCE
available. The Soviet Union might ropean allles There. is room for
decide to build up @ forces m worry, however, about NATO’s
./ Eastern Europe for weeks or even capability if all Warsaw Pact forces
months before Initiating an attack, were comm{tted on short warning
Saviet leaders might decide that or If NATO were slow tomoblllze. In
‘ stocks pre-positioned near the front these cases, the Warsaw Pact
Ilnes were too small, that Eastern would have a fair, though far from
European forces were too unreliable certatn, chance of forcing NATO to
or that Ilnes of communication were choose between the first use of
too vulnerable to guarantee an ade nuclear weapons and a large Iossof
quate supply of forces and mater[el territory Forlthese reasons, NATO’s
after the Initlatlon of hostllltles first prlorlty should be to Increase
Indeed, despite the mllltary advan the conventional capablllttes of lm
tages of surprise, the USSR mtght medla!ely available and readily
decide that an overt moblltzation mobilizable forces.
effort could provrde a show of force Fwe of the proposals m the 1978
sufftclent to bring about the budget for strengthening US
favorable settlement of a crlsjs military forces for Europe are dls.
wtthout war. Even with warning, cussed below
the longer NATO waited to mobilize, 9 Redeployment of an Army
the worse Its military situation Br{gade From Southern Germany to
would become. And the fact that the North German Plain. The best
NATO’s military posmon would route of advance for a Warsaw Pact
begin to Improve as soon as H took armored thrust Into Western
steps to moblllze could, In Itself, Germany IS through the northern
provide an Incentwe for the Warsaw plaln. The more mountainous
Pact to attack as soon after NATO terrain to the south Inhlblts the
moblllzed as possible Ironically, thm mobllny of attacking armor and
realtzatlon might make It dlfflcuh for prowdes better defenswe posltlons
NATO polmcal leaders, hopeful of a for NATO forces Moreover, NATO
peaceful settlement, to dec)de to forces In southern Germany, which
moblllze for war Include all US forces, all French
In summary, the Sower Union ‘ forces and two of four German
and its allles jn the Warsaw Pact corps, are stronger and better
could threaten NATO mllltarlly in a equipped than those In the north.
number of ways, all of whtch are Thus, shlftlng a US brigade to the
unllkely but none of which can be north seems a step In the right
Ignored Present NATO conventional dlrectlon in that It strengthens the
forces would have a good chance of weakest link In NATO’s capability to -
conducting a forward conventional conduct a forward conventional .
defense if an attack occurred after defense on the ground
some period of tension and � Conversion of Two Active
mobilization on both sides or If the Army Infantry Divisions and One
Sowet Union recewed less than full Reserve Br/gade to Mechanized+
cooperation from Its Eastern Eu- Forces Present Department ofl
March 1978 43
MILITARY BALANCE
.A.erage
So. cceC.mDlroIler
General
of 1., IJn,tefi States ,. Io, T,.,,.. on ,)). Rea. Ireme., forSIralegx41rlIf! General
Acmu”, mng 0+1,’. Rqm,, B 162678 8 JU”C 1976 p 7
Table 2
>
Defense plans to convert Infantry capability In the critical Initial $tages
forces stationed In the United States of conflict. This does not req,,&e the
to mechanized units are also sound procurement of additional’sets of
Although mechanized dmwions are equlpmenl. For many Items, the US
more expenswe than Infantry, their Army already plans to buy enough
greater capability in the European war reserve stocks to provide ad
mllltary enwronment more than ditional equipment sets for several
]ustifles the addlt!onal cost Even more dlvlsions. Units based In the
the USSR, which by US standards Unned States could train with these
pays a pittance for manpower and a war reserve stocks while their own
prem}um for equipment, has chosen equipment was stored in Europe
to field armored and mechanized Another way to Increase pre
forces tc the virtual exrl[mnn of pn<ltlnneri <tricks without Increasing
infantry procurement would be to have
. Increase in Stocks of Pro reserve units share equtpment for
positioned Equ/pment. A training
mechanized dwlslon can be moved � Increase [n Stratagic Airlift
to Europe Just as quickly as an Capab///eses The airllft Improvement
infantry dlvislon only If Its program proposed by the
equipment IS pre-positioned on the Department of Defense would ln
Continent. Thus, providing cre~se US ability to reinforce forces
equ[prnent stocks In Europe for In Europe In the critical first few
additional mechanued dwwlons IS weeks followlng mobilization (Table
an essential element of plans to 2) Seallft, though capable of
strengthen NATO’s combat provldlng many ttmes the capac:ty
44 Mthtary Review
rn
MILITARY BALANCE
of even the improved airlift after the utilization rates of C5,4 and
three or four weeks of mobilization, C741 military transports and to
simply could not respond during the modify C147S are about five times
critical lnitlal period, Pre-positioning as expensive per ton of increased
equtpment in Europe would be capability as the proposal to modify
another, and in some respects still mmerclal aircraft. About 60”
better, way of accomplishing the pe ent of the proposed Increased
same purpose. cap Illty coutd be obtained for
The alrllft Improvement program abo t 25 percent of the total cost if
would Increase the amount of 7
the modlflcatlon of commercial air
materiel that could be shipped from craft were retained and the other
the United States to Europe by alr in proposals were dropped.
the fwst 30 days from about � Hardening of A/r Base
180,000 tons to about 320,tX0 tons, Facilities In Europe The most
for a 1O-year cost In excess of $2 significant element of the proposal
blllmn. The 143,000-ton increase In to harden alr base facllmes In
capability IS roughly equivalent to Europe IS a plan to construct about
the weight of the unit equipment of 250 a]rcraft shelters from Fiscal
three mechanized Infantry divisions. Year 1978 to Ftscal Year 1983. The
The cost of the program IS just proposed program would Increase
about what It would cost to buy the the number of US shelters In
same equtpment and store and Europe to about 950, enough to
maintain It In Europe for 10 years. accommodate about half the
Thus, If equipment for mechanized number of aircraft the Untted States
forces is representatwe cargo and If might reasonably expect to operate
the amount of materiel available in In the European theater at any one
Europe 30 days after moblllzatlon m time Shelters greatly reduce the
the proper measure of merit, buying vulnerability of aircraft on the
and storing additional materiel In ground to alr attack and also provide
Eu-rope IS about as attractive as the relatwely safe places to perform
alrl}ft Improvement program. Pre atrcraft maintenance. Each shelter
posmonmg would clearly be the normally holds one aircraft which
b~~l~; FiR~i~Eiil.v~ If [1 Cuuiti iJe dC m,ay tilave cosi as much as $12
complmhed without buying ad mllllon The estimated cost of each
ditional equipment, but improved sheher, on the other hand, is about
airlift might be necessary to protect $08 milllon Thus, until there are
US Interests In other regions such sufficient shehers for all expensive
as the Middle East The proposed combat aircraft, bwldlng new
program should, therefore, not be shehers would appear to be well
Judged strictly on the basw of needs worth thetr cost This would change
for war in Europe If the Soviet Union developed and
In any case, certain portions of deployed weapon systems capable
the a!rllft program are decidedly of flndlng and destroying shelters
worse than others. As shown m efflclently, that, however, appears
Table 2, the proposals to Increase unllkley tilt
March 1978 45
Colonel ‘K’
Norman L. Dodd,
[
British Army, Retired
,?0
1+ SEND FOR FELIX!
-------
An area In . . .. .
A portable exploswe
sruffer detector
-.-i
March 1978 49
SEND FOR FELIX!
&
SEND FOR FELIX!
m
The Wheelbarrow out.
fitted with shotgun
and television camera
March 1978 53
SEND FOR FELIX!
United States and Canada and, practice, this has been found to be
on occasion, by the British forces, easier said than donw often all
but they are cumbersome and do that the listeners hear is deep
not permit much freedom for Felix breathing while he works on the
to work on the device. device.
One of the principal problems In the same way as terrorism
which the bomb disposal teams is international, so, too, are an.
meet is that of getting to the titerronst operations. After seven
device in time. For this reason, years in Ulster, it is accepted that
good communications to the the British have developed an
team’s location are e~sential, and expertise which is of considerable
the team must have its own benefit to other countries. Regular
54 MilkaryReview
SEND FOR FELIX!
1+
seminars and study groups are awarenees of the bombere’ ac
held, and experiences are ex- tivities, there seems to be no
changed between operators. There decrease in terrorisi activity ,
is no “closed shop” in the throughout the world. So long as
development of antiterrorist people are unable to settle their
equipment or of methods differences without violence, the
employed to “frustrate their placing of IEDs will continue and
devilish tricks.” If the ascendancy the need for highly trained dis-
is to be maintained, it is necessary posal experts and modern
to be at least one jump ahead of equipment will remain. The scale
the bomber at all times. of the requirement can be un-
Bomb disposal is a dangerous derstood best when it is realized
cat-and-mouse game, and the that, in 1976, in one month there
stakes are high not only in cash were 763 incidents in the United
but, more importantly, in peoples’ States alone which caused 28
lives. Since 1961, 16 RAOC IEL) deaths, 132 injuries and damage
experts have been killed while amounting to over seven million
attempting to make safe these dollars. In Ulster, the British face
devices. Five more have suffered an all-out “war” by the Irish
minor injuries. Experience shows Republican Army terrorists
that Felix is either killed outright within a comparatively small and
or comes away unscathed. There concentrated area. There is no
is usually no in-between for these political settlement in view, so it
very brave men. is likely that the cry “Send for
In spite of increasing security Felix!” will be heard for a long
precautions and a wider time to come.
Military Review.
7
March 1978 55
\ ‘L.
“ .-J A-.---=
Major Ralph G. Rosenberg, US Army
A nv~nuit~,r.i-,,~, -c
fi~i~~i~~’~~m<~~ ~~~r ,. ~ power for both the enemy and
sential for decisior,making at all friendly forces involves much
levels of command, yet there is no more than just adding up the
clearly defined methodology for number of combat organizations
its computation. Our current doc- and weapons. It is the sum of all
trine in Field Manual (FM) 100-5, the quantitative and qualitative
Operations, and supporting factors, both internal and ex-
manuals frequently refers to ternal, that affect the
combat power as the key factor in organization’s ability to ac
determining if a force can complish a mission. The difficult
successfully attack “or defend task in determining relative
(Figure 1). combat power is to describe the
56 Mllltary RevJew
RELATIVE COMBAT POWER
(,
unquantifiable in (such a way motorized rifle battalion
that they provide meaningful in defending in a prepared position
put to assessment. may be relatively high compared
This article will describe a to the little combat power this
subjective methodology for same unit could generate if it were
assessing relative combat power to attack. The conclusions in the
(RCP). The methodology is not intelligence estimate concerning
intended to provide a precise probable courses of action provide
value such as 3.5 to 1. a logical starting point for
There ‘is a reluctance on the selecting opposing courses of
part of many analysts to address action for determining RCP.
such subjective factors as training
readiness and logistics support
because there arenohard data to Force Ratio
support any conclusion they
reach. The safe approach is to rely
solely on quantifiable data like The calculation of a force ratio
the number of divisions or number can be made using very simple
of tanks. However, commanders rules, or it can include a number
of tactical units need more than a of complex assumptions and sub
bean count. This article will focus jective evaluations. The following
on the needs of these commanders three variables are particularly
at corps level and below for a troublesome when attempting to
usable RCP assessment for quantify a force ratio:l ‘
decisionmaking. � The disparity in the number
The technique consists of deter and lethality of weapons between
mining the following three types like organizations.
of data � The variations in concepts of
� A force ratio. combat support.
� Combat multipliers. � The concentration of forces.
� Combat reducers.
The combat multipliers in
crease one or both sides ot the Dlspanty m Units
force ratio while the combat
reducere, which reflect
vulnerabilities and weaknesses, The differences in capabilities
degrade the force ratio in the between organizations at the
same manner. same echelon become more
The computation of RCP must complex the higher we go in the
be done for each course of action analysis. Even at battalion level,
under consideration because there a comparison requires assump
is not a single value for RCP. It is tions that must address the
dependent on the tactical miesion following issues: a Soviet
of both opposing forcee. The motorized rifle battalion with a
cotnbat power of an understrength company of tanks attached has
March 1978 57
RELATIVE COMBAT POWER
mCOMBAT
POWER
?
FRIENDLY
1
COMBAT
POWER
58 Mtlitary Review
RELATIVE COMBAT POWER
!+
Quantification of
the Force Ratio
MANEUVER
AND ARTILLERY
UNITS
FoRCE
FRIENDLY RATlO
D
MANEUVER
AND ARTILLERY
UNITS
EXAMPLE: A US brigade ia
defending with five battalions
astride three regimental-size
evenues of approach, as shown. IE
Qe
x I&l”’ Eak x
~ m m’s’
� GS
~
us THREAT
6,7 ( 1S,0
.,
Figure 3
March 1978 61
,
RELATIVE COMBAT POWER
that increase the unit’s capability. the defender was not occupying
FM 101-5 (Draft), Cornrrzand prepared positions at the time of
and Control of Combat the attack.
Operations, “ lists combat mul There were a number of in
tipliers as terrain, weather, cidents during the 1973 October
positioning and time of War where the combat multipliers
preparation, electronic warfare provided the difference between
resources and logistic differen success and failure. One of the
tials. Others include deception, best examples was the defense by
attack helicopters, tactical air the Israeli 7th Brigade on the
support, airmobility, surprise, air Golan Heights during the night of
defense artillery, combat 8-9 October. Since the start of the
engineers, combat service support, war on 6 October, the brigade had
communications, knowledge of been reduced from 100 to 35 C.’en
enemy order of battle and inten turion Mark V tanks during at
tions, and leadership. tacks by four Syrian brigades.
Each multiplier needs to be The fifth attack was launched by
assessed to determine if it has a the T62-equipped 81st Brigade, 3d
positive effect on either the Armored Division, a third-echelon
friendly or enemy force. It is not unit. During the seven-hour battle,
possible to quantify each of these the Syrians committed battalion
multipliers in terms of how many after battalion and reduced the
maneuver battalions they add to 7th Brigede to 11 tanks. The
the force ratio computation. In Israeli commander requested per
stead, a subjective assessment of mission to fall back but was told
their relative worth is necessary to hold for five more minutes. The
(Figure 4). 11 tanks were re-positioned at an
This example shows how three Israeli strongpoint and brought
of these multipliers—terrain, in flanking fire into the attacking
telligence and time—can change Syrian tank formations. This
the force ratio quantitatively. broke the attack in the nick of
Assume the defender receives ade- time as most of the tanks in the
~,~~k? ~~y~~ ,;;~fili~!~ ~1
C cl,,
.- dLLaL-li,
?.. -.1.
7ti] Brigade were down to two to
deploys his forces and prepares four rounds. The brigade com
and occupies good defensive mander attributed his success to
positions on key terrain that the multipliers of “good ground,
blocks enemy avenues of ap guts and gunnery.’”
proach. These are significant mul Combat multipliers also apply
tipliers and could double or triple to offensive situations. One of the
the defender’s value m the com classic examples of a numerically
putation of the force ratio. In our inferior force conducting
earlier example, the 1 to 3 ratio successful offensive operations
could become 1 to 1. Just the was Jackson’s Valley Campaign
opposite effect could fesult if the in 1862. “Stonewall” Jackson’s
terrain favored the attacker and Confederate command of 6,000
62 Milltary Review
RELATIVE COMBAT POWER
f \
Friendly Threat
COMBAT
MULTIPLIERS
COMBAT EFFECT
MULTIPLIERS
OF
MULTIPLIERS
MANEUVER AND
ARTILLERY UNITS
MANEUVER AND
ARTILLERY UNITS
Figure 4
March 1978 63
RELATIVE COMBAT POWER
.------------ -------
THREAT ‘\
~---.-- ----------
“ ------------------ 1
FRIENDLY
---------- -------
REDUCERS REDUCERS
EFFECT
OF
REDUCERS
COMBAT
COMBAT
POWER
POWER
Figure 5
4.
RELATIVE COMBAT POWER
(t
ON COMBAT EFFECTIVENESS
.8
_ln the offense
.2 --- .
--->
‘\
0
100 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0
Figure 6
NOTES
in a tank regiment) Thus, 3,5 + 1.4 = 2.5. Orgamzation and Equipment reportable
The US artillery battabon value of 35 is lines at or above 80-percent fill) are
based on the assumptmn that 3 maneuver equatable to Category I units. It is
battalions equate to 1 artillery battalion recognized that any readiness reporting
Thus, 1 + 3 z 35 A threat artdlery bat system 1s Imprecise and subject to
talion IS assumed to have only 7(I percent mitimsm Tbe rating, in ]tself, does not
the firepower of a US art]llery battalion ensure combat effectiveness, and two units
Thus, ,)5 x ,70 = ,25. These data are sub wltb the same rating (for example,
jective and should be adjusted to reflect Category I), missmn and support may
current Information on the opposing forces perform quite differently in battle.
m the area of operation.
March 1978 67
hevski:
d of
His Time
Albert Parry
m three Interconnected
guards regiment of Czar Nicholas II fields, the problem of defense or
A sublleutenant In’ 1918, he com trench and fortification versus
manded Red armies wtthln months offense or free -wheeling maneuver
and, by early 1920, an entire front jn open space (wa breakthrough and
In the 1920s and early 1930s, outflanking), the question of im
Tukhachevskl reshaped the Red proved tanks in modern warfare,
armed forces, trained the new arid the prospect of paratroops as a
generation of Soviet soldlers in decwve phenomenon of tomorrow I
mechanized warfare, updated HIS ftrst Moscow post after the
traln}ng, adapted the Idea of mass CMI War was to head the Milltary
tank formations and was the first to Academy of the Worker-Peasant
originate paratroops Red Army. This was the highest
But Tukhachevskl was not to mllltary school of Sowet Russia, heir
lead the Soviet armies In World War to the old czarist General Staff
11, on 11 June 1937, wjth seven Academy. Here and elsewhere, he
other Soviet mtlttary leaders, lectured on hls CIWI War experience
Tukhachevski was shot on orders of and on general warfare
Joseph Stalln. He became a non Through the 1920s,
person, purged from Sowet history Tukhachevskl put forth his brand of
and recognized agatn only after what he called Marxism which, to
Khrushchev exposed Stalln’s Leon Trotsky, the supreme civilian
atrocltles, warlord of the CWI War, was half-
68 Military Review
TUKHACHEVSKI
i+
baked, Still with the zeal of a new there would be large masses of
convert, Tukhachevski kept on soldlers, better armed, and once
propounding that, to be genuinely more there would bea premise “for
Marxist, the new Soviet military a tighter front” than the CIWI War’s
science should be dynamically loose lines had been, with their
aggressive, taking the path of “thin, weak forces, poorly armed, ”
worldwide conquest at once. Trotsky practically lost In the steppes,
disagreed by saying that the world Nor would Trotsky grant
revolution should and would come Tukhachevsla hls complete dls
spontaneously through the rwng of mlssal of the future role for for
the masses m each given country tresses He argued that forts and
and that, only then, Russia’s Red fortlfled cmes would yet play an
Army would surge over the borders Important role.
to help Meantime, the Russian
Communists were to dig In, to c
>
agitate and wait.
Tukhachevskl kept up hls
preaching A war of the masse+
against the upper and middle
classes, he proclaimed, was surel~
different from one between nations
because a true people’s army of
workers and peasants would not,
should not, be on the defenswe but
on the offensive only, carrying Its
drwe far outside the confines of this
cmadel of soclalwm.
He also argued tactics with
Trotsky Space andtlme, speed and Albert Parry IS professor
motion, reiterated Tukhachevskl as emerttus of Russian cwllizatjon
he pictured hls war of tomorrow, a and language, Colgate Unwers!ty
contest n’ot of deep trenches %nd He recewed his BA and Ph.D.
degrees from the Unwerwty of
stationary forts but of rapid
Chicago He has served as a
maneuver, of fast and far-flung
vs[tlng lecturer and consultant to
mllnary and polltical moves. Trench
the Arm y War College, the inter
and fort battles never would be Amer(can Defense College and
fought again, Tukhachevskl the Foreign Service Irrst!tute of
predicted, the wars of movement, of the Department of State. He is
swift armed waves across wda the author of several books, !n
areas and long dwtances, would be cluding Terrorism From
the overwhelming phenomenon Robesplerre to Arafat, pub//shed
Trotsky postulated that, wnh m 1976, and has recently com
time, war technology was bound to pleted a full length biography of
Marshal Tukhachevsk)
Improve both m the Soviet Republlc
and among its Western foes Again, L >
March 1978 69
TUKHACHEVSKI
March 1978 71
TUKHACHEVSKI
Marcir 1978 73
TUKHACHEVSKI
74 Mil!tary Review
TUKHACHEVSKI
b
from the RussIan sundry vital general nature and has by now
details such as the problem of partly faded from my memory, Yetl
landing artillery by parachutes,e do recall one thing fmmly-the
Also Capta\n B H. Llddell Hart, the American’s frank admisston that the
much respected expert of things Sovtet Un\on wasthe motherlandof
ml btary, opined that the parachute paratroops and that Marshal
stroke had posslblltles not to be Tukhachevsk\ was their creator.’”
underrated, When the marshal In November 1972, I wrote to
traveled to ParIs, hls French ad General Matthew B. Rldgway,
mirers hailed htm as ce Mar6cha/ quoting the Sovletgeneral’s memotr
Parachut/ste q and asking for an elaboration
General Rldgway replied that, In
1945, while commanding the US
World War II Xlll Airborne Corps, he met and
talked with several Soviet generals,
among them an army corps com
But neither the Brmsh nor the mander whom he remembered as
French did anything beyond their General Yakov Tsanlshev (not Ya, P
excited talk Not so the Nazw At Dzanlt) and to whom,
on~e, Marshal Hermann Goerlng I no doubt made reference to the
an~ hls aide, General Ernst Udet, fact that I had noted with keen
began to tap their first Redrswefrr interest the reported use of
men for paratroop tralntng, The paratroopers made by Sowet army
men’s Initial lessons were preceded commanders during some of their
by watching the films of’ those maneuvers in the mid- 1930’s
Minsk and Moscow mass jumps General Rldgway wrota me that,
When World War II came, the Nazis, In 1936, he was so Impressed with
hawng mastered this schoollng the news of the Sowet paratroop
well, were the first to use experiments that,
Tukhachevskl’s novelty In combat charged with planning a
In the summer of 1940, they large two -s\ded maneuver In our
dropped their paratroops upon the Middle West, I Introduced a
forts and fields ot the Low Countries tneorericai paratroop unit (i beifeve
and France, capturing thesewnh no we then had none. except perhaps a
casualtws of their own platoon just being organtzed jn the
Later in the war, American and Panama Canal Zone) to seiza and
Brltlsh paratroops jumped over hold an Important bridge in the zone
SICIIY, the Netherlands and othar of advance of our then only armored
battlefields, Two decades later, In unit, the 7th Cavalry Brigade,
1965, Soviet Lieutenant General Ya mecf]anized. Tha daswed surprise
P Dzenn reminisced was achfevad, wjth resulting
in 1945, north of Berhn, I met stimulation of thought of ground
Genera lRtdgway, who commanded commanders ‘‘
an American paratroop corps My Thus, the American variety of
conversation w{th hlm had a rather Tukhachevsk(s ptoneer paratroops
March 1978 75
\
WJKHACHEVSKI
NOTES
76 Mlhtary Review
T HE needs of peace and war vary widely. In peace, nothing so
becomes a careerist as a strong sense of economy and a bland
demeanor. In war, the reverse is not only desirable, but vital. The
disparity of these elements in the reservoir of military talent has
caused many countries trouble in the modern era. In recounting
- his experiences in secret research and development work in World
War 11, novelist Nevil Shute told of how his team effected change
as a catalyst.
March 1978 77
LEADERSHIP SELECTION
Roger A. Beaumont is an
78 Mllltary Revtew
LEADERSHIP SELECTION
P
Packaging of Systems
In any event, Congress, the press and the service leaders have
focused on the “macro’’-that is, major weapons programs that
aided bureaucratic survival and extended budget control beyond
the question of potential utility. The “packaging” of weapons
systems and organizations with “sexy” labels—SAC (Strategic
Air Command), Polaris, Pentomic and STRAC (US Strategic
Army Corps) —became a part of the politics of organizational
prosperity and survival. As Harvey Sapolsky noted in his study of
the Polaris, the fads and concepts of “scientific management”
often were camouflage for conventional bureaucratic politics with
a small “p.” While structuralists may shrug and say, well, that’s
what comes out of the spout when you put the refinery together
that way, it is little comfort for those whose welfare and survival
depends on the system that has evolved under all these pressures.
“Referring here to the term used by Morris Janowitz to suggest s shift in the
role of officers from heroic leader to the career administrator in the nuclear age.
March 1978 79
lEADERSHIP SELECTION
In any event, the war in Vietnam had its lessons: Don’t fight
anything that came out of think tanks and puzzle palaces. Yet it is
80 Mlllt~ry Review
LEADERSHIP SELECTION
{f
March 1978 81
LEADERSHIP SELECTION
82 Mllltary Review
LEADERSHIP SELECTION
h
Forms of Testing
March 1978 83
LEADERSHIP SELECTION
-
The Alternative
.
84 M}lltary Review
LEADERSHIP SELECTION
et
The wave seems steep and ominous as it grows. Yet one can
ask easily, is the subordination of self and of principle implicit in
the present system really in consonance with the tradition of
Nelson and Sims, let alone congrusnt with any concept of rational
organization?
March 1978 85
LEADERSHIP SELECTION
.Green and Andrew Jackson has carried little impact in the age of
military professionalism, the successes of Lawrence of Arabia,
Abdel Knm and General Giap notwithstanding. Recent social
science research on the actual dynamics of promotion rather than
career patterns per se has suggested that the main determinant in
officer promotion is visibility and that actual performance
measurement outside of such skills as aircraft piloting is
ephemeral.
Muitifactor Analysis
86 Milltary Review
LEADERSHIP SELECTION
,.
March 1978 87
.OTHER$, IN REV@M
,: ..
Area Defense
their own military systems. One that time for activating and mobilizing the
has been suggested for the Federal underlying network and airlifting
88 Mlktary Review
OTHERS IN REVIEW
. L
“ STRUCTURAL CHANGES FOR AREA OEFENSE
1
Today Structure Tomorrow
I 1
I
,.
Forward Defense Area Defense
Nat,onal Terr,tor!at Command NATO Nat,..,) + lnteoratwn + NATO
xxx xxx
A
Germ,” Deputtes
xxx x
o Terrttor,a!
-Q 3“
0,.,,,.”, 6 or Block, n$
Srqades
m
($!
2.3
Br,gade, v 46
-$9 4.6
� *O
&
Home Defeme Grows
COmW&+ndo U.,,,
[Platoon. s,, e)
3 corps 8 10 Group,
11 D,.,,,.., 30 NATO (Armored Arrno,ed
Bundesweh,
36 Brqades Intantrvi Sr!gade$
6 Home Defense Groups 60 Terr!tor,al or Sloch,ng
Br,gades
5.00D Platoon S,ze Commando “n, ts
Divided ant.
:omand S1r”cl”re Natmnal and NATO mtegr, ted
two column,
.
would resrain anv lost territorv rnored brigades could be incorporated
This new ~efensive n“etwork into the new area defense network
concept also would consist of static without a great deal of restructuring.
and mobile elements. C)bviously, a The division level, brrwever, would be
change in the present NATO struc el] mlnated since brigades would take
turing would be required. The static over the divrsion role.
net of the area defense would be This new area defense by net could
formed by the commando units placed regain NATO’s deterrent credibility
in depth to 200 kilometers. One-third by doubling conventional cGmbat
of these units would consist of regular power and raising the nuclear
soldiers stationed along the border. threshold, thus giving new impetus to
The remaining two-thirds would the dftente and nonproliferation
consist of small active cadres and strategy of the West and new hope to
reservists. NATO’s mobile and ar an unprotected population in a crisis.
March 1978 89
OTHERS IN REVIEW
90 M!ktaryRewew
OTHERS IN REVIEW
forces in the K61a area pose a threat The author eventually reneges on his
to the reinforcement transports. original position by saying that there
However, if the USSR wants a limited can be no preordained commitment to
conflict, it has good political reasons either the attrition or contact battle
not to use the full force of the and that artillery response depende
Northern Fleet. On the other side, the ,upon the tactical situation.
task of bringing allied troops safely His initial argument, however,
ashore in Norway is probably the leaves no doubt that he considers
biggest problem facing NATO in such counterbombardment the prime task
a war. for artillery in any future war with
One solution would be to pre-stock the Soviets.
allied heavy equipment in Norway.
By doing so during peacetime,
transport volume would be reduced Land Superiority From Air—
and timely reinforcement effected A New Role for Attack Helicopters
during an emergency. By Lt Col Mohammad Arshad
Chaudry
Paktstari Army Journal, March 1977
Concept of Employment of Artillery
(PakMan)
in the 1980s
By Lt Col D W L. Robinson,
British Army
Lieutenant Colonel Chaudry takes
The ./ourna/ of the r?oya/ Arid/cry,
as his thesis the idea that “the attack
September 1977 (Great Bntam)
helicopter can be as revolutionary to
maneuver elements as the tank when
It was first introduced in the Army”
What kind of support must tbe and expands his thought in a well-
artillery be prepared to give in land reasoned article dealing with possible
operations of the 1980s? The classic tactics and techniques for the
role of the artillery has been the employment of the attack helicopter
destruction of enemy formations and on the mid.intensity battlefield. He
direct-fire weapons. However, with an addresses a number of cogent
enemy whose tactical doctrine relies questions, among them possible
heafiiy on the sheer weight of its own changes in tactice rising from a solid
m-tillery to perform the same function doctrine of coordinated
and who has a numerical superiority helicopter ‘tank operations and the
of 6 to 1, a re-evaluation of our projected comparative importance of
concept of artillery employment is tanks and helicopters on the modern
badly needed. battlefield. Ultimately, he envisions a
Primarily, according to Robinson, modifidd blitzkrieg doctrine emerging.
we must ensure that the enemy ar His conclusion that the tank of today
tillery is engaged in depth, relegating, faces gradual extinction as a result of
if neceesary, close support to a ad$, anced antitank weapone is,
secondary mission. The achievement however, a trifle overdone. The infan
of this additional depth capability is tryman, after all, has been extremely
heavily dependent upon the im killable for thousands of years, and he
provement of target acquisition hae not disappeared from the arena of
means and a continuance of Western war. Mere killabibty does not make
technological supremacy in this area. for extinction
March 1978 91
m D!
UNITED STATES
MILITARY
NOTES’
~
92 Military Rwietv
NEW MARINE CORPS RADIO
cyxn?,rqnear or hehlnri
the US Naval Electronic Systems enemy Ilnes
Command The PRC704’S 280.000 channels
The Army IS conducting separate range from 2 to 299999 megahertz
tests of the equipment as a possible In 100 hertz steps It has a 20-watt
replacement for Its larger and power output, compared w!th the
heav!er AN/’PRc74. previously PRC74”S 16,000 channels from 2 to
developed by Hughes 18 megahertz in kilohertz steps and
The new PRC704 IS about a third 15-watt power output The 100
the size of the AN/PRC74 and hertz Increments and dual sideband
weighs less than half as much It w selector make the set compatible
12% Inches wide, 10’/2 Inches hjgh with the frequency allocations of
and 25/8 Inches thick (31 75 x 26.67 any high-frequency single-sideband
x 6665 centimeters) It weighs 14 transmitter worldwide
March 1978 93
MUST POWER PACK
The M*A “.S’/+ army fjeld hospital Corporation and fabricated with
of mowe and telev]slon fame was Katser aluminum.
replaced by MUST, better known as Flexlble ducts connect the
medical unit self-contained medical and housing facllttles to the
transportable U-PACK which provide a controlled
The heart of thts meb!!e mecflcal environment for hospital cleanliness
facll,ty is an alumlnum-housed self and personnel comfort essential In
contalned power unjt which can treating battlefield casualties
delwer all of the electrical, .a)r The unit can generate 90
condltlonlng and hot and cold water kjlowatts of 400-cycle and 10
requirements to support the kilowatts of 60-cycle electrical
hospital’s needs The power unit power, 20 tons of refrigeration and
also is desjgned to provide com 825,000 BTUS of heated air per
pressed alr and suction capab]llties hour, even when outside
and uses exhaust heat energy to temperatures drop to minus 65
provide space and water heating degrees Fahrenheit
Thjs versatile unit, known as a
MUST U-PACK gas turbine power The Dower pack IS shown In the
system. IS produced .by Amertech bottom right of the photo
94 Military Review
NOTES Vlt
tf
March 1978 95
..
tilt NOTES
T
--l\
i
,.
...
l:-!‘
1’1
Displey/control _
Ttvl- 10 target
mechanism
96 Military Review
NOTES M:
{,
The Army has selected two ln “no warning” and Intense combat
dustry teams to compete for the snuatlons
pr6ductlon program of the General The system IS designed to dellver
Support Rocket System (GSRS) (MR. fire jn a concentrated area Principal
JuI .1977, P 93} The Boelog ?arge!s \.IvQuld be troops and Ilght
Aerospace Company and the Vought equipment, alr defense sites and
Corporation will competitively command posts
design, build, test and evaluate the The US Army Mcsslle Research
GSRS system. Boeing recewed ap and Development Command has
proximately $34 mllllon and Vought established a 29. month valrdatlon
$30 millton for the project program to obtain the most effectwe
weapon for the lowest cost. The
The GSRS WIII be a highly program will Include a competttlve
mobile, surface-to-surface free- shoot-off between the two con.
flight rocket system mtended to tractors at an Army missile test
complement cannon artillery during range prior to a production declsfon
March 1978 97
Wit NOTES
. NAVY SONOBUOYS
98 Military Review
NOTES WC
l’,
JAPAN
ANTISUBMARINE AIRCRAFT
NOR WAY
The navy, of which the coast guard IS part, has decided to acquire seven
new patrol boats, with construction expected to begin In 1979. The boats
WIII be designed following the Imes of the sketch shown, and will displace
1,945 tons. The new boats WIII carry a 76-man crew, naval gun and
advanced communtcatlons equipment. They have a top speed of 23 knots.
March 1978 99
“,.
&it NOTES
—
ITALY
ARMED HELlCOPTER
USSR
Tactical Operations Svstem (TOS). The first steD in winnine the battle is
seeing the “battlefield. ~he more clearly the commander can- see what is
happening, the more certain he can be of his ability to concentrate forces at the
right place and time. His decisions are based on accurate, timely information on
the status, deployment and capabilities of both friendly and enemy forces. For
the 1980-90 battlefield, highly sophisticated intelligence and combat systems are
being developed and fielded which will obtain the information needed by
commanders and staffs. But the large volumes of information processed by the
highly developed systems will saturate traditional command and control
sYstems and organizations. Information will be available in greater quantity
than can be processed manually, making automated assistance desirable in
facilitating the command and control function. TOS is a computer-assisted
command and control system which will enable commanders and their staffs to
integrate and employ more effectively the battlefield systems which fight,
support and sustain the battle. Utilizing standard militarized components
capable of operating m a ground combat environment, TOS will constitute an
on-line, near. real-time, secure automatic data processing system.
T(M was conceived initially in 1956. Since then, it has gone through the
disciplined procurement procedures of concept formulation and validation prior
to beginning engineering development. These activities included ac
comphsh ment of comprehensive system studies and testing. A major field test
was conducted in July 1977 to validate the divisional TOS concept. Designated
FM 222, the testing concluded that the technical approach taken since program
initiation was valid and thut TOS could provide significant assistance to the
commander in a combat environment.
Corps and divisional TOS are being developed concurrently. The division
e,w. : s .“.0 w 1P. 1+.s ~d.,,nn:ed de.;eloPment
:ysf. gt=gc, ~nta?ing ~n<,neer de~i~
prototype in the material de\relopment/acquisition cycle. The current fielding
program for the divieian TOS calls for a three-phase deployment, the first being
plnced at Fort Hood in the Fiscal Year (FY) 1979 time frame. Phase II will locate
in Europe during FY 1981-8’2, and phaee 111 will place the complete Mark ITOS
in Europe about FY 1983. Equipment fielded in the first two phases will not
consist of all elements of the nriginal TRADOC-approved required operational
capability (ROC). As new hardware and software are introduced and tested, user
feedback will be evaluated, analyzed and, if approved, incorporated into TOS
accordingly Major contractors for hardware and associated software are Singer
Corporatxm, Litton Industries and Auerbach Associates, Inc.
104 MilitaryRewew
BOOKSMC
it
In a few short paragraphs, one grasps the
need of a system in the Army designed to
control independent, cocky and often unruly
men, threatening to lose all by degenerating
into mobs. The wisdom with which military
justice was initiated is easily recognized by
anyone familiar with the present system as
many of the same precepts have survived the
test of time.
Two fine articles in the second section
describe the beginning of our Army medical
system and the pros and cons of formal
weapons tactics (used by British and Con
tinentals) and guerrilla warfare (mastered by
Americans and used occasionally but with
effect by the British). Also, Allen French
explores the ill-fated British attempt to capture
military supplies at Concord, James A. Huston
studies logistics problems encountered by
Benedict Arnold during his trek to Quebec and
Hugh Jameson looks at equipment used by the
militia of the Middle States. Other equally
impressive articles sustain the reader’s in
terest.
It is always interesting to read the adcounts
of foreign visitors, though romanticized, and
this is what makes up the third part. An
unpublished account of a French traveler to
America, translated by Durand Echeverna
and Orville T. Murphy explains the American
success and the essence of this anthology,
“American military tactics are the product
partly of the people’s way of life, partly of their .
military traditions, and partly of the inex
perience in this cruel art.”
“Penobscot Assault—l 779” written by
Henry I. Shaw Jr. concludes this fine
anthology. Exactly why this American dis
aster was chosen as the last article is not
entirely clear. Perhaps the editors had a
message: A pickup team made up of men with
the best of intentions cannot defeat a deter
mined foe.
LtColMooradMooradlan,
Department of Resource Management, USACGSC
t/eadquaflers,M/tDIJJ
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