Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .
http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp
.
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of
content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms
of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.
University of California Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Classical
Antiquity.
http://www.jstor.org
I am grateful to Professors M. Frede and A. L. T. Bergren, and to Dr. E. Farny, for their
friendly advice and encouragement.
1. For a general survey see Clarence A. Forbes, Teachers' Pay inAncient Greece, University
of Nebraska Studies in the Humanities vol. 2 (Lincoln, Nebr. 1942), and Gaines Post, Kimon
Giocarinis, and Richard Kay," "TheMedieval Heritage of a Humanistic Ideal: 'Scientiadonum Dei
est, unde vendi non potest,' Traditio 11 (1955) 195-234. For late antiquity see, e.g., Olympiodo
= 91 Westerink
rus on Alcibiades I.119a (140.7 ff. Creuzer [= 3T lb: references in this form refer
to the Appendix of testimonia printed after the present article]), who asks why Zeno took fees if
he was a philosopher and guesses he must have taken from the rich to give to the poor, unless he
merely pretended to take themoney or was trying to teach his pupils to despise wealth.
2. Cf., 13.8 ff. = 14 T 2, Aristotle el. 1.1, 165a22 = 13 T 3,
e.g., Xenophon Cyn. Sph.
Themistius 23.289d = 13 T 15c.
3. D(iogenes) 8.8 = 2 T 1; note also the theme of will come
L(aertius) e.euOEQ(a, which up
in the discussion in section III below.
contemporary and later, and are meant to be indicative of what was said about
sophistic tuition, without regard to the plausibility of each testimony. Section II
enumerates the reasons given by Xenophon and Plato as to why theirmaster
Socrates did not take a fee for his services. Several of these reasons, I think,
have not been adequately distinguished before. The most important rationale
given by Xenophon and Plato for Socrates' refusal to take fees, namely, that he
would then have to teach whoever wanted to pay, is then (Section III) exam
ined in detail, with comments on a recent interpretation of this theme and a
new suggestion about its purport. Finally, since the refusal to obligate oneself
to teach "whoever wants it" is predicated upon the desire to select one's
associates, Section IV discusses the portrayal of Socrates' selection process in
Plato's Theaetetus and Aeschines' Alcibiades in an attempt to isolate the posi
tive side of Socratic recruitment.
Athenians, as everyone knows, complained loud and long about the soph
ists. When Socrates and a friend knocked at Callias' door asking to be admitted
to speak to the sophists staying there, Callias' slaves would not allow the
visitors to enter until they assured the slaves that they themselves were not
sophists (Plato Prt. 314d). Some of the most highly publicized complaints
against the sophists included those in the indictment against Socrates, that is,
(1) honoring strange gods and (2) corrupting the youth.4 There were other
charges against sophistic teachings: (3) discoursing about the things up in the
airs and beneath the earth,6 (4) teaching people how to deceive and how "to
make the weaker argument stronger,"7 (5) making speeches against justice,8
(6) teaching virtue or arete, which needs no teacher but should be acquired
through the good genes and upbringing given by one's father and his fellow
gentlemen,9 and finally (7) giving lessons which consisted of nothing but, as
Isocrates put it (Antid. 15.197), (pXkuaia xcal (Pevcx1oaoTc, nonsense and
quackery.1? The sophists themselves understood that they were not unopposed.
by Favorinus (fr. 51Mensching) apud D.L. 2.40. On the second charge, cf. Eupolis, fr. 337 Kock
= Zonar. 548: 6g T6v veavioxov ovVCOV bC(pq0o?Ev.
5. E.g., Aristophanes Nub. 225 ff., 284, and Plutarch Nicias 23 on Protagoras.
6. Aristophanes Nub. 188.
7. Ibid., 113ff. On all these charges, cf. Plato Apol. 18b, 19b-c, where "Socrates" may be
quoting Aristophanes.
8. Plato Comicus Peisandr., fr. 103 Kock = Eudocia 59.
9. Cf. W. Nestle, Vom Mythos zum Logos2 (Stuttgart 1942) 255 f.; W. K. C. Guthrie, A
History of Greek Philosophy. Vol. 3: The Fifth-CenturyEnlightenment (Cambridge 1969) 39; Plato
Meno 92e3-6 and, implicitly, 93-94, Prt. 320a-b.
10. Cf. Socrates' statement that Aristophanes pictured him as jroXXrv qXlcwQiacv qPkaVoCQOVTx
and Protagoras is made by Plato (Prt. 317a-c) to claim that he was the first
wise man to come right out and call himself a sophist. But only part of what the
Athenians disliked was in the sophists' teachings.
The testimonia referring to the fees, wealth, and mode of life of the soph
ists are tinged with both envy and disgust. They are extremely difficult to
interpret, both in specific and in their general tendency. Reported fees either
vary widely or seem standardized.Modern scholars disagree both on the prob
able amounts actually taken in by the sophists and on public attitudes toward
sophistic practice.11 I will not discuss the accuracy of the testimonia about
fees,'2 concentrating instead on attitudes toward the sophists.While we do not
know whose opinions (if anyone's) are represented, or with what accuracy they
are represented by, e.g., Old Comedy,13 the references adduced below must
have been expected to strike a resonant chord with some audience; theweight
of their numbers and the lack of opposing voices suggest the depth and breadth
of sentiment about the sophists' pecuniary affairs.
For one thing, the Athenians seem to have thought that the sophists
charged outrageous fees. Reports of such fees include the following: Protago
ras (first to charge for his company [synousia]), Gorgias, and the natural phi
losopher Zeno are each said to have charged 100 minae for a complete course
(if 1 drachma/diem was a laborer's wage, that was 10,000 days' or 28 /4 years'
work).l4 Even the low-scale sophists charged a hefty fee. Socrates (PlatoApol.
20a = 13 T 16) chides Callias for finding a cheap sophist for his son's tutoring,
11. On the payments to the craftsmen working on the Erechtheum and at Epidaurus, cf. N.
Himmelmann, "Zur Belohnung kiinstlerischer Tatigkeit in klassischen Bauinschriften," JDAI 94
(1979) 127-42. On the cost of living in fourth-centuryAthens, see A. H. M. Jones, Athenian
Democracy (Oxford 1957) 135 n.1, where it is noted thatLysias 32.28 figures the annual support of
two girls, one boy, a nurse, and amaid at 1000 dr./annum, and thatDemosthenes 27.36 calculates
the expenses of himself, his sister, and his mother during his minority at 700 dr./annum (both
figures exclusive of rent). For opinion on the wages of sophists specifically, compare, e.g., G. B.
Kerferd, The Sophistic Movement (Cambridge 1981) 25: "it is clear that tomany itwas themere
fact that they took fees, not the size of the fees, which was objectionable"; ibid. 29: "If Prodicus
could really secure half a mina for one lecture from each student attending then the total income if
20 students attended the lecturewould be 10minas, and a course of 10 lecturesmight even produce
100minas" (Kerferd goes on to affirm that this is themost likely accounting);W. Nestle (supra n.
9) 259: "Nur wenige Sophisten hinterliessen ein nennenswertes Vermogen, und ihre Beliebtheit
erfuhr durch die Honorierung keinerlei Beeintrachtigung"; ibid. 262: "ihre Gewohnheit, sich ho
norieren zu lassen, die ihnen Platon so sehr zum Vorwurf macht, hat ihnen an der allgemeinen
Achtung, die sie bei der gebildeten Oberschicht genossen, keinen Abbruch getan."
12. Kerferd (supra n. 11) 26-28 gives a good introduction to sophists' fees. Guthrie, on the
other hand, has made only scattered remarks on the subject (supra n.9) 38 with n.2, 42 with n.1,
45, 275.
13. The best general treatment of comedy's view of the sophists is given by Nestle (supran.9)
455-76. An adequate assessment of Old Comedy's evidence about sophistswould have to proceed
from an analysis of Old Comedy's own generic requirements and the techniques and topoi of
invective to the evaluation of the content and significance of each testimonium.
14. Cf. 4 T 3a, b; 5 T 16a, b; 3 T la. The sum of 100 minae seems to be standardized by the
sources as a typical fee for a famous sophist, without any particular evidence.
while he himself had paid tremendous sums to the greats; this cheap practi
tioner, Euenus of Paros, charged 5 minae (500 dr.).15These fees were for
complete courses, but even paid lectures had a fairly steep admission charge:
one sophist, Prodicus, had several different charges, e.g., /, 2, or 4 dr. ([Plato]
Axioch. 366c = 6 T 5), for such EtlWoOOl Et I6eiCElg. This same Prodicus, who
had a lovely, "booming voice,"16 is also said to have had a 1 dr. and a 50 dr.
lecture on the "correctness of names." Of these themore expensive must have
contained more material, since Socrates tells Cratylus he woud be better able
to talk about etymology if he had been able to afford the 50 dr. lecture instead
of just the 1 dr. version.17 It must also have been more interesting, since
Aristotle says that whenever the audience began to nod off in the 1 dr. lecture,
Prodicus used to throw in a bit of the high-priced spread (Rhet. 3.14, 1415b12
6 T lb).
The consequences of high fees were often high income and the accumula
tion of wealth. In Plato's dialogue Hippias (Hi. Ma. 282c-d = 4 T 9), Socrates
mentions that Gorgias and Prodicus have each "earned more from his wisdom
than any other craftsman from his art,18 whatever itmay have been, and so did
Isocrates, in defending the sophists, tries to belittle their fortunes, saying that
the richest of
them, Gorgias, left only 1,000 staters at his death (say, 200
minae or 20,000 dr.) and did not have many expenses while he was alive
either (Antid. 15.155 f. = 5 T 6). We have it on other authority, however,
that Gorgias was also the first man to dedicate a solid gold statue of himself
15. Isocrates Contra sph. 13.3 = 13 T 8 probably underestimates the typical fees at 3-4 minae
to suit his gibe that sophists sell dear things cheaply. Isocrates' own fee is given as 10 minae at
[Plutarch] V. X orat. 838e (cf. Demosth. C. Lacrit. 43 for the same sum paid to a teacher of
oratory). That greed often leads parents to seek a cheap sophist is noted by Plutarch (Lib. educ.
7.4 f.), along with an anecdote about Aristippus.
16. Cf. Plato Prt. 316al: [3o.tf3i,and (?) Su(da), s. v. f3ouf3ovo ((3374Adler): Orestes and
Marpsias.
17. Plato Crat. 384b = 6T la.
18. For a comparison with Phidias specifically, cf. Meno 91d = 4 T 10. Although sculptors
probably received only the standard wage on state projects, the best of them will also have taken
lucrative private commissions, as is noted by Himmelmann (supran.ll) 128 and 140 f.
19. I have cited the translation of B. Jowett, The Dialogues of Plato (4th ed., revised; Oxford
1953).
in the temple of Delphi, so great were the rewards of teaching the art of
rhetoric.20
Philostratus stated (V. sph. 1.10.4 = 4 T 2b) thatProtagoras' earningswere
"not a bad thing, since we esteem more highly that which is expensive than
thatwhich is free," and in accordance with this principle, sophists are said to
have tended to measure their abilities by their incomes-or, as Plato has his
-
Socrates put it (Hi. Ma. 283bl-3 13 T 23): "It is a popular sentiment that
the wise man must above all be wise for himself; of such wisdom the criterion is
in the end the ability to make the most money." The sophists' reputation for
greed grew along with their bank balances. Plato the comic poet mentions their
greed ((pLXcQyuQia),21 while Athenaeus says (12.548c-d = 5 T 5) that, accord
ing to Demetrius of Byzantium, Gorgias attributed his long life to his "never
having done anything for the sake of anybody else."
Itwas only natural that theAthenian complaints about the sophists' incomes
should lead further to criticism about their luxuriousness (TQVcpi).Even a quick
glance at the fragments of Eupolis' Goats reveals that the sophists depicted in
that play had an unusual interest in various strange, gourmet fish (frr. 1, 5Kock
= 17 T 2a, b). In this play the chorus was comprised of goats representing
sophists who were allowed to eat from all the bushes and trees of Athens: "We
graze on every sort of foliage," they boast, and go on to list fully twenty-five
species they find appetizing (fr. 14Kock = 17 T 2c). In his play The Unmilitary
or theEffeminate ('AoT@arQTVTOL av6boyivval), Eupolis referred to the sophists
who spent their time "in the nicely shadedwalks of the god Akedemos" (fr. 32
Kock = and he calls his 'hero' Pisander "the most
D[iogenes] L[aertius] 3.7),
cowardly man in the army" (fr. 31 Kock). In the Parasites Eupolis speaks of
Protagoras as the man who "plays the fool with his head in the air talking about
the things in the sky, and eating everything on the ground" (fr. 146a, b Kock - 4
T 6b). He also refers to a sophist as xolko6bai(ov ("belly-spirited": fr. 172 Kock
= 17 T and has throw a at which the food and the wine
lb7) sophists banquet
each cost 100 dr. (fr. 149 Kock = 17 T lb2).
Mention of food of course brings up the fact that the sophists were ridi
culed as parasites.22 Eupolis (Parasites, fr. 162 Kock = 17 T lb5) says that
"neither fire nor spear nor sword could keep sophists from coming to dinner."
Sophists were condemned for staying in people's homes and holding court, but
the sophists were damned, no matter where they taught. Athenians who were
convinced sophist-lovers may have reminisced about how much they learned
from sophists while sitting in barbershops during their young, ignorant days
20. Plin. Hist. nat. 33.24 (cf. Athen. 11.505d); see also Pausan. 6.17.7 on a statue of Gorgias
at Olympia (5 T la-f).
21. fr. 103 Kock = V. X orat. 833c = 9 T 2.
Peisandr., [Plutarch]
22. Simonides remarked that it was better to be rich than wise, since the wise frequented the
houses of the rich (Aristotle Rhet. 2.16, 1391a8). Simonides himself was quite insistent that he be
paid what he was worth: ibid. 3.2, 1405b23 ff.
(EupolisMarikas, fr. 180Kock = 15T 1), but these barbershops were hated by
others.23 Some sophists plied their trade in the agora, as Socrates did (Plato
17c7 = 16 T 3a, cf. 3b, c), e.g., Hippias = 8T
Apol. (Plato Hi. Mi. 368b3-5
7). Others just went to the agora to pick up their "marks," and these sophists
were ridiculed too. In Eupolis' Parasites (fr. 159 Kock = 16 T 2) Protagoras
describes his technique:
I head off to the agora and there, when I find some stupid but rich
fellow, I'm all over him at once. If he happens to be saying something,
I praise it fulsomely and I look out of my mind with joy at his words.
Then I get invited to dinner.24
If sophists congregated at public places such as the shrine of Akademos or the
Lyceum, theywere criticized for enjoying the amenities of those places and for
being lazy good-for-nothings (Antiphanes Kleophanes, fr. 122Kock [cf.post 17
T 2]). Perhaps, then, the place to practice sophistic was a school, like the
6b6aoxcaeLov of Pheidostratus (Plato Hi. Ma. 286b4-6 = 8 T 5). But we see
how kindly Aristophanes treated the "thinking-shop" in his Clouds! Finally, as
good parasites, the sophists were blamed for making people waste their for
tunes, for example, the once fabulously wealthy Callias (cf. 17 T la). In Plato's
Protagoras Socrates' friendHippocrates iswilling to spend his own money and
his friends' too, if his own is insufficient, to studywith Protagoras (311d = 13T
28). In keeping with the philosopher/sophist contrast, Democritus, on the other
hand, was said to have destroyed his own inheritance, as was Anaxagoras.25
II
So much for the standard complaints against the sophists. Now Socrates is
made by Xenophon and Plato to share some of these complaints, but not
others. For example, Plato's Socrates interprets the charge of corrupting the
youth, of which Socrates himself was also accused, as a result of the Athenians'
ignorance of the sophists:Anytus (Meno 91b-d; cf. Resp. 492a) ismade to say
that the sophists corrupt the young, but he cannot respond to Socrates' ques
tion, "By doing what?" Plato, at least, does not even have Socrates give a
general denunciation of sophists' taking of money,26 although he seems to
ridicule theirmeasuring their skill by their incomes. Indeed, the Platonic Soc
= 8T
rates says (Prt. 328b3 = 4 T la; cf. Hi. Ma. 281b6 1) that Protagoras
deserves the money he gets for the benefits he confers. Far from being funda
23. Plato Comicus Sophistae, fr. 135 Kock = Sch. Aristoph. Av. 299 = 15 T 2.
24. See also Ameipsias Apokottabizontes, fr. 1Kock = Athen. 7.307e = 16 T 1.
25. Athen. 4.168b, cf. Diels-Kranz 68 A 14-17; Plato Hi. Ma. 283a; Plutarch Vitand. aer.
alieno 831f, Pericl. 16, cf. Diels-Kranz 59 A 13.
26. On Plato's general attitude to the sophists see, e.g., H. Raeder, "Platon und die Sophis
ten," Filos. Medd. Dan. Vid. Selsk. (1939) 1-36.
Once, when many gifts were being presented to Socrates by his pupils,
each one bringing according to his means, Aeschines, who was poor,
said to him: "Nothing that I am able to give to you do I find worthy of
you, and only in this way do I discover that I am a poor man. And so I
give to you the only thing that I possess-myself. This gift, such as it is, I
beg you to take in good part, and bear inmind that the others, though
they gave to you much, have left more for themselves." "And how,"
said Socrates, "could it have been anything but a great gift-unless
maybe you set small value upon yourself? And so I shall make itmy care
to return you to yourself a better man than when I received you."29
This story is presumably based on the kind of thing Plato has Socrates say in
theHippias Major (281b6 = 8 T 1), that a sophistmust give his customer his
money's worth. But it illustrates the fact that the tradition accepted that Soc
rates, although he took no fees for his services, did accept gifts-but only, as
we learn elsewhere, to fulfill his basic needs.30 This was to some extent over
done by at least one of Socrates' followers, Aristippus, who accepted large gifts
and earned himself a reputation as a gourmet.31 Now, what were Socrates'
27. In Xenoph. Mem. 3.1.1-3, Socrates is shown inciting one of his companions to study
generalship with Dionysodorus. When the fellow returns, Socrates cross-examines him on what he
has learned and sends him back to the sophist (3.1.11 = 10T 2). It seems that Socrates was testing
the kind of education the sophist was dispensing.
28. Nubes 98, 245, 1146 = 19 T 7.
876,
29. Translation by J. W. Basore, Seneca. Moral Essays III, Loeb Classical Library (Cam
bridge, Mass. and London 1935); the story is also inD. L. 2.34 (19 T 6b).
30. Cf. Xenophon Oec. 2.8 ( = 19 T 18) and D. L. 2.24-25, 2.74, 2.80 (19 T 4a, b, c). See
also the story aboutMenedemus and Asclepiades inAthen. 4.168a-b. Aelian Var. hist. 9.29 (19T
1) tells a story in which Socrates, over Xanthippe's protest, refuses large gifts fromAlcibiades.
31. Cf. frr. 3A-8B Mannebach, especially 6 ( = D. L. 2.80), on gifts and wages; frr. 62 and
67-83B are about Aristippus' luxurious lifestyle. On the general issue, see Xenoph. Mem. 1.2.60
(19 T 15a). On Plato, see D.L. 3.9 (Plato accepted over 80 talents fromDionysius), 4.2 (contrast
ing Plato with Speusippus, who took fees) and Ephippus Nauagus, fr 14Kock. On Antisthenes, cf.
D.L. 6.4.
that is, the Platonic and Xenophontic Socrates'-reasons for not takingmoney
in themanner of the sophists?
First, Plato's and Xenophon's Socrates felt that money is not of great
value; asXenophon himself says (Cyn. 13.9 = 14 T 2): "the sophists hunt after
the young and rich, but philosophers are available as friends to all (radolxolvol
xcai qcpLo) and they neither respect nor dishonor men's fortunes (r6Xag)."As
we shall see, Xenophon may want to claim such "availability to all" for himself
and impute it to his master, but this ideal is not in accord with another, elitist
tendency in Socrates as he is portrayed by his pupils.32Plato seems ambivalent
on common availability, and he does not follow up this point when Socrates
and Callicles have agreed that to teach only thosewho pay is aioaX6v for those
who say they can make people or cities better (Grg. 520e2-5 = 13 T 21 sub
fin.). Plato agrees with Xenophon, however, on the unimportance of money to
Socrates. In theHippias Major (282d2 = 13 T 22) Plato makes Socrates remark
that the seven sages, as opposed tomodern sophists, were so foolish as not to
realize that money was worth a lot. The sarcasm in that statement needs no
elucidation.
Going along with the unimportance of money is the complaint that the
sophists' practice is silly and almost self-contradictory, since they are selling
great things for comparatively little.33 Socrates' pupil Plato has the main
speaker of his dialogue the Sophist (234a7 = 13 T 33) ask Theaetetus: "Don't
you consider it to be a joke when someone says he knows everything and can
teach it to someone else for a small fee in a short time?" This may well be
Plato's answer to the taunt of Antiphon inXenophon's Memorabilia (1.6.11 =
19 T 17): Antiphon said that although Socrates was just, even Socrates appar
ently recognized that he was not wise, since he charged no money for his
companionship; he would not give away his cloak, since it isworth money, and
the same would apply to his company, if he thought itwas worth anything. The
response Xenophon puts in Socrates' mouth is a comparison of wisdom to
beauty: if you sell it, you are a whore, but, if you give it to good people, you
are a friend.34
So he who teaches arete or a useful art gives, as was said, something of
great value. In return, according to the Socratics, the recipient should show his
thanks (X(6Qiv ei6YvaL), especially if he has been made into a virtuous man.
Such pupils should become one's friends, and it is another self-contradiction to
fear lest he whom you have made virtuous fail to show his gratitude: one must
32. See the praise of the hunter at Xenoph. Cyn. 13.11, and Plato's reversal, whereby the
sophists are xotvol, atMeno 91b4 (13 T 27; v. infra).
33. Isocrates (Contra sph. 13.4 = 13 T 9) says that the sophists claimed to despise money,
and even so they sold the greatest boons for small sums.
34. On this passage see J. S. Morrison, C1R n.s. 5 (1955) 8-12, and 0. Gigon, Kommentar
zum ersten Buch von Xenophons Memorabilien (Schweiz. Beitr. z. Altertumswiss. 5; Basel 1953)
160ff. The figure of the whore is also used at Alciphro 1.34.4-7 = 18T 1.
35. Isocrates (Contra sph. 13.5 = 13 T 9) also ridicules the sophists' anxiety about their
eventual payment.
36. Cf. Aristotle's discussion of xoaT'&erQETv (piLia (Eth. Nic. 9.1, 1164a34 ff.), where it is
also said that philosophy is not given amonetary value, since no price could ever be high enough.
Kerferd (supra n.11) 25 mentions only this line of reasoning, besides the necessity of instructing
"whoever wants it." He calls the argument that it is inappropriate to charge money for teaching
virtue "the standard answer" to the question of why Socrates objected to sophists' fees, but he
feels that poets would also have been liable to criticism on such grounds, if this were an important
reason for Socrates' objections. Therefore Kerferd accords only the "towhoever wants it" objec
tion any weight.
37. Cf. 4 T 4a-f; the story is also told of Corax at S(extus) E(mpiricus), (Adversus)
M(athematicos) 2.96 f.
38. W. R. Connor, The New Politicians of Fifth-Century Athens (Princeton 1971) 171-73,
notes that Old Comedy lowers the demagogues to the level of hucksters, drawing upon them the
old prejudice against the dishonest x6anrlog.
a safer companion than any sophist because he does not sell his-or any
wares.
Next we come to the charge that teaching for money was unbecoming a
gentleman. This is a very commonly cited objection which I think was not
actually made by Socrates and his associates. Note that at the point in the
Gorgias where Dodds mentions39 that in Socrates' time "to teach for money
was still an ungentlemanly occupation" (519b3-521al = 13 T 21 init.), Socrates
says that it is perfectly in order for all teachers but the teachers of arete to
charge fees. It should also be noted that the sophists were not, by and large,
aristocratic Athenians, and neither was Socrates. Socrates' young friendHip
pocrates reacts with shock to the suggestion that the reason he wants to study
with Protagoras might be that he wants to become a sophist too. This reaction
has often been cited as an example of Athenian upper-class prejudice against
the sophists. But here we should see that Hippocrates very much wants to
study with Protagoras-he just cannot see making a profession of sophistry.40
Rather, he will study for general education's sake, as befits the layman and the
free man (6)g TO6 i6ibLOTr xcal Tov ?EXeuOcov JErrctQ':Plato Prt. 312a-b). The
gentleman was always supposed to be a layman, an amateur or a specialist in
nothing, so the emphasis no longer seems to be on the ungentlemanly character
of teaching for money but, rather, on the ungentlemanly character of being a
professional of any sort.41
III
The view that the layman and the free man ought to study only for general
education brings us to a further point, not this time concerned with being a
layman, but with being a freeman, an kXu0eOQog.
As Aristotle points out (Eth.
Nic. 9.1, 1164a27 ff. = 13 T 2), if you promise to do something and you take
your fee in advance, you deserve whatever problems you encounter when your
service is either not rendered or not worth the price charged; clearly, you must
do what you have been paid to do.
Xenophon42 takes the necessity to "deliver the goods" as an infringement of
one's freedom, and he makes it a major reason why Socrates did not take a fee
for his services. = 19 T
In the Memorabilia Xenophon says (1.2.6 14) that Soc
rates dismissed those who took a fee for their company as enslavers of them
selves, because itwas incumbent upon them to converse with those fromwhom
they had taken a fee. In his version of theApology (16 = 19T 11)Xenophon has
Socrates ask: "Whom do you know who is less a slave to his fleshly desires than
I;what man do you know who ismore free than I,who accept neither gifts nor a
wage from anyone?"43In theMemorabilia (1.6.5 ff. = 19T 16-17) Xenophon's
Socrates emphasizes that, since he does not takemoney, he does not have to
converse with anyone with whom he does not want to converse.
Now, what exactly were the obligations Socrates was made by Xenophon
to avoid by not taking money? As we see from Aristotle (Eth. Nic. 9.1,
1164a22 ff. = 4 T lb, cf. 19 T 1), either the recipient of a service could fix the
value (Lcta) and therefore the price (TLld, cf. TLrflocCL
1164a25) of the service,
in which case payment was made only after the service was complete, or the
provider could set his price, which was to be paid by the recipient before
performance. The former method was employed by Protagoras, but Aristotle
implies thatmost sophists were not as certain of their clients' satisfaction and
hence demanded a fixed fee as payment in advance.44 Since the Greek law of
sale seems to have recognized transfer of ownership of goods only upon pay
ment of the price, irrespective of the physical transfer or nontransfer of
possession,45 it is probable that the provider of a service was legally obligated
to provide that service only if he accepted the fee in advance.46 This accords
with Xenophon's usage in theMemorabilia passages about Socrates: in both
passages the aorist tense indicates that the payment has been accepted before
attributes this objection to Socrates himself as "hismain motive for declining to accept payment."
The latter statement is part of a discussion of the daimonion and its importance in Socrates' choice
of his pupils. Unfortunately, if the complaint that the sophist has no choice of pupils appears only
inXenophon, then it will be difficult to correlate with the selective function of the daimonion,
since the daimonion is given this job of pupil-selection only in Plato (v. infra).
43. Socrates' Bedirfnislosigkeit was thus a way of ensuring his kEuk0eOQa (Xenoph. Apol. 16
[19T 11],Mem. 1.6.4-5 [19T 16], Aelian Var. hist. 9.29 [19T 1]);Diogenes of Sinope, of course.
carried Socrates' practice to extremes. It is also possible to see Hippias of Elis' development of the
skills necessary to make all his own clothing, etc. as an approach to solving the problem of
independence. It is, however, unsatisfactory as a solution, since themanufacture of clothing and
ornament belonged to various crafts, and the laymanwas not supposed to learn the skills used in
any of the crafts (Hi. Min. 368b-e, Cicero De orat. 3.32.127).
44. Xenophon Hipp. 2.2 says that, when sending a horse out to be broken, one ought to put
in writing what the horse is to know when he is returned, and he compares this with sending one's
child out to learn a trade: XQ UEvxoL (tEQ Aa&6X a orCav
TOVY mcT TE'xvrlv EX68o, OUyyQactpacvov C
6FOEL0?ElrtorLEevov dTo66ovaL otUoTg ?xbi66vaLt. TactIj yd@Q6jIoltvlata x
FotaL tTO nkofo6dvr]
()v 6&L EltEXtkr1EVacL, EL u?tXtl TOY6vuL06V &:ToXi.Weo0at.
45. This is a main thesis of F. Pringsheim, The Greek Law of Sale (Weimar 1950), e.g., 88f.,
141f., 190ff. Note that 6 P3ovh6otvoc can be a legal term indicating that anyone has the right to
regard to sophists' fees, although it is quite common in contracts for service in general; cf. Pring
sheim (supra n.45) 374f.
the service is rendered, and that is the origin of the obligation.47Once thepayment
had been made, Socrates could not change his mind and decide not to teach that
person for whom the fee had been paid, nor could he decide in the middle of the
course that he would not continue the instruction: this iswhat Xenophon sees as a
loss of "freedom." Thus, payment inadvancewas amixed blessing for the sophist,
guaranteeing him a certain fee which he probably had no legalmeans of collecting
after he had rendered his service,48but obligating him to perform the service for
his employer. The employer toowill have found thatpayment inadvance had both
advantages and disadvantages: he runs the risk that the service will not be as
advertised,49but he legally obligates the employee to perform thewhole of the
contracted service at the contracted (and paid) price, eliminating the possibility
that, e.g., a famous sophist would either raise his fee in mid-course or take up a
better offer before the instruction is complete.5'
Could Socrates have avoided obligating himself to perform simply by refus
ing to take his payment in advance and following Protagoras'method of letting
the pupil pay what he felt his education had been worth? I think that he could
have avoided the legal obligation to teach, but not a certain duty to do what he
had agreed to do. The negotiation preceding the instructionwould have estab
lished this duty, but it would not have established an obligation unless there
had been contract or unless money
a witnessed changed hands.5 Possibly, if
Socrates to promise,
were in the manner of a Gorgias or Euthydemus, in front
of a large crowd to teach anyone who would pay, this might have been con
strued to be an offer that anyone present could accept, thereby concluding a
binding contract (6Oiokoyia).The contract would be enforceable because of the
presence of witnesses,52 and Socrates would indeed have to teach anyone who
:teQactuvov." One may guess that Isocrates had a difficult time making the transition from the
political life and that his first collection of fees was therefore somewhat humiliating.
51. Pringsheim (supra n.45) 17ff. Such a duty might have been the occasion of an equitable
agreed to pay his price. In one instance known to us, the painter Agatharchus
(who had presumably let it be known that his services were available for a
price) refused to work for Alcibiades. Alcibiades kidnapped him and forced
him to paint his house, "even though [the painter] begged [to be set free] and
offered legitimate excuses, saying that he could not do this [work for Alcibi
ades] now because he had contracts from others."53While this does not prove
thatAgatharchus would otherwise have had to accept Alcibiades' job, the fact
that he offered previous commitments as an excuse could mean that there was
a presumption that the artistwould not simply refuse a commission.
So the concerns Xenophon puts in Socrates' mouth have a legal basis. If
Socrates wants to retain the right to refuse to associate with anyone, he must
not charge a fee for his company. An element of shamefulness is also injected
into the description of the sophistic practice: if you sell yourself to whoever
wants your conversation (TxO 3oVikO vcp), you are a whore. You should (Mem.
1.6.13 f. = 19 T 17) pick people who you see are well endowed (dcpueL;),
teach them what you can, and make them your friends: this is what Xeno
phon's Socrates says he does.54
For the Platonic Socrates, of course, teaching does not come into question,
since he claims to be knowledgeable only about love. The criticismwe saw in
Xenophon, that the sophists are obliged to associate with whoever wants to pay
them, appears in Plato as well, however. While Xenophon saw this obligation
as a loss of one's freedom,55 Plato makes different points about it. So it is the
occurrence of these words, "to whoever wants it" (Tz P3ovUXo?vcp, vel sim.),
that Iwill try to explain in the next paragraphs.
G. B. Kerferd has recognized that their obligation to see all comers with
out discrimination is the major reason for criticism of the sophists in regard to
their fees.56Kerferd notes, however, that "it is doubtful whether itwould have
been solicitude
for the independence of the sophist which was the real basis for
this objection" and concludes that "the real reason for the objection was not
concern to protect the sophists from having to associate with all kinds of
people, itwas objections to all kinds of people being able to secure, simply by
paying for it, what the sophists had to offer." They provided, according to
Kerferd, the knowledge a man needed to become powerful in the state; this
was the source both of their attraction and of the attacks on them.
There are many faults in this line of reasoning, one of which is the tacit
assumption that Plato's and Xenophon's criticism of the lack of freedom of the
sophist represents a popular critique, one at home among those who would
worry about their own disadvantage, should all kinds of people prove able, on
53. [Andoc.] C. Alcib. 17: ... . Eovou 6& xae rrQocp6oJLEc aXr0le;g XyovTog, 4; o0tx av
logographos like Lysias or to buy off one's prosecutors;61one need not have
been a trained orator oneself.
Second, it was not the nouveaux riches who betook themselves and their
sons to the sophists but, rather, the aristocrats.62All our evidence indicates
57. There is no indication that the poorer citizens had reason to fear the political effects of
this expensive education; in any case, they were already heavily disadvantaged (pace A. W. H.
Adkins, "a&eons,tiXVl, Democracy and Sophists: Protagoras 316b-328d," JHS 93 [1973] 10). If
people did fear that traditional values were threatened by sophistry, this fearwas not closely linked
to the fact that sophists took fees.
58. Plutarch Nicias 3.1-2, Alcib. 4.1, 10. Cf. Connor (supra n.38) 19ff.
59. Cf. J. K. Davies, review of Connor (supra n.38), Gnomon 47 (1975) 374-78, at 377. Note
especially Xenoph. Mem. 3.4.1-3.
60. Plutarch Pericl. 9.2-3.
61. At Xenoph. Mem. 2.9.1, Crito says that suits have been brought against him in the hope
that he would settle out of court. As for the sophists' potential for success by displays and trickery
in court, J. Meinecke, "Gesetzesinterpretation und Gesetzesanderung im attischen Zivilprozess,"
Rev. Int. Droits. Ant. ser. 3,18 (1971) 275-360, while admitting that the courts could be arbitrary
in some highly charged political cases (281), affirms that the sophists were not able to change "das
starre Festhalten am genauen Wortlaut einer gesetzlichen Bestimmung" (358).
62. See Connor (supra n.38) 166 n.54, who makes the point that, though both sophists and
demagogues are xwoqpbo6oe[vot,Old Comedy does not link them as it would have, had they
collaborated. The only counterexample is Socrates' tutoring of Hyperbolus (Aristoph.Nub. 876 =
19T 7c). Cf. Meno 70b3 (cited infra);Apol. 23c ( = 19 T 20); IsocratesAntid. 219 f. ( = 13T 13a);
Philostr. V. sph. 1.12 on Prodicus ( = 6 T 3): avivEUE ... CroUg erZaT0iag TOV V&OV xai toig Ex
PaO0owv oLxcov; Plato Sph. 223b6(13 T 31a): veov t.Xovo/ov xcra evvwCov; and Prt. 316c7 (4 T 13):
cEi0ovta tOV veywv TOi;gS PEXTirog . .... Adkins (supra n.56), p. 10, notes that "P3OTLootO
certainly has socio-political overtones"; cf. Nestle (supra n.9) 259, "... die Sohne beguterter
Familien," and 476f. Adkins remarks on p. 12: "Some of the sophists' pupils were drawn from
families that had traditionally been prominent politically; for example, Critias; butmany must have
been drawn from families who could afford such an education-and could accordingly be regarded
as ayacoi-but were not sons of old political families." But he adduces no evidence for his claim.
that Callias and Pericles were much more typical clients of sophists thanwere
the demagogues whom the aristocrats despised. In fact, the more notorious
demagogues are depicted in comedy and by Thucydides as anti-intellectuals,
opposed to the rhetorical skills which they felt made a man untrustworthy.63
The only nouveau riche politician who is connected with sophistic isNicias, but
he is not linked by comedy with the demagogues and was, rather, an imitator
of the aristocrats.64
Third, it is not at all clear how much practical benefit a sophistic education
would have been to a politician. Surely some of the arts taught by the sophists
would not have benefited thewould-be public figure, e.g., wrestling, fighting in
armor, correctness of names, household management.65 Even when potentially
useful courses were taught by sophists, our impression of them is that they
were too general and superficial in content to have been of any value. Xeno
phon makes his opinion known (Mem. 3.1) by having his Socrates send one of
his associates to study generalship with Dionysodorus and then cross-examine
him on what he has learned. It soon develops that he has learned only basic
truths, and not how to implement them; he has learned that the best men must
go in the front and rear ranks, but he has not learned to judge which men are
the best or what they should be best at (3.1.8-11). Continuing in this vein,
Xenophon shows us what sort of young man is likely towant such a superficial
education and not to realize how much detailed knowledge a good politician
must have at his command: the aristocratic Glauco, Aristo's son and Plato's
brother, wanted to become an orator and vie for the headship of the people,
though he was not yet twenty years old; Socrates persuades him to wait by
demonstrating to him that he has none of the necessary knowledge of state
finances, resources, etc. (3.6.1-18).66 Cleon and Hyperbolus, on the other
The reference (n.28) to hisMoral Values and Political Behaviour inAncient Greece (London 1972)
64f., 110 regards the "new agathoi," whom the old aristocrats were "reluctant" to acknowledge as
agathoi, and it cites Cleon as an example. But, as we shall see, Cleon is just the sort of person who
was violently opposed to sophists.
63. Connor (supra n.38) 95 and 163-68. Cf. Aristophanes Eq. 188-92; Eupolis Maricas, fr.
193 Kock (Maricas, i.e., Hyperbolus, knows only his ABC's); Cleon apud Thucydides 3.37.3-4.
64. On Nicias' family, cf. J. K. Davies, Propertied Families of Attica 600-300 B.C. (Oxford
.1973) 10808 and Connor (supra n.38) 153 n.7. On Nicias' association with sophists, see Plato La.
180dl.
65. On subjects of instruction see, e.g., Guthrie (supra n.9) 44ff. I cannot accept the conten
tion (of, e.g., H. Fuchs, "Enkyklios Paideia," RAC 5 [1962] 365f.) that the sophists in general gave
comprehensive instruction in basic, everyday disciplines. A boy went first (Plato Prt. 312b) to the
y@a4icaLTLoag, XxlOacltoTgand aL6boiTQL3rqg. Cf. Kerferd (supra n.11) 37ff.
66. Xenoph. Mem. 3.6.1: Glauco would look ridiculous and be dragged from the podium if,
with his inexperience, he tried to assume a role in politics. Cf. Jones (supran.11) 132: "In practice
the people did not suffer fools gladly." lo of Chios, for one, was quite unimpressed with the
political skills, as opposed to the social graces, of theAthenian upper class. He praises Sophocles'
wit over drinks, but adds: ix gVTOLitoklTiX& OirTEoocpoS o/jE 5EXwiQLog TV, a&k' c;g 6v Tig Eat
TnidvXe@QoTv 'A0OTvailov (FGrHist 392 F 6 = Athen. 603e-604d).
hand, seem to modern scholars studying their careers to have had a good
command of themachinery of state.67
Thus, Kerferd's analysis of the criticism that the sophist must associate
with "whoever wants to pay" is unsatisfactory. Let us now return to the Pla
tonic occurrences of thismotive and examine what Plato findswrong:
The first passage implies some criticism of the sophists' practice of praising
their wares indiscriminately to whoever wants them, since some of them-and
also some of their customers68-do not know whether each of these wares is
good or bad for the soul. In the second passage Euthydemus and Dionysodo
rus are complimented because they say they can teach whoever pays: either
theirmethod is easy to learn, or they are good teachers, or both.69 In passage
three Socrates asks Anytus whether he should sendMeno to the sophists in
order to learn arete. The fourth passage contains an ironic criticism. Socrates
seems to be praising Gorgias' method as being responsible for the abundance
of men in Thessaly admired for sophia, but he continues: "In Athens there's
a drought in sophia, so if you ask anyone 'isvirtue teachable?' he'll laugh and
say he doesn't even know what virtue is" (70c-71a). Now, since Socrates
admits to not knowing what virtue is (71b) and the rest of the dialogue shows
that it is not at all easy to know what virtue is, Socrates is praising Gorgias'
method for having created a crop of overeager pseudo-intellectuals: this is all
one can expect when one offers to answer any question put by anyone. Ironic
critique continues in the fifth passage, where Prodicus is put up against the
Seven (o nakaLctoi EXEivoL); we know who must get the worst of that
Sages
comparison. The Sages are said to have been so stupid as not to have recog
nized the great value of money. In particular, they are said not to have taken
fees and not to have given demonstrations of their wisdom to mixed or
rag-tag groups of people.
Here we get a clue as to why Plato has Socrates object to talking to
whoever pays or whoever wants to speak with one. As in passage one (and
three, where the fee is not mentioned at all in connection with "whoever wants
it"), it is not the fee that is troublesome in passage five. In the first passage the
danger to those who cannot tell good wares from harmful was emphasized:
they are in danger because the clever merchandisers will not make any selec
tion among their wares or among their customers. In the fifth passage I cannot
escape the feeling that ev navToubaroLS a&vO9Qrnotg has an elitist ring: one
ought not to display one's wisdom to just anyone.70 Note that in the Meno
circumspect.7
68. That both the hucksters and their customers are meant is implied by xa TO'To)V
(313d8).
69. Aristotle picks up on this at Sph. el. 34, 183b36 (= 5 T 4).
70. Noted by Kerferd (supra n.11) 25. Cf., e.g., Plato Resp. 6.493dl-9.
71. It is possible that Plato also plays on Xenophon's contrast between Socrates and the
sophists at Mem. 1.6.11ff. = 19 T 17, where the latter are compared to xoTQvaL. A prostitute could
be referred to as xolIv (Athen. 13.588f: xolv ovvoixZt; jr6oo), while the sophists are eoEvoI
(Plato Sph. 222d, Euthyd. 273a-b; Xenoph. Symp. 4.62 = 18 T 2). Another Platonic mention of
"whoever wants it" isHippias' claim at Hi. Min. 363d3 that he will answer anyone's questions.
qpolg is not suited to theirwork. Further, one ought not to hire anyone who is
not good at his work, so that incompetents should not make money in their
professions.
Here we arrive again at the elitist position glimpsed earlier. This elitism
could easily be an aristocratic one, given that cpUoLgis itsmain criterion: we
remember the extraordinary importance of the antithesis between endowment
(cpur) and learning in the ideology of aristocratically inclined authors such as
Pindar. cIva and cpioit are strongly associated inGreek thoughtwith ancestry
and social class. The Platonic Socrates himself gives ample credit to the con
nection between noble birth and noble character, e.g., in the opening of the
Charmides (155a, 157e), but just as he there insists on testing noble young
Charmides' nobility of soul (154el), here too Socrates is not interested in just
the pedigree of the pupil.
One simple explanation for Socrates' insistence on having students of high
caliber may be found in the nature of Socratic dialectic, if we follow the lead
about competence given in the Euthydemus. The mark of Socratic dialectic is
X6yov Te 8o0val xcai 6&escaoc (Prt. 336cl): two people seek the truth about
something as one puts forward a thesis, allowing the other to criticize it or ask
for a justification or explanation of it, hoping that the two can eventually agree
on it andmove on from there. Agreement must be the result of careful exami
nation of the proposal, whereby each participantmust speak his own (cf. Grg.
454cl-5) mind honestly, giving his considered assent only when he is really
convinced. When both parties are capable and are properly involved in the
discussion, such an agreement can be a basis for knowledge, as well as for
further reasoning.72Thus Socrates depends on having qualified partners, for
otherwise discussion will be vain.
As for other connections of this Socratic "elitism," it is possible that the
prejudice of Plato's Sophist against published manuals (passage 6) is to be
connected with the warning of the Seventh Letter that Plato's thought will
not be found written down in any handbook, but can be conveyed only in
discussion over a long association (341c). One can see in that warning a
kind of inversion of Socrates' gibe at Dionysodorus and Euthydemus (304a):
do not teach crowds, for they will learn quickly and you will be put out of
business.73
That the anti-democratic tendencies of the Republic and its educational
system will fit in with the elitist desire not to speak to just anybody is also
likely. Despite the fact that both Xenophon and Plato are clear on Socrates'
desire to be able to pick and choose his students, both of these pupils of
72. Cf. G. Bornkamm, '"OtoXkoyca. Zur Geschichte eines politischen Begriffs," Hermes 71
(1936) 377-85, at 383f.
73. An "esotericist" position is found in the Euthydemus by Th. A. Szlezak, "Sokrates' Spott
iiber die Geheimhaltung. Zum Bild des cpl6oo(pog in Platons Euthydemus," AuA 26 (1980) 75
89.
Socrates also suggest that Socrates conversed with anyone and everyone.74
These suggestions, however, all occur in works with a strong apologetic ten
dency, for that is the tone of Xenophon's Socratic works and of Plato's Apol
ogy, the only Platonic work containing such a statement. Any elitism on Soc
rates' part might have lent support to the charge, unspoken at his trial, that he
had been involved in the preparation of young men for the oligarchy of the
Thirty.75Xenophon's mention of Socrates' desire to choose his conversation
partners, then, will have been designed to bring out the theme of Socratic
independence, while his statements that Socrates spoke with andwas available
to all will have been designed to emphasize Socrates' civic-mindedness. Plato's
Apology is likewise concerned to bring out Socrates' civic-mindedness. In the
Republic, on the other hand, not only does Plato's Socrates recommend that
dialectical education be reserved only for the guardians proper, i.e., selected
members of the soldiery, but he also suggests that dialectic produces a bad
result when taught to the young-it ought to be reserved for those of age fifty
(538d-540a). The undesirable results of an early exposure to dialectic which
the Socrates of the Republic wants to avoid are just those which the Socrates of
theApology disclaims responsibility for in his own associates (23c).
IV
74. Plato Apol. 29d6, 30a3, 33a8-b3; Xenoph. Cyn. 13.9 = 14 T 2, Mem. 1.1.10, 1.2.60,
Apol. 16. Perhaps it is in a similarly apologetic vein that [Plutarch]V. X orat. 837b, after speaking
of the fees collected by Isocrates' school and before saying that he hadmore money than any other
sophist (837c: aQyur6Qv te oaov o06eiL oocplaTlov ritnarl6orev, cbgxal TQrlgQaoctQxoac), notes that
Isocrates spoke with whoever wanted to talk to him (cat(&ieL 6e TOLsg3oUVkOovoLg).
75. Cf. Aeschines Tim. 173.
going to other masters. But it is noteworthy that in the Theaetetus the role of
the daimonion specifically seems to be, as elsewhere in Plato, purely negative:
it does not counsel Socrates to any action, but only turns him away from
certain actions; it does not cause him to seek out any associate, but only turns
him away from certain candidates. The "god" plays a positive role and helps
along (150d8: Tfg I'VTOL tcaEiag; (6 E0S6 TBE Xci Eyo) ci'LLog;), but even he does
not actually bring Socrates and his associates together.
How, under these circumstances, does Socrates come into contact with his
prospective associates, and how does the theos or the monitory daimonion
"allow" (150d4: av 6 0g r; 151a5: [To 6CaiL6ov] one of the
aq(eixq, Ea)
students to be admitted in the first place, or, once admitted, to make progress?
Some will, of course, come to seek Socrates although he seems not to
out,
possess the magical charisma of the sophists, can draw the local youths
who
away from the free company of their fellow citizens and make them pay for it
Here the roles of the divine entities are somewhat clearer than in the Theaete
tus. There some
young men were
refused readmission circle be to Socrates'
cause of the prohibition of the daimonion, while those companions of Socrates
were said to make progress to whom "the god" granted progress. Here in
Aeschines it seems to be the god's grace (OcL?a to(Qa)77 that either results in or
76. On the interpretation of this dialogue see B. Ehlers, Eine vorplatonische Deutung des
sokratischen Eros. Der Dialog Aspasia des SokratikersAischines (Zetemata41;Miinchen 1966) 10
25.
77. On this concept, see E. G. Berry, "The History and Development of the Concept of
OEIA MOIPA and OEIA TYXH down to and including Plato" (Diss. Chicago 1940), and i. des
Places, Pindare et Platon (Paris 1949) 149-55.
actually is the love Socrates has forAlcibiades, by which he can help the youth.
The role of the positive attraction of eros fitswell with Plato's own depiction of
Socrates' activity, especially in the Symposium, and Aeschines can perhaps be
used to fill in the gaps in the Theaetetus presentation. The theos of the Theaete
tuswould not be just the same as the daimonion (as the author of the Theages
interpreted them), but would be the godly gift of Socrates. This godly gift
allows some of Socrates' associates tomake progress and helps Socrates deliver
these associates of admirable truths. The daimonion only turns away those
students whom Socrates cannot help.
Connecting the theos of the Theaetetus with the theiamoira of Aeschines'
Alcibiades enables us to preserve the solely prohibitive character of the
daimonion,78 as well as to introduce into the Theaetetus the positive attraction
of eros as the unmentioned first stage by which Socrates and his students come
together. The distinction between the positive eros and the negative daimonion
is, then, blurred only in dialogues of dubious Platonic pedigree. In theGreater
Alcibiades, for example, Socrates says that the god had prevented him from
associating with Alcibiades previously but that the same god now impelled him
to do so (105e4):
midwifery (150d8).
Aeschines' portrait of Socrates as the benefactor of the young Alcibiades,
written perhaps in the 380s,80 leaves us with a problem to which Plato's Theae
tetus, written after the battle near Corinth in 369 which it mentions, provides
an answer. Both passages hold that Socrates had no knowledge or science that
he could teach. The Alcibiades of Aeschines, however, makes the claim that
Socrates could only help Alcibiades because of his love for the youth, a re
markable testimonial to the power of love but something of a disturbing pros
78. Plato Apol. 31d; Xenophon says the daimonion could advise either for or against an
action:Mem. 4.3.12, 4.8.1. Cf. Guthrie (supra n.9) 402-405.
79. Cf. Ehlers (supra in n.76) 21 nn.28, 29.
80. H. Dittmar, Aischines v. Sphettos. Studien zur Literaturgeschichteder Sokratiker. Unter
suchungen und Fragmente (Philol. Unters. 21; Berlin 1912) 159, dates the dialogue 394/3-391/90,
which H. Thesleff, Studies in Platonic Chronology (Soc. Scient. Fenn., Comm. Hum Litt. 70;
Helsinki 1982) 151 n.120, finds too early. Terminus post quem is the pamphlet of Polycrates.
Dittmar (pp. 152ff.) argues that theMeno is the terminusante quem, but this is not certain.
pect ifwe must conclude that Socrates can only help those he loves, and those
only because he loves them.81The Theaetetus, on the other hand, gives Soc
rates an art, the midwife's art, by which he can help those with whom he
associates.82 This keeps the metaphor in the sexual sphere, but instead of
being the impregnator drawn by eros, Socrates ismerely themidwife, who may
be drawn to a youth either by erotic attraction or by the recognition that he is
"pregnant."
All in all, there are some thingswhich the Socratic literature seems to hold
in common and some individual differences in interpretation or presentation of
Socrates. This is to be expected when men as varied as Xenophon, Plato,
Aeschines, and the ps.-Platones, whoever theywere, are compared. Common
to Plato and Xenophon is an apologetic stance which speaks at times of a
civic-minded Socrates who gave his company freely to any of his fellow citizens
who wanted it. These two authors also have another theme in common, how
ever: Socrates must choose only certain people, those of good natural endow
ment, to associate with. Common to Plato and Aeschines seems to be the role
of eros in forming associations with young men, although the precise roles of
eros and daimonion cannot perhaps be fully sorted out. Elitism and eros, then,
have surfaced as the selective elements in the Socratics' accounts of Socrates'
comradeship and therefore of their presentation of Socrates' quarrel with the
sophists' practice of taking fees for the privilege of their company.
As for the shadowy, protean master himself, I am not confident of making
any determination. The Socratics knew one another and probably knew one
another's works, since these were published over something like a sixty-year
period. Therefore we cannot simply pick out whatever Socrates' pupils attrib
ute to him in common and attribute things to Socrates himself. We can
those
see certain points on which may refer to or improve upon one
the Socratics
another, and we know they and their portraits of Socrates were compared with
one another in antiquity.83 Further, whatever the pupils of Socrates may say
and however they may form what amounts to the Socrates myth,84 one basic
fact demanded a response from all the Socratics: the indictment and death of
the best man of his time.
University of California
Los Angeles
81. K. Gaiser, Protreptik und Pardnese bei Platon. Untersuchungen zur Form des platonischen
Dialogs (Tubinger Beitr. z. Altertumswiss. 40; Stuttgart 1959) 100f., calls the divine gift "ein ganz
und gar untechnischer Zug."
82. M. F. Burnyeat, "SocraticMidwifery, Platonic Inspiration," BICS 24 (1977) 7-16, em
phasizes that themidwife image is Plato's innovation.
83. E.g., D.L. 2.64 = Panaetius, fr. 126 van Straaten. Cf. C. W. Miller, Die Kurzdialoge der
TESTIMONIA
THALES
1 T la Apuleius Flor. 18.31 Helm (11 A 19; I 78.40-79.4): id a se recens
inuentum Thales memoratur edocuisse Mandrolytum Prienensem, qui noua et
inopinata cognitione impendio delectatus optare iussit, quantam uelletmercedem
sibi pro tanto documento rependi. 'satis,' inquit, 'mihifuerit mercedis,' Thales
sapiens, 'si id quod a me didicisti, cum proferre ad quospiam coeperis, tibi (non)
adsciueris, sed eius inuentime potius quam alium repertorempraedicaris.'
b Julianus Or. 3.162.2 Hertl.
1 T 2 Plautus Capt. 274-76 Lindsay:
PYTHAGORAS
2 T 1 D.L. 8.8 Long (ex Sosicratis Diadochis, FHG IV 503; cf. Heracl. Pont.,
fr. 87 Wehrli2): ev TOP) (3p o? PEv &v6@TQao6 L6e (VlL
bovTOL66bYrg xta
7rt?ovicag rlg caTaL, oL 6E cpiX6oopoi Trig &XlOeiag. (cf. 5 T 3).
EMPEDOCLES Cf. 5 T 3.
ZENO of Elea
PROTAGORAS
4 T la Plato Prt. 328b3-c2 (80 A 6; II 256.32-35): (Soc.) 'Qv [i.e., those who
are good at helping others become virtuous] 6 Oyboi[taI Eig EVOal,Xac
&atpWcovT(Og tav TOV (axCOV avOCXrojV 6ovqlOOaTLva JtQog TO xaXo)v xayaC6o
y?VEGO(al, xai &ielog TOO [tlOou O6v tjQ6TTOLr(a,xal ETL jtXiovog, (OTcEXCai
clOTC) 5ox?tv TO) FacOvTL. Ai TCa1TCL T
xaL TOV )O'JTOV j
Ti]g TpECog TO [Lt0o01
TOLOVTOV T15g EC.O Eav ?EV
?t
TJT?O3OLTLtt'6TEiV y6g atc' ltaOdf, p3OXTVITCL,
dJro6E60)XEv 6 EYCO) jTaLTTO[aL dQyUQlov' aXv 6& f, Ei o Co,i; QOV O
E6X6JOVg ag
6OOOvav qGCUtLa ElVa LT"cCl [uaCtcL, TOOOVTOVXCTET0lXE.
b Aristotle
Eth. Nic. 9.1, 1164a22-26: Fl)v 6clatv 6iE TOTiQOTCtd1 EiOTL,TOU
VOOV
J7TEOI?E TO
] O QO Xo
Xa43TOg; 6 y?TQ JTQOi[LE?VOg EXE?IVO).
EOlX' EJXLT?JTELV
Oj?tQ (aPoi xaC nHQO)TyoQCa JTOLELV OTE ytQ 6i&66tLEV d6)]jtOT?, TLtrfloal TOV
[ac0O6vTa EXEXE?EVO001 b6oxEi &LL( EJtiL(jOToCotL,Xal EXidk6[atv TOOOTOV. EV
6' Eviotg
ToIg TOLOUTOLg TO "ttLOog 6' d60X(."
@QECaXEl
Cf. 8T 1.
4 T 2a Plato Prt. 349a3-6 (80 A 5: II 256.30 f.): (Soc.) o" y' &vacav66v
oecwvTov OjToxYlQUdE[tvog Eig jrTavTOgTovSgTEXkvag, ootiOLTiv ytovouX6oag
OEaVcTOV, C&dtrqlvargxatl6CUEoog xai &QErjg i6Lt(oxcak, i)TCOTg TOOTOVO
ULG(06V&ClcWboag iQvuo0al.
b Philostrat. V. sph. (80 A 2; II 255.29 ff.): TO S&Iao0oo
1.10.4 Kayser
6Lau)yECoOotXaL Q(TOg EVUQ?, jTIX)TOg 6i JTacQg6OXEV '"EXkkol, Xr&dytca 01)
& ydQ Civ 6ajdrv
[IECITTOV' 07a 3 ovo6d[o(V, koXldov &oJrna6[tECO TOV
T)oixa..
4 T 3a Sch. Plat. Resp. 600c Greene (80 A 3; II 255.37 ff.): xai rciQxog k6yovg
EQLOTLXO'UgECge Xal laoOov rcQaE tOiC; iOrg
frtTag tv&gS '. ex quo:
b Suda rT2958 Adler.
4 T 6a Athen. Bekker
5.218bc (= Eupolis, Parasiti, p. 296 Kock; 80 A 11, II
257.18 ff.): o'Uv ev
TOliUT T60 6bQaxaTL EitoXTl TOy6 nQrI@oTayo v do<
eJTbrl[tOrvTa EiLoC61y (I 297 K), 'Aelt4VcaC; 6' EV T) K6vvw 60o tZQOTreOV
i?TEoV 8SiCaXovTi o0 xaCtaQiLtOtf carU6v (I 673 K) ;v TO TiOVc(POVTLorTOV
Xoo). M6rkov oiv (og tETCa(LTOUTCOV TO)VXgOVyWVJTCaoQay?OVEV.
b Eupolis Parasiti, fr. 146a ( = D.L 9.50), b ( = Eustath. Od. 1547.53); (80
A 11; II 257.31-33):
Ev6ov ?V EO'it
l nQtrcTayOQag 6 Til'og
6g cXOtaOVV?UETal[1V dXLTitQLOg
XTQi TODV[tTE'Q)go), T 6Fi XoaCLtOv ?o0(?i.
4 T 9 Plato Hi. Ma. 282d3-5: (re. Gorgias and Prodicus) TO'cUOV6' ExiTEgQOc
'
jrXoV aQYUQLOv
ajyo & oo(L(a;CgE'iQyatoraLL aXog 6iilOQyO6g; &)'o7 arTivo
TlEvrg' xai ETI JTrQOTE?OgTOiiTWV rQi@OcaYOQcg.
4 T 11 Plato Prt. 310d6: (Soc. to Hippocrates, re. Protagoras) "'v carlv) 6it6g
aQyuQolOV XUal jeitE EXEIVOV, jTOtfloL xal o ooc Sv."
4 T Prt. 315a-b:
12 Plato (Soc.) TOVUtov 6E o'l OrlOOEV ixoXoilV0oo
ErjaxoVOVTEg TOV XSlyo 'vwv TO6 WV JOkV,) 5EVOL
pl cavovTO-oiVg 7yel ?}
'
EXaoTov rTOV r6OXEo) 6 noHQTaQy6O,6c V, 6?' 6&8 ?'XErT, xrqliov Tqt (ov(]
OaoJTQ 'Oq)iugs, oi 6E xa'ra Tqrv ()wOVrv'EJTrovT'aXE?Xrl]XkT
VOVOL-qoc 6? TlVE;
xai TO6V EJTtXCL@OV V
Tv XO QCO.
4 T Prt. 316c5-d2:
13 Plato (Protag. describes the position of the sophist)
?evov yaQ (av6be xati L6ov'ta iL; xciyaag
Jt6XEkg ItY6XcLg, xal EV
v Ta ; rLOovTa TO)V
VEO)V TOV;g PCkXTiTOUg djToXCEijrOVT(g Ta;g TOjVaXOCv oJuvoO(Cag, xaci OiXELwOV
GORGIAS
5 T la Athen. 'EQ~ljtTog; &E v To) jTf
11.505d-e: ?
rFoQyiov (FHG III 48) '(g
qproi?
?E?M?6flOE, , T
TcL, 'AiovaCig roFoyia(g ?Tcar r JTroL
lolaoJrTal Ty &&avd0?Lv
r;g EV AE?Xpotg ?acTOV XQ)(Vug Ex6vog, TO01HltCTvog,
aJT6vrog OT? ?i6Ev
CT6Ov, 'jXEl fli Ov6Oxcak6 XQrT Li Fo?y( r ' xca6v
iVg roxgy prt FoQylag'
yr acL 'ANvcal [xcai] V?ov rTOUtov 'AQXiXoXov ?vrv6xcaOtv.'
b Cicero De orat. 3.32.129 (82 A 7; II 274.15): cui [i.e., Grg.] tantus honos
habitus a Graecia, soli ut ex omnibus Delphis non inaurata statua, sed aurea
statueretur.
c Pliny Nat. hist. 33.24 (82 A 7; II 274.17-19): hominum primus et auream
statuam et solidam LXX circiterOlympiade Gorgias Leontinus Delphis in tem
plo posuit sibi. tantus erat docendae artis oratoriae quaestus.
d [Dio] 37.28 Bude: jrokkXa v T'rg ?XOLWjiav
ELfJT TOfU
6tZ iv FroQyicv TOV
ooclioTlv ?v A?k(poig EOTavaCl, xacl To'LavUa ?TEco@Qov xail XQVooVV.
e Pausan. 6.17.7-9 Rocha-Pereira (82 A 7; II 274.14 f): xcti r6O A?ovLVOV
roQYiciv LSElV (OTLV'&vacOLval 6? Trv ?ix6vca Eg'Oku5vrictv cpqoiv Ej[tokjog
ajr6yovog TiLTOg ArqlixQTOvg ovvoixlocaVTrog &a6?Xpkq T rFoyiov.
5 T 9a Plato Apol. 19el-20a2: 'AXX& y?Q OTE TOUTCOV 066?V E?OTLV, 1066 y' E'i
TIVOg Cxrxo6aT? c(g i?y( JtacL86?V?V EJtiX;L?iQCO&vOdtOUg xOci
x qLx[taT
JTQCTTO[tCa, 06?i TOIOTO aXrjO?g. ?itei xcai TOUTO yfE?Ft 6boxi xactXv Eval1, ?i
Tig o065 T' It jical6?U?IEv a&vOQdirovg 6otunE? rFoQyig TE 6 A?ovTiVOC xat
HQo6ixog 6 KsLog xaci 'Iaiar( 6 'H.Xsog. TOnUTOVyCaQ?xacnro, cb aivbQE, oi6g
T' EoTiV iLWvE;g?iXcdraTl TCOV jt6X?Ov Toig vfovg--oig E??ETt TOV Ec?ITdOV
ex quo:
b [Plato] Thg. 127e8-128a4.
5 T 10 Plato Grg. 447a-b: (Callicles) ... nokkX6y6g xal xactX FoQy(ag I[trv
6Lkyov jQO6TeQOv ?eb6eicaTo. (Chaerepho) cpiXog y6@Q tOL FoQyiag, 6'ot'
Jut6eiEcTat fFlTy, E ?V oxeL, vvy, fav 6? (3oVXi|,eig cLa6lS. (Callicles)
O0xoOv orTv 3oU'XY0oE MaQc ?? '
YXElV oixa6e' Etol
tac' y6o rFoyiag
xaT(XhjeI xaai EC1t6e?TaL 1fi[V.
PRODICUS
6 T la Plato Crat. 384b2-6 (84A 11; II 310.27-31): (Soc.) ei VVov ybV /6r
xT'XXOYI J'TaL nQo6txou TIrv nevT}lxovTadQaX)tov YV &XOV(0aVTL
EoJTi6tELLV,
^jdZQ)(XELJTEQ TOt1TO eoTCOa OL, (
o P)OLV
qYIV XELVOg, i6v
XEVOa, CXVEXdV OE
a&tixa at&ca ei6vab i trv &akOELCv JtEg 6vopdTcv 6OQ06tOTto' VV 6& oix
axixoa, aXX&T"iv8QaXCliav.
b Aristot. Rhet. 3.14, 1415b15 (84A 12; II 310.34 f.): TOlto b' fOVtiv,anoTEQ
?qprq nH6Ixog, OTE VVOTazOLEV Ol aXQoaQTi, 7iaQEF[t kkeXXv rig
7tEnVTdxovTaGdX[0ov a:otsg.
6 T 2 Philostr. V. Sph. 1.1: n'Qo6ixc Tp) Kicp oUvvEYEyajrTr TTg oix &a6!g
okyog' iaQceQTr xai q xaxia qpocaLTcajl acQa TO6 'HQaxXc a ev EiE
? yvvctxIwv,
oTnaLXp?vat, i pU?V &7i;Catq) TExCati 7tXItO)p, if 6? dg EcTVXEV,
xaii 3JQoTivouoat
To) 'HQgaxei vEp ?TLI, I P?V Q@yiav xai ,TxpTQujv, , 86EaCXwp6v xai Jovovg, XCa
TOD ECti ja6tl &L&i?ELdOVWV oUVTE0EVTOg TOV hkyov E4J1ttOOV EjTLSE1LV
nI 66Ixog,
eJtOlELTO TO
7EQ;LPOLT)V WaY X
TT& xai XyoWv aTdcO TOV 'OQpeosg TExai
OaJjVUQOu TQO6OV, qp' oig [EydaXwv iWv t1ioOt0o jtQta O?r3atiogl, JTXEL6vCOV
86
na
ca AcaxeMaLIovioLg, (bg eg TO oVcpEg1fQOV
TOV VEYcoavatL&ioxov Tr;cta.
6 T 3 Ibid. 1.12:
'AviXvUE 6e b ouTog TOUSgEUtati6tag tOVvEcov xcal toUg EX
t
TIOVPa[cowv o'ixwv, dog xai tQOe:voVug EXThooaThaLTrlg s g ficQag, XQprdtcov
TE yUQ TTT;)v eOYXavE xcal f6ovacg ?6&E6XEI.
6 T 5 [Plato] Axioch. 366c: (Soc.) xaui rTafta 6{ & y?co, ngo6ixov EOarv TOV
oo(pfOVa&nrlXflti
Tar , T [v 86L1oi(ovioV? lOVEVCa , ta 86 6UOlV XE
6GQacX(aLV,Txa
tQoixac yaQ avQ ovTo; o6?va Stl 6?
JrcVTOC ?00o
trtQgoa6gdXaovi. cb6i6&oxEt,
?OTriVaTr0c cpwovV TO 'EtlX&alg[Lo, "C 6? XQit TlV XELQaVy(?E'"
6 T 6 [Plato] Eryx. 397c6-d2: ToUTovi
I?o V TOV Xhyov, ?cprqv ?7yc, jrY',v ?v
Avxdco a&v/\Q aoqpSg ?oywv n1O6&xog 6 KsEog i66xEL roi g caQovUoAi(kvalv
oiUTcg, )(OTE[tL6Eva &6vacOcL jroa ol TOV JrQovTov dog
&a.; Q XHyeL.
THRASYMACHUS
7 T 1 Plato Phdr. 266c2-5: (Soc.) q TOVTO
EX}sv6oaTtv TXVr, fT
kOcywov
Oo)QcaCaUtXaog t? xcit o &XXoil XQd)?atVO1t0o)OL PEV c01TOi k4YEtv YEy6vctav,
(&XovU TE jrolOuoLV, odl v 68wQO)OQElv caitrof; dg 3CL
laot?Cov ?hEXotJLv;
7 T 2 Idem Resp. 337d6-b7: (Soc. and Glauco persuade Thrasy.) 'H6&v y\Q Ei,
E(P' &aXa&JTo TO)
iacOv xal a6ou6Tcloov &QyLOov. ...
O0xo6v ?j?tEI6&V t01
Y?vOL Tal, LZjov.
'AXX' i?OTIV, i?(r 6 r'Xucxcov. &aX' ?V?sxa 675yv(0ov, cb OcQaoa?x[t , Xy'
ravTgs yaQ I[tA?6LE (oxQaT ELaoo0oo0[V.
... T. EI?k?V V 86? o?v)XcOQY?V, Xa7T?lTa, AiTtr 6iq, s?q), # coxQarTOvg oo4ia'
actOToVPEv OXk?Lv 68b6dloxLV, jcaQa 6? TOV aXXcv
?9? I
?tQlL6vcT [avOuv?EO v xca
TOV.TO)VAtrl6?xCaQv a&o6tL66vat.
"OTtl ?V, jv 6' ?Y?O, iacvO6dvo jacaT TOV aXko, &Xrri t ?sg, d
OQacTuax?c, OTL 6? V [ie 4t lg XdQlv E?XTV?lV, 4?pJ61]' ?XTIVO yacQ 6o"v
6vvacaCl. ? E vaLE v
6vvacaLc ?&a{ vovOV'
Xg1q[aT y@Q O1X )X(co.
HIPPIAS
8 T 1 Plato Hi. Ma. (Hi.) jnoXXLxg; v o3v xai Ei;g&akXckgjE6XSk
281bl-8:
?JTQE?o?ivoc, jkXroTa 6? xatl jQL JtilTXco)V XCual [t?YOTOV iS; rqV
AaxE6ai(ova' 686 &, 6 oG
E(oTrg, 0EisOu t(tWo g ;o TOVo6? ro;g Tozov;. (Soc.)
ToLofTov I?VTO1,d 'IJTJTia, ?oJT TOTr &kralO(9 oojV TE Xal TEkELOVav6y a
Lval. oa yaQ xcai 61(x ixcalXvg EL taCQa TOV VEOV 3TokkX
XaQ iata XcaF,6kav(v i?TL
tE.(cw do()?EELV 0jV kau[t3dv?L, xati Ca 6 rtooat v otvo
6auTo OX tv ixavog
E@EQYETELV,COoJTEQ
XQ>1 TOV [EUkovTc aUI ak.' '06OXoLtEOeLV
EV Toi; JTOUXo;. xcaTaMQvooE0acL
FrL(Jax)jtTEL.]
8 T 4 Plato Hi. Ma. 283b4-cl: (Soc.) ro6E 6E otL EirE, o)v auCo6g J6o0Ev
JOXEOVEiSaS6 &a()Lxv; q| 6qXov OTl EX
aQyQLtov nQYV?o) TWOV
Tt1ELTOV
Aaxc6ati(ovog, oLJTE xai JTXElOT6xtg at)iaIL; (Hi.) G it. OV
6 A(Ca, W
YowxQacTEg. (Soc.) Hioog pg; aXX' EX6l(Toov; (Hi.) Oi6v R\V
O( V TO JTcaxatcav
JtC010JTOTE.
b8atoxatkip, xtal
a&X, a jToXX xati aeila axorlg' 60ri y'60 ov Ei6&xog 6
'AJrl|S6.vTov.
8 T 6 Plato Hi. Min. 364d3-6:
(Hi.) AioxQov yaQ av EIY], o dMxQacTES,EI
a.Xov;g v caTa TM
mToa .?id
ctt6L8E0 xca l. 6 TcacTa X WlacTa
kat[TvtELvT,
WoCTOg 8E 13T6 oou EQ@o'T(coLvaEVog L V vyyvwL[tqv T' EiXO[lU xCal J3Qtac0
&ajoxLgvoi(qv.
8 T 7 Ibid. 368b3-5: oov qxouov
(Soc.) Ey;O JOTCEl [EyaUXctLXoouVOV, JtoXX.k
ooq4av xaci tTqkwoTrvoaoITOJ 6&ELO6vTog EV&ayoQa E; TCaITIQajEtatIg.
Cf. 5 T 3, 9a.
ANTIPHO
9 T 1 Eudocia 59 (prob. = Plato Comicus, Pisandr., fr. 103 Kock): xctaOdjTETCL
6' x(0[t()6l TOu 'AvTLqicV'Tog ;g 8ElVOV Tra 6LxavLtxc xcti k6yovg xccTCaTOV
ibxatov ^ovyxEiLEvo0;g atrob6bovoR JtOkXOVX)QTp[dLTwv.
9 T 2
[Plut.] V. X orat. (=Plato Comicus Pisandr., fr. 103 Kock):
XExotC6qrTaL &6e Sg (ptaQyVU(aV it5O IndoTcVOg; V HIELodv6Qcp.
POLUS
11 T 1 Philostr. V. sph. 1.13: Kct y&a 6&r xai c TOV JtrXoiTOiOVV 6 FHiXog.
EUENUS PARIUS
Cf. Plato Apol. 20ab = 13 T 16.
CHAEREPHO
12 T 1 Sch. Arethae Plat. Apol. 20e: XactLqxv'. . . ouxoqxpTvTqr xal x6Xac,
Jo 6E xal xXmJtTn;g xaci ac(XTqg6;, rv e? JtQLovLav T;ErT]g. . .
'AQgoloqxvqg ... v 68 Tekfolaoev0lov ei ovxocpWavTrv a&Jooxd)JrT?E (fr. 552
Kassel-Austin = 539 Kock)' KQarivog Hntivn (fr. 202 Kock) ig;acXlq6v xai
xvqrTa'Ec ioXlg 6' ?V Ko6Xatv (fr. 165 Kock) Kctakioi x6okxakcytl,
. . . (fr. 295 Kassel-Austin = 291 Kock).
'ALoToqxpvrqg 6' ev 6Qd[iaol xhJrlv
WAGES (IctoO6;,
yaQyuOov, XXvoRov,Xatvta xak o, og,ejQog)
13 T 1 Alciphro 1.34.3:... oe y6Q njegQL36tXkovoCa
xoljataOcat dXov
eP3oovuh6rtv q TO JtCaQa jt6avT0v TOlV ooq0lTo)V XQUO(oV. (Thais is writing to
Euthydemus.)
13 T 2 Aristot. Eth. Nic. 9.1, 1164a27-b6 (post 4 T lb): ev toiL TOLoUTOLt6'
cQeaxel
EVLOLSg TO "'ol06gC 6' av6Qi. ." 6Eo TQtoX
aotvovTeg TOa&QuQLOV, ELTa
13 T 5 Ibid. (= Eubulid.
10.437d Comastae, fr. 1 Kock): Tr 6e eoQ@rDTOV
XoCov e og?oTiv 'Aivlol LtAEjreoOatl
6&Qoa TE
xe al TOig [o{lofig TolC
t
ooqpLotClg, o'iLeQ xoa aoTo0 ouvexX.ouv )xV ELvla oV'Ug V yv0LOtov;g, O5g cpIoCTi
Ei,3ovX(6irg 6 6laCkeEXTLXogEv 6QU6acTLKo)watoTlLg oi6tcog
13 T 8 Isoc. Contra v
sph. 13.3: xal TTxlXOIUTovVaycOa catlof T0U 6i6acoxdXovg
xalxgQiovg xaLaCTqU aTVTe0 ox aioxvvovTac TQ
TQEiL
ETLg LxLaQatg [vag OTEQ
TOVUTcVaicLTof1 g'
13 T 10 Ibid.
'Er?i6av 7:o'v TMiV i6lw)TWV TLVEg WTaCTaM TaCIa
avayvcoJtacTL.
13 T 23.286bc Norman:
15a Themistius e
dkk' 1'tEit To 6Ov6O[a'rog OioJxE@
VoE~lO~at05
vo[ioLctTog [ETE:TEO?V
?18EJ8VCE(7 9
ij 6vct[vig
62VY~a~lSxcT
Xa~ltCIX
10V5~jVA~T6Q
\ro;g OV T\6voug,
XQQOVOV,
oTegov e
Ed o5
OV
nroTayoQQag T? aTOf[otq l[cpLO3f1TEl xal IQ66ixog 6 Keiog xal roQyioa; 6
AeovtlVog,01 WoxTEQ C&ko Tl TOOV Ivlov XQ1rl]ICTwvexvQUTTOV Trrv ooCplav xai
EtgQaTTOVTO jToXk &yQtQLOV TOUg :TQooYcpoLTovTag, EXELoEOv 6rjrovU ?EXOLEV
TO1VO[iat xoa Ol vUv EtiE EiLoXolTTOVTEsg.
b Ibid. TOEirTcaQxev
289c: w&tXog TO[g 6[itXrlTag 6eo?0voLg...
TE
kEVeOeQLb'TeCOV xal [tEyaXkojQECtEoTEO QOV OTgeC3ov...V . . . CaTC OiU' EXELVO
xaOt' actTo &tLEUialvov oiTe T66E, &dXX&T068E v o08sr6Tor0oTe CQeTflg Or][EulOV,
&kkXX qcptoxeQ6o1g X
Xcal t
Qac(OlXQT[tadTOVllpv(Xg Xal a'TEXvog oo(pOLOTLXlgxat
. .
Egaioou.
13 T 17 Idem Crat.
391b10-11 (80 A 24; II 261.12 f.): (Soc. to Hermog.)
'OQ0OTdTTjl vrV
oxxeeWO;g, ) eTarQL, Ta TOWV eJTL3Ta!vovV, XltGTaral
e&
EXELVOlg TeoUVTza xal\ X6QLTaog xaaTTrLOU'tVo v. Cioi 6i OVTOl ol oorltcraL,
oLojEQ xcaL 6 &6eX4xk g soo KaCXXiasg rotk Tehoag XQFtaMTa ooq)6g 6oxel
ELval.
L
EatLgQ?0VTaCg V &6LXiav 56jo TO 6b6laoxdXov, oX6ovTC 6i 6Lxa0loovrv,
d6iXELV TOUT9) OrX 0EXOV'OLV; 0O160OXE 00 TOVTO CTOTOYVELVal, ) ETaCLQE;
13 T 22 Idem Hi. Ma. 282c6-d3: (Soc. on the Seven Sages) TO)V6 jTcaXu)v
EXE?VV
o0vo6g '(oo?EV
JTD'TOT?E&Qy6Qiov tLO96V 3tQaaLoCac 0o66' ?JTL6E?LiLg
13 T 24 Ibid. 284a4-7:
(Soc.) 'O o0v xaLXXko' E?JTriT(dLtvog LJTJrtxnlv
JraQca6tL6vat atv ?v E?TTaClXa
&a' o0x i T 'ETXd8og ldkLOTCa T'LTO xCIL
jTXaoaTCXirFqaTa
aTCL3Cdvo, xaOL 0i
&akXXol V TOUTO
(OJojSoV&0TO;
Cf. 313b5 f.
PAID LECTURES
Cf. 1 T 5, 5 T 11, 6 T 1, 2, 4, 5, 9 T 1. See also Herodotus' gift: [Plut.] De
malign. Herod. 862a (= Diyllus Athen., FGrHist 73 F 3). Note that Suda J
WRITING
14 T 1 Theopompus, FGrHist 115 F 25 = Phot. Bibl. 176, p. 120b30: . . .
'Iooxd6Trlv 'V 6t' dnoQLcv (Liov xcai Eo6ExTrv lco0o0 k6yoUg y96qtPEv xcat
oo(plaq)OTELV, EXJaTl6CUOvVTca TO'cS vEoug xWx?I0EV XaQJTOV'Uvovg Tag
14 T 2 Xenoph. Cyn. 13.8 f.: oil oopLTioT 6' e T T eajrTcaxv ?hyouol xail
yQacpovolv EJT T eaUUTlWv x
XEQ6E CLai
o16&va o06?Ev w(pEkOVoLV. . .Ot EWVyaQ
JrTo(oiouV
opqtLoTOTai xca VEOV; 0tlQY0VTcal, 01 6E CplXoOOCpol JtolT XOLVOiXca
cpiXoL' 'o)(tg 6e c(v6?QvOVi5TE TlPotLV o{5T? 'tTL[6ouotL.
BARBERSHOP
15 T 1 Eupolis Marikas, fr. 180 Kock (= Sch. Plat. Phd. 60b):
xai n6kk' eitacov ev TOlOLXOVQEiOLg ;?yo
&To6twgxa0(Coov, xo06e YLYVVOXEJLV boxCOv.
15 T 2 Plato Comicus Sph., fr. 135 Kock (= Sch. Aristoph. Av. 299):
TO Stro@y(lov XOVQElOV, EXOlOTOVTyog;.
AGORA
16 T 1Ameipsias, Apokottab., fr. 1Kock (= Athen. 7.307e):
Cf. 8 T 7 on Hippias.
bii Eupolis Parasiti, fr. 149 Kock (= Pollux 9.59; Sch. Lucian. V 179.9):
0
of JQ 1)68? o(i6rlog
O6O? Xotkx6Og CatE?lyE?
t qLolTv
(PO ?J; 6?EL7VOV
xatcxT TO EijToXtv.
bvii Ibid., fr. 172 Kock (= Athen. 3.100b): xolklobai t(v ... EiroXlg Toog
xotaxag Ev T4 6tow[tUap
ov cqatUTL oirTto xXvlxE.
Cf. perhaps Zonaras 1555 (= Plato Comicus Soph., fr. 147 Kock): tXkaioiov
?6og [?TQOV 1 f# ?v TgTQaYOWvoTcOVOT@QaUTLOT V TLaig, which might be viewed
in the light of the "chorus" formation of Protagoras' pupils in Plato Prt. 315a
b.
EROS
18 T 1 Alciphro 1.34.4-7:
(Thais writes to Euthydemus) o'L?i 6iE 8LaCQ?LV
TLcaiQg ocpIOTriV; TOOOUTOV LoCog Ooov O0 6laX T)V a)TWVv ?XaT?'QOL
tELOo1OLV,?EJTEiVY? &[tqOTC?QOL T?'okg EQO6xLTOLL TO Xkal[v.
SOCRATES
19 T 1 Aelian Var. hist. 9.29: t
'EopQrf; oviorlS jaQra ro 'A0rlvaciol
lo0)LlOTailoaTo <6> 'AkxlxSt6rbg&6Qca Jtoroka T [E.caL T ) Wcox0CTEl. Tr5 ovV
c.av0(iJrnT xoaTatrkaceiaoY xal
TOyv CoxWaTrlv kapElv ctrTa atolarlsg, 6 6e
(prl' "&aXXaxai [tsgL5T CpltXoTll[iactT TOO 'AkXtlLa66oU jtraQctacart6cs0U, P)
ka?eiv Ta jT?cp,0?VITT avT1(pLCOTlk']oCllaE?voL." Ej?l 6e TlSgECP] JQO aci)o O6TL
piyca e (JTv v iOuVtliei TLg TOUTWOYV TVXELV,6 6? "&aXka Etl6V eonC Ti6 of6&
JiML0viv r\iv &aX v."
19 T 4a Ibid. 2.24 f.: AiTdQxr1Tg Te Xvxaci oeAv6o. xcai ToTE 'AAXxil366ov, xadO
)cprot lnaci(Xl r v T ep66a06C TYOV 'YjotvrqlJtTcWV (FHG iii. 521), 6L66VTo5
CalrC XO)CQ(av tceydlXfv Tva Oixo6oqOlTaL oixiacv fxIval, "xal ei O6YrlondTOrwv
6El xOal 3 LQoCaV CtOL e66oVg 'Iv' :acUTCt OroNt(aQTa jT
xoloclitalrV,
xaTUayXaWcTog av qv Xkacf3O." arok.XLgXS 6' &coQcv ei5 ra rkJT0] TCOV
tljTQaoXxop?vc)v EXye JTQog5aoL'Tv, "JT6ocv EyC7 XQeLiav OVx EXo). xcai
ouveXe; xeTvacv &cq0CeyEyTo TaL iatc3a (Kock ii. 512).
QOvYTov."
a&Qyv
c Ibid. 2.80:
E? 6Oi[k(ag catit [Tc 'AQLOTiJTnTc,sc.] XQ'caTLioai?iVp cprloi
YCox dT'rg, "jr6Ov aol Toocaira;" xca 6g, "60Ev 001 TCaOXiyaC."
6' caiTov
TOOJTO TO OtETQOATTXO6V xCal e?yaX06(()Qo ?}Q[Uaiv?ExCal
'AQLOTOxVlqg ?CYOv OVi'co; (Nubes 362 ff.).
19 T 6a Seneca De ben. 1.8.1: Socrati cum multa pro suis quisque facultatibus
offerrent,Aeschines, pauper auditor: "Nihil,;' inquit, "dignum te, quod dare tibi
possim, invenio et hoc uno modo pauperem esse me sentio. Itaque dono tibi,
quod unum habeo, me ipsum.Hoc munus rogo, qualecumque est, boni consulas
cogitesque alios, cum multum tibi darent, plus sibi reliquisse." Cui Socrates.
"Quidni tu," inquit, "magnummunus mihi dederis, nisi forte teparvo aestimas?
Habebo itaque curae, ut temeliorem tibi reddam, quam accepi. "Vicit Aeschines
hoc munere Alcibiadis parem divitiis animum et omnem iuvenum opulentorum
munificentiam.
b D.L. 2.34.
[t'
3TQdtT1 CotOlcaCi ool XCaTaCiOCLVTOVU9Oeug.
Cf. Procl. in Plat. Parm. III 656.16 Cous. and Aristoph., fr. 506 Kassel-Austin
= 490 Kock.
b Ibid. 1.1.10: xcali EXYyE&iv dog TO xOkU, TOLg6e foVkXodvolg Eriv acxovElv.
19 T 16 Ibid. 1.6.1-5 (87 A 3; II 335.17-336.1): "Atiov 6' aoTiou xai C& Qog
'AVTllq(VTXa TOv ooq)tOlTrV 6teXX0q[U] t CacQakXlrlv. 6 YOQ 'AvTLItXv JTOTE
pouvk6otvog TOVUgouVvoa(JLaag 10Ot
caio aQek oiaOL aQooeXOCbv Ty) 1ox0Q&TEl
jTaQovTmov aCloWv XeSee T6Te' '2Q LxQatTegS, O/ ) C[ V ()[t]YV TOMg
q(jkooo0ovvTLaog E6alO[(ov?oT'?Qov XQ]VGal yiyvE(oOal' a 6 EAOI 6oxCie
ca
TdvaUvTia lg] (tlkXoooqi o.okgrvxval.
-fg s yoiv ocog ;g o6' &v Eig
6o0hog n56 6eo't6rn6 6LaTc'rd)t?vog [teivSEte' oiLTr TE oJLT'rxal jroTL MviYEtg Tr
L EOV a[tj
(awvkXoTaT, xaci LlUTov t ob [Povov (aWvkov, XkkC TOctlTO 0QEoug TE
xcal XE)(?Lpvog, &vUJt668TO6g TE xali aXiTcov 6CaTeX[g. xali B/Iv XQltaTd( ye o0
Xac.3[veLg, C Xal xrT4ogvovg (O)Qatv?E Xoal XEXTY1i[VOVg EkEVOEQLO)TeQOVTE
xal ,. ei ol
xal TWV&XXWcviQYOV0 616a0xkXool Iog
6ilov JTOLET?l oi'v 6oate
g
[La9OYTdr [tL[r]TOg ECUUTcov aTo6eLXVUovolv, OUTic XUal 0U To'g ovvVOVTr ;
6tcarioeLg, v6[1 CxaLxo6caL1oviag; 6L86doxaXkog ei[a. xal 6 xCXQatTrlg JTQO
TalrTa ?TU?E'
AoxEi;go101, AvtlXv
'AVT, Rq,nE o'kr Tva e Co1 & gtf;v,
(OTE reT}aElOtgcLOE [cUkov anooave?v av ?XEo0Oaalr ?fv }y)E 'E[O.
orEQ ov
19 T 23a Ibid. 37c4: ov yatQ oTilFiot Xriuta oT 60Ev eXTE-Loo) [sc., a fine].
b Ibid. 38b4: ioco 6w'av 6bvct(atlv ?XTE?oui
c 6liv rtOV (Iv&vaQyvQtov.
19 T 26 P. Hibeh 182 (first half 3 cent. A.D.: E.G. Turner, "Life and Apoph
thegms of Socrates," The Hibeh Papyri II [London 1955] 26-40) seems to
contain (cols IV-VIII) Socrates' thoughts on the question of whether taking
money would
allow him X'Ekv0eo0g flv cTdV?a ii njtor6vog; 6LOiTcrOca,. Unfortu
nately, the precise nature of Socrates' remarks cannot be reconstructed. They
seem to go rather to the nature and uses of wealth than to the precise issue of
payment for teaching. See the edition and commentary in I. Gallo, Frammenti