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Hesperia
Th e J o u r nal of the Amer ic a n Sc ho ol
of Cl assi c al S t udie s at Athens
Vo l u m e 8 7
2018
Hesperia Supplements
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he s p er ia 87 (201 8 ) THE STATUARY OF
Pa ges 5 45– 6 10
ASKLEPIOS FROM THE
ATHENIAN AGORA
ABS TRAC T
This study identifies and publishes the marble statuary of Asklepios from the
excavations of the Athenian Agora. The author explores the religious lives of
the assemblage, mostly statuettes of the Roman period, through close autopsy
and the reconstruction of viewing environments. Following a discussion of
displays in baths and in sacred precincts, the author proposes that most of the
reduced-scale figures belonged to domestic spaces and, at times, performed
roles in household ritual. Varying Late Antique responses of defacing and
continued use are also discussed. The evidence presented here moves beyond
the monumental settings of Athenian cult and into the everyday spaces where
routine interactions with the divine occurred.
The cult of Asklepios left a rich sculptural legacy at Athens.1 The many
votive reliefs erected to the god during the late 5th and 4th centuries b.c.
in exchange for cures or other services are well known, and as many as 160
reliefs have been assigned to the City Asklepieion alone.2 Scenes of wor-
ship, sacrifice, and other ritual characterize the reliefs; a few even depict
Asklepios as he administers intimate healing therapies. By the close of the
4th century b.c., the production of votive reliefs, once prolific in Athens,
had halted suddenly. Most attribute this break to the sharp fall in demand
for funerary sculpture following the sumptuary laws enacted by Demetrios
of Phaleron in or shortly after 317/6 b.c.3 Whatever the cause, the near
1. Research for this study was con- Inge-Marie Raptis, Maria Tziotziou, Olga Palagia, Molly Richardson, and
ducted in Athens in 2011–2012 with and George Dervos, for facilitating Andrew Stewart. Any mistakes are
the support of the Craven Committee access to these materials; to Craig my own.
of the Faculty of Classics at the Univer- Mauzy for the exceptional photography 2. Hausmann 1948, pp. 166–183.
sity of Oxford, and in 2015–2016 with and the details these pictures have re- Still more are known from the Agora;
the support of the Olivia James Trav- vealed; and to Carol Lawton, Julia see Agora XXXVIII, pp. 36–43,
eling Fellowship of the Archaeological Lenaghan, Milena Melfi, and Bert nos. 16–30.
Institute of America. I express my deep Smith for generously reading versions 3. Stewart 1990, p. 49; Van Straten
gratitude to John Camp for permission of this work. The comments of two 1995, pp. 58–59; Ridgway 1997,
to study these sculptures and for his anonymous reviewers greatly improved p. 193; Agora XXXVIII, p. 5. On re-
guidance along the way; to the staff of the manuscript. Finally, I thank those lated document reliefs, see Lawton
the Agora excavations, Sylvie Dumont, who offered their expertise on specific 1995, p. 22.
Bruce Hartzler, Pia Kvarnström, points: Sheila Dillon, Marion Meyer,
disappearance of votive reliefs over a single generation must have been ac- Figure 1 (opposite). Plan of the
companied by shifts in dedicatory practice, perhaps as money or offerings Athenian Agora indicating findspots
in precious metals replaced sculpture.4 After the production of Attic reliefs of the sculptures presented in this
ceased, surviving depictions of Asklepios in marble were scarce in Athens study. A circle indicates an exact
findspot and a square indicates a
over the next three centuries.5 This long gap in the evidence coincides with
broad region of provenance. The
a decrease in Attic output of divine images in marble during the 3rd and
findspots of two sculptures (21, 29)
early 2nd centuries b.c., the result of sinking demand that led to a market are unknown. Courtesy Agora Exca-
situation in which sculptors turned their attention to portrait statuary.6 vations; additions B. Martens
Marble images of the gods flourished in Roman Athens in the form of
reduced-scale statuary and, among these, Asklepios returned as a favored
subject. To the known Athenian corpus of Asklepian sculpture, 42 certain
or probable freestanding figures of the god, predominately statuettes of
the 2nd and 3rd centuries a.d., can be added from the rich storerooms of
the Agora excavations (Fig. 1).7 For some perspective on this number, 29
freestanding marble figures of Asklepios are known from the god’s famed
healing center at Epidauros.8 The abundant statuary of the god from the
Agora, all of which is under life-size, provides an opportunity to evaluate
Asklepian cult in a way that stretches beyond traditional focuses on monu-
mental architecture and written sources alone. The reduced-scale images
presented here are the objects through which inhabitants of Athens inter-
acted with the god of health—for many, probably routinely, and no doubt
for some, during the most vulnerable and pressing moments of their lives.
In the following, I trace the religious lives of the god’s marble statuary
from the Agora through close autopsy and the reconstruction of viewing
environments.9 In doing so, my aim is to reveal the behaviors and ritual
practices of those who invested, or divested, the images with religious
meanings. For the most part, studies of Greek and Roman statuary of gods
4. Coins were increasingly ex- Museum 704: Meyer 1994, pp. 33–34, the fillet before the break; the piece,
changed for healing rituals during no. AM1, pl. 17). however, is unfinished and badly
the Hellenistic period, and they appear 6. Stewart 1979, p. 5. weathered.
in the inventories of the Athenian 7. Other pieces, not presented here, 8. For the Roman-period statuary,
Asklepieion; Aleshire 1989, p. 43. On may represent Asklepios, but identifica- see Katakis 2002, pp. 5–26, nos. 1–23.
the exchange of money for cures at tions are not forthcoming due to their Pre-Roman statuary includes Athens,
Asklepieia, see Gorrini and Melfi 2002, poor state of preservation or lack of National Archaeological Museum 265,
pp. 256–264; Melfi 2014, pp. 760–761. attributes. These include: a statuette 266 (Kaltsas 2002, p. 261, nos. 545,
The majority of extant thesauroi, recep- of a seated man wearing a himation 544, respectively), and 267, 268
tacles for receiving coin offerings, date (S 1053: Agora XXIV, p. 41, pl. 39:c; (Kavvadias 1890–1892, p. 216). Two
to the Hellenistic period; for a cata- Stirling 2005, p. 204); an unfinished statuettes, presumably Hellenistic in
logue of the evidence, see Kaminski head of a statuette of a bearded man date, are on display in the site mu-
1991, pp. 147–177. (S 1499: unpublished); a head of a seum (Epidauros, Archaeological
5. Some surviving Hellenistic and small-scale statue of a bearded man, Museum 7, 8). A torso acquired by
Early Roman works from Athens in- badly weathered (S 2656: unpublished); Lord Elgin in the “neighborhood of
clude 30, 33(?), a 2nd-century b.c. a head of a statuette of a bearded man Epidauros” could be included (Lon-
relief from the Agora (S 593: Agora wearing a thin, plain fillet (S 177: Shear don, British Museum 1816,0610.327:
XXXVIII, p. 43, no. 30, pl. 7), a 2nd- 1933, pp. 530, 533, fig. 15); and the Smith 1892, p. 290, no. 551; LIMC II,
century b.c. statue from the Mounychia body of a serpent coiled around a 1984, p. 879, no. 158, s.v. Asklepios
Hill at Piraeus (Athens, National branch or staff(?) from a statue (S 2170: [B. Holtzmann]).
Archaeological Museum 258: Stewart unpublished). A statuette-sized head of 9. On this approach, see Appadurai
1979, pp. 48–51; Kaltsas 2002, pp. 260– Asklepios(?) (S 3288: unpublished) 1986; Kopytoff 1986; for similar
261, no. 543), and a 1st-century b.c.(?) seems to have been detached from a approaches to statuary, see Smith
statue found at the Dipylon Gate high relief due to the flat break across 2012b; Kristensen and Stirling 2016.
(Athens, National Archaeological the back and the abrupt termination of
t h e s tat ua r y o f a s k l e p i o s f r o m t h e a g o r a 547
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11. Gell 1998, pp. 96–154. On Gell’s attributed to these divinities. Museum 1090: Meyer 1994, pp. 42–44,
theory and Roman divine images, see 13. This has long been a difficulty no. AM6, figs. 35–38; Despinis,
Stewart 2007, p. 170. for those studying statuary from the Stefanidou-Tiveriou, and Voutiras
12. Hygieia: 43(?), S 376, S 2108, Agora; see, e.g., Agora XI, p. 87; 2003, p. 29, no. 165, figs. 432–435) is
S 2161 (from outside the excavations). Stewart 2012, pp. 269–270. somewhat comparable in that its
Telesphoros: S 1626, S 2418. These 14. See, e.g., Clairmont 1993, vol. 2, drapery has slipped from the left shoul-
figures of Hygieia and Telesphoros are p. 756, no. 2.873a. der, but the edge of the himation is
unpublished. I have not attempted an 15. A small-scale statue from Mor- thrown lower on the arm and the swath
exhaustive search to identify all pieces rylos (Thessaloniki, Archaeological across the chest is altogether different.
t h e s tat ua r y o f a s k l e p i o s f r o m t h e a g o r a 549
a b c d
Figure 2. Statuette of Asklepios (30):
(a) front view; (b) right view; (c) back There is, however, a technical detail that might argue for a later dating.
view; (d) left view. Scale 1:3. Photos The heavy presence of the rasp on the drapery could pull the statuette into
C. Mauzy; courtesy Agora Excavations
the 2nd century a.d. when the textured effect was frequently employed.16
Given the repairs at the figure’s neck and ankles, the rasping possibly oc-
16. In general, the rasp is more ap- curred during a later renewal of the statuette, perhaps as an update to add
parent on works of the Roman period,
a deliberate en vogue effect.17
though on its own the application of
the rasp cannot be used as a dating cri- Another figure might have been readily placed in the Roman period,
terion. The rasp is more noticeable, e.g., had it not been for an associated head with which it was paired.18 Heads
on Attic funerary monuments from the of small-scale statues of a man (33) and a woman (43), perhaps Asklepios
2nd century a.d.; Agora XXXV, pp. 61, and Hygieia, were found together in a well south of the Kolonos Agoraios
63. Stewart (2012, p. 269) also notes (Figs. 3, 4). The heads are products of the same workshop: they are at the
heavy rasping on Roman-period hima-
tion statues at the Agora.
same scale, made of matching coarse-grained marble, and have dowel holes
17. I thank Andrew Stewart for this underneath with roughened joining surfaces. The summary detailing of the
suggestion. right beard of the man, and of the left hair of the woman, demonstrate that
18. I thank Andrew Stewart and she stood at his right side, and that their gazes intersected—an arrange-
Olga Palagia for their thoughtful dis- ment that concealed the less-finished areas. The right side of the man’s
cussion of these pieces. The interpreta-
neck was worked back, probably because the head looked down with the
tions presented are my own.
19. See, e.g., a statuette found at beard touching the upper chest and clavicle, an attested pose for Asklepios.
Epidauros of Hygieia with a snake The heads differ strikingly in the use of the drill. The curly hair of the man
(Athens, National Archaeological is styled with point drilling, whereas the drill is absent altogether in the
Museum 272: Kaltsas 2002, p. 367, hair of the woman. It seems the spirit of the iconographic models dictated
no. 782; Katakis 2002, pp. 31–32, the tools used. The hairstyle of the woman, swept back and gathered into
no. 29, pls. 34, 35); or, too, the figure of
Aigle from the Great Baths at Dion
a wide, folded bun, recalls a common arrangement worn by Aphrodite,
(Dion, Archaeological Museum 373: but it can, on occasion, fit Hygieia or the other daughters of Asklepios.19
Pandermalis 1997, p. 37, for profile Moreover, it is possible that 33 depicts another bearded god such as Zeus
view). There is no coronet (stephane) or Poseidon, but both are rare subjects among the small-scale statuary of
or headband (tainia) carved on 43. Athens. For these reasons, Asklepios and Hygieia (or another daughter of
For Aphrodite, see, e.g., S 574, a 1st-
the god), who frequently appeared together, are good candidates.
century b.c.(?) head identified as a
version of the Knidia, but with possible In terms of chronology, the drilling in the hair and the polished flesh
tainia and headscarf(?): Stewart 2017, lean in favor of a Roman date for small-scale statue 33. The figure’s narrow
pp. 101–102, 109, no. 4, fig. 14. eyes, gentle modeling, and soft outlines of the hair and beard, however,
550 brian martens
a b
a b
15
19
a b c d
Figure 6. Statuette of Asklepios (23):
connected that statuette to workshops in Asia Minor.27 As the evidence (a) front view; (b) right view; (c) back
now stands, there are several possibilities for the origin of statuette 8. Future view; (d) left view. Scale 2:3. Photos
marble provenance testing will better clarify the production locale of this C. Mauzy; courtesy Agora Excavations
statuette and its comparable figures.28
27. Ankara, Museum of Anatolian the time of publication. I am grateful to excluded for statuette 8. I thank our
Civilizations 12854; Filges 1999, Yannis Maniatis and Dimitris Tamba- colleagues from the Hellenic Ministry
p. 428, no. 19, pl. 37:4; H. 28.5 cm. kopoulos for sharing their preliminary of Culture and Sports, especially Kleio
28. The marble of 8 has been sam- thoughts on this piece and others. At Tsoga and Maria Liaska, for their sup-
pled, but the results were pending at present, a local Athenian stone can be port in conducting these analyses.
t h e s tat ua r y o f a s k l e p i o s f r o m t h e a g o r a 553
4 5 7 8
Figure 8 (above and opposite). Com-
garment envelops the body tightly, requiring that anatomy control the form parative compilation of selected
of the drapery. On better-preserved examples of this model, the opposite statuary of Asklepios Giustini, front
hand reaches down to grasp the serpent-entwined staff, which is wedged and back views (1–8). Scale 1:4 unless
otherwise indicated. Photos C. Mauzy;
under the armpit (Fig. 11).32 The feet are sandaled and an omphalos, the courtesy Agora Excavations
sacred symbol of Asklepios’s father, Apollo, is frequently sited at the left
side. The head is bearded and turned to the right, and the hair is bound by
32. Argos, Archaeological Museum
a rolled crown, circular in section, called a corona tortilis. 204: Marcadé 1980, pp. 135–139, no. 2,
There are modifications to the model. In a frequent version first at- figs. 3–5; Meyer 1994, pp. 11–13,
tested on votive reliefs of the late 4th century b.c., the V-shaped folds in no. G4, figs. 5, 20–22, pl. 5:a–c.
t h e s tat ua r y o f a s k l e p i o s f r o m t h e a g o r a 555
1:3
1:5 1:5
1 2 3
4 5 7 8
the drapery below the knees (14, 17) are replaced by diagonal pleats that
stretch from the left hip to the right ankle (2, 7, 8, 10, 12, 22).33 The result
is a shift in focus from the figure’s projecting right knee to the outthrust
left hip, giving a surer indication of the shifted weight. Versions with
this drapery composition have been subdivided into two models, com-
33. Meyer 1988, p. 154, with exam-
monly known in literature as the London-Eleusis and Amelung types.34
ples of votive reliefs.
34. Uhlmann 1980; Meyer 1988, Compared to its London-Eleusis counterpart, the Asklepios Amelung
pp. 141–149; Berger 1990; Freyer- type is characterized by harder drapery, a head that turns more sharply to
Schauenburg 2010–2011. the right, a curtailed S-curve with weight removed from the staff, a left
556 brian martens
1:5
14 16
1:4 1:5
1:4
17 18 20
1:5 1:5
1:4
9 10 11 12
1:5
14 16
17 18 20
21 22 23 24
558 brian martens
forearm concealed by the edge of the himation, and bare feet. Moreover,
on occasion, the Asklepios Amelung type adds narrative elements. Some
versions place an egg in the right hand, as in 20.35 Others, not attested at
the Agora, replace the omphalos with a scroll-box, or capsa, and show the
god holding a scroll, and one statuette from Dion shows the god with a
mouse.36 On the whole, the differences between the London-Eleusis and
Amelung formats are sometimes slight, and, as a result, the boundaries
between the two groups can be blurry, especially for our fragmentary
statuettes. Strikingly, most examples of the Asklepios Amelung belong
to the Roman period and are sculpted at under-life-size scales.37 Certain
nuances between the London-Eleusis and Amelung groups may therefore
35. See n. 21, above. Pandermalis 1998, pp. 167, 170, fig. 1). minted at Pergamon (a.d. 161–165),
36. On the capsa and scroll, see A similar-looking animal accompanies shows Asklepios on the reverse with
Freyer-Schauenburg 2010–2011, a statuette of Telesphoros found in a mouse; see RPC IV, no. 3209 (tem-
pp. 142–146. A miniature Roman- Thessaloniki, misidentified(?) in its porary number). The mouse, a rare
period statuette found at Dion (H. ca. primary publication as a dog (Thessa- attribute for Asklepios, may reference
15 cm; pers. obs.) depicts an Asklepios loniki, Archaeological Museum 1960: a connection with Apollo Smintheus.
on a molded plinth accompanied by a Despinis, Stefanidou-Tiveriou, and 37. For lists of relevant statuary, see
mouse at his left side (Dion, Archaeo- Voutiras 2003, pp. 55–56, no. 194, Uhlmann 1980, pp. 35–37; Freyer-
logical Museum, inv. no unknown: figs. 535–538). A coin of Lucius Verus, Schauenburg 2010–2011, pp. 151–157.
t h e s tat ua r y o f a s k l e p i o s f r o m t h e a g o r a 559
a b c d
head, which was located in the depots of the Agora for this study and is Figure 12. Small-scale statue of
now reunited with the torso, introduces a distinctive hairstyle with liberal Asklepios in the Giustini model (1):
drill work that resembles that of portraiture of the Flavian and Trajanic (a) front view; (b) right view; (c) back
view; (d) left view. Of the examples
periods. An asymmetrical band of tight curls, pushed forward by a thin
from the Agora, this piece is the most
fillet, frames the face. The top of the head is, in contrast, carved in flat,
faithful reiteration of the Giustini
parallel, wavy strands. The curly beard is generally symmetrical and is closely prototype (cf. Fig. 10). Scale ca. 1:5.
cropped at the sides, hanging heavier over the chin. The head diverges from Photos C. Mauzy; courtesy Agora
other close versions, such as a statue from the Theater Baths at Argos (see Excavations
Fig. 11) or a statue now in the Uffizi Gallery in Florence.39 The torso of
small-scale statue 1 was found in the immediate vicinity of a bathing es-
tablishment southwest of the Agora Square. Its viewing environment and
function are discussed in detail below, but let it suffice to say here that its 39. Argos, Archaeological Mu-
excellent quality and close evocation of a prototype were probably deemed seum 204: see n. 32, above. Florence,
necessary because of its public, civically oriented display inside the bath. It Uffizi Gallery 247: Meyer 1994,
was a carefully considered commission. pp. 9–11, no. G2, fig. 4.
The origins, chronology, and workmanship of the Asklepios Giustini 40. There is a lengthy bibliography
on the type; for summaries with rele-
have been much debated. Most agree that the original was an over-life-size vant literature, see LIMC II, 1984,
bronze statue of the early 4th century b.c., and some think that it stood p. 894, s.v. Asklepios (B. Holtzmann);
inside the temple at the Athenian Asklepieion.40 The image-type’s earliest Isthmia VI, pp. 44–46; for presentation
known occurrence is in Athens, found on a fragmentary late-4th-century b.c. in a tabular format, see also Berger
votive relief.41 Whatever the origins of the prototype, it is clear that by the 1990, pp. 208–209. The association
with the Athenian Asklepieion was first
Roman period the model—particularly in its London-Eleusis and Amelung
made by Neugebauer (1921, pp. 49–53).
manifestations—was favored for representations of the god. Unfinished 41. Athens, National Archaeological
statuettes from the Agora recall the Asklepios Giustini directly (14), or its Museum 2501: Svoronos 1903, pl. CLI;
variants (4, 9, 10, 20, 21, 24), indicating a clear preference among sculptors Meyer 1988, p. 154.
t h e s tat ua r y o f a s k l e p i o s f r o m t h e a g o r a 561
Oth er Model s
Two other models are identifiable in the Agora assemblage. The Eleusis
model (28, 29[?]) is named after a life-size statue of the god found in the
Sanctuary of Demeter and Kore at Eleusis (Fig. 14).46 The eponymous
b statue survives with its inscribed base, which indicates that it was dedicated
in the late 4th century b.c. The god holds the general pose of the Giustini
Figure 13. Athenian bronze coin model but is differentiated by the composition of the drapery. The himation
from the Agora (N 51460) with rep- is tucked under his left arm, and there is a long apron-like overfold at the
resentation of Asklepios in a version
waist. Statuette 28 (Fig. 15) brings the rolled edge of the himation lower
of the Giustini model (a); detail of
onto the abdomen so that it is no longer gathered high under the right arm.
figure (b). Notice the pose and com-
position of the drapery. Scale (a) 2:1. The miniature statuette 29 (Fig. 16) is reminiscent of the Eleusis model
Photo C. Mauzy; courtesy Agora Excavations with the himation brought even lower over the abdomen, but the weight
is reversed to the right leg.47
The Velia model, named for a reduced-scale statue found in Campania,
is represented by two statuettes at the Agora (26, 27; Figs. 17, 18).48 This
model reverses the posture of the Asklepios Giustini: the right leg is weight
bearing and the right hand rests on the hip. The god wears a loosely fitted
42. In Athens, see J. P. Shear 1936, (S-1999-008) is one of its few echoes nos. 276–278, s.v. Asklepios (B. Holtz-
pp. 312, 313, fig. 19; Agora XXVI, in marble; Stirling 2008, pp. 97–101, mann).
nos. 216, 277, 367; elsewhere, consider no. 3, figs. 5–7. 48. Velia, Archaeological Museum
Pergamon: RPC III, nos. 1728, 1736, 46. Eleusis, Archaeological Museum 4711: LIMC II, 1984, p. 888, no. 356,
1744. 5100: IG II2 4414; LIMC II, 1984, s.v. Asklepios (B. Holtzmann). For the
43. See n. 8, above, for the account- p. 882, no. 234, s.v. Asklepios (B. Holtz- type, see Katakis (2002, pp. 218, 407,
ing of the 29 examples. mann). nn. 680, 683), who argues for an eclec-
44. Lapatin 2001, pp. 109–111. 47. In this respect, it resembles the tic creation of the Roman period.
45. A statuette from Corinth Tunis type; LIMC II, 1984, p. 884,
562 brian martens
a b
himation that hangs freely over his left shoulder as he leans on the staff
positioned under his left arm, as in a small-scale statue from Epidauros that
was dedicated by the Neoplatonist Ploutarchos (Fig. 19).49 Statuettes 26
and 27 are similar in size and are sculpted from closely related, medium-
grained marbles, perhaps owing to their origin in the same workshop.
Finally, in his contribution to Lexicon Iconographicum Mythologiae
Classicae, Holtzmann assigned 30 (see Fig. 2) to the Albani model.50 Apart
from the figure’s bare left shoulder, the classification is hardly warranted.
The statuette has no close iconographic parallel among images of the god
known to me. As mentioned above, 30 belongs to a period when the god’s
49. Athens, National Archaeological statue from which this type receives
Museum 264: IG IV2 1, 436; Kaltsas its name, formerly in the Villa Albani,
2002, p. 366, no. 780; Katakis 2002, is Paris, Louvre Museum MA 639
pp. 23–25, no. 21, pls. 26–27. (LIMC II, 1984, p. 883, no. 257,
50. LIMC II, 1984, p. 883, no. 258, s.v. Asklepios [B. Holtzmann]).
s.v. Asklepios (B. Holtzmann). The
t h e s tat ua r y o f a s k l e p i o s f r o m t h e a g o r a 563
21 22 23
1:4 1:3
32 33 34 35
36 37 38 39
FINDS P OTS
20
16
15
Number of Figures
11
10 9
30
30
25
20
Number of Figures
15
10
2 2
1 1
0
1–20 21–40 41–60 61–80 81–100 101–120 121–140 141–160 161–180 181–200 200+
51. Southwest of the Agora Square: XIV, pp. 71, 187–188; Lawton 2006, 641–642. For a statuette of Asklepios
Young 1951, pp. 269–272; Agora XIV, p. 21; Camp 2010, p. 167. Library of from the sculptor’s workshop at Aphro-
pp. 177, 187; Lawton 2006, pp. 14–16; Pantainos: Shear 1935b, pp. 394–398, disias (Aphrodisias Excavations 69-139;
Camp 2010, p. 181. Southeast of the 415–416; Stevens 1949, p. 269; Agora original H. ca. 30 cm), see Rockwell
Agora Square: Thompson 1960, p. 333; XIV, pp. 114, 187; Camp 1992, p. 142; 1991, pp. 140, 143; Van Voorhis 2012,
Agora XIV, p. 187. South Square: Lawton 2006, pp. 22–23; Camp 2010, p. 46.
Thompson 1960, pp. 361–362; Agora p. 133; Stewart 2013, pp. 619–622,
568 brian martens
Museum NMA 201): Trianti 2011, slope of the Acropolis, though this p. 61, fig. 59.
pp. 388–390, no. 6, fig. 6. Telesphoros need not be the case. 61. IG II2 4492/3; D’Amico 2006,
(Athens, Acropolis Museum NMA 57. On the Southwest Baths, see pp. 691–692, fig. 3.
236): Trianti 2011, p. 390, no. 8, fig. 8. Shear 1969, pp. 394–415; Agora XXIV, 62. Aybek 2009, p. 15.
Other sculptures were found in the pp. 32–33; Camp 2010, p. 179. 63. See n. 53, above; other frag-
well, including a votive relief depicting 58. See n. 5, above. ments may belong to images of Iaso
Asklepios. Trianti (2011, p. 384) sug- 59. Shear 1997, pp. 509–512. and Telesphoros, possibly bringing the
gests that the assemblage originates 60. S 3510: Camp 2007, pp. 638– group to 10 pieces.
from the Asklepieion on the southern 639, no. 8, fig. 12; Riccardi 2009,
570 brian martens
a b
SAC RED P RE C I N C TS
There is no archaeologically attested sanctuary of Asklepios in the Agora
with which his statuary can be associated. Lawton has identified a shrine
for Asklepios and Hygieia in the City Eleusinion on the basis of a distri-
bution of votive reliefs as well as related sculptural and epigraphic finds.65
The shrine seems to have been established upon the arrival of Asklepios
in Athens in 420/19 b.c. A fragmentary inscription on an anatomical
relief has been restored as an offering to Asklepios, and it might indicate
the god’s presence at the Eleusinion as late as the 2nd century a.d.66 One
fragmentary statuette (27) was found in the area but probably comes from
modern foundations. Considering the small-scale and fragmentary nature
of the Agora assemblage, it is possible that some images, once sited as vo-
tive offerings, traveled from sanctuaries such as the Eleusinion, but now
we cannot establish their dedicatory character.67 Without a findspot that
locates a piece within a precinct, we must rely on epigraphic evidence to
reveal a votive function. Dedicatory inscriptions were routinely recorded
on plinths or bases, yet the Asklepioi, four of which have finished plinths
(13, 15, 19, 31), do not bear inscriptions. The Agora’s epigraphic collection
suggests that this is indicative of a larger trend. Out of the over 7,600 cata-
logued inscriptions, only three are known to me as dedications on statuette
plinths, although some statuettes were set into separate bases.68 In contrast
to the 4th-century b.c. reliefs that commonly bear the god’s image, votive
uses for his freestanding sculptures were infrequent in Roman Athens.
An exceptional assemblage of inscribed votive statuary of Asklepios was
found at Epidauros.69 The inscriptions on these statues proclaim the healing
65. Lawton 2015; Agora XXXVIII, Agora XVIII, p. 214, no. H394. ments and a snake head (S 1442,
pp. 36–37. 69. IG IV2 1, 436, 437, 475, 478, S 1443, S 1446, S 1485: Corinth XIV,
66. I 5721: Agora XVIII, p. 299, 498, 576. As far as I am aware, these p. 145, nos. 4–7, pl. 59); Thebai Phtio-
no. V574; Agora XXXVIII, pp. 42–43, are the only small-scale statues or statu- tis, Thessaly, a torso (inv. no. unknown:
no. 27. ettes of Asklepios in Greece that have Sismani-Adrymi 1989–1991, p. 210);
67. On the places of worship of votive functions secured by dedicatory Karditsa, Thessaly, a torso, (inv. no.
Asklepios in Athens, see Kutsch 1913, inscriptions. For two statuettes with unknown: Intzesiloglou 1988, p. 254);
pp. 16–39; Aleshire 1989, 1991; Greek dedicatory inscriptions from a Gonnoi, Thessaly, a torso (inv. no.
Riethmüller 2005, vol. 1, pp. 241–278, villa at Mediana in Moesia, see Tomo- unknown: Tziaphalias 1977, pp. 136–
vol. 2, pp. 10–22; Vikela 2006; Melfi vić 1993, pp. 98–99, nos. 112, 113, 137, pl. 81:β); Dion, a head (inv. no.
2007, pp. 313–433; Agora XXXVIII, figs. 35:4, 36:1, 2. For the possible unknown: Pandermalis 1983, p. 24);
pp. 36–37. association of a statuette of Asklepios Kos, two statuettes (inv. no. unknown:
68. Statuette of Aphrodite for (Athens, National Archaeological Herzog 1903, p. 196; 1905, p. 10);
Athena (I 1787): Meritt 1941, pp. 63– Museum, inv. no. unknown) with a Lissos, Crete, a statuette (Chania, inv.
64, no. 29; Agora XVIII, p. 304, dedicatory base (IG IV 847), both no. unknown: LIMC II, 1984, p. 883,
no. V583. Statuette of Herakles or found at Kalaureia on Poros, see Mylo- no. 243, s.v. Asklepios [B. Holtzman]);
Dionysos to an unknown deity for nopoulos 2003, p. 79. More statuettes, Pergamon, a seated statuette and a
deliverance from a fever (I 4112): without inscriptions, have been found statuette with plinth (Pergamon, Ar-
Agora XVIII, p. 299, no. V573, pl. 58. at Greek Asklepieia, possibly sited as chaeological Museum OH 64 ST 0/2
Statuette of Aphrodite to an unknown offerings: Piraeus, three statuettes (inv. and OH 69 ST 534/4: AvP XI.2,
deity by a priestess (S 651 + I 6497): no. unknown: Kutsch 1913, p. 134–135, pp. 132–133, nos. 694, 695, pls. 70, 71).
Meritt 1963, p. 49, no. 74, pl. 15; nos. 122–124); Corinth, three frag-
572 brian martens
70. Ploutarchos, a priest of Askle- 428; Katakis 2002, pp. 73–75, no. 70. Asklepios; for a survey of these issues,
pios and Dionysos in Athens, dedicated On Nicagoras, see Clinton 1974, see Stirling 2008, pp. 147–150.
a small-scale statue of Asklepios at pp. 64–66, no. 30. 73. On the transfer of statuary
the Epidaurian Asklepieion (Athens, 71. Melfi 2007, p. 126. A new teme- from private to public locations in
National Museum 264); see n. 49, nos constructed during the reign of Late Antiquity, see, e.g., Jacobs 2016,
above. Ploutarchos was probably the Julian the Apostate enclosed the central pp. 108–111.
grandfather or great-grandfather of the area of the sanctuary, pointing to con- 74. The rededication of older
late-4th- or early-5th-century a.d. tinued use of the temple, abaton, and monuments is well attested at Epidau-
Neoplatonic philosopher Ploutarchos, other ritually important buildings; see ros in the Roman period; see Griesbach
who was also a priest of Asklepios; see Kanellopoulos 2000. 2014.
Castrén 1989, pp. 45–48; 1994, pp. 6–7. 72. See n. 70, above. Stephanidou- 75. Athens, National Archaeological
Marcus Junius Nicagoras of Athens, Tiveriou 1993a, pp. 134–135; 1993b, Museum 285: IG IV2 1, 457; Katakis
son of M. Junius Minucianus, dedicated pp. 223–227. Katakis (2002, pp. 201– 2002, pp. 58–59, no. 56, pl. 71.
a small-scale statue of Athena to the 204) argues for production contempo- 76. IG IV2 1, 471 with IG IV2 1,
goddess at Epidauros (Athens, National rary with the inscriptions, as does Han- 686, and IG IV2 1, 472 with IG IV2 1,
Archaeological Museum 274): IG IV2 1, nestad (2007, p. 275) in the case of the 213, respectively.
t h e s tat ua r y o f a s k l e p i o s f r o m t h e a g o r a 573
77. A small-scale statue from the Tinh 1983, p. 91, no. IA 5, fig. 6); and 79. The statue was found in close
National Gardens at Athens, possibly a statue from Stratonikeia, possibly proximity to a limekiln. An alternative
of Asklepios-Sarapis (Athens, National Asklepios-Sarapis (inv. no. unknown: interpretation is that it was transported
Archaeological Museum 1794: Katakis Özgan 1999, pp. 124–125, no. K 29, here and awaited burning; see Martens
2007, figs. 8–11); a statue from Leptis pl. 39:d). 2015, p. 60.
Magna (inv. no. unknown: Tran Tam 78. Martens 2015.
574 brian martens
a b c d
Figure 25. Head of a statuette of
H O U SES Asklepios (39), from a private house:
(a) front view; (b) right view; (c) back
Private houses crowded the edges of the Agora from its designation as a pub- view; (d) left view. Scale 2:3. Photos
lic space. Residential districts were concentrated south and west of the public C. Mauzy; courtesy Agora Excavations
square, especially along the slopes of the Kolonos Agoraios and the Areo-
pagos, and in the valley between the Areopagos and the Pnyx.80 We find
clusters of Asklepioi in these areas (see Fig. 1), and to judge by the findspots,
it is highly probable that many of the Agora figures performed domestic roles.
Two statuettes of Asklepios (20, 39; Figs. 9, 16, 25) belonged to
the sculptural assemblage of a Roman house located south of the Agora
Square. The residence, called the Southwest House because of its position
in an excavation sector, sits low on the northern slope of the Areopagos
(Figs. 1, 26).81 Its back wall was cut into the bedrock of the hill, preserving
parts of the structure up to 2.50 m in height. A long history of inhabita-
tion beginning in the 5th century b.c. makes the history and layout of the
Roman-period residence difficult to disentangle, but a partial plan can be
discerned. The house had a central courtyard (VI) that opened onto the
street. Two rooms (V, VII) opened onto the courtyard, and there were three
rooms at the south (I, II, III) that were entered through a vestibule. It is
uncertain whether or not two rooms at the northwestern corner (IV, VIII)
belonged to the Roman phase of the house.
The excavator, Eugene Vanderpool, found an assemblage of marble
sculptures over a hard-packed earthen floor at the eastern edge of Room I.
The figures include an archaistic statuette of Tyche, a statuette of a Knidian
Aphrodite, a statuette of Artemis holding a torch, and a suspended plaque
of the Mother of the Gods enthroned.82 In addition, fragments of two
terracotta figurines belonging to an Artemis and an Eros (Fig. 27) were
also excavated, as well as a relief fragment of a satyr in poros limestone.83
A high concentration of painted plaster was recovered in the 0.50 m deep
stratum over the floor, making it clear that the fill belonged to the collapse
80. On houses around the Agora, pl. 23:c; LIMC VIII, 1997, p. 120, publication (Agora VI, p. 51, no. 278,
see Young 1951, pp. 272–279; Agora no. 44, s.v. Tyche (L. Villard). Aphro- pl. 7) as “Attis(?),” in fact belongs to
XIV, pp. 173–185; Camp 1992, dite (S 873): unpublished. Artemis the Artemis. Eros (T 2266): Agora VI,
pp. 148–150; Tsakirgis 2005, 2009. (S 911): unpublished. Mother of the p. 76, no. 970. Poros relief (S 874):
81. On this house, see Shear 1938, Gods (S 872): Vermaseren 1982, p. 25, Stewart 2013, pp. 629–630, no. 12,
p. 325; Thompson 1958, p. 147; Agora no. 61, pl. IX; also part of an in-prog- fig. 15; Stewart considers the poros
XXIV, p. 36; for a plan of the Roman- ress study by Carol Lawton. relief to be a sculptor’s model or para-
period house, see Agora Notebook Φ 7, 83. Artemis (T 1410): Agora VI, deigma, but poros could be used for
p. 1395. p. 42, no. 1, pl. 1; LIMC II, 1984, functional sculpture in its own right,
82. Tyche (S 871): Agora XI, p. 72, p. 685, no. 857, s.v. Artemis (L. Kahil). especially considering the strikingly
no. 119, pl. 25; Agora XXIV, p. 36, A head (T 1409), identified in its main high quality of this piece.
t h e s tat ua r y o f a s k l e p i o s f r o m t h e a g o r a 575
VIII VII
Street
IV V VI
Court
II
Vestibule
I
III
Later wall
of the residence itself. The destruction event occurred in the late 3rd century
a.d. on the basis of pottery and a coin of Aurelian (a.d. 270–275), thereby
placing the abandonment of the house shortly after its exclusion from the
circuit of the Post-Herulian Wall.84 It was in the above stratum—mixed, but
“not very sharply separated”—that Vanderpool found the two statuettes of
Asklepios (20, 39).85 This layer contained large quantities of the same paint-
ed plaster found below, as well as a lamp dated to the late 3rd century a.d.86
It follows that the layer in which 20 and 39 were found should also belong
to the destruction of the house, with the lamp providing a contempo-
rary chronological indicator. With the addition of the two statuettes of
Asklepios, the assemblage of marbles from the Southwest House rises to
six pieces, none of which stood higher than 40 cm.
Room I, the findspot of the statuettes, is the home’s largest preserved
space, measuring about 5 × 8 m. It did not have direct access to the courtyard
and was reached instead through the vestibule. The concentrated findspots
of the statuary along the eastern wall of the room point to a group display.
Several pieces seem to have fallen from a high position, perhaps from a shelf
or furniture. The torso of the marble Artemis, for instance, was found broken
in two pieces. Other fragments belonging to the statuettes are now missing,
having been displaced by the insertion of a later wall through the center of
the room (see Fig. 26). While the cause of destruction is uncertain (the afore-
mentioned coin dates after the Herulian invasion), a fire is evident, as burned
surfaces were noticed in other rooms of the house. The event must have been
sudden and catastrophic enough to prevent retrieval of the sculptures.
The assemblage from the Southwest House is characteristic of the
homes of Roman Athens where small images of the gods were frequently
displayed. Asklepios and Tyche—concerned with health, welfare, and pros-
perity—were especially appropriate for domestic display. Aphrodite and
Eros oversaw matters of love, sexuality, and fertility, so their presence, too,
at the heart of the family structure is not difficult to explain. Aphrodite,
in fact, ranks as the most frequent divinity among the Agora’s small-scale
marble statuary.87 Small reliefs or statuettes depicting the Mother of the
Gods enthroned within a naiskos figured prominently in household shrines
in Greece, and many have been found in the Agora.88 The appearance of
84. Coin: Agora N 70784. Frantz the context pottery for the assemblage dence, see Stewart 2012, p. 338, n. 152.
(Agora XXIV, p. 36) implied, incor- of statuary (lots Φ 117, Φ 118) confirms 88. Bouyia 2008, p. 228. A relief
rectly, that the statuettes belonged to a Vanderpool’s assessment of abandon- of the Mother of the Gods was found
later reoccupation of the house in the ment in the later 3rd century a.d. The in situ in a domestic shrine on the
4th and 5th centuries a.d. (contra pottery resembles Robinson’s group K southern slope of the Acropolis in the
Agora Notebook Φ 2, pp. 410–414). (Agora V, pp. 58–72), and there is no so-called House of Proklos (Athens,
Some measure of later activity in the pottery with gouged decoration present. Acropolis Museum 1955 NAM 12:
Southwest House is known: 4th- and In addition, a lamp disk stored with Karivieri 1994, p. 132, fig. 18; Brous-
5th-century a.d. pottery was found in the pottery is mid-3rd century a.d. kari 2002, pp. 125–126, fig. 130). A
substantial quantities in a disturbed (as Agora VII, p. 138, no. 1259, pl. 25). statuette of the Mother of the Gods
part of Room I, suggesting a period of 85. Agora Notebook Φ 2, p. 414. formed part of a probable domestic
partial reoccupation (Agora Notebook 86. Agora L 2911: Agora VII, p. 118, shrine in a 4th-century a.d. villa in the
Φ 2, p. 414). Moreover, a rubble wall no. 778, pl. 17. The context pottery for National Gardens at Athens (Athens,
cutting through Room I should belong this upper stratum, lost shortly after Ephorate of Antiquities of the City
to this later phase (Agora Notebook excavation, could not be studied in of Athens M 2549: Katakis 2012,
Φ 7, p. 1316). Two Late Roman burials comparison to the lower level. Two figs. 5–9). The Agora’s sizable corpus
were found near the house, one built 2nd-century a.d. coins were recorded of marble images of the Mother of the
against an exterior wall in the mid- in this stratum. Gods is the focus of an in-progress
4th century a.d. A reexamination of 87. For a preliminary list of the evi- study by Carol Lawton.
t h e s tat ua r y o f a s k l e p i o s f r o m t h e a g o r a 577
the Mother of the Gods may imply a civic connection for the inhabitants of
the Southwest House as her cult was housed nearby on the western side of
the Agora within the city’s archive. The marble statuette of Artemis depicts
the goddess as a huntress carrying a torch. This image could reference a
connection to Hekate, with whom Artemis was sometimes syncretized
and who regularly carried a torch or torches.89 Such images of Artemis
or Hekate were apotropaic devices commonly set up in houses, usually at
thresholds.90 So, too, we might envision the Mother of the Gods, as some
of her images are flanked by Hekate.91 As images of the divine, these figures
carried inherent religious meaning within the polytheistic society of Athens
and had the potential to have religious meanings activated.
Literary and historical sources position Asklepios prominently within the
house. An epigram attributed to the 3rd-century b.c. poet Theokritos (Epigr.
8) memorializes a wooden statue of Asklepios kept by the Milesian doctor
Nikias: ὅς μιν ἐπ’ ἦμαρ ἀεὶ θυέεσσιν ἱκνεῖται, καὶ τόδ’ ἀπ’ εὐώδους γλύψατ’
ἄγαλμα κέδρου (who every day without fail prays to him with offerings and
has had this statue carved from fragrant cedarwood).92 Theokritos does not
state specifically the location of the wooden figure, but surely its routine
worship occurred inside Nikias’s house. At Panamara, within the territory
of Stratonikeia, a stele found in the sanctuary of Zeus Panamaros records
a dedication “to the household gods Zeus Ktesios, Tyche, and Asklepios.”93
The appearance of Tyche alongside Asklepios recalls the assemblage from
the Southwest House, where a statuette of the goddess was found.
These sources describe a private interest in Asklepios that was long-
standing. Asklepios is, in fact, among the earliest marble subjects found
inside a Greek house. A statuette of the god was found in the andron of
House B vi 7 at Olynthos.94 It must date before the destruction of the city
in 348 b.c., making this figure the earliest known appearance of Asklepios
in marble in the domestic sphere.
Statuettes 20 and 39 are the clearest instances of domestic display
among the Asklepioi from the Agora, but connections can be made for
others. Literary sources clarify the functions of statuettes and assist with
recognizing clues in the archaeological record that would indicate domestic
roles. Porphyry (Abst. 2.16.4) preserves a passage by the 4th-century b.c.
historian Theopompos about an Arcadian man’s care for his household
gods. His report indicates that divine images were used in household cult
and that their care was a demonstration of religious piety:
τὸν δὲ Κλέαρχον φάναι ἐπιτελεῖν καὶ σπουδαίως θύειν ἐν
τοῖς προσήκουσι χρόνοις, κατὰ μῆνα ἕκαστον ταῖς νουμηνίαις
89. On Artemis with a torch, offered a votive relief (Delos, Ar- p. 150, no. 283: τοῖς ἐνοικιδίοις θεοῖς
see LIMC II, 1984, pp. 654–661, chaeological Museum A 3236) to Διὶ Κτησίῳ καὶ Τύχῃ καὶ Ἀσκληπίῳ.
nos. 407–514, s.v. Artemis (L. Kahil); the goddess showing her carrying 94. Thessaloniki, Archaeological
Vikela 2015, pp. 80–85. torches, suggesting parallel iconogra- Museum 226: Olynthus XII, pp. 130–
90. See, e.g., in the entrance corri- phy: ID 2379; Siebert 1966, pp. 447, 137, pls. 115, 116, 118, 119; Despinis,
dor of House E on Delos, a base dedi- 450, 455, figs. 5, 6. Stefanidou-Tiveriou, and Voutiras
cated to Artemis Soteira by Spurius 91. I am thankful to Carol Lawton 1997, pp. 49–50, no. 29, figs. 58–61;
Stertenius (Delos, Archaeological for this suggestion. original H. of figure ca. 35–40 cm. For
Museum A 1416): ID 2378; Siebert 92. Trans. N. Hopkinson, Cam- another possible statuette of Asklepios
1966, pp. 447, 450, 455, figs. 3, 4; bridge, Mass., 2015. from Olynthos, found in House A iv 7,
Kreeb 1988, pp. 196–197; Rathmayr 93. Deschamps and Cousin 1888, see Olynthus XII, p. 77.
2016, p. 164. The same dedicant pp. 269–270, no. 54; Şahin 1981,
578 brian martens
95. Trans. Faraone 2008, p. 211. 118, 200, 220, 259, 350. In Petronius’s Cambridge, Mass., 1919.
For the Greek text, see Bonffar- Satyricon (29.8), Trimalchio’s guest 99. Herakles (S 588): unpublished.
tigue and Patillon 1979, vol. 2, declares: praeterea grande armarium in Portrait herm (S 586): T. L. Shear
pp. 84–85. angulo vidi, in cuius aedicula erant lares 1935a, pp. 443–444, fig. 7; 1936a,
96. See n. 88, above. argentei positi Venerisque signum pp. 16–17, fig. 14; Agora I, pp. 35–37,
97. See n. 144, below. marmoreum (and in a corner I saw a no. 25, pl. 17; Agora XVIII, p. 199,
98. For marble statuary found in, large cupboard containing a tiny shrine, no. H372; Gawlinski 2014, pp. 87–88,
or associated with, lararia at Pompeii, wherein were silver lares, and a marble fig. 50.
see Boyce 1937, nos. 10, 13, 42, 67, image of Venus); trans. M. Heseltine,
t h e s tat ua r y o f a s k l e p i o s f r o m t h e a g o r a 579
a b c d e
Figure 29. Bronze statuettes from a
house on the Kolonos Agoraios: Apis or Zeus; and a base for an unknown figure.100 Over the debris of the
(a) Pan, B 241; (b) Herakles, B 240; house, excavators also found a bronze figurine of Hermes.101 The bronzes
(c) bull, B 239; (d) serpent, B 253; (Fig. 29) were surely used in household cult; they are comparable to other
(e) Hermes, B 248. Scale 1:2. Photos such deposits from the Agora, one of which includes a lar.102 We cannot
C. Mauzy; courtesy Agora Excavations
know if 13 came from the same group, but its deposition together with
the bronzes at least raises the possibility.103 The cistern was filled after the
Herulian sack with debris from a nearby house. The source of the fill is
secured by lead tokens with the same countermark that were found both
in the cistern and in the destruction debris of the house.104 No sculpture
was found within the residence, but a herm of Herakles in rosso antico and a
head of a small-scale statue of Dionysos wearing an ivy wreath were found
in a channel leading to the cistern.105
The architectural remains of the house have not been fully published,
and future work will be needed in order to establish the phases of its con-
struction and use. It is clear, however, that the residence was luxuriously
furnished. The herm of Herakles in deep red marble, though small, was
100. Dancing male (B 241): T. L. head of a boy, possibly Eros (T 874: Artemis, possibly in an arrangement
Shear 1936a, p. 19, fig. 16. Herakles Agora VI, p. 50, no. 253, pl. 6). used for cult (http://www.ekathimerini
(B 240): T. L. Shear 1936a, p. 19, 101. B 248: T. L. Shear 1936a, p. 19, .com/205425/article/ekathimerini
fig. 16. Serpent (B 253): T. L. Shear fig. 16; Mattusch 1982, p. 26, fig. 53. /life/archaeologists-make-exciting-
1936a, p. 19, fig. 16; Thompson and 102. Sharpe 2014, pp. 145–167. discovery-at-aptera-in-crete).
Frantz 1959, fig. 79. Bull (B 239): 103. The co-occurrence would not 104. See Agora X, pp. 112–113,
Mattusch 1982, p. 10, fig. 21. Base be unusual. The popular press has re- 137; the other deposits are D 11:6 and
(B 2253): unpublished. Two terra- ported a recent discovery in a Roman D 11:7.
cottas were also found in the cistern: villa in Aptera, Crete, where a marble 105. Herakles (S 590): Agora XI,
the head of a male youth (T 873: statuette of Apollo was found set into a p. 173, no. 230. Dionysos (S 589):
Agora VI, p. 55, no. 404, pl. 9), and the base alongside a bronze statuette of Shear 1935a, pp. 444–447, fig. 9.
580 brian martens
high and thus not smaller than some of the miniatures presented in this
study. Meanwhile, the largest image is a fragmentary Artemis reconstructed
at over 90 cm with its plinth. Wide ranges in chronology and scale imply
that the sculptures were brought together over an extended period of time,
probably inherited as heirloom pieces over many generations, as with
our previous examples. The circumstances of their acquisition cannot be
determined with certainty, but it is clear that they were not sculpted as a
single programmatic commission. The statuettes may have once formed a
household shrine, but at the time of their deposition they were sequestered
away in a small room, having been decommissioned and placed in storage.
Still more houses in the eastern Mediterranean have been found con-
taining marble statuary of Asklepios: at Amphipolis and Dion in northern
Greece, on the islands of Delos and Kos, at Aphrodisias, Ephesos, and Side
in Asia Minor, and at Nea Paphos and Kourion on Cyprus.113 Examples
such as these provide a broader context in which to understand the display
of statuary of Asklepios in domestic settings. Moreover, with the aid of
authors such as Theokritos and Porphyry, we can best envision the place-
ment of statuettes in households for the purposes of cult.
The frequent presence of Asklepios in the private realm is easily
explained: concerned with health and welfare, he attended to universal,
yet personal, human concerns. It is tempting to connect the popularity of
Asklepios inside homes of the Roman period with historical events such
as the widespread plague under Marcus Aurelius.114 Asklepios was, after
all, introduced to Athens in the wake of a devastating epidemic in the early
420s b.c., and to Rome under similar circumstances in the late 290s b.c.115
The so-called Antonine plague, which had been carried by Roman sol-
diers returning from eastern campaigns, seems to have reached Athens
by a.d. 174/5. There is a possible epigraphic reference to the plague in
113. At Amphipolis, from a Late from the North Temenos House, a intact statuette with inscribed plinth
Hellenistic level(?) of a house, a torso of fragmentary small-scale statue (Aphro- (Paphos, Archaeological Museum
Asklepios (Amphipolis, Archaeological disias Excavations 1966-19, 1966-215 FR 1/67; H. 48.0 cm): Daszewski 1968,
Museum, inv. no. unknown; original A–C; original H. ca. 75–90 cm): Dil- pp. 52–53, pl. XIV:1; Fejfer 2006,
H. ca. 55 cm): Malama and Salonikios lon 1997, p. 742. At Ephesos, from p. 114, figs. 45:h, 46:h; a torso with
2002, p. 152, fig. 12. At Dion, in the the Terrace Houses, four statuettes: plinth (Paphos, Archaeological Mu-
building where the hydraulis was found, (1) Ephesos Excavations H1/91/8; ori- seum FR 1/65; original H. ca. 45 cm):
possibly a domestic structure in part, a ginal H. ca. 25–30 cm: Ephesos VIII.4, Fejfer 2006, p. 114, fig. 45:b. At Kou-
miniature statuette of Asklepios with a p. 191, no. S 2, pl. 74; (2) Selçuk, Ar- rion, from the House of the Gladiators,
mouse (see n. 36, above). On Delos, a chaeological Museum 13/38/72; origi- a small-scale statue with plinth (inv. no.
serpent-entwined staff (Delos, Archae- nal H. ca. 30–35 cm: Ephesos VIII.4, unknown; original H. ca. 120 cm):
ological Museum A 66): Kreeb 1988, p. 204, no. S 89, pl. 110; (3) Selçuk, Fejfer 2006, p. 120, fig. 53.
p. 192, no. S 17.3. On Kos, from the Archaeological Museum 2166; original 114. On the Antonine plague,
House of the Rape of Europa, a small- H. ca. 40 cm: Ephesos VIII.8, vol. 2, most probably smallpox, see the
scale statue with plinth (Kos, Archaeo- p. 665, no. B-S 4, pl. 282; (4) Selçuk, important collection of papers in
logical Museum 101; original H. ca. Archaeological Museum 32/44/75; Lo Cascio 2012.
130–150 cm): Sirano 2005, pp. 156, original H. ca. 30 cm: Ephesos VIII.10, 115. The importation of Asklepios
158, fig. 20; from the Casa Romana, vol. 2, p. 561, no. S 5, pl. 259. At Side, a to Athens for reasons of the plague
a now-lost statuette: Albertocchi 1997, plinth of a statuette from a house(?), alone has been questioned by Wick-
p. 120. At Aphrodisias, from a channel probably Asklepios with an omphalos kiser (2008, pp. 90–105). On his
of the North Byzantine House, a statu- (Side, Archaeological Museum 736; importation to Rome, see Livy 10.47;
ette on a base alongside a possible Ky- original H. ca. 25–30 cm[?]): İnan Ovid Met. 622–744; see also Renberg
bele (Aphrodisias Excavations 1986-20; 1975, p. 204, no. 218, pl. CI:3. At Nea 2006–2007, pp. 88–89.
H. 22 cm): Erim 1990, p. 27, fig. 30; Paphos, from the House of Theseus, an
582 brian martens
116. Oliver 1970 (SEG XXIX 127): Asklepios and Athena. In contrast, at no. T 582) indicates that the sanctu-
letters from Marcus Aurelius to the Rome, Asklepios seems to have no ary still functioned in some healing
Athenians, 174/5 a.d., plaque II, official role in warding off the Anto- capacity around the mid-5th century
lines 57–68, relaxing regulations for nine plague; see Renberg 2006–2007, a.d., although there is scant archaeo-
appointment to the Areopagos because p. 90, n. 9. logical evidence.
there were so few men eligible in the 118. On the impact to industry 122. On the reuse of stone from the
city; for the letter as reference to the elsewhere, see Duncan-Jones 1996, Asklepieion after the construction of
plague, see Duncan-Jones 1996, p. 134. pp. 129–130. So, too, we probably should the Post-Herulian Wall, see Agora
Possible evidence for the plague has not expect increases in dedications. XVIII, p. 297.
been proposed elsewhere in Greece, 119. The corpus of Roman-period 123. Papaefthimiou 2009, pp. 86–
e.g., Asklepios appears more frequently marble statuettes from the Agora was 87; for possible use of the altar into the
on coinage at Corinth around the time the focus of my doctoral dissertation mid-5th century a.d., see Lefantzis and
of the Antonine plague; see Hoskins (Martens 2018). Jensen 2009, p. 111, n. 5.
Walbank 2010, pp. 182–184. 120. The end of pagan activity at 124. A Christian basilica on the site
117. Aelius Aristides (Or. 48.37–45, the site remains controversial; cf. Melfi was probably dedicated to St. Andrew,
50.9, 51.25), who contracted the plague 2007, pp. 395–407. who acted as a healer; see Gregory
at Smyrna around a.d. 165, attributed 121. Marinus (Vita Procli 29: Edel- 1986, pp. 237–240; Melfi 2007,
his recovery to the intervention of stein and Edelstein 1945, pp. 322–324, pp. 406–407.
t h e s tat ua r y o f a s k l e p i o s f r o m t h e a g o r a 583
a b c d
Figure 30. Statuette of Asklepios
Giustini (2): (a) front view; (b) right
view; (c) back view; (d) left view. The
piece was defaced through the forc-
ible removal of the god’s attributes.
Scale 1:5. Photos C. Mauzy; courtesy Agora
Excavations
the late 4th or early 5th century a.d., and that, given its hidden location, it
was intended as a private statement of faith, maybe by the sculptor.133 Simi-
larly, the inscription on 23 is difficult to see and is placed at an understated
location on the side of the arm. On the one hand, the inscription could be
original to the figure, added as a mark of faith by its owner or sculptor. A
second possibility is that the inscription reinterpreted 23 for use within a
Christian context. It is thought, for example, that some images of Asklepios
were altered and given new meaning as Christ. On Cyprus, a small-scale
statue of Asklepios from the House of the Gladiators was carefully recut
to remove the snake and staff, while the figure was preserved.134 A further
possibility is that the inscription was an act of defacing, as we suppose for
the Roman grave relief mentioned above. Whatever the intention of the
three letters on 23, the inscription fits within Christian responses to figural
sculpture. Without a parallel, I am hesitant to propose an interpretation
of XΜ̣Θ̣.135 As with any abbreviation, the letters were likely understood
differently according to person, place, and time.
Whereas 23 is a probable work of the 4th century a.d., other statu-
ettes had been produced centuries earlier and continued to be used during
Late Antiquity. As explained above, statuette 30 (see Fig. 2) was probably
produced in the Hellenistic period. Three dowel holes, not original to
the sculpture, establish its longevity; restorations were made once at the
head and twice underneath at the lower mantle and ankles. The extensive
presence of the rasp throughout the drapery might indicate a refinishing
and renewal of the figure’s mantle. The treasured image was apparently
repaired on several occasions during its lifetime. The statuette was reused
as building material in a Byzantine wall, indicating that it was at least
known and available for use late into antiquity. Even as evidence for the
cult declines at the god’s Acropolis sanctuary, this sculpture hints that the
worship of Asklepios continued in the private sphere. The lives of some of
our statuettes were remarkably long, and several no doubt bridge centuries
and generations. We witness in some of these images the final vestiges of
Asklepian cult at Athens.
CON C LU S I ON S
strong preference for figures of Asklepios in the Giustini model that stand
around 20–40 cm high. The god is one of the most well-represented divini-
ties among the Agora’s divine statuary, outnumbered only by Aphrodite,
the Mother of the Gods, and herms. His concentrated presence reflects
widespread popularity in Athens, and, no doubt, excavations elsewhere
in the city would reveal figures in similar quantities.136 When viewed in
isolation, most of the Asklepioi reveal stubbornly little about their lives.
When viewed as a group, however, their stories are brought to life again,
revealing a great deal about the society and religious culture in which
these images functioned. No doubt the ongoing excavations will add more
evidence that will continue to unravel the religious lives of Asklepios in
the round.
thigh, indicating an outthrust right knee. At the back, the himation arcs from the
left shoulder, gathering under the right arm. Continuous vertical folds fall over
the left arm and undulate at the edge. The drapery, pulled taut over the projecting
right buttock, reveals the figure’s shifting weight.
The most striking feature of the head is the extensively drilled hair and beard.
A mass of curls frames the face and is held forward by a narrow fillet. The hair on
top of the head is rendered as shallow wavy lines radiating from a part that runs
down the center of the head. There is a badly corroded lead-tin pin on top of the
head, which stabilized the head for display during its later reuse. The figure’s eyes
are recessed under a heavy brow. A deep furrow at the forehead and a shallower
one above the nose further indicate a mature age. The gaze is directed forward.
The eyes are almond shaped with thick upper lids. The tear duct is present only at
the left eye. The nose, now missing, was long and narrow at the bridge. The upper
lip barely emerges from the flowing mustache, but the bottom lip is prominently
articulated with a narrow channel between the lips, giving a slight opening to the
mouth. The beard is curly, thicker over the chin.
The head (S 1067) is unpublished. For the torso (S 1991), see Thompson
1958, p. 154, pl. 43:d; Meyer 1988, pp. 121, 125, 128, no. G9; 1994, pp. 17–18,
no. G9, figs. 11–13; Martens 2015, p. 52, fig. 6.6.
Late Flavian or Trajanic period, given the elaborately drilled hair and beard,
the slightly large head, and the rasped drapery.
T. L. Shear 1936b, pp. 197–198, fig. 17; Meyer 1988, pp. 141–142, no. LE5,
pl. 19:3; Freyer-Schauenburg 2010–2011, pp. 139–140.
Middle of the 2nd century a.d.
below. Deep V-shaped folds collect over the groin. Drapery at the back is heavy and
schematic. Folds arc from the left side of the figure toward the right knee and ankle.
Unpublished.
Roman period.
The elongated figure stands with weight on the left leg. The upper body leans
sharply to the figure’s right side. The figure wears a closely fitted himation over
the left shoulder; the garment clings unnaturally to the side of the shoulder and
upper arm. The space under the left arm is drilled deeply, creating a cavity that
exposes the armpit and inner biceps. The himation collects high under the right
armpit, arcs low over the abdomen in an untwisted swath, and is tossed over the
projecting left elbow. The chest and right arm are bare. Thick folds collect under
the projecting left arm. The drapery at the back is schematic and summary. At the
back, parallel, vertical folds run down the left side of the body to create a mass of
drapery that is comparable to statuette 2.
Unpublished.
Roman period.
plinth; the right foot is outturned. The toes and toenails are delineated with inci-
sions. The line separating each toe continues under the strap of the sandal and onto
the top of the foot. At the figure’s right side is the tail of a coiled snake and to the
left is a broken omphalos. The spreading break over the omphalos suggests it was
topped by falling drapery. Telesphoros stands at the front left corner of the plinth,
now preserved only as tiny bare feet brought closely together and emerging from
ground-length drapery. The front and lateral faces of the plinth have a molding
with a top fillet projecting farther than the bottom fillet. The molding at the left
side is incomplete, having only been sketched. The back face of the plinth is flat.
Unpublished.
Mid-2nd to 3rd centuries a.d., given the presence of Telesphoros.
Missing: head with neck, right arm from below the biceps, and lower body
along a diagonal break running from the left hip to the right knee. The staff is
broken immediately under the right arm. The surface is worn and there is iron
corrosion on chest. There are root marks on the back.
White, fine-grained marble. There are abundant marks of the flat chisel over
the drapery and the upper abdomen, possibly indicating that this piece is unfinished.
The statuette adopts the posture and composition of the Eleusis model. The
figure stands on its left leg while the right leg is relaxed. The balance of the weight
is placed on a staff, a short fragment of which is preserved under the right arm.
The figure wears a heavy himation over the left shoulder and under the right arm,
leaving the chest bare. The ends of the himation are tucked under the left arm,
apparently having been gathered in the left hand, which hides behind the project-
ing hip. A large overfold in the himation hangs across the waist, almost reaching
the knees. The right arm is held back slightly, probably indicating a bent elbow.
The deep break at the neck suggests a bearded figure who directed his gaze to the
right. The back is almost entirely enveloped within the himation with only the
right shoulder bare. Folds at the reverse are summary.
Hausmann 1954–1955, p. 146; LIMC II, 1984, p. 883, no. 241, s.v. Asklepios
(B. Holtzmann).
Roman period(?).
lip. The mouth is closed. Long, tousled hair surrounds the face and falls onto the
shoulders. A narrow band, round in section—possibly the corona tortilis—encircles
the crown of the head. The hair on the back of the head was carved summarily.
Unpublished.
Roman period, probably 3rd century a.d.
White, fine-grained marble. The flesh has traces of a reflective polish. Drill
dots mark the tear ducts, nostrils, and edges of the mouth.
The head glances to the right. It wears the corona tortilis with diagonal incisions
to indicate its rolled material. The figure’s long hair is parted at the center, falling
in long curled locks that frame the face. The full beard with mustache conceals
the upper lip. The upper eyelids are thick. There is a slight furrow at the brow.
Unpublished.
Roman period.
The figure has long wavy hair, parted and gathered at the back into a wide,
folded bun. The hair along the face is combed back; not all strands begin from the
hairline. Detailing of the hair is more summary on the left side of the head; no
strands of hair are carved on the left side of the bun. The head turns to the left.
The part of the hair is slightly off-center, confirming that the face was meant to be
viewed at a minor angle. The woman has a small, closed mouth. The chin projects
roundly and the jaw is fleshy. The narrow eyes have thickened lids. The upper ears
are concealed by the hair. At the right side, the ear is more fully visible, but there is
no detailing of its interior. There are two Venus rings at the left side of the neck.
Unpublished.
Hellenistic or Roman period(?); terminus ante quem of about a.d. 250 (see
pp. 549–550, above).
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Brian Martens
O xford Univ ersit y
lincoln col lege
oxford, ox1 3dr
united kingd om
br ian@agathe.gr