TOWARD A THIRD CINEMA

Author(s): Fernando Solanas and Octavio Getino

Source: Cinéaste, Vol. 4, No. 3, latin american militant cinema (winter 1970-71), pp. 1-10
Published by: Cineaste Publishers, Inc
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TOWARD A THIRD CINEMA
by FernandoSolanas and Octavio Getino

In an alienated world, culture - obviously- is a order to changequalitatively. The mostdaring

a deformed and deforming product. To overcomethis
it is necessaryto have a culture of and for the.
revolution,a subversiveculture capable of contrib-
uting to the downfallof capitalist society.
In the specific case of the cinema- art of the
massespar excellence - its transformation from
mereentertainment into an active meansof dealien-
ation becomesimperative. The camerathenbecomes
ation becomesimperative. Its role in the battle
for the completeliberation of manis of primary
importance.The camerathenbecomesa gun, and the
cinemamustbe a guerrilla cinema.
This is the propositionof FernandoSolanas (33-
year-oldArgentine)and Octavio Getino (34-year-old
Spaniard) in this article writtenoriginally for
Tricontinental(Theoretical Organof the Executive
Secretariat of the Organizationof Solidarity of
the Peoples of Africa, Asia and Latin America).
Solanas and Getinoare co-authorsof THEHOUR OF
THEFURNACES (see review last issue).
Just a short timeago it wouldhave seemedlike a
Quixotic adventurein the colonialized, neocolonial-
ized, or even the imperialist nations themselvesto
makeanyattemptto create films of decolonization
that turnedtheir back on or actively opposedthe
System. Until recently, filmhad been synonymous
with showor amusement: in a word,it was one more
consumer good. At best, films succeededin bearing
witness to the decay of bourgeoisvalues and testi-
fyingto social injustice. As a rule, films only
dealt witheffect, neverwith cause; it was cinema
of mystificationor anti-historicism. It was surplus the films of a Santiago Alvarez in Cuba, or the
value cinema. Caughtup in these conditions, films,
the mostvaluable tool of communication of our times, "the homelandof all", as Bolivar wouldsay, as
weredestinedto satisfy only the ideological and
economicinterests of the ownersof the film indus-
try, the lords of the worldfilmmarket,the great
majority of whom were fromthe UnitedStates .
Wasit possible to overcomethis situation? How
could the problemof turningout liberation films be
approachedwhencosts cameto several thousanddol-
lars and the distributionand exhibition channels
were in the handsof the enemy?Howcould the con-
tinuity of workbe guaranteed? Howcould the public
be reached? Howcould System- imposed repressionand whichmaintainsan inner duality of the intellectual:
censorshipbe vanquished? These questions, which
could be multipliedin all directions, led and still
lead manypeople to skepticismor rationalization:
"revolutionaryfilms cannotbe madebefore the rev-
olution"; "revolutionaryfilms have been possible
only in the liberated countries"; "withoutthe sup-
port of revolutionarypolitical power,revolutionary point of view meansthe separation of politics and
films or art is impossible." The mistakewas due to
takingthe sameapproachto reality and films as did
the bourgeoisie. The modelsof production,distri-
bution, and exhibitioncontinuedto be those of
Hollywood precisely because, in ideologyand poli-
tic^, filmshad not yet becomethe vehicle for a
clearly drawndifferentiationbetweenbourgeois
ideologyand politics. A reformistpolicy, as mani- but ratherbegins at the moment
fested in dialogue with the adversary,in coexis-
tence, and in the relegation of national contradic-
tions to those betweentwosupposedlyuniqueblocs
-- the USSRand the USA-- was and is unable to pro- throughCulture, art, science and cinemaalwaysrespondto
duce anythingbut a cinemawithinthe Systemitself.
At best, it can be the 'progressive' wingof Estab-
lishmentcinema. Whenall is said and done, such
cinemawas doomedto wait until the worldconflict
was resolvedpeacefully in favor of socialism in
attemptsof those filmnakerswhostrove to conquer
the fortress of official cinemaended,as Jean-Luc
Godardeloquentlyput it, with the filmmakers them-
selves "trappedinside the fortress."
But the questions that were recentlyraised
appearedpromising;theyarose froma newhistorical
situation to whichthe filmmaker, as is often the
case with the educatedstrata of our countries,was
rather a late -comer:ten years of the CubanRevol-
ution, the Vietnamesestruggle, and the development
of a worldwideliberation movement whosemoving
force is to be foundin the ThirdWorldcountries.
The esdstence of masses on the worldwiderevolution-
ary plane was the substantial fact withoutwhich
those questions could not have been posed. A new
historical situation and a newmanborn in the pro-
cess of the anti-imperialist struggle demanded a
new,revolutionaryattitude fromthe filmmakers of
the world. The question of whetheror not militant
cinemawas possible before the revolutionbegan to
be replaced, at least withinsmall groups,by the
question of whetheror not such a cinemawas nece-
ssary to contributeto the possibility of revolution.
An affirmativeanswerwas the starting point for the
first attemptsto channelthe process of seeking
possibilities in numerous countries. Examplesare
Newsreel,a US NewLeft film group,the cinegiornali
of the Italian studentmovement, the filmsmadeby
the Etats Générauxdu CinemaFrançais, and those of
the British and Japanesestudentmovements, all a
continuationand deepeningof the workof a Joris
Ivens or a Chris Marker. Let it suffice to observe
cinemabeing developedby differentfilmmakers in
theyseek a revolutionaryLatin Americancinema.
A profounddebate on„therole of intellectuals
and artists before liberation todayis enrichingthe
perspectives of intellectual workall over the world.
However,this debate oscillates betweentwopoles:
one whichproposes to relegate all intellectual work
capacity to a specifically political or political -
military function,denyingperspectives to all art-
istic activity with the idea that such activity must
ineluctablybe absorbedby the System,and the other
on the one hand, the 'workof art1, 'the privilege
of beauty1. an art and a beautywhichare not nece-
ssarily boundto the needs of the revolutionarypo-
litical process, and, on the other, a political com-
mitment whichgenerally consists in signing certain
anti-imperialist manifestoes. In practice, this
art.
This polarity rests, as we see it, on twoomis-
sions: first, the conceptionof culture, science,
art, and cinemaas univocal and universal terms,and,
second, an insufficientlyclear idea of the fact that
the revolutiondoes not begin with the takingof po-
litical powerfromimperialismand the bourgeoisie,
whenthe masses
sense the need for changeand their intellectual van-
guardsbegin to studyand carry out this change
activities on differentfronts.
conflicting class interests. In the neocolonial sit-
uation twoconceptsof culture, art, science, and
cinemacompete:that of the rulers and that of the
nation. Andthis situation will continue,as long
as the national conceptis not identified with that
1

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of the rulers, as long as the status of colonyor the "liberation of man",but anotherman , capable of
semi-colonycontinuesin force. Moreover,the dual- arising fromthe ashes of the old, alienated man
ity will be overcome and will reach a single and uni- that we are and whichthe newmanwill destroy--by
versal categoryonlywhenthe best values of man starting to stoke the fire today.
emergefromproscriptionto achieve hegemony, when The anti-imperialist struggle of the of
the liberation of manis universal. In the meantime, the ThirdWorldand of their equivalentspeoples inside the
thereexist our culture and their culture, our cinema imperialist countries constitutes todaythe axis of
and their cinema. Because our culture is an impulse the worldrevolution. Thirdcinemais, in our opin-
towardsemancipation,it will remainin existence ion, the cinemathat recognizes in that struggle the
until emancipationis a reality: a oulture of sub- mostgigantic cultural, scientific, and artistic
versionwhichwill carrywith it an art, a science, manifestationof our time, the great possibility of
and a cinemaof subversion . constructinga liberated personalitywith each people
The lack of awarenessin regardto these dualities as the starting point -- in a word,the decoloniz-
generallyleads the intellectual to deal with artis- ation of culture.
tic and scientific expressionsas theywereuniver- The culture, includingthe cinema,of a neocolon-
sally conceivedby the classes that rule the world, ialized countryis just the expressionof an overall
at best introducingsomecorrectioninto these ex- dependencethat generatesmodelsand values born
pressions. Wehave not gone deeply enoughinto de- fromthe needs of imperialist expansion.
velopinga revolutionarytheater, architecture,med-
icine, psychology,and cinema; into developinga In order to imposeitself, neocolonialismneeds
culture by and for us. The intellectual takes each to convincethe people of a dependentcountry
of these formsof expressionas a unit to be correc- of their owninferiority. Sooneror later, the
ted fromwithinthe expressionitself 9 and not from inferior manrecognizes Manwith a capital M;
withoutj with its ownnewmethodsand models. this recognitionmeansthe destructionof his
Anastronautor a Rangermobilizes all the scien- defenses. If you wantto be a man,says the
tific resourcesof imperialism. Psychologists,doc- oppressor,you have to be like me, speak my
tors, politicians, sociologists, mathematicians, and language, denyyourownbeing, transform your-
even artists are throwninto the studyof everything self into me. As early as the 17thCenturythe
that serves, fromthe vantagepoint of different Jesuit missionariesproclaimedthe aptitude of
specialties , the preparationof an orbital flight the [SouthAmerican]native for copyingEuro-
or the massacreof Vietnamese;in the long run, all pean worksof art. Copyist, translator, inter-
of these specialties are equally employed to satisfy preter, at best a spectator, the neocolonialized
the needs of imperialism. In BuenosAires the army intellectual will alwaysbe encouragedto refuse
eradicates villas miseria (urbanshantytowns)and to assumehis creative possibilities. Inhib-
in their place puts up "strategic hamlets"with ur- itions, uprootedness , escapism, cultural cosmo-
banized setups aimedat facilitating military inter- politanism, artistic imitation, metaphysical
ventionwhenthe timecomes. The revolutionaryor- exhaustion,betrayal of country- all find
ganizations lack specialized frontsin the Estab- fertile soil in whichto grow.l
lishment'smedicine,engineering,psychology,and
art -- not to mentionthe development of our own Culturebecomesbilingual not due to the use
revolutionaryengineering,psychology,art, and of twolanguagesbut because of the conjuncture
cinema. In order to be effective, all these fields of two cultural patterns of thinking. Oneis
mustrecognizethe priorities of each stage; those national, that of the people, and the other is
requiredby the struggle for poweror those demanded estranging,that of the-classes subordinatedto
by the already victorious revolution. Examples: outside forces. The admirationthat the upper
creatinga political sensitivity as awarenessof the classes expresses for the US or Europeis the
need to undertakea political -militarystruggle in highest expressionof their subjection. With
orderto take power;intensifyingall the modern the coloniali zation of the upperclasses the
resourcesof medical science to preparepeople with culture of imperialismindirectly introduces
optimum levels of health and physical efficiency, amongthe massesknowledge whichcannotbe
readyfor combatin rural or urbanzones; or elab- supervised.2
oratingan architecture,a city planning,that will
be able to withstandthe massiveair raids that im- Just as theyare not masters^of the land upon
perialism can launchat any time. The specific whichtheywalk, the neocolonialized people are not
strengthening of each specialty and field subordin- mastersof the ideas that envelop them. A knowledge
ate to collective priorities can fill the empty of national reality presupposesgoing into the web
spaces caused by the struggle for liberation and of lies and confusionthat arise fromdependence.
can delineate with greatest efficacy the role of the The intellectual is obliged to refrain fromspontan-
intellectual in our time. It is evident that revo- eous thought;if he does think,he generally runs
lutionarymass-level culture and awarenesscan only the risk of doing so in Frenchor English -- never
be achievedafter the takingof political power,but in the languageof a culture of his ownwhich,like
it is no less true that the use of scientific and the process of national and social liberation, is
artistic means,togetherwithpolitical-military still hazy and incipient. Everypiece of data,
means,preparesthe terrain for the revolutionto everyconceptthat floats aroundus , is part of a
becomereality and facilitates the solution of the framework of miragesthat it is difficult to take
problemsthat will arise with the takingof power. apart.
The intellectual mustfind throughhis action The native bourgeoisie of the port cities such
the field in whichhe can rationally performthe as BuenosAires, and their respective intellectual
mostefficient work. Once the fronthas been de- elites, constituted, fromthe very origins of our
termined,his next task is to find out withinthat history, the transmissionbelt of neocolonial pene-
frontexactly whatis the enemy'sstrongholdand - "Neocolonialism
whereand howhe mustdeployhis forces. It is in (1) THEHOUR OF THEFURNACES
this harshand dramaticdaily search that a culture and Violence"
of the revolutionwill be able to emerge,the basis (2) JuanJose HernandezArregui,Imperialism
whichwill nurture,beginningright now,the newman and Culture
exemplifiedby Che -- not manin the abstract, not
2

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Godardand Solanas
tration. Behindsuch watchwords as "Civilization
or barbarism!",manufactured in Argentinaby Euro-
peanizing liberalism, was the attemptto impose a Virulence, noncomformism, plain rebelliousness, and
civilization fully in keepingwith the needs of im-
perialist expansionand the desire to destroythe
resistance of the national masses, whichwere suc-
cessively called the "rabble", a "bunchof blacks",
and "zoological detritus" in our countryand "the
unwashed hordes"in Bolivia. In this waythe ide-
ologists of the semicountries , past mastersin "the
play of big words,with an implacable, detailed, and
rustic universalism" , 3 served as spokesmen of those
followersof Disraeli whointelligently proclaimed:
"I preferthe rights of the English to the rights
of man."
Themiddlesectors were and are the best recip-
ients of cultural neocolonialism. Their ambivalent
class condition,their bufferposition betweensoc-
ial polarities, and their broaderpossibilities of
access to civilization offer imperialisma base of
social supportwhichhas attained considerable im-
portancein someLatin Americancountries.
It serves to institutionalize and give a normal
appearanceto dependence. The mainobjective
of this cultural deformation is to keep the
people fromrealizing their neocolonialized
position and aspiring to changeit. In this
waypedagogical colonialization is an effective
substitute for the colonial police.4
Cultural penetration,pedagogical colonialization,
and mass communications all join forces todayin a
desperateattemptto absorb, neutralize, or eliminate
any expressionthat respondsto an attemptat de-
colonization. Neocolonialismmakesa serious attempt
to castrate, to digest, the cultural formsthat arise
beyondthe boundsof.its ownaims. Attempts are made
to removefromthemprecisely whatmakesthemeffec-
tive and dangerous,their politicization . Or, to
put it anotherway, to separate the cultural mani-
festation fromthe fight for national independence.
Ideas such as "Beautyin itself is revolutionary"
and "All newcinemais revolutionary"are idealistic
aspirations that do not touch the neocolonial con-
dition, since theycontinueto conceive of cinema,
art, and beautyas universal abstractions and not as
an integral part of the national processes of decol-
onization.
Anydispute, no matterhowvirulent, whichdoes
not serve to mobilize, agitate, and politicize sec-
tors of the people to armthemrationally and per-
--
ceptibly, in one wayor another,for the struggle
is received with indifferenceor evenwithpleasure.
discontentare just so manymoreproductson the
capitalist market;theyare consumer goods. This is
especially true in a situation wherethe bourgeoisie
is in need of a daily dose of shockand exciting
elementsof controlledviolence^ -- that is, vio-
lence whichabsorptionby the Systemturnsinto pure
stridency. Examplesare the worksof a socialist-
tingedpainting and sculpturewhichare greedily
soughtafter by the newbourgeoisie to decorate their
apartments and mansions;plays full of angerand
avant-gardism whichare noisily applaudedby the
ruling classes; the literature of progressivewriters
concernedwith semanticsand manon the marginof
timeand space, whichgives an air of democratic
broadmindedness to the System'spublishinghouses
and magazines;and the cinemaof 'challenge', of
'argument',promoted by the distributionmonopolies
and launchedby the big commercial outlets.
In reality the area of 'permittedprotest' of
the Systemis muchgreater than the Systemis
willing to admit. This gives the artists the
illusion that theyare acting 'against the sys-
tem' by goingbeyondcertain narrowlimits; they
do not realize that even anti-Systemart can be
absorbedand utilized by the System,as both a
brake and a necessaryself- correction. 7

Mass communications tend to completethe destruc- Lackingan awarenessof howto utilize whatis
tion of a national awarenessand of a collective ours for our true liberation - in a word,lacking
subjectivity on the wayto enlightenment, a destruc- politici zation -- all of these 'progressive' alter-
tion whichbegins as soon as the child has access to natives cometo formthe Leftish wingof the System,
these media, the educationand culture of the ruling the improvement of its cultural products. Theywill
classes. In Argentina26 television channels; one be doomedto carry out the best workon the Left
million television sets; morethan 50 radio stations; that the Rightis able to accept today and will thus
hundredsof newspapers,periodicals, and magazines; only serve the survival of the latter. "Restore
and thousandsof records, films, etc., join their words,dramaticactions, and imagesto the places
acculturatingrole of the colonialization of taste wheretheycan carry out a revolutionaryrole, where
and consciousnessto the process of neocolonial ed- theywill be useful, wheretheywill becomeweapons
ucation which begins in the university. "Mass comm- in the struggle. Insert the workas an original
unications are moreeffective for neocolonialism fact in the process of liberation, place it first
thannapalm. Whatis real, true, and rational is at the service of life itself, ahead of art;
to be foundon the marginof the Law, just as are dissolve aesthetics in the life of society: only in
the people. Violence, crime,and destructioncome this way, as Fanonsaid, can decolonizationbecome
to be Peace, Order,and Normality. "5 Truth
, then, possible and culture, cinema,and beauty--at least,
amountsto subversion. Anyformof expressionor (6) Observethe newcustomof somegroupsof the
communication that tries to shownational reality is upperbourgeoisie fromRomeand Paris who
subversion. spendtheir weekendstraveling to Saigon to
(3) ReneZavaleta Mercado,Bolivia: Growth of get a close-up view of the Vietcongoffensive.
the National Concept (7) IrwinSilber, "USA:The Alienation of Culture
(*+) THEHOUR OF THEFURNACE, ibid. Culture", Tricontinental10.
(5) Ibid. (8) The organizationVanguardArtists of Argentina.
3

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whatis of greatest importance to us -- becomeour
culture*our films* and our sense of beauty.
Thehistorical perspectivesof Latin Americaand
of the majorityof the countriesunderimperialist
domination are headednot towardsa lessening of re-
pressionbut towardsan increase. Weare heading
not for bourgeois-democraticregimesbut for dicta-
torial formsof government.The struggles for demo-
cratic freedoms,instead of seizing concessions from
the System,moveit to cut downon them,given its
narrowmarginfor maneuvering.
The bourgeois-democraticfacade caved in some
timeago. The cycle openedduringthe last century
in Latin Americawith the first attemptsat self-
affirmationof a national bourgeoisie differentiated
fromthe metropolis(examplesare Rosas' federalism
in Argentina,the Lopez and Francia regimesin Para-
guay,'and those of Bengidoand Balmacedain Chile)
with a tradition that has continuedwell into our
century:national-bourgeois,national-popular, and
democratic-bourgeois attemptsweremadeby Cardenas,
Yrigoyen,Hayade la Torre, Vargas, AguirreCerda,
Peron,andArbenz. But as far as revolutionarypro-
spects are concerned,the cycle has definitely been
completed. The lines allowing for the deepeningof
the historical attemptof each of those experiences
todaypass throughthe sectors that understandthe
continent'ssituation as one of war and that are
preparing,underthe force of circumstances,to make
that regionthe Viet-Nam of the comingdecade. A
war in whichnational liberation can only succeed
whenit is simultaneously postulated as social lib-
eration -- socialism as the only valid perspective
of anynational liberation process.
At this t'irnein Latin Americathere is room
for neitherpassivity nor innocence. The in-
tellectual's commitment is measuredin terms
of risks as well as wordsand ideas; whathe
does to furtherthe cause of liberation is
whatcounts. Theworkerwhogoes on strike
»andthus risks losing his job or even his
life, the studentwhojeopardizes his career,
the militantwhokeeps silent undertorture:
each by his or her action commits us to some-
thingmuchmoreimportant than a vaguegesture
of solidarity.9
In a situation in whichthe 'state of law' is
' '
replaced by the state of facts , the intellectual ,
whois one moreworker , functioningon a cultural
front,mustbecomeincreasinglyradicalized to avoid
denial of self and to carryout whatis expectedof
himin our times. The impotenceof all reformist
conceptshas already been exposedsufficiently,-- not
only in politics but also in culture and films
and especially in the latter, whosehistoryis that
of imperialist domination- mainlyYankee . Argentina,a figure that is supposedto cover the
While, duringthe early history (or the prehis-
tory) of the cinema,it was possible to speak of a
an Italian, or a Swedishcinemaclearly dif-
German,
ferentiatedand corresponding to specific national
characteristics, todaysuch differenceshave dis-
appeared. The borderswerewipedout along with
the expansionof US imperialismand the filmmodel
that it imposed:Hollywood movies. In our times it
is hard to find a filmwithinthe field of commer-
cial cinema,includingwhatis known as 'author's
cinema', in both*the capitalist and socialist coun-
tries, that managesto avoid the modelsof Holly-
woodpictures. The latter have such a fast hold
that monumental workssuch as the USSR's Bondar -
chuk's WAR AND PEACE are also monumental
examples
of the submiss ion to all the propositions imposed
by the US movieindustry(structure, language,etc.)
and, consequently,to its concepts.
(9) THEHOUR OFTHEFURNACES, ibid.
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The placing of the cinemawithinUS models,even
in the formalaspect, in language, leads to the
adoptionof the ideological formsthat gave rise to
precisely that languageand no other. Eventhe
appropriationof modelswhichappear to be only tech-
nical, industrial, scientific, etc., leads to a con-
ceptual dependency situation, due to the fact that
the cinemais an industry,but differs fromother
industries in that it has been created and organized
in order to generatecertain ideologies. The 35mm
camera,24 framesper second, arc lights, and a com-
mercial place of exhibition for audienceswerecon-
ceived not to gratuitouslytransmitany ideology,
but to satisfy, in the first place, the cultural and
surplus value needs of a specific ideology, of a
specific world-view:that of US financial capital .
The mechanistictakeoverof a cinemaconceivedas
a showto be exhibited in large theaterswith a
standardduration,hermeticstructuresthat are born
and die on the screen, satisfies, to be sure, the
commercial interests of the productiongroups,but
it also leads to the absorptionof formsof the
bourgeoisworld-viewwhichare the continuationof
19th Centuryart, of bourgeoisart: manis accepted
only as a passive and consuming object; rather than
havinghis ability to makehistoryrecognized,he is
only permittedto read history, contemplateit j lis-
ten to it j and undergoit. The cinemaas a spectacle
aimedat a digesting object is the highest point
that can be reachedby bourgeoisfilmmaking.The
world, experience,and the historic process are en-
closed within the frameof a painting, the samestage
of a theater, and the moviescreen; manis viewedas
a consumer of ideology, and not as the creator of
ideology. This notion is the starting point for the
wonderfulinterplayof bourgeoisphilosophyand the
obtainingof surplus value. The result is a cinema
studied by motivationalanalysts, sociologists and
psychologists,by the endless researchersof the
dreamsand frustrationsof the masses, all aimedat
selling movie-life, reality as it is conceivedby
the ruling classes.
The first alternative to this type of cinema,
whichwe could call the first cinema, arose with the
so-called 'author's cinema', 'expression cinema',
9nouvelle '
vague cinemanovo9, or, conventionally,
the second cinema . This alternative signified a
step forwardinasmuchas it demanded that the film-
makerbe free to express himselfin non-standard
languageand inasmuchas it was an attemptat cul-
tural decolonization. But such attemptshave already
reached, or are about to reach, the outer limits of
whatthe systempermits. The second cinemafilm-
makerhas remained"trappedinside the fortress" as
Godardput it, or is on his wayto becomingtrapped.
The search for a marketof 200,000moviegoersin
costs of an independentlocal production,the pro-
of industrial pro-
posal of developinga mechanism
ductionparallel to that of the Systembut which
wouldbe distributedby the Systemaccordingto its
ownnorms,the struggle to better the laws protect-
ing the cinemaand replacing 'bad officials' by
'less bad', etc., is a search lacking in viable
prospects, unless you considerviable the prospect
of becominginstitutionalized as 'the youthful,
angrywingof society' -- that is, of neocolonial-
ized or capitalist society.
Real alternatives differingfromthose offered
by the Systemare only possible if one of twore-
quirementsis fulfilled: makingfilms that the Sys-
temcannotassimilate and whichare foreignto its
needs, or makingfilms that directly and explicitly
set out to fight the System . Neitherof these re-
quirementsfits withinthe alternatives that are
still offeredby the second cinema, but theycan be
foundin the revolutionaryopeningtowardsa cinema

hourof the furnaces
outside and against the System,in a cinemaof lib-
eration: the third cinema . whichachieve an intelligent use of the possibil-
Oneof the mosteffective jobs doneby neocolon-
ialism is its cuttingoff of intellectual sectors,
especially artists, fromnational reality by lining
themup behind'universal art and models'. It has
been verycommon for intellectuals and artists to
be foundat the tail end of popular struggle, when
theyhave not actually takenup positions against
it. The social layers whichhave madethe greatest
contributionto the building of a national culture
(understoodas an impulsetowardsdecolonization)
have not been precisely the enlightenedelites but
ratherthe mostexploited and uncivilized sectors.
Popularorganizationshave veryrightlydistrusted
the 'intellectual' and the 'artist.' Whentheyhave
not been openlyused by the bourgeoisie or imper-
ialism, theyhave certainly been their indirect
tools; mostof themdid not go beyondspoutinga
policy in favorof "peace and democracy", fearful of twistingand difficult road being traveled in the
anythingthat had a national ring to it, afraid of
contaminating art withpolitics and the artists with
the revolutionarymilitant. Theythus tendedto
obscurethe inner causes determining neo-colonial - ica, organizationsare readyand willing to employ
i zed society and placed in the foreground the outer films for political- cultural ends: the Chilean Par-
causes, which,while "theyare the conditionfor
change,theycan neverbe the basis for change";10
in Argentinatheyreplaced the struggle against im-
perialism and the native oligarchywith the struggle
of democracy against fascism, suppressingthe fun-
damentalcontradictionof a neocolonialized country
and replacing it with "a contradictionthat was a
copyof the world-widecontradiction."11
This cuttingoff of the intellectual and artistic
sectors fromthe processes of national liberation --
which,among other things, helps us to understand
the limitations in whichthese processes have been
--
unfolding todaytends to disappear in the extent
that artists and intellectuals are beginningto dis-
cover the impossibilityof destroyingthe enemy
withoutfirst joining in a battle for their common
interests. The artist is beginningto feel the in-
sufficiencyof his nonconformism and individual
rebellion. Andthe revolutionaryorganizations, in
turn, are discoveringthe vacuumsthat the struggle
for powercreates in the cultural sphere. The prob-
lemsof filmmaking, the ideological limitations of
a filmmaker in a neocolonialized country,etc. ,
have.thus far constitutedobjective factors in the
lack of attentionpaid to the cinemaby the people's
organizations. Newspapers and otherprintedmatter, howby meansof specialized magazineswith large
posters and wall propaganda,speeches and otherver-
bal formsof information, enlightenment, and polit- have helped to demystify
ici zation are still the mainmeansof communication that almostmagicaura that madeit seemthat films
betweenthe organizationsand the vanguardlayers
(10) MaoTse-tung,OnPractice.
(11) RodolfoPruigross,The Proletariat and
National Revolution .
of the masses. But the newpolitical positions of
somefilmmakers and the subsequentappearanceof
films useful for liberation have permittedcertain
political vanguardsto discover the impor tance'of
movies. This importanceis to be foundin the spe-
cific meaningof films as a formof communication
and because of their particular characteristics,
characteristics that allow themto drawaudiences of
differentorigins, manyof thempeople whomightnot
respondfavorablyto the announcement of a political
speech. Films offer an effective pretext for gath-
ering an audience, in addition to the ideological
messagetheycontain.
The capacity for synthesisand the penetration
of the film image,the possibilities offeredby the
living document and nakedreality, and the powerof
enlightenment of audiovisual meansmakethe film far
moreeffective than anyother tool of communication.
It is hardlynecessaryto point out that those films
ities of the image,adequate dosage of concepts,
languageand structurethat flownaturally fromeach
theme,and counterpointsof audiovisual narration
achieve effective results in the politicization and
mobilizationof cadres and even in workwith the
masses, wherethis is possible.
The studentswhoraised barricades on the Avenida
18 de Julio in Montevideoafter the showingof ME
GUSTAN LOSESTUDIANTES (I LIKE STUDENTS) (Mario
Handler), those whodemonstrated and sang the "In-
ternationale" in Meridaand Caracas after the show-
ing of LAHORA DE LOSHORNOS (THEHOUR OF THEFUR-
NACES) , the growingdemandfor films such as those
madeby Santiago Alvarez and the Cubandocumentary
filmmovement, and the debates and meetingsthat
take place after the underground or semipublicshow-
ings of third cinemafilms are the beginningof a
consumer societies by the mass organizations( Cineg-
iornali liberi in Italy, Zengakuren documentaries
in Japan, etc.). For the first time in Latin Amer-
tido Socialista provides its cadres with revolution-
ary filmmaterial, while Argentinerevolutionary
Peronist and non-Peronistgroupsare takingan in-
terest in doing likewise. Moreover,OSPAAAL (Organ-
ization of Solidarity of the Peoples of Africa, Asia
and Latin America)is participating in the produc-
tion and distribution of films that contributeto
the anti-imperialist struggle. The revolutionary
organizationsare discoveringthe need for cadres
who,amongother things, knowhowto handle a film
camera,tape recorders, and projectors in the most
effective waypossible. The struggle to seize power
fromthe enemyis the meetinggroundof the political
and artistic vanguardsengagedin a common task
whichis enrichingto both.
Someof the circumstancesthat delayed the use of
films as a revolutionarytool until a short timeago
were lack of equipment,technical difficulties, the
compulsory specialization of each phase of work,and
high costs. The advancesthat have takenplace with-
in each specialization; the simplificationof movie
camerasand tape recorders; improvements in the med-
iumitself, such as rapid film that can be printed
in a normallight; automaticlight meters; improved
audiovisual synchronization;and the spread of know-
circulations and even throughnonspecialized media,
filmmakingand divest it of
were only withinthe reach of 'artists', 'geniuses',
and 'the privileged.' Filmmaking is increasingly
withinthe reach of larger social layers. Chris
Markerexperimented in Francewith groupsof workers
whom he providedwith 8mm and somebasic
equipment
5

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instructionin its handling. The goal was to have The cinemaknown as documentary, with all the
the workerfilmhis wayof lookingat the world, vastness that the concepthas today, fromeducation-
just as if he werewritingit. This has openedup al films to the reconstructionof a fact or a his-
unheard- of-prospectsfor the cinema;above all, a torical event, is perhapsthe mainbasis of revolu-
newconceptionof filmmaking and the significance tionaryfilmmaking.Everyimagethat documents,
of art in our times. bears witness to, refutes or deepensthe truthof a
Imperialism and capitalism, whether in the con- situation is something morethan a film imageor
sumersociety or in the neocoloniali zed country, purely artistic fact; it becomessomething whichthe
veil everything behinda screen of imagesand appear- Systemfinds indigestible.
ances. The imageof reality is moreimportantthan Testimony about a national reality is also an in-
reality itself. It is a world peopled with fantasies estimable means of dialogue and knowledge on the
and phantoms in whichwhatis hideous is clothed in worldplane. No internationalist formof struggle
beauty,while beautyis disguised as the hideous. can be carried out successfully if there is not a
On the one hand, fantasy, the imaginarybourgeois mutualexchangeof experiencesamongthe people, if
universereplete with comfort,equilibrium,sweet the people do not succeed in breakingout of the
reason, order, efficiency, and the possibility to Balkanizationon the international, continental,
'be someone.' And,on the other, the phantoms, we and national planes whichimperialismis striving
the lazy, we the indolentand underdeveloped, we who to maintain.
cause disorder. Whena neocolonialized personac- Thereis no knowledge of a reality as long as
cepts his situation, he becomes a Gungha Din, a that reality is not acted upon, as long as its tran-
traitor at the service of the colonialist, an Uncle sformationis not begunon all fronts of struggle.
Tom,a class and racial renegade,or a fool, the The well-known quote fromMarxdeserves constant
easy-goingservantand bumpkin; but, whenhe refuses repetition: it is not sufficient to interpretthe
to accept his situation of oppression, thenhe turns world; it is nowa question of transforming it.
into a resentfulsavage, a cannibal. Thosewholose Withsuch an attitude as his starting point, it
sleep fromfear of the hungry s those whocomprise remainsto the filmmaker to discover his ownlan-
the System,see the revolutionaryas a bandit, rob- guage, a languagewhichwill arise froma militant
ber, and rapist; the first battle wagedagainst them and transforming world-view and fromthe themebeing
is thus not on a political plane, but rather in the dealt with. Here it maywell be pointed out that
police contextof law, arrests, etc. The moreex- certain political cadres still maintainold dogmatic
ploited a man is, the more he is placed on a plane positions, whichask the artist or filmmaker to pro-
of insignificance. The morehe resists, the morehe vide an apologetic view of reality, one whichis
is viewedas a beast. This can be seen in AFRICA morein line withwishfulthinkingthanwithwhat
ADDIO, made by the fascist Jacopetti: the African actually is. Suchpositions, whichat bottommask
savages, killer animals, wallow in abject anarchy a lack of confidencein the possibilities of reality
once theyescape fromwhiteprotection. Tarzan died, itself, have in certain cases led to the use of
and in his place werebornLumumbas and Lobegulas, film languageas a mereidealized illustration of a
Nkomos , and the Madzimbamutos , and this is something fact, to the desire to removereality's deep contra-
that neocolonialismcannotforgive. Fantasyhas dictions, its dialectic richness, whichis precisely
been replaced by phantoms and manis turnedinto an the kind of depthwhichcan give a filmbeautyand
extra whodies so Jacopetti can comfortably film effectiveness. The reality of the revolutionary
his execution. processes all over the world, in spite of their con-
I makethe revolution; therefore s I exist . This fused and negative aspects, possesses a dominant
is the startingpoint for the disappearanceof fan- line, a synthesiswhichis so rich and stimulating
tasy and phantom to make way for living human beings. that it does not need to be schematizedwithpartial
The cinemaof the revolutionis at the sametimeone or sectarian views.
of destructionand construction:destructionof the Pamphletfilms, didactic films, report films,
image that neocolonialism has created of itself and essay films, witness-bearingfilms -- anymilitant
of us, and constructionof a throbbing,living re- foimof expressionis valid, and it wouldbe absurd
ality which recaptures truth in any of its express- to lay downa set of aesthetic worknorms. Be recep-
ions. tive to all that the people have to offer, and offer
The restitution of thingsto their real place and themthe best; or, as Cheput it, respect the people
meaningis an eminentlysubversivefact both in the by giving themquality. This is a good thingto
neocolonial situation and in the consumer societies. keep in mindin view of those tendencieswhichare
In the former,the seemingambiguityor pseudo-ob- always latent in the revolutionaryartist to lower
jectivity in newspapers,literature, etc., and the the level of investigation and the languageof a
relative freedom of the people's organizationsto theme,in a kind of neopopulism,downto levels
provide their own information cease to exist, giving which, while theymaybe those uponwhichthe masses
wayto overt restriction, when it is a question of move, do not help themto get rid of the stumbling
television and radio, the twomostimportantSystem- blocks left by imperialism. The effectivenessof
controlledor monopolizedcommunications media. the best films of militant cinemashowthat social
Last year's May events in France are quite explicit layers consideredbackwardare able to capture the
on this point. exact meaningof an association of images,an effect
In a worldwherethe unreal rules, artistic ex- of staging, and any linguistic experimentation
pression is shovedalong the channelsof fantasy, placed withinthe contextof a given idea. Further-
fiction, languagein code, sign language, and mes- more,revolutionarycinemais not fundamentally one
between the lines. Art is cut off which illustrates, documents, or passively estab-
sages whispered
fromthe concretefacts -- which,fromthe neocolon- lishes a situation: rather, it attemptsto intervene
ialist standpoint,are accusatorytestimonies--to in the situation as an elementprovidingthrustor
turnback on itself, struttingabout in a worldof rectification. To put it anotherway, it provides
abstractionsand phantoms, whereit becomes'time- discoverythroughtransformation.
less' and history-less. Viet-Nam can be mentioned, The differencesthat exist betweenone and
but only far fromViet-Nam;Latin Americacan be anotherliberation process makeit impossibleto
mentioned, but only far enoughawayfromthe conti- lay downsupposedlyuniversal norms . A cinemawhich
nent to be ineffective, in places whereit is de- in the consumer society does not attain the level of
politicized and whereit does not lead to action. the reality in whichit movescan play a stimulating
6

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 The existence of a revolutionarycinemais incon-
ceivable withoutthe constantand methodicalexer-
cise of practice, search, and experimentation.It
evenmeanscommitting the newfilmmaker to take
chances on the unknown, to leap into space at times,
exposinghimselfto failure as does the guerrilla
whotravels along paths that he himselfopensup
withmacheteblows. The possibility of discovering
and inventingfilm formsand structuresthat serve
a moreprofoundvision of our reality resides in the
ability to place oneself on the outside limits of
the familiar, to makeone1s wayamidconstantdan-
gers.
Our time is one of hypothesisrather thanof
thesis, a timeof worksin process -- unfinished,
unordered,violent worksmadewith the camerain one
handand a rock in the other. Suchworkscannotbe
assessed accordingto the traditional theoretical
and critical canons. The ideas for our film theory
the people and their rifles, Joris Ivens ' film on Laos and criticism will cometo life throughinhibition-
removing practice and experimentation."Knowledge
role in an underdeveloped country,just as a revo- begins withpractice. After,acquiring theoretical
lutionarycinemain the neocolonial situation will knowledge throughpractice, it is necessaryto re-
not necessarily be revolutionaryif it is mechan- turn to practice." 12 Oncehe has embarked upon
ically takento the metropoliscountry. this practice, the revolutionaryfilmmaker will
Teachingthe handlingof guns can be revolution- have to overcomecountless obstacles; he will exper-
ary wherethere are potentially or explicitly viable ience the loneliness of those whoaspire to the
layers readyto throwthemselvesinto the struggle praise of the System* s promotion mediaonly to find
to take power,but ceases to be revolutionarywhere that those mediaare closed to him. As Godardwould
the massesstill lack sufficient awarenessof their say, he will cease to be a bicycle champion to be-
situation or wheretheyalready have learned to comean anonymous bicycle rider, Vietnamesestyle,
handleguns. Thus, a cinemawhichinsists uponthe submerged in a cruel and prolongedwar. But he will
denunciationof the effects of neocolonial policy is also discover that there is a receptive audience
caughtup in a reformistgameif the consciousness that looks uponhis workas something of its own
of the masseshas already assimilated such knowledge; existence, and that is readyto defendhimin a way
thenthe revolutionarythingis to examinethe that it wouldnever do with anyworldbicycle cham-
causes, to investigate the waysof organizingand pion.
armingfor the change. That is, imperialismcan
sponsorfilms that fight illiteracy, and such pic- IMPLEMENTATION
tures will onlybe inscribedwithinthe contemporary
need of imperialist policy, but, in constrast, the In this long war, with the cameraas our rifle,
of such films in Cuba after the of we do in fact moveinto a guerrilla activity. This
marking triumph
the Revolutionwas clearly revolutionary. Although is whythe workof a film-guerrilla groupis govern-
their startingpoint was just the fact of teaching ed by strict disciplinary normsas to bothwork
methodsand security. A"revolutionary film group
readingand writing, theyhad a goal whichwas rad- is in the samesituation as a guerrilla unit: it
ically different from that of imperialism: the
cannotgrowstrongwithoutmilitary structuresand
trainingof people for liberation, not for subjec-
tion. command concepts. The groupexists as a networkof
Themodelof the perfectworkof art, the fully complementary responsibilities, as the sumand syn-
roundedfilm structuredaccordingto the metricsim- thesis of abilities, inasmuchas it operates harmon-
posed by bourgeoisculture, its theoreticians and ically with a leadership that centralizes planning
critics, has served to inhibit the filmmaker in the workand maintainsits continuity. Experienceshows
it is not to maintainthe cohesionof a
dependentcountries, especially whenhe has attemp- that whenit iseasy bombarded
ted to erect similar modelsin a reality which group by the Systemand its
offeredhimneither the culture, the techniques,nor chain of accomplices
' frequently disguised as pro-
the mostprimaryelementsfor success. The culture gressives , whenthere are no immediate and spec-
of the metropoliskept the age-old secrets that had tacular outer incentives and the members mustunder-
given life to its models; the transpositionof the go the discomfortsand tensions of workthat is
latter to the neocolonial reality was alwaysa mech- done underground and distributed clandestinely.
anismof alienation, since it was not possible for Manyabandontheir responsibilities because they
the artist of the dependentcountryto absorb, in a underestimate themor because theymeasurethemwith
fewyears, the secrets of a culture and society values appropriateto Systemcinemaand not under-
elaborated through1ihecenturies in completelydif- groundcinema. The birth of internal conflicts is a
ferenthistorical circumstances . The attemptin the reality present in anygroup,whetheror not it po-
sphereof filmmaking to matchthe pictures of the ssesses ideological maturity. The lack of awareness
ruling countries ends in of such an inner conflict on the psychologicalor
generally failure, given
the existence of twodisparate historical realities. personalityplane, etc . , the lack of maturityin
Andsuch unsuccessfulattemptslead to feelings of dealing withproblemsof relationships, at times
frustrationand inferiority. Boththese feelings leads to ill feeling and rivalries that in turn
arise in the first place fromthe fear of taking cause real clashes goingbeyondideological or ob-
risks along completelynewroads whichare almosta jective differences. All of this meansthat a basic
total denial of ' their cinema. ' A fear of recogniz- conditionis an awarenessof the problemsof inter-
ing the particularities and limitations of a depen- personal relationships, leadership and areas of com-
dencysituation in order to discover the possibil- petence. Whatis neededis to speak clearly, mark
ities inherentin that situation by findingwaysof (12) MaoTse-tung,op. cit.
overcoming it whichwouldof necessity be original.

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off workareas, assign responsibilities and take on
the job as a rigorousmilitancy.
Guerrilla fi lnmaking proletarianizes the film
workerand breaksdownthe intellectual aristocracy
that the bourgeoisiegrants to its followers. In a
word,it democratizes. The filmmaker'stie with
reality makeshimmorea part of his people. Van-
guardlayers and evenmassesparticipate collective-
ly in the workwhentheyrealize that it is the con-
tinuityof their daily struggle. LAHORA EE LOS
HORNOS showshowa film can be madein hostile cir-
cumstances whenit has the supportand collaboration
of militants and cadres fromthe people.
The revolutionaryfilmmaker acts with a radically
newvision of the role of the producer,teamwork,
tools, details, etc. Aboveall, he supplies himself
at all levels in orderto producehis films, he
equips himselfat all levels, he learns howto
handlethe manifoldtechniquesof his craft. His
mostvaluable possessions are the tools of his
trade, whichformpart and parcel of his need to
communicate.The camerais the inexhaustibleexprop-
riator of image-weapons ; the projector, a gun that
can shoot 24 framesper second.
Each member of the groupshouldbe familiar, at
least in a general way,with the equipment being
used: he mustbe preparedto replace anotherin any
of the phases of production. The mythof irreplace-
able techniciansmustbe exploded.
Thewholegroupmustgrantgreat importanceto
the minordetails of the productionand the security
measuresneededto protect it. A lack of foresight
whichin conventionalfilmmaking wouldgo unnoticed
can rendervirtually useless weeksor monthsof
work. Anda failure in guerrilla cinema,just as
in the guerrilla struggle itself, can meanthe loss
of a workor a completechangeof plans. "In a
guerrilla strugglethe conceptof failure is present
a thousandtimesover, and victory a myththat only
a revolutionarycan dream."13 Everymember of
the groupmusthave an ability to take care of de-
tails; discipline; speed; and, above all, the will-
ingnessto overcomethe weaknessesof comfort,old
habits, and the wholeclimate of pseudonormality
behindwhichthe warfareof everydaylife is hidden.
Each film is a differentoperation, a differentjob
requiringvariations in methodsin order to confuse
or refrain fromalerting the enemy,especially as
the processinglaboratories are still in his hands.
The success of the workdependsto a great extent
on the group's ability to remainsilent, on its per-
manent wariness, a conditionthat is difficult to
achieve in a situation in whichapparentlynothing
is happeningand the filmmaker has been accustomed
to telling all and sundryabout everythingthat he's
doingbecause the bourgeoisiehas trained himpre-
cisely on such a basis of prestige and promotion.
Thewatchword 'constantvigilance, constantwari-
ness, constantmobility' has profoundvalidity for
guerrilla cinema. You have to give the appearance
of workingon various projects, split up the mater-
ials, put it together,take it apart, confuse,neu-
tralize, and throwoff the track. All of this is
necessaryas long as the groupdoesn't have its own
processingequipment,no matterhowrudimentary,
and there remaincertain possibilities in the trad-
itional laboratories.
Group-level cooperationbetweendifferentcoun-
tries can serve to assure the completionof a film
or the executionof certain phases of workthat may
not be possible in the countryof origin. To this
shouldbe addedthe need for a receptioncenter for
file materials to be used by the differentgroups
and the perspectiveof coordination,on a continent-
wide or evenworldwidescale, of the continuityof
(13) CheGuevara,Guerrilla Warfare.
8
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workin each country:periodic regional or inter-
national gatheringsto exchangeexperiences,contri-
butions, joint planningof work,etc.
At least in the earliest stages, the revolution-
ary filmmaker and the workgroupswill be the sole
producersof their films. Theymustbear the respon-
sibility of findingwaysto facilitate the continuity
of work. Guerrilla cinemastill doesn't have enough
experienceto set downstandardsin this area; what
experiencethere is has shown,above all, the ability
to makeuse of the concretesituation of each coun-
try. But, regardless of whatthese situations may
be, the preparationof a film cannotbe undertaken
withouta parallel studyof its futureaudience and,
consequently,a plan to recover the financial in-
vestment. Here, once again, the need arises of
closer ties betweenpolitical and artistic vanguards,
since this also serves for the joint studyof forms
of production,exhibition, and continuity.
A guerrilla film can be aimedonly at the distri-
butionmechanisms providedby the revolutionaryor-
ganizations, includingthose inventedor discovered
by the filmmaker himself. Production,distribution,
and economicpossibilities for survival mustform
part of a single strategy. The solution of the
problemsfaced in each of these areas will encourage
otherpeople to join in the workof guerrilla film-
making,whichwill enlarge its ranksand thus make
it less vulnerable.
The distributionof guerrilla films in Latin
Americais still in swaddlingclothes, while System
reprisals are already a legalized fact. Suffice it
to note in Argentinathe raids that have occurred
duringsomeshowingsand the recent film suppression
law of a clearly fascist character, in Brazil the
ever-increasingrestrictions placed uponthe most
militant comradesof CinemaNovo,and in Venezuela
the banningand license cancellation of LAHORA DE
LOS HORNOS; almostall over the continentcensorship
preventsanypossibility of public distribution.
Withoutrevolutionaryfilms and a public that
asks for them,any attemptto openup newwaysof
distributionwouldbe doomedto failure. But both
of these already exist in -Latin America. The ap-
pearance of the films openedup a road whichin some
countries, such as Argentina,occurs throughshow-
ings in apartmentsand houses to audiences of never
morethan 25 people; in other countries, such as
Chile, films are shownin parishes, universities, or
cultural centers (of whichthere are fewerevery
day); and, in the case of Uruguay,showingswere
given in Möntevideo'sbiggest movietheater to an
audience of 2500people, whofilled the theater and
madeeveryshowingan impassionedanti-imperialist
event.l^ But the prospects on the continental
plane indicate that the possibility for the contin-
uity of a revolutionarycinemarests uponthe
strengthening of rigorouslyunderground base struc-
tures.
Practice implies mistakesand failures. 15
Somecomradeswill let themselvesbe carried awayby
the success and impunity withwhichtheypresent the
first showingsand will tend to relax security meas-
ures, while others will go in the opposite direction
of excessive precautionsor fearfulness, to such an
extent that distribution remainscircumscribed,
limited to a fewgroupsof friends. Onlyconcrete
experiencein each countrywill demonstrate which
are the best methodsthere, whichdo not always lend
(14) The Uruguayan weeklyMarchaorganizedlate-
night and Sundaymorning exhibitions that
are widelyand well received.
(15) The raiding of a BuenosAires unionand the
arrest of dozens of personsresulting froma
bad choice of projection site and the large
number of people invited.
themselvesto application in other situations.
In someplaces it will be possible to build in-
frastructuresconnectedto political, student,work-
er, and otherorganizations,while in others it will
be moresuitable to sell prints to organizations
whichwill take chargeof obtainingthe fundsnece-
ssary to pay for each print (the cost of the print
plus a small margin). This method,whereverpos-
sible, wouldappear to be the mostviable, because
it permitsthe decentralizationof distribution;
makespossible a moreprofoundpolitical use of the
film; and permitsthe recovery,throughthe sale of
moreprints, of the fundsinvested in the production.
It is true that in manycountries the organizations
still are not fully awareof the importance of this
workor, if theyare, maylack the meansto under-
take it. In such cases othermethodscan be used:
the*deliveryof prints to encouragedistribution
and a box-officecut to the organizersof each show-
ing, etc. The ideal goal to be achievedwouldbe
producingand distributingguerrilla films with
fundsobtainedfromexpropriationsof the bourgeois-
ie -- that is, the bourgeoisiewouldbe financing
guerrilla ■cinemawitha bit of the surplus value
that it gets fromthe people. But, as long as the
goal is no morethana middleor long-rangeaspir-
ation, the alternatives open to revolutionarycinema
to recoverproductionand distribution costs are to
someextentsimilar to those obtained for conven-
tional cinema:everyspectator shouldpay the same
amountas he pays to see Systemcinema. Financing,
subsidizing, equipping,and supportingrevolutionary
cinemaare political responsibilities for revolu-
tionaryorganizationsand militants. A film can be
made,but if its distribution does not allow for
the recoveryof the costs, it will be difficult or
impossibleto makea second film.
The 16mm film circuits in Europe(20,000 exhib-
ition centers in Sweden,30,000 in France, etc.) are
not the best examplefor the neocolonialized coun-
tries, but theyare neverthelessa complement to be
kept in mindfor fundraising, especially in a sit-1
uation in whichsuch circuits can play an important
role in publicizing the struggles in the Third
World,increasinglyrelated as theyare to those
unfoldingin the metropoliscountries. A film on
the Venezuelanguerrillas will say moreto a Euro-
pean public than 20 explanatorypamphlets,and the
sameis true for us with a film on the Mayevents
in Franceor the Berkeley,USA,studentstruggle.
A Guerrilla Films International? Andwhynot?
Isn't it true that a kind of newInternational is
arising throughthe ThirdWorldstruggles; through
OSPAAAL and the revolutionaryvanguardsof the con-
sumersocieties.
A guerrilla cinema,at this stage still within
the reach of limited layers of the population, is,
nevertheless,the only cinemaof the massespossible
todayj since it is the only one involvedwith the
interests, aspirations, and prospectsof the vast
majorityof the people. Everyimportantfilmpro-
ducedby a revolutionarycinemawill be, explicit
or not, a national event of the masses.
This cinemaof the masses, whichis prevented
fromreachingbeyondthe sectors representingthe
masses, provokeswith each showing,as in a revo-
lutionarymilitary incursion, a liberated space, a
decolonizedterritory. The showingcan be turned
into a kind of political event, which,accordingto
Fanon,could be "a liturgical act, a privileged
occasion for human beings to hear and be heard."
Militant cinemamustbe able to extract the in-
finity of newpossibilities that openup for it from
the conditionsof proscriptionimposedby the Sys-
tem. The attemptto overcome neocolonial oppression
calls for the inventionof formsof communication;
it opensup the possibility .
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Beforeand duringthe makingof LAHORA DE LOS
HORNOS we tried out various methodsfor the distri-
bution of revolutionarycinema-- the little that
we had madeup to then. Each showingfor militants,
middle-level cadres, activists, workers,and univer-
sity studentsbecame-- withoutour havingset our-
selves this aimbeforehand--a kind of enlarged
cell meetingof whichthe filmswere a part but not
the mostimportantfactor. Wethus discovereda
newfacet of cinema: the participation of people
who,until then, were consideredspectators. At
times, security reasons obliged us to try to dis-
solve the groupof participants as soon as the show-
ing was over, and we realized that the distribution
of that kind of filmhad little meaningif it was
not complemented by the participation of the com-
rades, if a debate was not openedon the themes
suggestedby the films.
Wealso discoveredthat everycomradewhoattended
such showingsdid so with full awarenessthat he was
infringingthe System'slaws and exposinghis per-
sonal security to eventual repression. This person
was no longer a spectator; on the contrary,fron
the moment he decided to attend the showing,from
the moment he lined himselfup on this side by taking
risks and contributinghis living experienceto the
meeting,he becamean actor, a moreimportant pro-
tagonist than those whoappearedin the films. Such
a personwas seeking other committed people like him-
self, while he, in turn, becamecommitted to them.
The spectator madewayfor the actor, whosoughthim-
self in others.
Outside this space whichthe films momentarily
helped to liberate, therewas nothingbut solitude,
noncommunication, distrust, and fear; withinthe
freed space the situation turnedeveryoneinto ac-
complicesof the act that was unfolding. The de-
bates arose spontaneously. As we gained in exper-
ience, we incorporatedinto the showingvarious ele-
ments(a stage production)to reinforcethe themes
of the films, the climate of the showing,the 'dis-
inhibi ting' of the participants, and the dialogue:
recordedmusicor poems,sculpture and paintings,
posters, a programdirector whochaired the debate
and presentedthe film and the comradeswhowere
speaking, a glass of wine, a fewmates, etc. We
realized that we had at handthree veryvaluable
factors:
1) The participant comrade> the man-actor-accom-
plice whorespondedto the summons;
2) The free space wherethat manexpressedhis
concernsand ideas, becamepoliticized, and started
to free himself; and
3) The film, importantonly as a detonatoror
pretext.
Weconcludedfromthese data that a film could be
muchmoreeffective if it were fully awareof these
factors and took on the task of subordinatingits
ownform,structure, language, and propositionsto
that act and to those actors --to put it another
way, if it soughtits ownliberation in the subord-
ination and insertion in the others, the principal
protagonistsof life . Withthe correct utilization
of the timethat that groupof actor-personages
offeredus with their diverse histories, the use of
the space offeredby certain comrades,and of the
films themselves,it was necessaryto try to trans-
formtime3energy s and workinto freedom-giving
energy . In this waythe idea began to growof
structuringwhatwe decided to call the film act,
the film action, one of the formswhichwe believe
assumesgreat importancein affirmingthe line of a
third cinema. A cinemawhosefirst experiment is to
be found,perhapson a rather shakylevel, in the
second and third parts of LAHORA DE LOS HORNOS
("Acto para la liberación"; above all, starting with
"La resistencia" and "Violencia y liberación").
9

hourof the furnaces
Comrades [we said at the start of "Actopara La
liberación"] , this is not just a film showing,
nor is it a show;rather, it is, above all, A
MEETING - an act of anti-imperialist unity;
this is a place only for those whofeel iden-
tified with this struggle, because here there
is no roomfor spectators or for accomplicesof
the enemy;here there is roomonly for the
authorsand protagonistsof the process to which
the film attemptsto bear witness and to deepen.
The film is the pretext for dialogue, for the
seekingand findingof wills . It is a report
that we place beforeyou for yourconsideration,
to be debatedafter the showing.
The conclusions [we said at anotherpoint in
the secondpart] to whichyou mayarrive as the
real authorsand protagonistsof this history
are important. The experiencesand conclusions
that we have assembledhave a relative worth;
theyare of use to the extent that theyare use-
ful to you, whoare the presentand futureof
liberation. But mostimportantof all is the
action that mayarise fromthese conclusions,
the unityon the basis of the facts. This is
whythe film stops here; it opens out to you so
•thatyou can continueit.
The film act meansan open-endedfilm; it is
essentially a wayof learning.
The first step in the process of knowledge is
the first contactwith the things of the outside
world,the stage of sensations [.in a film, the
living fresco of imageand sound]. The second
step is the synthesizingof the data provided
by the sensations; their orderingand elabor-
ation; the stage of concepts, judgements,
opinions, and deductions[ in the film, the
announcer,the reportingSjthe didactics, or
the narratorwholeads the projection act~'.
Andthencomesthe third stage, that of know-
ledge. The active role of knowledge is ex-
pressed not only in the active leap from
sensoryto rational knowledge,but, and what
is evenmore«important, in the leap from
rational knowledge to revolutionarypractice.
of the
...The practice of the transformation
world... This, in general terms,is the dia-
lectical materialist theoryof the unityof
and action.16 lin the projection
knowledge
of the film act, the participation of the
comrades , the action proposals that arise , and
the actions themselvesthat will take place
later] .
Moreover,each projection of a film act pre-
supposesa differentsetting, since the space where
it takes place, the materials that go to makeit up
(actors-participants), and the historic timein
whichit takes place are neverthe same. This means
that the result of each projection act will depend
(16) MaoTse-tung,op. cit.
10
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on those whoorganize it, on those whoparticipate
in it, and on the timeand place; the possibility of
introducingvariations, additions, and changesis
unlimited. The screeningof a film act will always
express in one wayor anotherthe historical situ-
ation in whichit takes place; its perspectivesare
not exhaustedin the struggle for powerbut will in-
stead continueafter the taking of powerto streng-
then the revolution.
The manof the third cinema , be it guerrilla
cinemaor a film act, with the infinite categories
that theycontain (film letter, filmpoem,film
essay, filmpamphlet,film report, etc.), above all
countersthe film industryof a cinemaof characters
with one of themes,that of individuals with that of
masses, that of the authorwith that of the oper-
ative group,one of neocolonial misinformation with
one of information,one of escape with one that re-
captures the truth, that of passivity with that of
aggressions. To an institutionalized cinema,he
counterposesa guerrilla cinema;to moviesas shows,
he opposes a film act or action; to a cinemaof de-
struction, one that is both destructiveand construc-
tive; to a cinemamadefor the old kind of human
being, for them,he opposes a cinemafit for a new
kind of human being, for whateach one of us has
the possibility of becoming.
The decolonization of the filmmaker and of films
will be simultaneousacts to the extent that each
contributesto collective decolonization. The
battle begins without,against the enemy whoattacks
us, but also within, against the ideas and modelsof
the enemyto be foundinside each one of us. De-
struction and construction. Decolonizingaction
rescues with its practice the purest and mostvital
impulses. It opposes to the colonialization of
mindsthe revolutionof consciousness. Theworldis
scrutinized, unraveled,rediscovered. People are
witness to a constantastonishment,a kind of second
birth. Theyrecover their early ingenuity,their
capacity for adventure;their lethargic capacity
for indignationcomesto life.
Freeinga forbiddentruthmeanssetting free the
possibility of indignationand subversion. Our
truth, that of the newmailwhobuilds himselfby
getting rid of all the defects that still weighhim
down,is a bombof inexhaustiblepowerand, at the
sametime, the only real possibility of life .
Withinthis attempt,the revolutionaryfilmmaker
ventureswith his subversiveobservation , sensibil-
ity, imagination,and realization . The great themes
-- the history of the country,love and unlovebe-
tweencombatants,the efforts of a people that
awakens-- all this is rebornbefore the lens of the
decolonized camera. The filmmaker feels free for
the first time. He discovers that, withinthe Sys-
tem,nothingfits, while outside of and against the
System,everythingfits, because everythingremains
to be done. Whatappearedyesterdayas a preposter-
ous adventure,as we said at the beginning,is posed
todayas an inescapable need and possibility .
Thus far, we have offeredideas and workingprop-
ositions, whichare the sketchof a hypothesis
arising fromour personal experienceand whichwill
have achieved something positive even if theydo no
morethanserve to open a heated dialogue on the new
revolutionaryfilmprospects. The vacuumsexisting
in the artistic and scientific frontsof the revo-
lution are sufficientlywell known so that the ad-
versarywill not try to appropriatethem,while we
are still unable to do so.
Whyfilms and not someother formof artistic
communication? If we choose films as the center of
our propositionsand debate, it is because that is
our workfrontand because the birth of a third
cinemameans,at least for us, the mostimportant
revolutionaryartistic event of our times.