ABUL FATH ABDULLAH KHAN UZBEG

The accession of Iskandar Khan was the beginning of the supremacy of Abdullah Khan since he acted
as de facto ruler during his father's reign. Born in 1533 to Iskandar Khan and Agha Jan Begam
(the daughter of a great amir, Abu Ishaq) and brought up and trained by Ten Saiyid Bijalair and
Amir Yar Muhammad Atka, Abdullah had started manifesting his martial qualities and political
insight from a very early age. As already noted Abdullah spent his time during some difficult years
(1550-60) occasionally as a freebooter, and had once stayed with the ruler of Bukhara, Abdul Aziz
with whom he had a common hostility to Nauroz Ahmad. During his early childhood, he ha4 noticed
that the political situation was rather fluid. Nauroz Ahmad of Turkestan harboured hostile
feelings towards Abdullah Khan from the very beginning, and continued to create difficulties for
him not only during his own khaqanship but also by insinuating the other Khans and Sultans
against Abdullah from time to time. There were no good generals or ambitious warriors in
Abdullah's family who could match the valour of the other Sultans. Notwithstanding these
unfavourable circumstances Abdullah was at last able to find a true patron and a staunch supporter
in Khwajajuibari who later on extended him great moral and political support and gave him
protection in various forms till the death of his opponent Nauroz Ahmad. Indeed, during his
political career, Abdullah benefited in many ways from several other Khwajas of the
Naqshbandi and Jahria orders, particularly Khwaja Said with tact and acumen Abdullah tried to
establish his influence by enlisting support among the masses through the assistance of certain
popular saints. Ultimately, Abdullah emerged not only as the most powerful khaqan of the Shaibanids
but also as a king who compares favourably with other rulers of his time.
As de facto ruler behind the titular Khaqan Iskandar Khan, Abdullah inherited a number of
problems. The letters exchanged

between Khwaja Juibari, Khwaja Said and various princes 1 show that the period from 1539 to
1559 had been characterized by constant civil wars and weak central rule which had ultimately
affected the stability of the Uzbeg Empire. Abdullah had to fight a number of wars to save his
paternal Kingdom of Karmina. Abdullah tried to secure paramountcy over the other Sultans
also which excited the jealousy of his kinsmen. The khaqan no longer enjoyed his former
position, the Sultans defied his authority quite frequently, overlooking their military and
financial obligations to the khaqan. The situation existing at this time also helped the nobility
and religious leaders to increase their power considerably. Jenkinson gives a vivid description
of the chaotic atmosphere in the region at this time. From his account it is evident that Khans
were being deposed and murdered every now and then; the clergy had strengthened its
hold over the kings; the revenue of the Khans was small; trade had declined considerably; a
king could not hope to reign for more than two or three years and the people were being
exploited by rulers through various unscrupulous means. 2
Since a great part of the Central Asian population consisted of non-setded tribes, the influence
of the tribal social order was strongly felt in certain parts of the empire. It was, therefore, not an
easy task to suppress the defiant tribal chiefs who had the support of a large number of soldiers
and whose faithful adherence to their pattern of life frequently created difficulties for the
empire and also obstructed the growth of a strong and stable central rule after such a long
period of anarchy. Besides, certain Uzbeg princes still held their hereditary appanages. Having
enjoyed several recendy acquired prerogatives under previous khaqans, the Sultans were
unwilling to part with their privileges. This led to constant civil wars. Amongst such Sultans
were the sons of Nauroz Ahmad, Baba Sultan, Darvesh Sultan and others, who were no less
crafty and quarrelsome than their father. As these Sultans held the border territories of Tashkent
and Turkestan, they were the closest neighbours of the Kirghiz and Qazaq tribes and were in a
position to use them against Abdullah Khan. The two Samarqandi princes, Jawanmard and
Gadai, were thought to be fickle and not very competent and became convenient tools in the
hands of their more shrewd kinsmen and frequently alternated their alliances with Baba Sultan
and Abdullah. Although the ruler of Balkh, Din Muhammad, lacked his father's valour, his
scheming nature created a variety of problems for Abdullah.
Certain administrative matters and financial problems also required immediate attention.
Abdullah Khan dreamt of reigning over a vast empire with absolute despotism as in the days of
Timur and Shaibani, but he found himself confronted with an extremely loose administrative
system. The prerequisites of a well-knit centralized empire were complete extermination of, or at
least a curbing of the ambitious Uzbeg princes, full subjugation of the nomadic tribes and finally
the rejuvenation of a crippled economy. After eliminating all his unruly and ambitious kinsmen,
Abdullah wanted to create a group consisting of his own military nobility.
As a deputy of his father, Abdullah tried to secure paramountcy over the other Sultans. This
aroused the jealousy of his kinsmen, especially that of the sons of Nauroz Ahmad (the rulers of
Tashkent and Turkestan) and Sultan Said (the ruler of Samarqand). With these Sultans, Abdullah
had to be constantly at war till they were finally destroyed. Since his own brothers and cousins like
Ibadullah, Uzbeg Sultan and Khusru Sultan, were not very capable, Abdullah had to face his
opponents practically single-handed. Depending upon his resources in Bukhara, Karmina,
Miyankal,3 Qarshi and Charjuy and supported by his rather ineffective cousins, Khusru and Uzbeg
Sultan, Abdullah embarked upon the task of creating a genuine empire.
While the rejoicings at Iskandar's accession were still being held, Darvesh Sultan, an old and bitter
enemy of Abdullah, with whom he had once measured swords, now sent apologies for his past
behaviour and also sought an audience to congratulate the new khaqan, in conformity with the
principles of Tura-i Chingizi* This step was taken by Darvesh only as a matter of expediency and
due to apprehension that failure to discharge this obligation might be treated as defiance and earn
him dismissal as Sultan. Abdullah was thus saved from embarking upon a war for this purpose.
On his arrival in July/August 1562, Darvesh dispelled the remaining fears of Abdullah by seeking
advice from him regarding the administrative affairs of his apanage; he assured him of his faithfulness
and sincerity. Having laid at rest Abdullah's suspicions, Darvesh Sultan and his brothers, Tahir and
Qasim, returned with horses, khalats and valuables.5 While the silence of Baba and other Sultans
still worried him, Abdullah was now free of pressure at least from the direction of Samarqand. The
period of peace was, however, short-lived. Abdullah's anxieties started increasing soon after the
death in 1562

of his patron Khwajajuibari. If the unflinching support of Khwaja had continued with him for some
time more, Abdullah would have probably strengthened his hold more fully over administration
as well as on the people. Consequently, his ambitious activities were reduced considerably for five
years and he was almost thrown into oblivion. In these changed circumstances, it was not possible
for him to undertake any campaign. Since he had no hereditary claim to the throne of Bukhara,
Abdullah was afraid of losing his hold on that territory, particularly at a time when he had no other
powerful supporter like Khwajajuibari. Consequently, he gave his full attention to the question of
consolidating his position internally. In this he had to win over various sections of the population
of Bukhara, especially the Mullas and the Shaikhs. Having provided several facilities for the
welfare of the people, Abdullah had a madrasa constructed in Bukhara, held discussions and
consultations with religious personages for the administrative improvement of the area, and also built
ribats and inns for the public welfare.6
From 1562 to 1567, Abdullah continued to strengthen his position in Bukhara so that it might serve as
a base for his future operations. Since the position of his father as khaqanwas not very secure, action
against his ambitious kinsmen was also not feasible withoutjustifiable pretext. Pir Muhammad, the
deposed Khan, was still alive and could try to regain power by exploiting the grievances of the Sultans
against Abdullah. To win over their cooperation Abdullah gave them an opportunity to collect booty
by organizing a plundering expedition into Khurasan at the end of 1567, He was accompanied by
his brothers, Ibadullah and Khusru, and followed by some rather lukewarm allies, such as Din
Muhammad of Balkh Darvesh Sultan and Tahir Sultan of Tashkent, and Sultan Said and Abdal
Sultan of Samarqand. Realizing that his most pressing needs were the strengthening of finances
and the recruitment of additional forces, Abdullah decided to undertake plundering expedition in
Khurasan. After overrunning the territory day and night and spending the whole winter
plundering, Abdullah secured immense booty. But for a serious quarrel which broke out between
Khusru Sultan and Din Muhammad, as a result of which Abdullah was forced to abandon the
campaign.7 The fort of Boriya Bafan would have fallen to Abdullah despite stiff resistance by the
large army sent by Shah Tahmasp under his son Khuda Banda.
Hafiz Tanish, however, informs us that the siege was raised, first,
due to the rebellion of Khusru Sultan who had gone to Shahr-i Sabz without permission; and
secondly, because of the news that Shah Tahmasp was coming with 18,000 fully equipped men to
relieve the pressure on his son. Since 1548 the military strength of Shah Tahmasp had been
steadily increasing. Not only the Portuguese and the Russains supported him with artillery but the
indirect Ottoman arms aid was not negligible. The influx of refugees (of Persian origin) from Turkey,
followed by the arrival of the rebel prince Bayazid alongwith thirty pieces of artillery and many
warriors must have helped the Shah in warfare. The Jalali bands, equipped with Tufeng who took
employment in the Shah's army, were also infusing new strength in the Shah's forces.8 Abdullah
was not entirely oblivious of these dangers. Although Khusru had finally agreed to cooperate,
Abdullah retained some apprehensions about his intentions and was compelled to bring the
campaign to an end.9
With his exhausted forces, Abdullah attacked Merv Shahijan the same year and devastated the
town; he even destroyed the dam on the Murghab river, which is said to have deprived the people
of Balkh of irrigational facilities allegedly for seven years. For Abdullah himself, the gains from this
campaign were enormous since a large number of captives fell into his hands and the strength of
his army considerably increased.'" Despite such initial successes, however, Abdullah was unable
to undertake any other ambitious projects as he became involved in internecine feuds.
The Uzbeg Sultans had become so accustomed to making encroachments on each other's
territories that the peace never seemed likely to last. To the jealousies already existing among
them was added the desire for expansion, particularly with such a princes as had no territory of their
own. Abul Khair Sultan was such a prince; he had requisitioned some troops from his father's territory
of Rabat Khwaja and invaded Shahr-i Sabz when its ruler Khusru Sultan was absent. Having
devastated the town, Abul Khair killed several nobles like Tughma ataliq and Julaci ataliq, and
married the daughter of Khusru Sultan, Khan Bibi, probably to establish his claim to the territory.
Having an army at his disposal and complacent in the belief that Khusru had lost the sympathy of
Abdullah thanks to his irresponsible behaviour during the Persian campaign, Abul Khair felt
that he could conveniently hold the area. His assessment of the situation was not quite correct, as
Abdullah already had misgivings about the Sultans of Samarqand, Tashkent and Turkestan. They
were

not only likely to form a coalition against him but had also been instigating the steppe tribes like the
Kirghiz and Qazaqs to rise against him. Compared to the hostile attitude of these princes, Khusru
Sultan's impropriety seemed to be a temporary affair. Besides, in view of his responsibilities as the
de facto khaqan and also because of his dream of a strong, centralized empire, it was necessary for
him to take drastic steps to curb the high-handedness of the Sultans against each other. Being aware
of the rivalry between the family of Jani Beg (the ancestor of Abdullah) and that of Sewinch Khwaja
(ancestor of Nauroz Ahmad), Abdullah could not visualize its serious consequences, he had thus
started making preparations for war.
When Khusru received news of the attack on Shahr-i Sabz by Abul Khair he abandoned the hunting
excursion in which he was involved to besiege the town. Abdullah also went to help Khusru Sultan.
They stopped the water supply of the besieged town by filling the ditches around the fort with hay
and felled trees. The circumstances show that the active participation by Abdullah in this
campaign was probably an error on his part, which was presumably due to his overambitious
nature, inexperience and youth. Had he avoided taking sides in the affairs of the Sultans and
remained aloof from petty politics, he might have avoided further involvements with the other
Sultans. As a khaqan, he could easily play the role of a mediator and achieve his objectives even
otherwise. As a consequence of this action, several Sultans were provoked to attempt a direct
confrontation with him.
On receiving news of the Abdullah-Khusru counterattack, Jawanmard became worried about
his son, Abul Khair. Since he did not dare face Abdullah directly, Jawanmard planned to divert
Abdullah's attention by besieging the town of Bukhara which could, in turn, compel Abdullah's
withdrawal from Shahr-i Sabz. In this task, he was assisted by Abdullah's bitterest enemy, Baba
Sultan, who never lost an opportunity to create problems for Abdullah. As anticipated by
Jawanmard, Abdullah marched back to Bukhara. Khusru Sultan could not continue the siege
single-handed and fled to Qarshi. While the campaign did notsecure any gains for Abdullah, it
certainly increased the hostility of his kinsmen and led to the formation of a coalition against
him of the Sultans of Samarqand, Tashkent, Turkestan, Hisar and Khwarazm.
The fort of Shahr-i Sabz fell to Abul Khair but he was not destined to enjoy the fruits of his victory
for long. Having concluded that the
situation was under control, he sent back the auxiliary troops of his father to Rabat Khwaja. But the
people of Shahr-i Sabz were not happy with Abul Khair and informed Khusru of the departure of
the troops. Khusru made a successful night attack on the town and occupied the fort with
comparative ease. In his euphoria at this unexpected success, he did not arrest Abul Khair, who
escaped to Samarqand. This negligence on Khusru's part ultimately deprived him of his territory,
and his life.11
Abul Khair's loss of Shahr-i Sabz startled all the Sultans of Samarqand, Tashkent and Turkestan,
whose silent rivalry now took a new turn of open defiance of Abdullah's authority They jointly
decided to help him against Abdullah. In January 1568, Abul Khair came back to fight against
Abdullah with the help of the Sultans of Hisar, Tashkent, Turkestan and Samarqand. He once more
besieged Shahr-i Sabz after overpowering the population in the vicinity. A bewildered Khursu
made frantic efforts to save his apanage and sought the help of Abdullah Khan. He also ordered
the civilian population of artisans and craftsmen to participate in the defence of the fort.
While Abdullah tried his best to collect troops from various places, Uzbeg Sultan joined him
voluntarily. Since the other Sultans had already formed a coalition against Abdullah, he could only
expect some assistance from his cousin Din Muhammad of Balkh though with him, too, he did not
have very cordial relations and had not even conveyed his condolences at the death of his father,
Pir Muhammad.12 The exigencies of the situation, however, demanded that he should sink his
differences now and approach Din Muhammad for assistance. The response of Din Muhammad was
reasonably encouraging, notwithstanding the fact that bitter memories of Abdullah's past actions
still rankled.
After collecting troops from various places in February 1568, Abdullah besieged Samarqand
instead of going to Shahr-i Sabz, presumably with a view to avoiding an open battle and also to
divide the forces of his. enemies. The idea was that by encircling Samarqand, he could force the Sultans
to raise the siege of Shahr-i Sabz and to rush back to Samarqand and thus the fall of the
undefended fort would be easier. A direct consequence of this action was that Abdullah's forces
were divided between two places and thus weakened him considerably. Contrary to Abdullah's
expectations, however, his opponents were aware of his weak military position;

they thus remained entrenched at Shahr-i Sabz and sent only a small detachment to Samarqand. This
detachment was easily worsted at Jam. Had Abdullah dispatched sufficient reinforcements to
Khusru, his enemies might have been repulsed easily, but the Sultans now increased pressure on
the fort of Shahr-i Sabz. Realizing his error, and encouraged by the small success at Jam, Abdullah
marched towards Shahr-i Sabz. But while he was on his way, the town capitulated through the
connivance of some nobles within the fort. Khusru was captured and thrown down from the parapet
on Baba Sultan's orders but he survived. The fort was assigned to Faqir Sultan, a nephew of Baba.
Abdullah was now driven to desperation: fastening a rope round his neck, he appeared in that
condition before Qasim Shaikh Azizan, a famous saint of his times, and expressed his intention
of leaving for Mecca. Unlike Khwajajuibari, Qasim Shaikh did not offer to intercede on his behalf
but merely promised to extend his help in future; he also obligingly prophesied that a grand success
was in store for him.13
After the conquest of Shahr-i Sabz, the Sultans proceeded to overrun Miyankal and the fort of
Dabusi. When Abdullah reached there to save his paternal kingdom, he found that the adjoining
fort to Dabusi had been completely subjugated by Muzaffar, Mehdi, Khudai Pirdi and Jawanmard.
Abdullah immediately collected his scattered forces and inflicted a crushing defeat on them.
Khudai Pirdi, his son Bahadur Sultan and certain important nobles were instantly beheaded at the
order of Abdullah. Jawanmard escaped with his sons and took shelter in Rabat Khwaja. Despite stiff
resistance by the people of Samarqand, Abdullah's men forced open the gates of the fort and
plundered the city. After spending a few days in Samarqand, Abdullah returned the fort to Sultan
as it was not advisable for him to wrest and occupy the fort at this stage. Apart from teaching
Samarqand Sultans a lesson, Abdullah's men had also acquired immense booty from the place H and
Abdullah saw no need to antagonize his kinsmen at this stage. Fearing the arrival of Baba Sultan
with greater preparations, Abdullah quickly returned to Bukhara.
Abdullah's success in Samarqand and his benevolent gesture towards Sultan Said alarmed Baba
Sultan who was already apprehensive about his close ally, Sultan Said. Along with a large army,
Baba Sultan came to Samarqand to renew his friendship with Sultan Said and, if possible, to plan
a joint attack on Abdullah.
Encouraged by the persuasions of Baba Sultan and prompted by a spirit of revenge, Said agreed
and theyjointly besieged Dabusi. Here they had to face stiff resistance from Sultam Sulaiman,
an uncle of Abdullah. From Bukhara, Abdullah also dispatched reinforcements under Tankari
Quli Bi Durman. The court historian claims that Baba was forced to raise the siege and initiate
negotiations for peace, and that the fort of Shahr-i Sabz was given to him later in response to his
request to Shaikh Azizan, who subsequently assigned it to Abdul Khair.15 Nevertheless
Abdullah's gesture of surrendering Shahr-i Sabz to Baba at the intercession of the Shaikh tempts
one to conclude that this agreement was probably the result of a treaty in which Abdullah had
no option but to accept the condition imposed on him due to his own reverses.
Soon Abdullah got a chance to act without such fetters. Darvesh Sultan (elder brother of Baba
Sultan) renewed his past friendship with Abdullah and invited him to invade Samarqand. Since
Darvesh Sultan had lately developed hostility towards Baba, this action seems to have been
motivated by a desire to take revenge against his brother. Having met each other in January 1570
in the vicinity of Sagharaj, they (Abdullah and Darvesh) both laid siege to Samarqand. Once
again, Baba Sultan rushed to Samarqand to help Sultan Said. The siege went on for forty days.
Ultimately they were compelled to raise the siege because of the cold weather and also because
of the strong opposing forces. Some sort of peace was patched up and the forces of Darvesh
and Abdullah retired. Baba Sultan was, however, unwilling to spare Abdullah this time and so
he marched secretly towards Karmina where Abdullah's army of 20,000 soldiers, headed by
Sultan, was camping. Baba Sultan's troops were however driven away towards the river, from
where they could escape only with difficulty. His soldiers retaliated by plundering the tuman
of Ghujdwan. Here the forces of Baba were overtaken and routed by Abdullah's army under
notable generals. Baba Sultan again sought the intervention of Qasim Shaikh by whose efforts
some kind of peace was agreed upon and the Sultans returned to their respective bases. 16
Abdullah realized that, dxie to stiff opposition from Baba Sultan, his advance towards the east
was not possible for some time.
Having lost all hope of gaining Samarqand immediately, Abdullah turned his attention to Balkh.
Sultan Pir Muhammad had died in March 1567. He left behind three sons, Din Muhammad,
Padshah Muhammad and Shah Muhammad neither of whom had sufficient

personal valour and so were not quite capable of establishing a strong rule. The territory of Balkh
had always excited the cupidity of Abdullah because of its revenues and strategic importance.
However, his invasion of Balkh was explained by the fact that Din Muhammad had not
participated in the campaigns launched by Abdullah recently. In accordance with the Tora
of Chingiz Khan this action was treated as a defiance of the Khan's authority. Since Abdullah
had many enemies in the families of Sewinch and Abu Said, he could hardly afford to ignore lack
of coorperation in his own family. Having collected his forces and accompained by Uzbeg Sultan,
he proceeded to punish Din Muhammad and besieged Andkhud which was then being ruled by
Shah Muhammad (the brother of Din Muhammad) with Jan Daulat Bi Naiman as his ataliq.
The fort of Andkhud was quite strong and was situated at a high place. The necessary
provisions and armaments were also stored there. Even the efforts of Ustad Ruhi to force a
breach in the walls failed and the siege went on despite extremely cold weather, stormy winds
and snowfall. In that situation, when an offer of peace was received through certain clever nobles
of Andkhud, Abdullah not only accepted the proposal but agreed to send Uzbeg Sultan in the
fort to complete the negotiations. The keys of the fort were presented to Uzbeg Sultan. It
appears that Uzbeg Sultan made secret agreement with the ruler of Andkhud, after which he
neither opened the front gates nor even accepted Abdullah's greetings properly. Till this
time, the position of Abdullah himself was not quite secure and the princes did not consider
it advantageous to support him consistently. Combined with this, th%ir own desire for
personal gains was an additional reason for them to shift their loyalties frequently.
Convinced of the desertion of Uzbeg Sultan, Abdullah left and besieged Shibarghan. Uzbeg
Sultan followed him for some distance, presumably to seek his forgiveness. But the cold attitude
of Abdullah discouraged him and he went to Balkh to make a fresh alliance with Din Muhammad
who extended him an unusually warm welcome.
In the mean time, Abdullah occupied the fort of Shibarghan and, after appointing Muhammad
Bi as his ataliq in the town, he marched towards Balkh. Since Din Muhammad did not dare face
Abdullah in open battle, he sought the intervention of Maulana Muhammad Zahid of the
Kubrawiah silsilah. Abdullah too was willing to make peace. The constant fighting and
unbearably cold weather had exhausted his forces. The behaviour of Uzbeg Sultan had
also
discouraged Abdullah. Although Abdullah made a promise to Din Muhammad to return to him
Shibarghan and also sent word that his intention was not to conquer the place but only to give
him a little warning, he did not intend to leave Din Muhammad alone.17 After about a year Abdullah
proceeded with greater preparations against Din Muhammad with a detachment sent by
Jawanmard of Samarqand under his two sons, Abul Khair and Muzaffar, who hardly realized that the
same fate awaited them also in near future. He besieged Tirmiz in 1572. Its ruler, Badshah
Muhammad, received some reinforcements from his brother Din Muhammad. Having failed to
persuade Badshah Muhammad to capitulate, Abdullah tried to stop supplies from reaching the fort.
As the siege was protracted there was acute scarcity of food in the garrison. Din Muhammad
collected forces from all corners of his khanate and came to Tirmiz with a large army. It is
interesting to note that Uzbeg Sultan also accompanied him in this march against Abdullah.
But Din Muhammad's soldiers started deserting him out of fear of mighty Abdullah Khan and
was now left with no choice but to retreat. The siege of Tirmiz was, however, continued till its
people were driven to extreme straits. Din Muhammad was ultimately forced to send Khwaja
Abdulwali Parsa to sue for peace. Accordingly, the fort of Tirmiz was surrendered to Abdullah who
immediately assigned it to Sultan Mahmud. Badshah Muhammad was required to personally pay
allegiance to Abdullah. Having made the necessary arrangements, Abdullah returned hastily to
Bukhara as something like a civil war was developing there.'8
The death of Sultan Said brought about a civil war in Samarqand. While his brotherjawanmard (of
Ribat Khwaja) was trying to occupy his hereditary apanage, Baba Sultan and Darvesh Sultan
attacked the territory which had once been conquered by their father, Nauroz Ahmad. Apart from
the strategic importance of Samarqand, one special reason for Baba Sultan to conquer this territory
was that his advance towards northern or eastern parts did not offer him any suitable
opportunities.
When Sultan Said was alive, he had been a close ally of Baba Sultan against Abdullah. Till then,
Samarqand had remained a military post for Baba and also served as a buffer and balancing force
beteween the powers of Turkestan and Bukhara—an obstacle in the advance of Abdullah towards
the east. With Sultan Said, death the balance was tilted in favour of Abdullah since the weak Sultans

of Samarqand were inclined towards him. The possibility of an alliance between Abul Khair
and Baba, and its resultant effects had so completely frightened the princes of Samarqand,
Gadai and Jawanmard, that the latter asked for help from Abdullah. Abdullah was still staying
at Nasaf when the envoy of Jawanmard arrived there. Realizing the significance of this move,
Abdullah decided to proceed to Samarqand even with the small force he then had with him. Baba
Sultan had not only sent his sons tc besiege Samarqand and another detachment to overrun
Shahr-i Sabz (then held byjawanmard's son Abul Khair) simultaneously, but had also
attempted to use Gadai for his ends by raising him to the throne, thereby pitting him against
Jawanmard whose chances for kingship were eliminated. But Gadai Sultan did not fulfil the
requisites of a puppet ruler and was later on won over by Abdullah, which made war inevitable.
In the battle at Qawmi (a dependency of Samarqand), Abdullah not only defeated Baba Sultan
but also routed, at Kuk Gumbad, an enemy force returning from an expedition to Shahr-i Sabz.
The people of Uratiba apprehending an attack on their town sent presents through Qulbaba,
as a result of which Abdullah ordered his men to refrain from plundering the town and the
forces returned to the capital. 19 With a friendly Sultan in possession of Samarqand, the future
prospects of Abdullah had brightened considerably. Not only the frequent raids upon his
territory from Turkestan and Tashkent were stopped his own advance towards eastern
territories had been facilitated through the establishment of friendly relations with
Samarqand. The adventurous spirit of Baba was dampened after the debacle at least for the
time being and no immediate attack was apprehended from him. Now despite some relief from
the problems on eastern and westerr^orders, Abdullah's anxieties had increased about the
south-western territory from where Din Muhammad had been constantly creating difficulties.
The two earlier campaigns of Abdullah had not been fruitful in bringing Din Muhammad to
obedience. He was now free to undertake the conquest of Balkh which was necessary now as
part of his plan for an advance towards Badakhshan. The threat from Persia had also receded
at this time. Shah Tahmasp was growing old and political conditions had deteriorated
rapidly in the last years of his reign. With the clouds of civil war looming over the empire, it was
very unlikely that the Persian ruler would venture to contest Abdullah's occupation of Balkh. Only
the increasing friendship of the ruler of Balkh with Baba Sultan and Shah Sulaiman of
Badakhshan caused some worry to Abdullah.
While in the past, Abdullah had refrained from the idea of bringing his frontiers nearer to Balkh,
he considered it necessary now to occupy the territory since an independent Balkh would give
much encouragement to his opponents like Baba Sultan, Shah Sulaiman and even the ruler of
Kashghar.
Notwithstanding the fact that Abdullah had once helped Din Muhammad in the occupation
and administration of Balkh, subjugation of Us and ulus and in the maintenance of his army,
the Sultan had not fulfilled even his military obligations during the Samarqand campaign.
Moreover, the situation in Balkh also warranted intervention by Abdullah. Din Muhammad
had become unpopular with his people due to his haughty temperament. He expelled several
distinguished nobles like Jan Ali Bi Naiman and others and confiscated their property. The
distressed nobles took shelter with Jan Daulat Bi, the brother of Jan Ali Bi Naiman, and sent
a message to Abdullah inviting him to occupy Andkhud and attack Balkh. Nothing would
have pleased him so much in his present situation as an offer like this to capture both the
places simultaneously. Abdullah instructed Amir Jultai to ascertain the position and occupy
Andkhud, immediately if possible. To invent a suitable pretext for making this invasion, he
also deputed Kunj Ali Shughawul to demand the return of the confiscated wealth of the nobles
from Din Muhammad. The governor of Andkhud willingly surrendered the town and came to
tender his allegiance personally, but as had been anticipated by Abdullah the envoy was
rebuffed by Din Muhammad, who did not care to receive the envoy properly which further
provoked him and so Abdullah proceeded towards Balkh. Although his nobles advised him to
first attack the aimaqs (tribes) in the dependency of Balkh so as to enlarge his army by including
these forces also, Abdullah still felt that a direct attack on Balkh would be more feasible as the
dependencies would then fall automatically whereas any action against the dependencies was
likely to give Din Muhammad time to make preparations. As a further safeguard, Abdullah
sentjan Daulat Bi and Tinash Bi to Uzbeg Sultan asking him to refrain from making any pact
with the enemy which could ultimately ruin the future of the entire family and be a source of
repentance to him later on. Contrary to Abdullah's expectations, Uzbeg Sultan reacted
adversely by throwing one of the two envoys into prison, but the other, Tinash Bi, managed
to escape and returned to Abdullah.
Abdullah had already crossed the Oxus when he learnt of Uzbeg

Sultan's behaviour. Fearing a complete debacle, he made a frantic effort to collect additional troops
by sending emissaries to Samar-qand, Hisar and Khwarazm and also tried to boost up the morale
of his extremely frightened soldiers. The only redeeming feature was that certain distinguished
nobles from Balkh like Kuchuk Ughlan apprehending the defeat of their ruler joined Abdullah.
The timely arrival of a large reinforcement under Nazar Bi Naiman, with artillery under Ustad Ruhi
from Bukhara, helped Abdullah to inflict a crushing defeat on the forces of Din Muhammad in
the preliminary encounter. Delighted at this victory, Abdullah gave 20,000 khanis to Nazar Bi
Naiman and 10,000 khanis to Aqum Chehra Aqasi. One of the important captives, Muhammad Quli
Bi, was executed and flayed to death in the same manner as Din Muhammad had done earlier with
Alma Qaqi, a loyal officer of Abdullah. Pulad Khwaja was forgiven by reason of his being a Saiyid.
The other nobles captured in this campaign were killed. The outer part of the fort fell to Abdullah.
In the mean time, reinforcements started arriving under Ibadullah, Rustam Sultan, Abul Khair and
Hashim Sultan, followed by an army sent by Hajim Khan of Khwarazm. When Abdullah had
completed his preparations, his artillery went into action and the walls of the fort were breached.
In a short time, supplies were also disrupted and the garrison reduced to starvation. To add to the
misery, an epidemic broke out inside the fort. Out of sheer desperation, people fled from the
city. Several thousands of men were forcibly turned out to save the remaining provisions for the
garrison and the select.
Din Muhammad also now received additional reinforcements from Baba Sultan of Turkestan,
Hashim Sultan of Hisar and Shah Sulaiman of Badakhshan, all of whom were alarmed at the
possibility of Abdullah's success agairfct Balkh. They were also keen to take the necessary precautions
against a possible attack on their own territory in future and also to avenge an earlier defeat at the
hands of Abdullah. Although they managed to reach Khulm and overran the territories near
Siyahgard (a dependency of Balkh), they could not proceed any further as Abdullah's forces made
a night attack and dispersed them. While Hashim Sultan later joined Abdullah, his brother Faqir
Sultan remained with Din Muhammad. Ultimately, the fort fell to Abdullah after a siege of about
nine months. The terms were, however, settled through the intercession of Khwaja Muhammad
Tahir of Bukhara who was presumably invited by Din
Muhammad to help him in this situation. While Abdullah reluctandy accepted the advice of the
Khwaja, he insisted on gaining the wilayat of Balkh, in lieu of which he promised to assign some
other iqta to Din Muhammad. Din Muhammad offered allegiance personally and was assigned Shahr-
i Sabz.20 Having subjugated Din Muhammad's nobles such as Kuchum Mir Akhur and Jahan Shah
Bakawal who were still resisting, Abdullah entered the town of Balkh. The territory of Balkh was
assigned to his former ataliq, Nazar Bi Naiman; Memna and Gharjistan to Ali Mardan; Andkhud to
Jultai Ei;mauza Aibak to Shah Said Bi Qarlug and Khutlan to Rustam Be Chashmo Abru. After
making his position secure, Abdullah sent Sewandak Pahelwan to Uzbeg Sultan demanding the
exchange of Andkhud and Shibarghan for Nasaf, to which Uzbeg Sultan had to agree. Jan Daulat Bi
was appointed governor of Andkhud and Shibarghan.21
The conquest of Balkh was a turning point in the career of Abdullah Khan. His military supremacy
was now fully established. He also came to be acknowledged as the de facto ruler of
Transoxiana. In accordance with the traditions, the Sultans felt obliged to send delegations to him
with valuable presents in token of their allegiance. Hashim Sultan of Hisar sent his tansuqat
(presents) with messages acknowledging Abdullah's suzerainty, along with a recommendation that
Faqir Sultan be forgiven for his past rebellious activities. Darvesh Sultan sent Chehra Bi Qushji
from Tashkent; Jawanmard sent Keldish Bi Qushji from Samarqand, and Jikar Bi Tughlaq came
from Andijan. The ruler of Badakhshan, Shah Sulaiman, who had been an ally of Abdullah's
enemies during the Balkh campaign, also sent an envoy named Abdur Rahman Bi not only to
swear allegiance and make assurances of regular correspondence but also with promises of military
cooperation in future.
Despite the danger from Shahrukh, Shah Sulaiman seems to have realized that the aggressive policy
of Abdullah was a greater threat to his position in Badakhshan. Indeed Abdullah's success had
repercussions outside the Uzbeg dominions as well. Both the Emperor Akbar and Shah Tahmasp
must have felt concerned about the future of the 'buffer' state of Kabul, Badakhshan and the semi-
independent principality of Qandahar. Shah Tahmasp particularly entertained fears that in his
declining years Khurasan might again be invaded by the Uzbegs. Although the conquest of Balkh
had opened a wider area of expansion for Abdullah, he could not venture upon any elaborate plan of
conquest. The provincial rulers in Central

Asia were keener to protect their own interests than to harbour ambitions for the expansion of
the Uzbeg Empire. While the developments on his southern borders were being watched by India
and Persia, Abdullah's advance towards south-west had to be restricted by a fear of the Persians.
Abdullah himself was not free from fear of the Indian Moghuls. Even his advance towards the north-
west could involve him in a conflict with tribes like the Manghits, and also with the Persians, for
whom a strong Khwarazm was necessary. Abdullah was aware that the Moghuls of India would also
not concede the loss of Badakhshan and Qandahar so easily. To achieve his objectives, he felt
it necessary to establish peace internally and to occupy the territories lying between Bukhara and
Badakhshan.
Amidst friendly powers near the Oxus and certain other territories between the Oxus and Zarafshan,
there also existed the khanate of Hisar which Abdullah could not depend upon. The ruler of Hisar,
Hashim Sultan, was not on amicable terms with Sulaiman but had of late become very friendly
with Baba Sultan. The danger was that the threat from Baba which had been suspended for some
time due to the friendly relations of Abdullah with Samarqand would be resumed, with Hisar as a
military base. So apart from the elimination of all Sultans as a matter of policy, the conquest of Hisar
was specially necessary for Abdullah so that he could undertake a sustained operation against
Shah Sulaiman of Badakhshan with either Balkh or Hisar as his base.
Abdullah's first target was, therefore, Hisar which not only provided him a convenient pretext
but was also showing greater chances of success. He was displeased with Faqir Sultan (brother of
Hashim) who hadjoined Din Muhammad after deserting him during the Balkh campaign. A rafcel
fugitive from Abdullah's court, 'Arab Bi Qushji, had also been provided shelter by Hashim Sultan.
In the mean time, Abdullah noticed that some sort of secret alliance existed between Hashim Sultan
and Shah Sulaiman of Badakhshan. All these factors combined with the paramount desire to bring
Hisar under his control prompted Abdullah to undertake an expedition against Hisar. Sending an
envoy, Aiman Khwaja, ataliq, to Hashim Sultan, Abdullah demanded the confiscation of Arab Bi's
property and his surrender to him dead or alive. Besides, he also asked for an explanation of
Hashim Sultan's alliance with Saha Sulaiman. Hashim Sultan did not receive the envoy
cordially and Abdullah
concluded that the reply sent by him contained only 'Unconvincing arguments'.22
Accompanied by the forces drawn from all over his dominions and together with those of his
ally Jawanmard of Samarqand, Abdullah marched against Hashim in July 1573. Unnerved,
Hashim made a final bid for reconciliation by sending an envoy, Baqi Bi Naiman, and conveying
apologies for the delay in complying with Abdullah's orders, besides assuring him of his allegiance.
Abdullah, however, remained adamant. Faqir Sultan, who had earlier witnessed the wrath of
Abdullah, fled to Kulab along with his two brothers, Sultan Abul Qasim and Muhammad Qasim.
Hashim Sultan resolved to offer resistance probably hoping for assistance from Shah
Sulaiman of Badakhshan in due course. Although Sulaiman had already received news of the
invasion, he was undecided on what to do in this matter. On the one hand, he was not prepared to
provoke Abdullah by allying himself with the ruler of Hisar. Nor did he want to be a silent spectator
of the defeat of Hashim Sultan, since he was afraid that if Abdullah succeeded in Hisar his next
target would be Badakhshan. To ward off eventual danger to his own territory, he sent assurances
to Hashim Sultan and started making preparations for participating in the war on Hashim's side.
In the meantime, it was learnt that his Prime Minister, Muhammad Quli Shihali, had entered
into an alliance with his adversary Shahrukh and that the two were intending to create trouble
for Sulaiman. The news immediately compelled Sulaiman to abandon his plans to help
Hashim Sultan.23 Abdullah fell seriously ill at this juncture and this delayed his campaign for some
time. When the struggle commenced after his recovery, success in a preliminary skirmish resulted
in the collapse of his enemy. Abdal Bi Qushji and most of his other chief nobles deserted Hashim
and joined Abdullah. Presumably with their help, Abdullah planned a night attack and Hisar fell to
him in July 1573. Hashim Sultan was taken prisoner and was beheaded by Haji Muhammad Khan
(a grandson of Shaibani) in revenge for the murder of his father Timur. The fort of Hisar was
assigned to Uzbeg Sultan.21
The successive victories of Abdullah in Balkh and Hisar seem to have alarmed Baba Sultan and
his brother Darvesh Sultan. Baba was probably not oblivious of the fact that Abdullah could not
give sufficient attention to the security of his north-eastern territories as he was concentrating on
happenings in Badakhshan. Baba Sultan,
therefore, came up to the Syr near Khujand some time in January 1576. Although Jawanmard
of Samarqand informed Abdullah about this and was willing to help him, his son recalled the
reverses that he had suffered in the battle of Shahr-i Sabz, mainly resulting from the support
given by Abdullah to his enemies. Being also instigated by Tardike Khan against Abdullah Abul
Khair continued his antagonism. He was finally persuaded to join his father on Abdullah's
side in the campaign against Baba Sultan. Abdullah, however, ordered that Tardike Khan
should be deprived of his position and royal trust for some time. Abul Khair continued to
harbour hostile feelings towards Abdullah. As die forces of Abdullah and Baba Sultan were on the
two banks of the Syr near Khujand and the battle was being delayed because Abdullah did not
want to initiate it, Abul Khair used the interval to begin secret negotiations with Baba Sultan.
Abdullah was already worried by the numerical strength of the joint forces of Darvesh and Baba
Sultan. Abul Khair's attitude created an additional difficulty, as it seemed impossible for Abdullah
to manage without support from the Samarqand forces. Consequently, after a few skirmishes,
he decided to postpone the war. 25 Hafiz Tanish, however, asserts that Abdullah defeated his
enemy and seized a large number of captives.26
In the absence of other alternatives, Abdullah now proceeded to overrun Khwarazm and
captured Hazar Asp. He advanced further up to Khayug where its ruler Timur Sultan sent the
Saiyids, Shaikhs and other notables of the town with messages of allegiance and promises of
reading the khutba and striking coins in the name of Abdullah.27 After these assurances,
Abdullah returned to Bukhara.
At this time, a tussle started in Samarqand between Jawanmard and his son Abul Khair. Since
Abul Khair was energetic and enterprising, his hold over the army and the subjects tended
to deprive his father of the usual privileges of a ruler. In the past, both had frequently changed
alliances being friendly or hostile towards Abdullah and Baba alternately. Now, Abul Khair
started making friendly overtures to Abdullah, despite his past friendship with Baba Sultan. His
father, Jawanmard, once an ally of Abdullah, was persuaded by some mischievous elements
to seek an alliance with Baba Sultan, a bitter enemy of Abdullah. Jawanmard secretly sent his
other son Muzaffar Sultan to Baba Sultan. Informing him of Abul Khair's friendship with
Abdullah, Jawanmard pointed out its grave consequences, particularly when the Samarqand
army and
people were under Abul Khair's command. To avenge his earlier losses at the hands of
Abdullah, Baba despatched 30,000 soldiers with his son Abdul Latif to drive out Abul Khair.
He ordered the devastation of Miyankal in case Abul Khair refused to surrender. Baba also
allowed his forces to collect the army from Tashkent and had even promised to join them
himself, if necessary, with troops from Otrar, Turkestan and Sabran. In the mean time,
Abdullah received an incessant stream of messengers from Abul Khair inviting him to come
personally and, finally, informing him of the arrival of latter's younger brother Muzaffar with
troops sent by Baba, all of whom had been allowed by Jawanmard to enter the village of
Aibaqurqi near Samarqand. Presumably to confound Abdullah and forestall any move for
collaboration between Abdullah and Abul Khair, Jawanmard sent an envoy to Abdullah seeking
his intercession in establishing peace in Samarqand in accordance with the Mongolian
traditions. Bilal Khwaja, the sadrof Baba Sultan, advised Jawanmard to throw Abul Khair into
prison. Abdullah had not yet decided about his course of action when the conflict started in
Samarqand. In spite of initial success, Abul Khair was ultimately worsted by the joint forces
of Baba and Jawanmard and forced to flee to Nuqa. Abdullah was very annoyed by Jawanmard's
duplicity, for he had invited him to intervene and then hastened to start the action himself
without awaiting his arrival.
Having been thus outmanoeuvred by Baba, Abdullah felt greatly humiliated. At this time a
number of disgruntled nobles of Jawanmard seized the opportunity to win the confidence of
Abdullah by idling him stories about the insurgence of Jawanmard. In the past Abdullah had
been reluctant to make an attack upon Samarqand as he overestimated the strength of its
army. On receiving news of ( l i e departure of Baba Sultan's forces and with assurances of
(ooperation from certain nobles, Abdullah proceeded to meet Abul Khair at Jam; they both
advanced together. All Jawanmard's efforts (o convince Abdullah of his sincerity and good
intentions failed and one of his envoys, Janqara Bi, was thrown into prison; the other, Amir Ali
Asghar, who happened to be the Shaikh ul-I&lam of Samarqand, was, however, spared,28 since
this would have displeased ;i group whose support was extremely necessary.
When Baba heard of the investment of the fort of Samarqand by Abdullah, he immediately
started on his march towards Samarqand l)Ul was delayed in reaching there as the distance was
great and the

routes hazardous. In the meanwhile, certain people inside the fort secretly planned to collaborate
with Abdullah. Consequently, Jawanmard was so frightened that he immediately attempted to
appease Abdullah. Since he was aware of the rapid marches of his ally (Baba Sultan), he only
needed a respite. With the talk of peace it was hoped that Abdullah would become complacent and
might even withdraw from the place leaving Abul Khair alone in the field. Jawanmard opened
negotiations on 9 May 1579, through Qulbaba. When the proposals were discussed, Abul Khair
was agreeable to the terms but Muzaffar did not seem to be in a hurry to come to final decision
and insisted that his brother should come personally to pay his respects to Jawanmard. Contrary to
Jawanmard's expectations, the matter dragged on and Abdullah continued to stay in the vicinity
at Kani-gul. Jawanmard's belated attempt to take his son Muzaffar into confidence also proved
abortive, since the latter was determined in the final analysis to collaborate with his brother and
Abdullah. With the help of the two brothers, Abdullah planned a night attack on the fort of
Samarqand. Jawanmard engaged in his pleasure assemblies at Chaqur could not escape in time
and was imprisoned at the fort of Nuqa. Abdullah then proceeded to overtake Baba Sultan unawares
giving the impression that he was marching towards Samarqand.29
Having successfully seized the waters of Zamain in the vicinity of Ramtain, Abdullah deprived
Baba's army of its water supply. Ruhi and Jankeldi Bi, two noted generals, selected a suitable
ground for battle and arranged carts tied with chains in an advance position and posted the
infantry, Turk and Tajik archers, behind them. On the other side, Baba arranged his army exactly
in the same manner. But Baba Sultan's huge army consisted of a heterogenous force of princes like
Din Muhammad, Faqir Sultan, Mohammad Sharif and Muhammad Qasim, whose training varied
considerably. Added to this was a complacency based on numerical strength which made them less
vigilant and led to disorganization and defeat. Abdullah's success against Baba Sultan was due
largely to his strategic planning and intelligent calculations. By mid day, the battle was decided in
favour of Abdullah. Din Muhammad and the Sultans of Hisar were made captive and much booty,
including gold and silver utensils and jewellery, was collected. Baba Sultan, however, escaped
to Tashkent. Pursued by Abdullah he had to flee further with his family and arrived in Turkestan,
from where too he had to flee in order to take shelter with the Manghits.80
Since it was not advisable to capture both the territories of Samarqand and Tashkent
simultaneously, Abdullah preferred to take Samarqand first which was strategically more important
and had less political involvement than Tashkent. Suitable arrangements were nevertheless made in
Tashkent as soon as the territory had been vacated by Baba Sultan. At this stage, it seemed wise to
win over a brother of Baba Darvesh Sultan, who had been imprisoned by him for four years in
Turkestan. By showing him consideration Abdullah hoped that he would win over Darvesh
permanently, use him as a counterpoise against Baba Sultan and thereby retain his hold over the
territory without creating any suspicion in the hearts of his kinsmen.
With these calculations, he sent a group of nobles consisting of Abdul Latif, Abdullah and Abdus
Samad Bi to Turkestan to release Darvesh Sultan, whereupon the territory of Tashkent was assigned
to Abdul Karim, the ruler of Sairam, who offered to surrender the town voluntarily. A generous
and diplomatic decision was taken to reassign the territory to Abul Khair. Abul Khair was duped
into accepting the new arrangement by being assigned Sairam with instructions to obey Darvesh
Sultan. In the meanwhile, since Baba had taken shelter with the Manghits, Abdullah's army had
to abandon its pursuit of him and returned.31
To eliminate the Samarqand Sultans from the political scene, a list of charges was prepared
against them for their treacherous behaviour in the past. In accordance with a nishan issued for
the execution of Abul Khair, he was put to death by Shaham Bi and Nazar Bi at the village of
Mulkant on the bank of the Syr. A little later, Nuga had been attacked and Jawanmard and his
sons were killed by Aisham Bi Jalair, presumably with Abdullah's approval.32 As a safeguard against
resentment, it was explained that Abdullah had been instigated by Darvesh Sultan to take this
action.38 Having thus eliminated the rightful claimants to the territory of Samarqand, Abdullah
assigned the town to his brother Ibadullah and entrusted the charge of Andijan to Mumin Sultan with
Abdus Samad Bi Naiman as ataliq. His objectives attained by these rather dubious means, Abdullah
now piously proceeded on a pilgrimage to the tomb of Khawaja Ahmad Naqshbandi. While he was
still there news came of turbulent conditions developing in Tashkent.
Immediatly after Abdullah's departure on pilgrimage, Baba Sultan started harassing Darvesh Sultan
by making frequent raids on the territory of Tashkent. He had simultaneously sent Shaham Bi
to

Abdullah with offers of allegiance and apologies for his past conduct. Although Abdullah was
unaware of the actual details of Baba's conduct towards Tashkent, he still suspected his motives
and his reply contained veiled threats and instructions to obey his brother Darvesh Sultan.
Abdullah's apprehensions were confirmed when, in the vicinity of Nasaf, he received an envoy from
Darvesh seeking reinforcements to repel Baba. The message came at a time when he was himself
looking for a suitable opportunity to interfere in the affairs of the Sultans of Tashkent. The only
deterrent was anxiety that an attack on Tashkent so soon after the drastic action in Samarqand
might injure his image as a de facto/khaqan and even lead to an uprising of the people there.
In these circumstances, Abdullah again thought of using the influence of the Khwaja. For this
purpose, he sent a well known Mulla of his court, Hasan Khwaja Naqib, Qulbaba and a group of
reliable nobles to seek the advice of Khwaja Kalan for a proper course of action. To his delight, Khwaja
advised a quick march to Tashkent. Abdullah tried hurriedly to collect forces from Balkh,
Shibarghan and Tirmiz. But before he could proceed towards Tashkent, the fort had already
fallen to Baba after a night attack, and Darvesh Sultan killed.34
Having now secured a base for his operations, Baba Sultan started instigating other displaced Sultans
like Tahir, Abdul Ghaffar, Abdus Sattar and Hashim to besiege the fort of Andijan and wrest it from
Abdullah's governor Abdus Samad Bi who seemed to be helpless and was making incessant
requests to Abdullah for assistance. Apart from these princes, the ruler of Kashghar, Abdul Karim,
also joined Baba Sultan. To add to Abdullah's troubles, his spiritual patron, Qasim Shaikh Azizan
of the Jahria silsilah, died at this time. Notwithstanding these disturbing factors Abdullah^tarted
making fresh preparations for war.35
Alongside his attempts to eliminate his kinsmen and the enterprising Sultans of the Shaibanid
dynasty, Abdullah had also been making an organized effort to create his own nobility by granting
promotions, posts and iqtas. Under the Mongols and early Shaibanids and according to the traditions
of the steppes the Sultans usually enjoyed the privilege of occupying large iqtas; but now iqtas were
frequently granted by Abdullah to mere nobles who were loyal to him. This practice,though at
variance with the traditions of the Uzbegs, was in line with the practice of the Ottoman and
Safavid
states. Probably, like the Timurids, Abdullah also wanted to draw his support from his nobles and
when the need arose, these very nobles rushed to offer their devoted services at the call of their
master. Abdullah's policy apparently paid dividends. Thus Tinash Bi Jalair came now with 3,000
soldiers from Tirmiz; All Mardan from Memna and Gharjistan and Jan Daulat Bi from Shibarghan
arrived with several thousand soldiers; Jumla Ughlan and Haji Bi Durman came with the army of
Balkh, and Jultai Bi came from Andkhud with 2,000 soldiers. These forces inflicted a crushing defeat
upon the advance guard of the enemy near Zamain. Although in accordance with Qulbaba's
advice Abdullah made a bold march personally against Baba Sultan, his apprehension was clearly
expressed by his visit to the tomb of Khwaja Bahauddin and his desperate preparations for war.
Abdullah arrived at the bank of the Chirchiq in February-March 1579 and spent the whole night
in distributing rewards and arms, encouraging his soldiers, and in prayers for his success. Baba
Sultan had a large army and received reinforcements continuously. He sent a group of nobles to
Abdullah with the secret information that the Sultans were encamped at Pishkent. The plan
worked according to his expectations and Abdullah marched towards Pishkent. Hafiz Tanish
gives a detailed account of this battle and informs us that instructions were given by Baba Sultan
that, on seeing Abdullah's forces, his own advance guard under the sons of Khwarazm Shah and
Abdul Karim of Kashghar should pretend to retreat and thereby encourage Abdullah's army to
pursue his troops. As anticipated, Abdullah's troops dispersed in different directions and only a
small force was left with him. In the mean time, Baba Sultan, who was lying in ambush with his
own 1,00,000 soldiers along with the Turks and Tajiks of the vicinity, suddenly fell upon Abdullah.
Abdullah's scattered forces were collected and the reinforcements reached in time: he now faced
the enemy boldly. Baba Sultan was finally worsted and he fled to the Dasht-i Qipchaq. After some
resistance the people of Tashkent surrendered. To secure their goodwill, Nauroz Bi Parwanchi
was especially instructed to prevent the soldiers from plundering while Kuchuk Ughlan was sent
to take stock of the booty already acquired by the soldiers.
The territory was assigned to Rustam Bi, with Noyon Haji Bi as his ataliq. After celebrating his
victory at Chahar Bagh-i Kaikawus, and having settled the affairs of administration, Abdullah
sent a

detachment under Mahmud Sultan to Shahrukhia with instructions to escort all the soldiers who
surrendered voluntarily. The others were to be slaughtered. Isfandyar was dispatched to Khujakat
(a village in Tashkent) in search of Baba Sultan andjultai Bi to the region of the Syr. Jan Daulat
Bi and Ali Mardan were directed to subjugate the Turks and the soldiers in the vicinity of Sairam. If
they resisted, their wealth and cattle were to be confiscated.
The conquest of Tashkent by Abdullah pushed his frontiers nearer the Qazaq lands. Till now, the
Qazaqs had not sent even a courtesy mission to Abdullah but had restricted their relations only to
the sons of Nauroz Ahmad. It was now impossible for them to ignore the increasing influence of
Abdullah, particularly after the ruthless suppression of nomadic tribes in the vicinity. The dispatch
of an embassy by the Qazaqs had become even more necessary thanks to the intrigues of Baba who
was trying to play the Qazaqs against Abdullah.36
Qazaq rulers like Haq Nazar, Chalim Sultan and Shighai Khan, sent envoys to Abdullah
conveying their allegiance to him. To emphasize their friendly intentions, they also promised to
send Ubaidullah, a son of Baba Sultan, along with his ataliq Jan Muhammad, who had fallen
into their hands. Abdullah reciprocated the cordiality and permitted them to rule over fourteen
villages of the wilayat of Turkestan and at the same time struck a bargain with them for the surrender
of captives dead or alive. It was not only the capture of a rebel prince and his followers that pleased
Abdullah but the fact that close friendship had been established with the Qazaqs. Although the
Qazaqs did not possess special equipment for war, they were known as sturdy people with long
experience of warfare in the mountainous regions, they could be a great asset to Abdullah in his
future plans against Khurasan and Badakhshan.
Following the conquest of Samarqand and Tashkent, a series of disturbances took place in the
empire in 1579. Deposed Uzbeg princes like Abdus Sattar and others ravaged the towns on the
banks of the Farak. After creating much trouble in Pishkent, these princes overran Shahrukhia and
Jinas and killed its ruler Pirdi Qutghan. However, they managed to escape when Abdullah
advanced to punish them. The other nomadic tribes under the leadership of Shah Tulukchi and
others became violent, and had a pitched encounter at Aibak with Abdullah's governor, Shah Said
Bi Qarluq, who put them to rout. The ruler of Kharzban Qurban Bi Uighur
was besieged in his city by the rebels. Abdullah ultimately decided to send Khushi Yasawul to
suppress the disturbances and ordered that die personal belongings, riches and livestock of the rebel
leaders be confiscated. Several villages in this area were ravaged by Abdullah's troops. In the
meantime, a rebel prince, Abdal Sultan, who had earlier fled to Badakhshan, was captured widi his
followers by soldiers of die Uzbeg Sultan despite his efforts to conceal his identity through a garb. The
princes and his followers were beheaded and their heads hung at the gate of Tashkent to serve as
deterrents to others. Abdullah was delighted with these successes and rewarded the tuwajis with 1,000
khanis and three beautiful Chinese slave girls, along with several robes of honour and bows and
arrows.37
The Kirghiz tribes who were extremely attached to the Samarqand Sultans broke out in rebellion at
Aqsi.38 Another Uzbeg prince, Boza Khur, overran Samarqand and ravaged the country up to
Uratiba and Jam. Ultimately, he was defeated and put to flight. Abdullah reassigned the fort of
Samarqand to Ibadullah.39
While Abdullah was busy in setting the affairs on his north-eastern borders, troubles brewed up in
his south-eastern territories. Here Shahrukh in particular created difficulties for him. The Indian
Mughal Emperor, Akbar40 had lately started taking interest in the affairs of Mirza Shahrukh and
his patronage and support to Shahrukh had been confirmed by a return embassy sent by him to
Shahrukh's mother in April 1578 under Abdullah Khan and Abdi Khwaja.41 Either encouraged by
these gestures by Akbar or instigated by Hashim Sultan (an expelled ruler of Hisar), Shahrukh came
to Balkh on the pretext of visiting the tombs in Meshed and overran its dependencies in
collaboration with Hashim Sultan, Qasim Sultan and Muzaffar Sultan, the former rulers of Hisar
and Samarqand. It is unlikely however that Akbar would have deliberately incited Shahrukh to
take a step like this particularly at a time when the attitude of his brother Mirza Hakim was not
quite dependable and that his own north-western frontiers had become a constant source of anxiety
for him. In any case, Shahrukh suffered heavy losses for his reckless advance. Even without him,
Abdullah's generals and nobles like Shah Said Bi Qarluq and Amir Nazar inflicted a crushing defeat
upop Shahrukh. Although he managed to escape, a large number of his followers were captured
and sent to the khaqanwho had them killed, displaying their heads at the Charsu market in
Samarqand.42

For Abdullah, elimination of the Sultans of Balkh, Hisar and Samarqand proved easier than the
subjugation of his adversary, Baba Sultan, whose army had grown considerably after the displaced
Sultans and expelled princes joined him in the hope of recovering their lost territories. Baba
Sultan's inclination to plunder and desire to retain the traditions of the steppes had won him the
support of certain nomadic tribes, which initially prevented Abdullah from taking drastic action
against him. This was due to a fear of losing the sympathy of tribal chiefs and also because of a
coalition existing amongst the Sultans against Abdullah. But now that Abdullah had occupied
Tashkent and made an alliance with the Qazaqs, he decided to inflict a crushing defeat upon Baba,
who immediately sent an envoy with his usual protestations of friendship. Abdullah demanded
confirmaion of these professed intentions by asking for the return of one of his loyal nobles, Sarkhun
ataliq, who had been taken captive by Baba earlier. Baba retaliated by demanding the surrender of
his soldiers held captive by Abdullah and the return of lost territories. Being unaware of Baba's
real intentions and delaying tactics, Abdullah returned some soldiers (including Qush Qulaq Bi),
with Baba's envoy and Hasan Khwaja Naqib and promised to return his territories provided Baba
surrendered Boza Khur and other rebels to whom he had granted asylum sometime earlier. The
time spent in this futile exchange of embassies was utilized by Baba in making a military alliance
with one of the Qazaq rulers, Chalim Sultan, who happened to be his father-in-law. Having collected
a large army, Baba then declined to accept the terms communicated to him by Abdullah.
Baba soon crossed the Syr along with the Qazaqs and other Uzbeg princes and started ravaging the
territories on its banks. He then marched towards Samarqand. Encouraged by these events and
tempted by the prospect of booty, Salban Sultan of Dasht-i Qipchaq also came forward and
plundered Bukhara, while others like Muzaffar, Mehdi, Payenda, Abdul Ghaffar and Abdus
Sattar devastated the territories of Tashkent, Turkestan and Khujand,43 disregarding repeated
warnings from Abdullah. The ruler of Samarqand, Ibadullah Sultan, harassed by these incessant
raids, sought help from Abdullah who proceeded immediately towards Tashkent, notwithstanding
the extremely cold weather, heavy snow and stormy winds. Abdullah was held back for some time at
Saghraj as the forces sent earlier to punish Payenda and Gadai Sultan in Khawas were returning
after some successes and were expected to
join Abdullah soon. Although the freezing cold had taken toll of the lives of a number of soldiers
and cattle, Abdullah resumed his march. To thwart him, Baba attempted to repeat some of his old
promises, but he was still unwilling to surrender Boza Khur and other rebels. At this time, since
the affairs of Badakhshan had been settled by Mirza Hakim and friendly embassies had also been
received by Abdullah from Shah Sulaiman of Badakhshan and Mirza Hakim of Kabul, there was not
much scope for him to make an advance in this side. Abdullah, therefore, decided to concentrate
his attention on Baba and resumed his march and besieged Tashkent.
Baba was defeated in the preliminary encounters, and when the mission of two of his nobles,
Qush Qulaq Bi and Abdullah Mirzai Manghit, to convince Abdullah of Baba's sincerity and
faithfulness failed, Baba approached Amir Shaikh, a devotee of Shaikh Lutfullah and a disciple of
Maulana Khwajagi Kashani, hoping that Abdullah would not ignore the advice of a saint. While
Abdullah gave a warm reception to the Shaikh and convinced him of his personal regard for him,
he did not make any promises. In the meantime, Boza Khur secredy left Tashkent fearing that Baba
might use him as a pawn for a suitable bargain with Abdullah. His sudden flight gave Baba an
opportunity to convey his assurances of friendship through Khwaja Hasan and Arslan ataliq on the
plea that Boza had been expelled by him in accordance with the wishes of the Khan. When
Abdullah remained adamant, Baba sent an envoy to Turkestan to secure assistance from his
father-in-law, Chalim Sultan and Haq Nazar Bi, but the Qazaqs were frightened by the presence
of Abdullah in Tashkent and had the envoy killed. Enraged at this, Baba decided to proceed
with a small force to punish the Qazaq rulers, for this seemed to be the only way to bring them
to obedience and to make use of their strength, whenever necessary. As Abdullah's siege of
Tashkent continued, Baba had to leave his cousin Tahir Sultan in the fort and himself
proceeded to meet the Qazaqs at Sharab Khana.44 Tahir Sultan needed to delay the confrontation
till Baba's return and so sent an old fugitive, Shah Saiyid, along with a noble known as Qush Qulaq
to Abdullah. Abdullah, however, insisted on the surrender of the fort of Tashkent and
submission from the Tashkent Sultans. Shah Saiyid was instantly beheaded and the siege
continued as before. By this time, Baba had defeated the Qazaqs on the banks of Talash Poi in
Turkestan and intended returning to Tashkent with his army, enlarged by Qazaq levies.

Although Abdullah had received additional reinforcements under Mahmud Sultan, he was
somewhat perplexed by the defeat of the Qazaqs and the return march of Baba towards
Tashkent. Trying his hand at a new diplomatic manoeuvre, he now sent a letter to Baba
complimenting him on his grand success against the Qazaqs and referring to his own
demand for the surrender of Boza Khur. Abdullah's plan seems to have worked nicely.
In response, Baba conveyed a message of submission through his envoy, Khwaja Shaikh Bi, and
postponed his march towards Tashkent. The delay in Baba's arrival had seriously affected the
morale of his people. A dejected Tahir Sultan sent his envoy, Usman Khwaja Saiyid Atai, to
Abdullah, but to little effect, for the conflict continued. When the siege of Tashkent was
prolonged further and efforts of the besiegers to scale the walls of the fort were also not
successful, Abdullah's general Qulbaba evolved another method. With the assistance of
Mulla Muhammad Bi Batash and Rustam Bakawal, the water of the canal was diverted towards
the walls of the fort with full pressure to weaken the foundations. It was also arranged that the
guns under Mir Qasim should simultaneously open fire at the walls. If the supporters of
Baba Sultan had not acted quickly, the fort would have fallen within a day or two. Realizing
the gravity of the situation, it was decided that a group of Uzbeg princes like Muzaffar,
Mehdi, and Payenda should invade Samarqand and Bukhara and Abdus Sattar attack
Sughud and Minankal to divert the attention of Abdullah and divide his forces. Abdullah,
however, sent only small detachments under Ibadullah, Mahmud Sultan and Tinash Bi Jalair
to Samarqand and Bukhara as major portion of his army was still concentrated on
Tashkent. These detachments were driven away by the combined armies of the Sultans.
Abdullah's army was naturally discouraged by these successive reverses. All their hopes now
hinged around enhancing difficulties in the enemy camp caused by the scarcity of provisions in
the fort of Tashkent. The situation had become so alarming that even one maund of grain was
being sold at 250 khanis and an ordinary camel could not be acquired for less than 1,000 khanis.
Numerous starvation deaths occurred and the streets were littered with dead bodies. Despite
this situation, the garrison remained defiant and made a second attempt to divert die attention
of Abdullah by sending groups of people to organize rebellion in Samarqand. But the people
of the town themselves had lost patience and were eager to surrender.
In the mean time, Abdullah's men planned to storm the fort after making a breach in the
walls. They attacked at night and entered the fort. Surprised, Tahir Sultan was badly defeated
and the other Sultans fled. Although Abdul Ghaffar Sultan, son of Baba, became a captive, he
saved his life by protesting allegiance to Abdullah and after presenting Shaham Bi, a noble of
Baba Sultan, to him as proof of his loyalty.
It was only after the forceful recommendation of trusted nobles like Abdus Samad Bi that
Abdullah agreed to send a satisfactory reply to a second embassy of Baba Sultan in which he
sought the release of his son. He ordered Qulbaba to escort Abdul Ghaffar Sultan to his father
in royal style. Presents of tents, khalats brocades, valuables, belts, flags, etc., were also sent to
Baba Sultan. Baba sent Yusuf Bi Naiman to assure the Khan of his loyalty.45
In the meantime Baba's allies had started creating trouble in other parts. Uzbeg princes like
Muzaffar and his brothers besieged Marghinan. Defeated by the ruler of Marghinan, these
princes with Boza Khur and Hashim Sultan, next besieged Andijan. Hadi Sultan of Andijan sent
Abdul Wasi Mir Akhur to ask for help from Abdullah. Long before reinforcements could reach
under Rustam, Isfandyar and Sewinch, the rebels had already started overrunning Miyankal
arid Tatkand after plundering Andijan. During diese raids, they also attacked the fort of Rizq,
killed its ruler, Abbas Quli, and massacred the population. On hearing of these atrocities,
Abdullah marched personally and defeated the rebels near Oj Tiba. In this battle, Yusuf ;md
Kuchuk, Boza's two brothers, were taken prisoner. They were instantly beheaded along with
seven hundred other men, but the most sought-after rebel, Boza Khur, escaped again andjoined
Baba Sultan. Pinning his hopes on the recently established friendship with Baba, Abdullah
sent Ali Mardan Bahadur to ask for the surrender of Boza Khur. At first Baba was willing to
oblige, but subsequently under the influence of his relatives he changed his mind. Matters
were further complicated when Boza Khur killed Abdullah's distinguished noble Ali Mardan
Bahadur.46 The old enmity between Abdullah Khan and Baba was thus revived again.
Abdullah again decided to march personally to put an end to liaba^s power. At this time, his
relations with the Qazaq rulers, Shighai and "Jawakkul, were more cordial. They came with their
sons to tender homage to Abdullah while he was proceeding from Tashkent to Turkestan. To
ensure stability in this friendship, Abdullah granted

them the fort of Khujand. He marched up to Uzgand, from where he sent Ibadullah to
Turkestan against Baba Sultan. The march proved futile except for a few skirmishes which
brought some booty. Fearing that an advance through the rugged mountains of Turkestan might
take him too far away from his own territories, Abdullah retreated.47
The expedition, however, appears to have caused some change in the attitude of the Manghits
who then had maintained friendly relations with Baba Sultan. While Abdullah was at Nasaf in
1579, an envoy came from the Manghits with a supplicatory letter requesting that, since they
were already reading the khutba and striking coins in his name, a flag of the Khan might be
bestowed upon them. To ward off the possibility of a military alliance between Baba and the
Manghits, Abdullah gave a warm welcome to the envoys and assured them of his favour.
Abdullah's expedition into Turkestan alarmed Baba who sent a galaxy of renowned Mullas
and noted theologians to plead for him. Notwithstanding his outwardly respectful attitude towards
the Mullas, however, Abdullah persisted in his plans for a new trial of strength with Baba. He
ordered his forces to be collected at Miyankal.
Although Abdullah gave an impression of taking bold steps, his anxieties about the
forthcoming battle seem to be quite apparent from his repeated visits to the tombs of saints
and his continuous conversations with his nobles. The spread of an epidemic in the army and
the rigours of a chilly winter further accentuated his difficulties. Abdullah's forces were
frightened of undertaking the journey to Turkestan. Since the ruler of Kashghar, Badakshan
and Farghana were already alarmed by Abdullah's ambitious designs, the question of their own
survival could compel them to collaborate with Baba Sultan. The fear of intervention from Akbar,
Mirza Hakim or Shah Ismail II of Persia was already there. In these difficult circumstances,
Abdullah received an offer of assistance from a Qazaq ruler, Shighai, which gave him some
relief. Tahir Sultan's flight to Kuhistan further facilitated the task.
While Abdullah's nobles Jankeldi Bi andjultai Bi advised a direct attack upon Baba's territory,
Rahman Quli Chehra Aqasi suggested movements through Sairam so occupy Rizq first till
additional reinforcements arrived. The latter so as to mislead Baba and to ensure the
continuance of contact of the royal army with Bukhara. Rehman Quli besieged Sairam
without giving the^enemy any
opportunity to collect provisions. Faced with a critical situation, the people of Sairam sought the
intervention of Khwaja Saiyid Hadi Naqshbandi, on whose advice peace was gran'ed.
Abdullah's main target was neither Sairam nor Hisar hence he left the territories of their
respective rulers and himself proceeded against Baba Sultan who immediately fled to Ulugh
Tagh, leaving a few associates in Qarasaman.
Abdullah could not immediately pursue Baba as provisions were scarce and the hazardous
routes through the deserts of Turkestan hampered his progress. However, the matter was
decided when a group of discontented nobles of Baba Sultan arrived after declaring him a 'Qara
Khwaja' (not belonging to the royal family, a black bone).48One such noble named Qurchi
Utarchi advised Abdullah to take Baba unawares. Despite the extreme cold, heavy snowfall.
and thunder storms and roads infested with snakes, Abdullah resumed his march. On his
way, he was joined by more rebels from Baba's army who informed him that Baba was at the
tomb of Jani Khan in Ulugh Tagh. To his dismay, Abdullah found that his shrewd adversary had
already learnt of his advance and managed to escape long before. As the Qazaq Sultans,
Shighai and Tawakkul were familiar with the region they were deputed to pursue Baba with
their light troops. Another detachment was dispatched under Isfandyar to reinforce them.
While Abdullah himself held back along with the bulk of his forces, he realized that the chances
of undertaking adventurous activities in the vicinity of Ulugh Tagh were brighter as compared
to wanderings in the unknown region of Turkestan.
Beyond collecting booty, the forces under Isfandyar and Shighai did not secure any gains.
They returned and joined Abdullah at Ulugh Tagh. In the meanwhile news arrived that
Qazaq ruler Tawakkul Sultan's efforts had shown some results, since he had captured one of
the rebel princes, Tahir Sultan, and also reported that Baba Sultan and Boza Khur were
probably seeking refuge with the Manghits.49 To confirm the news, Abdullah sent a detachment
of 2,000 under Khwajam Quli with instructions to move with speed and secrecy at night not
halting even for provisions. Relying upon his recendy established friendship with the
Manghits, Abdullah hoped to secure the surrender of Baba and others in case the rebels were
with them. His plans, however, failed as the nobles finding themselves completely exhausted
after a hazardous journey could

not complete the mission and returned. By this time, Abdullah had become so used to making
unsuccessful campaigns against Baba that he once again decided to give up the idea of pursuing
him.
Having come up to Turkestan in 1580 Abdullah felt prompted to compensate for his long and futile
march against Baba by attempting to conquer the territory which had once been under the
possession of his remote ancestor Juji. Since the fort of Turkestan was so strong as to seem
invincible, Abdullah decided to attack Sabran which was at the time under the control of one of
the rebel princes Abdus Sattar Sultan. Although Abdus Sattar proceeded personally to pay his
respects to the khaqan and Abdullah reciprocated these friendly gestures, both of them continued
to make secret preparations for war. Abdus Sattar had barely returned when Abdullah made an
attack upon Sabran. But to his dismay he found the garrison fully prepared. Not foreseeing this, he
had deputed Ibadullah and Isfanyar to invade Suzaq. Although these contingents conquered Suzaq,
they did not return but proceeded to Yelan Qarawul to suppress certain nomad tribes. As the
provisions brought by Qulbaba were inadequate, Abdullah sent Shaham Bi to bring additional
quantities from Sairam. Instead of offering any help, the Sairam authorities hatched a
conspiracy to kill Shaham. Although the queen-mother of Sairam had warned him about this
danger, the latter was so confident of his popularity that he refused to leave the town. When he
finally agreed to march back hurriedly, the troops from Sairam hastened under Polad Yuz Begi
and took him prisoner.50
Despite an acute shortage of provisions, Abdullah continued his efforts to reduce the fort of Sabran.
A special well was dug up for imprisoning Tahir Sultan. On the enemy's side, the governor of
Sabran, Jan Polad Bi, was not only defending the town bravely but had also attempted to secure the
release of Tahir Sultan. The artillery under Amir Aqum and Mirak topbashi created much difficulty
for the besiege, and provisions were eventually brought by Khwaja Kamaluddin Husain Diwan from
Bukhara. Something now happened that suddenly turned everything in Abdullah's favour.
Baba Sultan and Boza Khur were received very cordially by the Mirzas of the Manghits. When
Baba and Boza had familiarized themselves with the surroundings and were supposedly on friendly
terms with the nobles, they began, or were suspected of beginning, to conspire against the Mirzas
of Manghits plotting the murder of their rulers with the intention of occupying their territories.
Buefore the scheme could be put into action, the secret leaked out and the Mirzas were so
annoyed that they thereupon imprisoned Baba Sultan and Boza Khur along with their supporters.
Later, Baba and Boza somehow managed to escape and marched to Shahrukhia where two other
rebel princes, Rustam Sultan and Mumin Sultan, were already attempting to reduce the fort.
During their march to Shahrukhia, Baba and Boza halted at Sighnak and sent two Qalmaqs to
Turkestan to bring khalats, provisions and certain other necessities. The Qazaq ruler, Tawakkul
Sultan, who was then in Turkestan met the Qalmaqs accidentally, and learnt about Baba's
whereabouts. Tawakkul Sultan's relations had never been cordial with Baba. If Baba were captured
Tawakkul hoped not only to win Abdullah's favour but was also confident of securing the territory
of Turkestan. He made a sudden attack on Baba and Boza while they were feasting. In utter
confusion, Baba left his son Latif Sultan behind and himself fled towards the hills with Boza Khur
and Jan Muhammad, hotly pursued by Tawakkul Sultan. After an exchange of shots, Baba Sultan
was killed along with Jan Muhammad and a few others. Latif Sultan was captured and beheaded.
Tawakkul Sultan brought their heads to Abdullah Khan. Boza Khur, however, escaped and took shelter
in Sairam.51
The death of Baba Sultan had a very demoralizing effect upon the people of Sabran. Abdullah's
men increased pressure on the fort and the famous guns, Qara Ghazi and Qara Jahangir, breached
the walls. As supplies were disrupted and people were dying of starvation, the muftis, saints and
other learned men intensified their efforts to persuade Abdullah to come to peace. His own fears of
opposition from the people of Sabran, however, induced him to demand full capitulation.
Abdullah's troops forced their way into the fort and he entered the town. A general massacre took
place and special punishments were meted out to the ruler of Sabran, Abdus Sattar and his
Ataliqjan Polad Bi. Since the former had killed the father of Isfandyar, he now took the responsibility
of killing Abdus Sattar personally. The eye balls of Jan Polad were removed and his body was
chopped into pieces. The Qazi of Sabran and his two sons were thrown alive into a well. Abdullah's
army acquired considerable booty. The fort of Sabran was assigned to a noble of Abdullah Khan,
Aisan Keldi Bi Utarchi.52The conquest of Sabran had brought frontiers of Abdullah's army nearer
to his lost ancestral dominions and had opened new vistas of action for him since this was also a
centre of learned men and the Mullas and their control over it could be used profitably for
extending his influence towards the north. Abdullah himself proceeded to Shahrukhia. The
fort of Shahrukhia was well protected with the Khujand river on one side and deep ravines
and ditches on the other. Moreover, Abdul Quddus Sultan, a brother of Abdullah, fell seriously
ill at this time. Abdullah was, however, helped by the deteriorating morale of the garrison.
Resistance was half-hearted and did not last long. Several nobles like Yusuf Bi, Ghazi Bi and
Mansur Bi asked for forgiveness and surrendered. After this, Abdullah appointed his own
darugha in Shahrukhia.
The conquest of Shahrukhia also led to the fall of Sairam in February 1580 where the last
rebel prince, Boza Khur, was trying to make an alliance with the Sultans. But the Sultans were
now convinced of Abdullah's ascendancy and informed him of the presence of Boza Khur.
Shaham Bi was released and he immediately captured and killed Boza Khur on Abdullah's
orders. Abdullah accepted the allegiance of the rulers of Sairam.
Having achieved a series of successes, Abdullah decided afresh to march against Turkestan.
Qazi Sharia, the Qazi of Turkestan, approached Ibadullah to secure peace. But when the
fort of Turkestan was surrendered to Abdullah, a general massacre of the populations was
ordered. Abdullah appointed two trusted nobles of his, Amir Satilghan and Sewinch Qara
Bahadur, to govern Turkestan and Otrar respectively. Abdullah's authority was now
challenged. Amongst his remaining kinsmen, Momin Sultan of Andijan and Mehdi and Hadi
Sultan of Marghinan did not pose any threat whatsoever to his position. The need for a
reorganization of the khanates had become imperative now. Having obtained the formal
consent of his father, Abdullah assigned Tashkent to Abdul Quddus Sultan, Samarqand to
Ibadullah Sultan and Balkh to his favourite son, Abdul Mumin. One of his tursted nobles,
Nazar Bi who had held Balkh for ten years, was recalled to the court now. It seems that Abdullah
had been displeased with Nazar Bi due to his treacherous activities and so he sent him away on
Haj pilgrimage though with assurances to forgive him if an improvement was noticed in his
behaviour. Abdullah Khan's new power was reflected in the changing attitude of neighbouring
rulers. The ruler of Khwarazm, a former ally of Baba and anxious for his own survival, sent
messages of peace and goodwill. Abdullah was not immediately interested in the
conquest of Khwarazm as he had a number of other ambitious projects in hand. The envoys were,
therefore, returned with assurances of favour.53
Hafiz Tanish triumphantly records that an envoy from Moscow also happened to be present at
Abdullah's court. After the annexation of Kazan (late 1552) and Astarakhan (1556)fyl by the Czar
of Moscow, the boundaries of Transoxiana and Moscow had come closer and relations between the
two states were of some importance to both. The Czar had been trying to use the Safavids and even
the Qazaqs as a counterpoise to the Ottomans and Central Asians. The Ottomans wanted friendship
with the Uzbeg rulers to revive the trade route with Central Asia, stretching from Khwarazm
through Astarakhan, simultaneously solving the 'Persian and Muscovite problem in one stroke'.55
The Central Asians too had a barrage of complaints against Russia51'which were multiplying due to
the latter's friendship with the Qazaqs and the Persians. Nevertheless, there were frequent expedient
exchanges of envoys between Moscow and the Uzbeg khanates of Bukhara, Khiva and Balkh. In
view of these, Abdullah received the envoy from Moscow with favour.
Abdullah now decided to take action against his remaining kinsmen. Being dissatisfied with
the activities of Mumin Sultan, the ruler of Andijan, Abdullah was reluctant to give him the
border province of Andijan. When Mumin Sultan was unwilling to change his iqta from Farghana
to Shahr-i Sabz, Abdullah decided to march against him, as the change was necessary for ensuring
security of his eastern borders. A large kangashvias held and Abdul Quddus ordered to conquer
Andijan and suppress Mumin Sultan in 1580, with the help of Isfandyar (from Shahr-i Sabz),
Rustam (from Khujand) and Sewinch (from Saghraj). Tawakkul Sultan also joined this march.
The town of Uratiba was given to Abdul Quddus for raising additional troops. Muhammad Baqi Bi
Durman was asked to prepare a list of nobles and eishik aqayansofthe army who were to participate
in this campaign. After elaborate preparations Abdul Quddus opened a two-pronged attack on
Andijan and dispatched Rustam Bi and Qulbaba to conquer Marghinan. With the entire force
of Abdullah deployed for conquering Farghana, Mumin Sultan and Hashim Sultan did not
have the courage to give resistance to him and fled over to Aqsi, Kashan and Osh, to Dashti
Alai (a dependency of Kashghar), where Abdul Quddus's forces fell upon them at night. The
two Sultans were taken captive and much booty obtained.57

With the capture of these Sultans, the entire territory of Farghana came under the sway of
Abdullah, who assigned Akhsikat to Payenda Muhammad and certain other territories to
Isfandyar Sultan. Although Hashim Sultan had hoped for protection from Payenda
Muhammad, he was actually beheaded at his orders. In the meantime, Muzaffar bin
Jawanmard was also killed by Uzbeg Sultan. Abdus Samad Bi, a noble of Mumin Sultan of
Andijan, now shifted his loyalties to Abdullah and managed to capture Baba, a son of Boza
Khur, for which he was rewarded with a golden cap, 10,000 khanis, camels, tents, etc.58
The only recalcitrant Sultans left now were the sons of Darvesh Sultan who had taken shelter
with the ruler of Badakhshan. Abdullah sent Khudai Pirdi to the ruler of Badakhshan
demanding the surrender of the fugitives. Shah Sulaiman of Badakhshan had already been
frightened to see the increasing power of Abdullah and his aggressive intentions which could
even threaten his own existence. Consequendy, the fugitives were killed and their heads
dispatched to Abdullah. The other rebels were also killed one after the other and their heads
paraded through the streets of Bukhara and other towns.59