Deviant Behavior

ISSN: (Print) (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/udbh20

Sex, Honor, Murder: A Psychology of “Honor

killing”

Reza Barmaki

To cite this article: Reza Barmaki (2021) Sex, Honor, Murder: A Psychology of “Honor killing”,
Deviant Behavior, 42:4, 473-491, DOI: 10.1080/01639625.2019.1695456

To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/01639625.2019.1695456

Published online: 23 Nov 2019.

Submit your article to this journal

Article views: 1489

View related articles

View Crossmark data

Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at

https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=udbh20
DEVIANT BEHAVIOR
2021, VOL. 42, NO. 4, 473–491
https://doi.org/10.1080/01639625.2019.1695456

Sex, Honor, Murder: A Psychology of “Honor killing”

Reza Barmaki
University of Toronto, Toronto, Canada

ABSTRACT ARTICLE HISTORY

The existing psychological explanation of “honor killing” (HK) is inadequate. Received 20 August 2019
This paper aims to provide a more adequate psychological explanation of it. Accepted 4 November 2019
It does this by depicting the adaptive nature of it in patriarchal contexts.
More precisely, it argues that HK is fueled by the emotional need to protect
one’s honor, which allows the perpetrator to prove his/her allegiance to
a key communal value and (thereby) avert community’s punitive measures.
In making my argument I will provide successive discussions of: (a) factors
causing the gradual enragement of an “honor killer”, (b) the connection
between emotions of “honor” and “shame”, (c) the punitive consequences
of shame, and (d) the connection between HK and mental and personality
disorders.

Introduction
“Honor Killing” has been hotly debated by social scientists for years.1 The term has been usually
used with regards to murder of females at the hand of their male relatives (usually brothers or
fathers) for their sexual misconducts. Such misconducts are viewed as intolerable sources of
individual, familial and even communal dishonor. The acts of homicide are committed with
a view to total or partial restoration of the lost honor (Doğan 2018).2 There are three main
explanations of HK: feminist, “honor culture” and psychological. Feminists view it as a remnant
of patriarchy, which has oppressed women for ages by imposing on them roles that limit their
activities (Doğan 2018). Central among such roles have been sexual roles. For example, they have
been expected to remain virgins and not to engage in sexual relations before marriage, and to avoid
extramarital relationships afterward (Abu Odeh 2010). The main reason for imposing these limita-
tions, nonetheless, has often been said to be protection of the basis of patriarchy: private property
and the related demand for clear familial connections and lines of inheritance. HK enforces this
demand. As such, it is a vestige of an inhumane, outmoded type of social organization. One that
negates modern values such as universal human dignity, equality, and right to self-determination (a
corollary of which is women’s right to sexual autonomy). These values, feminists argue, are the
undeniable foundation of any modern, rational organization of society. The key emotional aspect of
HK – i.e., “honor” – is said to be the psychological concomitant of patriarchal system.
The “honor culture” approach argues that in certain cultures males’ status is derived from
adherence to norms of “honor” and that of females’ from adherence to norms of proper sexual
conduct. Defying these norms brings dishonor to a person, his/her family, and even the broader

CONTACT Reza Barmaki rezabarmaki@yahoo.com Center for Criminology & Sociolegal Studies, University of Toronto, 14
Queen’s Park Crescent West, Toronto, ON M5S 3K9, Canada
1
For the sake of convenience in the rest of this paper I will use HK for “honor killing” (HKs when plural), and HKr for “honor killer”
(HKrs when plural).
2
I use the term HK in the narrow sense just mentioned. I ignore many other forms of it such as ancient types of suicides reserved
for dishonored or defeated nobilities such as Seppuku (or Harakiri) by Japanese samurais or the ancient practice of falling on
a sword by Roman generals. Another type was the ancient ritual of “honor sacrifice” to gods where the sacrifices were human
beings (see Ball 2016).
© 2019 Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
474 R. BARMAKI

community. Norms of honor require that males show toughness, be intolerant of disrespect, and be
protective of their possessions and family. A key part of the last component is protection (violently if
necessary) of female family-members’ sexual virtues. As a result, males take it upon themselves to
monitor all aspects of females' lives (especially their sexual conducts) and to punish them for their
misconduct. HK is the ultimate, and expected, punishment for females’ serious acts of sexual
misconduct (such as adultery). Honor cultures are said to have existed, and to continue to exist,
all around the world. They are said to emerge and persist in places characterized by poverty and/or
absence (or weakness) of governmental regulations (Carvallo, Baughman, and Brown 2018).
Contemporary examples include Indian villages, Britain’s Muslim Pakistani communities, and
American working-class neighborhoods3
Psychological explanations have been scarce and tentative. It has been variously maintained
that HK

● Is the result of ‘aggressive, impulsive and criminal tendencies’ (Rahim, Jahangir, and Zeb
2018:202)
● May be the result of ‘retributive rage’, i.e., a ‘primeval instinct’ deemed to be common to
primates (see Abu Odeh 2010:185).
● May be the result of subconscious fear of incest (Kanchan, Tandon, and Krishan 2016)
● Is, similar to other honor-based behavior, the behavioral result of having strong belief in honor.
Beliefs are ‘psychological states about the truth of particular propositions and are often
considered to be the basic building blocks of thought’ (Roberts 2014:73). Honor-based beliefs
are internalized by individuals living in honor-cultures.

These explanations are inadequate. The first one assumes that certain individuals have inherent
criminal tendencies. Social scientists abandoned such assumptions long ago (see Barmaki 2017,
2019). Such explanations, as pointed out long ago by Kressel et al. (1981:151), do not ‘fit’ HK
(Kressel et al. 1981:151). The second and third ones are tentative and do not provide further details.
None of the first three theories considers the social context of HK. The fourth one is really an
extension of “honor culture” theory. It proposes a causal connection between beliefs and behavior
that fails to capture the complexity of the interconnection between psychological bases of HK: honor,
shame, and retributive rage.
This paper aims to provide a more adequate psychological explanation of HK. It argues that it is
fueled by the emotional need to protect one’s honor, which allows the perpetrator to prove his/her
allegiance to a key communal value and (thereby) avert community’s punitive measures. My
argument is informed by social-functional approach in psychology. It argues that individuals
adapt to their social environments due to the activation and operation of certain cognitive and
behavioral responses by emotions (Goldberg, Lerner, and Tetlock 1999). In making my argument,
I will start with a review of the existing literature on HK. I will then provide a discussion of the
adaptive nature of HK in patriarchal communities. It will include successive discussions of (a) factors
causing the gradual enragement of HKr, (b) the connection between emotions of “honor” and
“shame”, (c) the punitive consequences of shame, and (d) the connection between HK and mental
and personality disorders. I will end the paper by providing some concluding remarks.

“Honour killing”: a review of literature

According to the UN, ‘data on honor killings are scarce, as such crimes often go unrecorded and
unreported.’4 Common examples of HK are raped women who kill their rapists; mothers who kill
3
For example, see Polk (1999)..
4
GLOBAL STUDY ON HOMICIDE: Gender-related killing of women and girls (2018), P. 31, https://www.unodc.org/documents/data-
and-analysis/GSH2018/GSH18_Gender-related_killing_of_women_and_girls.pdf. Accessed May 21, 2019.
 DEVIANT BEHAVIOR 475

infants that they conceived or gave birth to out of wedlock; and, families (females included) who kill
their daughters because they had sexual relations out of wedlock (in some cases even if they were
forcefully raped5). There are ample sociopolitical views of HK. It has been variously viewed as:

● a public health problem (Dobson 2009; Nasrullah, Haqqi, and Cummings 2009; Ozdemir et al. 2013)
● an immoral conduct (Prochazka 2012)
● a type of violence against women (Mojab 2012; Terman 2010)
● a type of gendered violence (Awwad 2001; Korteweg 2014)
● a type of domestic violence (Aujla and Gill 2014)
● evidence of Western cultural superiority (Reimers 2007)
● a source of tension in Western multicultural societies (Hellgren and Hobson 2008; Kurkiala 2003)
● an excuse for implementation of racist immigration policies in Western countries (Yurdakula
and Korteweg 2013)
● evidence of failed multiculturalism in the West (Ercan 2015)
● an excuse to promote multiculturalism and prevent civic integration of ethnic communities due
to their perceived cultural inferiority (Mojab and Hassanpour 2002)
● an instance of “clash of civilizations” (Mason 2015)
● a means of fostering images of Muslims’ barbarity and cultural inferiority for xenophobic
purposes (Volpp 2019)
● a new way for Western feminists to present themselves as the liberators of Muslim women and
for the book publishers to produce best-seller memoirs that sometimes contain fabricated
horror-stories about “honor killing” in the Middle East (Pazargadi 2010).

A popular belief is that HK is related to Muslims and the religion of Islam. This belief is false. HK
has been absent in Indonesia and Malaysia, which possess the largest Muslim populations (Jamali
and Shah 2015). Furthermore, it has been an ancient and popular practice around the world. It has
occurred among non-Muslim populations (such as Hindus, Christians, and Jews) located on
different continents (e.g., Europe, Asia, Africa, and South America) (see Alsabti 2017; Gill 2009;
Hongdao et al. 2018; Jamali and Shah 2015; Kressel et al. 1981; Kulczycki1 and Windle 2011; Taylor
2004). For example, it was common among working-class women in nineteenth-century Jamaica.
There, it was mostly in the shape of killing of the babies (directly or indirectly by abandoning them)
that they had out of wedlock. Shame and fear of being branded as sexually promiscuous were key
causes of it (Altink 2007). It was also practiced in nineteenth-century America and had popular and
legal support (Ireland 1989). There were also lynching of black men, some of which were done in the
name of saving white men’s and women’s “honor” (Nowatzki 1994). To this day, the United States’
‘legal system reflects a distinct sympathy’ for ‘honor crimes’, especially those committed in defense of
life, property and sexual integrity of individuals (Bilz 2007:1102). This, in turn, is based on the
broader popular support for such crimes by the Americans.
Whether or not Islam condones HK has been a controversial matter. Many claims that it does not
(Doğan 2011; Hongdao et al. 2018; Jamali and Shah 2015; Shah Kakakhel 2004; Shahram 2009).6
However, there is research that argues that the Islamic law (Sharia) can be interpreted to allow it (as
in Pakistan) (see Cheema 2008; Palo 2008).7 There is also research that shows Muslim judges under
the Ottoman Empire allowed it based on such interpretations and a number of other standards (see
Bulunur 2016). Chesler and Bloom (2012) have argued that although it is not condoned by Islam,
Muslim governments have often refrained from its prosecution. In some countries, judges showed
5
See Alsabti (2017) on this point.
6
Also see “Preliminary Examination of so-called ‘Honour Killings’ in Canada”, Department of Justice, Canada, https://www.justice.gc.
ca/eng/rp-pr/cj-jp/fv-vf/hk-ch/p3.html. Accessed May 1, 2019.
7
This is despite the fact that Pakistan criminalized HK in 2004. This complexity has to do with the nature of Pakistan’s legal system,
which is based on secular and Islamic principles. In fact, such complexities have made HK a complicated matter to deal with in
many countries (see Annavarapu 2013; Cheema 2008; Khalil 2010; Wasti 2010).
476 R. BARMAKI

leniency toward an HKr based on the belief that he could not ‘act contrary to the habits whereon he
was brought up’ (Hasisi and Bernstein 2016:140).
Many communities around the world, nevertheless, have pushed for elimination of HK (see Ruggi
1998; Doğan 2013a; Fatima et al. 2017; Jamali and Shah 2015; Madek 2005). A key way of doing this
has been either through changing the existing laws to make it illegal, or increasing the punishment
for it if it is already illegal. Another way has been to encourage closer governmental intrusion into
family matters that are held to be private by people (Grans 2015, 2016). Governments are asked to
change the existing laws that make it hard for governmental and non-governmental agencies to
investigate and intervene in such matters. However, the rate of success for such efforts has varied
from community to community (see Zakaria 2016). This has had various reasons. A key one has
been cultural obstacles. For example, in India ‘the idea of “choice” is not individual as much as it is
filial or social’ (Annavarapu 2013:129; also see Mody 2002). In fact ‘Romantic love’, which in India
means love outside filial arrangements, ‘is regarded as rebellion by the family and community’
(Paramjit 2012:48).

A psychological explanation of “honor killing”

Enragement and its social context
Contemporary HKs often take place within patriarchal cultures. It begins with eventual-perpetrator
gaining knowledge of eventual-victim’s inappropriate behavior. This could be direct (through personal
surveillance) or indirect knowledge. The latter usually takes the form of communal ‘gossip or rumor’,
which are very important factors in instigating HKs (Doğan 2013a:405; also see Awwad 2001). Women
seem to play a key role in this regard (see Chesler 2015). These rumors may be entirely unfounded and
produced for reasons such as jealousy, grudge, revenge, or even sheer meanness of some individuals (see
Onal 2008). However, proving their inaccuracy, or stopping their circulation through gossip, is usually an
impossibility. Rumors are often exaggerated as they are passed around. Community members often
ignore both the existing standards of proof (religious or traditional) and possible penalties for spreading
false rumors, while engaging in gossip.8 Nevertheless, the eventual-perpetrator’s decision to commit
homicide often takes place after a period during which he checks the veracity of rumors, contemplates
alternative courses of action other than homicide, consults with other family members, and pleas with the
eventual-victim to end her “dishonorable” ways (Doğan 2014a). During this period, the whole family
undergoes a great deal of stress due to constant, angry bickering between the family members due to the
communal shame brought upon them (Sedem and Ferrer-Wreder 2015). They feel confused and worried
about the future of the family. Mothers usually are torn between parental love for their child and their
loyalty to male members of the family and family’s honor.
During this period, the eventual-victim feels a great deal of anxiety due to the threatening nature of
the familial environment and uncertainty about the future. She fears ejection from the family and the
concomitant loneliness and lack of support, is anxious about the dissolution of the family, dreads
parental and siblings’ violent reprisals, is worried about parental health problems due to stress, is
apprehensive about possible legal punishments, and so on. These fears may exacerbate prior psychotic
symptoms or mental or personality disorders.9 Such at-risk women often exhibit behavioral signs that
8
See DoğanDoğan (2013a) for a short account of some of these standards and penalties in Islamic tradition.
9
Research by Shakeriana et al. (2014) indicates that engagement in premarital sex (by female university student in a city in Iran) is
either due to extroversion or neuroticism. The former is characterized by sociability, impulsivity, aggressiveness, instability,
excitability, and proneness to drug-use. The latter is characterized by depression, irrationality, impulsiveness, instability, need for
dependence on others, and a list of negative emotions such as ‘fear, sorrow, anger, and arousal’ (Shakeriana et al. 2014: 343).
Research by Ghani et al. (2014: 621) attributes premarital sex by adolescent girls in Malaysia, another Muslim country, to a ‘lack
of moral consciousness and coping strategies’. Whether or not these researches were impacted by political and/or religious
considerations I am unable to say. It should be mentioned that premarital sex is forbidden in Islam. However, detection of
premarital sex by family members does not necessarily result in HK. This has been due to cultural change in some Muslim
countries. In some cases, hymenorrhaphy (hymen reconstruction surgery) is performed.
 DEVIANT BEHAVIOR 477

may be used by social and psychiatric workers to identify and help them. These include stress and
anxiety, evidence of self-harm, bodily bruises, talks of leaving town, sudden talk of marriage to
someone they dislike, being constantly chaperoned, and sudden and prolonged absence from
school/work (Dickson 2014).
Of critical importance during this period is the gradual rise in the eventual-killer’s level of anger,
shame, frustration, and desperation to a final point of no-return (Doğan 2013b). At this point, the
eventual killer comes to believe that committing homicide is the only solution to his problem
(Doğan 2016). He feels obliged to take matters into his own hands. This may be the result of
“dissonance reduction”. This occurs when the anxiety produced by the discrepancy between an
individual’s beliefs and actions motivates him to remove the inconsistency and harmonize the two.
This leaves the individual with a clear, defensible view of his behavior (Shulman and Carey 1984). It
must be noted that in some cases, the period of enragement may last for years. For example, a young
Kurdish boy who witnessed his mother’s adultery at around age 9–10 killed her years later when he
became a young man of about 18 years old. During these years he went through a period of
devastating emotional turmoil, which was increasingly exacerbated as he realized that the matter
was known to the community members. He became aware of their derisive gossip and innuendoes
about his mother and himself. These included the suggestion that he was a bastard child. His request
to marry a girl that he loved was denied by her family due to his mother’s bad reputation and the
assumption that he was an illegitimate child. The girl was forced by her family to marry a much
older man because her connection to him had ‘sullied’ her name (see Onal 2008:69).
Eventual-killers usually do not believe that the usual honor-restoring remedies suffice for extreme
cases of sexual misconduct (such as adultery or fornication). Such remedies include penitence,
performing purification rituals, monetary payments, and physical punishment. They do not see
legal remedies, if available at all, to be enough either (Pitt-Rivers 1977). However, they may try to
evade the law by trying to make the death of the eventual-victim to look accidental (Doğan 2014b) or
induce the eventual-victim to commit suicide (Corbin 2014). Along the way, nonetheless, they are
goaded by the communal pressure. They are often praised for trying to restore their family honor.
After committing murder they may even receive, depending on where they are, reduced punishment
by the criminal justice system (Hongdao et al. 2018). HK makes sense to HKrs and to the
communities to which they belong (Rahim, Jahangir, and Zeb 2018:202; also see Shah Kakakhel
2004; Lalwani 2008; Eisner and Ghuneim 2013; Caffaro, Ferraris, and Schmidt 2014; Siddig 2014;
Shaikh, Kamal, and Naqvi 2015; Alsabti 2017). “Honor” is of singular importance in such commu-
nities (Dorjee, Baig, and Ting-Toomey 2013:3). There, HK is a “normal” behavior. After all, as
psychologists maintain, questions of normality or abnormality of human behavior are a matter of
‘social judgment’ (Passer et al. 2008:558).10 This is at least one reason, as Ehrenzweig (1964:431)
observed decades ago, why ‘insanity … cannot be uniformly and consistently defined; indeed that it
cannot be defined at all except by a tautology’ [Italic original].

Honor and shame

Sociologically, “honor” is a key indicator of one’s social status (prestige) and is determined by the
community to which one belongs (Cohan 2010; Zvinkliene 2010). It can be linked to any quality
shared by the community members. It is not necessarily dependent on one’s political power or
economic class. However, it often has a complicated correlation with these factors. Generally,
individuals of lower socioeconomic strata are more likely to care about it. This seems to be due to
their lower socioeconomic means, which exposes them to situations that requires them to personally
defend it (in the neighborhood, at the local store, etc.) (see Broom et al. 2012). Nonetheless, it
expresses a central sociological fact of communal life: a specific way of life is expected from those
10
As is commonly known, homosexuality, prostitution, and masturbation, were until quite recently deemed by Western psychol-
ogists to be types of abnormal behavior caused by mental diseases.
478 R. BARMAKI

who wish to belong (Cox 1950). A key, universal part of this expectation is ‘restrictions’ on social
interactions between individuals (Weber 1952:187). These include economic, religious, matrimonial,
and so on. These may result in the rise of groups of varying degrees of statuses within the
community, which in turn may exacerbate social restrictions on social intercourse. From
a political viewpoint, the prevalence of honor-based interactions signal the absence of a central,
powerful governing body capable of providing social control through policing and punishment.
Under such circumstance, honor-related violence signals one’s determination to retaliate against
violators of his/her prerogatives (Thrasher and Handfield 2018). Nevertheless, upon loss of honor
one (or even one’s family and friends) becomes the target of others’ contemptuous verbal attacks and
demeaning behavior. Other consequences may be social exclusion and socioeconomic disadvantages
(such as difficulty obtaining work or housing, or loss of friends). In extreme cases, one may even
become the object of pranks, harassment, spitting, and violent physical attacks by community
members (including children) (see Onal 2008).
From the viewpoint of moral psychology, these specific reactions are prompted by the violation of
communal ethics. Moral psychologists have proposed two sets of ethics, and the related emotional
reactions when they are violated (Alderman, Dollar, and Kozlowski 2010). The first set proposes
three moral principles:

● Autonomy, which emphasizes individuals’ rights. The emotional reaction to its violation is
anger.
● Community, which emphasizes hierarchy, duty and obedience to prescribed social roles. The
emotional reaction to its violation is contempt.
● Divinity, which emphasizes divine commends and obedience to it. Defying such commands is
sin, which causes pollution. The emotional reaction to violation is disgust.

The second set is an elaboration on the first one and proposes five moral principles:

● Autonomy, which is divisible to two moral principles: harm/care and fairness/reciprocity. The
former emphasizes sympathy for others’ suffering and the latter fair reciprocity in interactions.
The emotional reaction to the violation of either is anger.
● Community, which is divisible to two moral principles: in-group/loyalty and authority/respect.
The first one emphasizes loyalty and heroism. The second one emphasizes duty, obedience,
admiration, and social hierarchy. The emotional reaction to violation of these is contempt.
● Divinity, which is divisible to purity/sanctity. The emotional related to its violation is disgust.

From this perspective, therefore, the communal disgust and contempt is caused by violation of
communal/divine rules of conduct.
Psychologically, nevertheless, “honor” is experienced by individuals’ as their ‘sense of dignity’
(Weber 1952:189). As such, it is central to their ‘self-identity’ (Colburn 1985:162). It reflects the
fundamental human need for respect and approval. Related to this need are cognitive schemas that
constantly monitor, and try to avoid, other’s disapproval (Dindelegan 2014). Fear of loss of honor,
especially in males, is a prominent emotion and a key source of anxiety (Sedem and Ferrer-Wreder
2015). They fear being labeled negatively as the dishonored usually are (e.g., cuckold). Therefore,
they guard it vigilantly and aggressively (Pitt-Rivers 1966). They become very sensitive to behavior
that is commonly viewed as disrespectful (Gradowicz–Pancer 2002). They see the ultimate satisfac-
tion to reside in physical, violent retaliation against disrespectful individuals. This tendency may
have been the result of an evolutionary adaptation to life in precarious and competitive environ-
ments (social and natural). It functions to deter encroachments upon one’s person and assets
(possessions and family) as means of survival and procreation (Baller, Zevenbergen, and Messner
2009; McDermott, Lopez, and Hatemi 2017). Of utmost importance is protection of one’s offspring,
as carriers of one’s genes. Familial love and altruism are by-products of the same evolutionary
 DEVIANT BEHAVIOR 479

adaption. Sexual jealousy is another result of it (Buss et al. 1992). These result in the increased
survival chances of a shared gene pool. This is why, form an evolutionary viewpoint, most ‘“family”
homicides are spousal homicides, fueled by male sexual proprietariness’ (Daly and Wilson 1988:519).
Evolutionary theory explains non-espousal familial homicides in terms of family members’ selfish
considerations of their own survival and procreation chances. Such considerations are impacted by
such factors as the individual’s age, income, and gender (Daly and Wilson 1988). Research on
infanticide provides some support for such view. There are two main causes of infanticide: psycho-
logical (psychotic illnesses and partner revenge) and socioeconomic (e.g., poverty, youth, and lack of
support). The latter is the basis for the evolutionary explanation of it. From this perspective, it is due
to socioeconomic disadvantage and is meant to increase the killer’s survival chances (Friedman,
Cavney, and Resnick 2012). From the evolutionary viewpoint, I therefore speculate, HK is an act that
maintains the broader gene pool of the family by averting the threat of communal reprisals to it
(physical violence or socioeconomic).11
Central to males’ sense of “honor” has been females’ sexual “purity”. Sigmund Freud viewed such
purity to be a fundamental unconscious male desire, which was atoned for by religious guilt
(Lightweis-Goff 2007:292). Females’ sexual purity is bestowed upon them at birth (virginity),
however, it can be taken away (through sexual promiscuity or rape) (Pitt-Rivers 2011). It is,
therefore, a matter of concern to males. They try to control females’ sexual activities by persuading
them to conform to the proper codes of sexual behavior (Gorring 2018; Jamal 2015). Often, they
violently suppress females’ challenge to their authority in these matters (Tomsen and Gadd 2019). In
patriarchal communities, males and females tend to largely hold similar beliefs about the relation
between males’ honor and females’ sexual fidelity and loyalty. These beliefs maintain that (a) females’
infidelity tarnishes males’ reputation and social standing, (b) violence can restore lost reputation, and
(c) females should accept males’ sexual jealousy (Vandello and Cohen 2003).
Loss of honor results in attitude of “shame”. It signals an individuals’ failures to live-up to cultural
ideals (Ausubel 1955; Elise 2008; Hosser, Windzio, and Greve 2008; Lewis 1971; Lindsay-Hartz 1984;
Piers and Singer 1953; Riezler 1943; Shweder 2003; Sorotzkin 1985; Tangney 1990; VanDerhei et al.
2014; Wicker, Payne, and Morgan 1983; Wilson 2001; Wright, O’Leary, and Balkin 1989; Zhu et al.
2019). In psychoanalytical terms, it is an anxiety that is the result of Ego’s failure to live-up to Ego-
Ideal and implies the unconscious, irrational thereat of ‘abandonment’ (Piers and Singer 1953:11).
This threat is the unconscious anticipation of being ‘unwanted and alone’, which may be accom-
panied by ‘physiological discomfort and pain’ (Goldberg 1999:445). Nevertheless, one can be
ashamed of oneself or others (or both). Shame prompts intense, negative, harmful emotions toward
oneself and others. The most common ones are resentment, hatred, anger, disdain, and pain. The
more other know about one’s failures, the more intense these feelings become. Shame may result in
the formation of “inferiority complex”, characterized chiefly by one’s anger and disdain for oneself
and others. Other characteristics of it are periodic depression, deceitfulness, extreme suspicion of
others’ motives, proclivity for retaliation, insatiable desire for praise and success, and futile attempts
to convince oneself that one is not a failure. Campbell (1984) connects shame to the following
psychological, physiological and behavioral traits: failure, inferiority, unworthiness, embarrassment,
weakness, disgust, contempt, restlessness, turning away, blushing, withdrawal, avoidance, lying,
denying, and slumping (as in one’s seat) (Campbell 1984). Evolutionary psychologists maintain
that shame is an adaptive measure that emerged as a protective measure. It protected individuals
who failed to uphold the communal standards from its punitive measures. It performed this function
by either rendering the transgressors submissive and apologetic or by forcing them to leave their
community (Folger, Johnson, and Letwin 2014). As such, from a sociological point of view, it is

11
I am unaware of any research in this regard. We should be also mindful of the non-honor-related psychological motivations for
familial homicide. The classic example was proposed by Freud’s Oedipal theory, which pointed to the murderous urges of sons
toward their fathers. Dorothy Block (1978) also maintained that central fear of childhood was that of death at the hand of
parents. However, I am unaware of any research that uses such explanations for HK. It must also be noted that my speculation is
in line with the spirit of scientific inquiry.
480 R. BARMAKI

a method of social control. This particular function of shame has been acknowledged from ancient
times by writers, jurists, educators, philosophers, and historians (Gundersheimer 1994). From
a moral and legal point of view, along with guilt, it is a mode of individual responsibility that
induces a person to uphold communal demands (Boonin 1983; Lynch and Dahanayake 2017; O’Hear
1976). As such, therefore, it can be a motivation to commit crime or abstain from it (in the shape of
avoiding recidivism after incarceration, or engaging in rehabilitative behavior during it). This has
been amply confirmed by research (see Ahmed et al. 2001; Baker 1999; Baumer et al. 2001; Bernice
et al. 2000; Botchkovar and Tittle 2005; Braithwaite 1989; Coontz 2015; Murphy and Harris 2007;
Proeve and Howells 2006; Schaible and Hughes 2011; Souza et al. 2017; Watts 1996).

Shame and punishment

Unlike guilt, shame cannot be eliminated through confession and request for forgiveness (Goldberg
1999). It is a cry for recognition and respect, a fundamental human need, not a request for mercy.
Unlike guilt, which implies having wronged someone, it indicates a sense of being wronged
(victimhood). It indicates powerlessness to protect oneself from harm; it signals one’s vulnerability
and weakness.12 It animates one’s sense of justice, i.e., retaliation for harm received. Its institutio-
nalized form is the criminal justice system. Along with jealousy and greed, it has long been known
that ‘vengeance’ has been a ‘chief’ motive for murder (Kingsford 1929:607).13 Retributive acts are
seen by its perpetrators as fair and righteous deeds (Knoll 2010; Stillwell, Baumeister, and Del Priore
2008). As a result, they are remorseless. This may be, from a Freudian viewpoint, due to Ego’s
satisfaction that it is enforcing Super-Ego’s demand for punishment (mutilation, castration) of
transgressions caused by sexual urges (Campbell 1984). This cooperative enforcement, in turn,
helps with the maintenance of repression of Oedipal wishes ‘to kill one parent and to commit incest
with the other’ (Ehrenzweig 1964:436). This may be one reason as to why those ‘who premeditate
and commit crime in cold blood never experience moral remorse’ (Kingsford 1929:608).
Furthermore, retributive justice is subjective, i.e., the harmed party decides when it is reached
(Mead 1918). The key factor here is his/her degree of emotional satisfaction, i.e., the belief that
enough harm is inflicted on the guilty party. In most cases, this means infliction of disproportionate
retributive harm on the guilty party.
The disproportionality of revenge acts may also be due to environmental factors such as group
pressure, deindividuation, and having excessive power over others. These often result in extremely
abusive behavior by ordinary individuals (Bartels 2019; Drury, Hutchens, and White 2012;
Zimbardio 2007). Patriarchal communities in which HK takes place are imbued with such factors.
Nevertheless, classical portrayals of this phenomenon were Philip Zimbardo's “Stanford Prison
Experiment” (1971) and Stanley Milgram’s obedience experiment (1974). Recent research on
“Authoritarian Personality” may also be helpful in this regard. The concept was originally
a political one and was introduced in The Authoritarian Personality (1950) by Adorno et al. 1950
It was meant to capture the psychological roots of anti-Semitic and anti-democratic movements of
those decades as exemplified by Fascism and Nazism. It conceptualized such a personality as one
who was ‘rigidly ethnocentric, anti-democratic, compulsively conventional, punitive and condes-
cending toward those regarded as inferiors, and submissive to authority’ (Stewart and Hoult
1959:274). These traits were accentuated under stressful and uncertain circumstances (Oesterreich
2005:275). Formed as a result of life in authoritarian environments, such personalities were capable
of extreme acts of cruelty (Peterson et al. 2016). In recent years the concept has been applied to social
12
These feelings are common among, for example, victims of rape and torture. A key tendency of an individual suffering from
these feelings is to engage in acts of self-punishment and self-mortification. The main personality disorder associated with these
feelings is Obsessive-Compulsive personality (Martinez-Pilkington 2007). Borderline personality disorder is another possibility
(Rüsch et al. 2007).
13
Pastoral psychologists argue that Cain’s psychological motives for killing his brother Abel were shame and jealousy (Nauta 2009).
They view bible stories to be timeless exemplars of universal human emotions and related behaviors.
 DEVIANT BEHAVIOR 481

domain and daily interactions including ‘romantic partnerships, lifestyle goals, and basic attitudes
about male and female relationships’ (Peterson and Zurbriggen 2010:1801). Research in these
regards shows the commonness of authoritarian personality (male and female) and its root in
patriarchal environments. Such individuals are staunchly homophobic and anti-feminist and adhere
to traditional gender roles with regards to marriage and sexuality. The proper place and function of
sex is held by them to be marriage and procreation. They view aggression to be a legitimate means of
protecting the traditional gender roles and views (Peterson and Zurbriggen 2010). Such personalities
often demand severe sentences for cases of illegal behavior, including rape (McCann 2009). They
possess a ‘pathogenic authority complex’ that is expressed as energetic activity, self-righteousness,
and ‘over-submissiveness to superiors and a latent sadism against inferiors’ (Wilke 1977:249).
However, research on Christians and Muslims has shown that such personality is not a direct result
of religious beliefs only (Ji and Ibrahim 2007).
There is not much research as to why HKrs feel that shame related to sexual dishonor can only be
cleansed by death of the eventual-victims. From a Jungian psychoanalytic perspective, this may have
two reasons. Firstly, murder simultaneously signals a categorical commitment, a total separation, and
a rebirth (White 2011). Honor-killing, based on this view, indicates a strong commitment to
collective values regarding honor and sexual virtues, the desire for a total separation from anyone
who negates it, and the beginning of a new life in the community as an honorable person. Secondly,
it may be a manifestation of the Archetypal good (i.e., ‘savior-messiah’ personality) bent on
redeeming the family from sin and corruption (McCully 1978:85). We also do know that the division
of the world into good and evil, and the conviction that cleansing from evil requires shedding of
blood, is common across a variety of religious traditions (Jones 2008). A fundamental belief of
Christianity, for example, is that ‘the blood of Jesus’ was shed as expiation for humanity’s sins
(Hebrews 10:19; 1 John 1:7).14 We read in the Bible that ‘almost all things are by the law purged with
blood; and without shedding of blood is no remission’ (Hebrews 9:22). The expiatory value of blood
is acknowledged by Islam (Zwemer 1946) and Judaism (Brichto 1976; Venter 2005) as well. To the
biblical Jews ‘the life of the flesh’ was ‘in the blood’ and it was blood that made ‘atonement for the
soul’ (Leviticus 17:11). Yahweh demands the death of those that defy his laws; only this can avert his
deadly wrath from visiting the community itself (Barmaki 2013). He orders Joshua and his army to
utterly destroy Canaanites: ‘And they utterly destroyed all that was in the city, both man and woman,
young and old, ox and sheep and donkey, with the edge of the sword’ (Joshua 6:21). He wants
Samuel and Saul to do the same thing to Amalek: ‘Now go and smite Amalek, and utterly destroy all
that they have, and spare them not; but slay both man and woman, infant and suckling, ox and
sheep, camel and ass’ (1 Samuel 15:3). Blood purges and purifies His land of sin. Biblical floods were
examples of this as well.
We also know that ‘“blood punishments” (i.e., ones that killed or drew blood)’ were common in
Medieval Europe (Caviness 2013:176). The most gruesome and shameful types of them were reserved
for adultery. In the case of rape, in certain localities, such punishment included the execution of the
rapist, the destruction of the place in which the act took place, and even the execution of animals or
witnesses (if any present in the place at the time of the act). Sexual dishonor, it seems, necessitated total
erasure of everything related to it (minus the victim). A common belief of the time was that purifica-
tion – for sin, repentance, expiation, or spiritual transformation and growth – necessitated suffering
(e.g., torture or self-flagellation). Such belief is common today (Bastian, Jetten, and Fasoli 2011).
Psychological research indicates that ‘individuals understand immorality metaphorically as physical
contamination’ (Rothschild et al. 2015:722). They deem it to be contagious and to spread from the
transgressor to others (family, community, and even animals and things). Punishment of transgressors
is their way of cleansing themselves and their communities. The source of contamination, they believe,
must be annihilated. This is similar to washing away dirt or setting diseased bodies or corpses on fire.
Such beliefs are ancient (Rothschild et al. 2015).

14
Biblical references are from King James Version, online, https://www.kingjamesbibleonline.org/.
482 R. BARMAKI

Another reason may be the subconscious meaning of “love”. From a psychoanalytical viewpoint,
sexual modesty is ‘closely connected with sex’ (Riezler 1943:460). It refers to rules related to sex.
Examples are covering of sexual organs, relegating sexual activity to private locations, age and
manner of engagement in sexual activity, and discretion shown when talking about it. Sexual
modesty is of delicate importance to formation of “love”. The latter is an emotional bond that,
although rooted in sexual urges, is not coextensive with them. Sexual modesty “sublimates” sex into
love (Riezler 1943). Love, however, may transform the initial rules of modesty or replace them with
new ones. Nonetheless, pornography and prostitution are types of immodest (hence loveless) sex.
Lovelessness in general is a key source of ‘feelings of loss of self-esteem, inadequacy, depression,
intense loneliness, and destructive urges’ (Goldberg 1999:437). Some HKrs may be motivated by
such negative emotions produced by females’ sexual immodesty (e.g., killers of adulterous wives).
Their immodest acts desublimates and, thereby, eliminates love. Such females are viewed as soiled
and devalued to the level of prostitutes. This is probably why they are labeled as “sluts” or “whores”.
They are now worthless and polluted. They can never be purified again; can never be loved again. So,
they must die. As such, nevertheless, modesty is not merely a by-product of moral codes or interests
of social groups, but ‘part of the inner structure of a creative process’ by which humans build their
social worlds (Riezler 1943:463). Psychoanalysts have provided other views of “love” as well.
Examples are the view of it as an ambivalence, or a need for recognition (its aberrant forms are
the need for domination or submission). Either case, it produces ‘fears of abandonment and
engulfment, struggles of attachment and separation, and fantasies of infantile dependence and
idealized independence’ (Young-Elsendrath 2007:310). The need for the destruction of eventual-
victim may be the result of such intense, contradictory emotions.

HK and disorder
Whether or not HK is connected to specific personality or mental disorders remains debatable. This
determination, given the argument of this paper, is important because such disorders or said to be
maladaptive. The main reason for the continuation of the debate has been the paucity of research.
Belfrage et al. (2012:20) indicate that HKrs are often ‘without personality disorders or major mental
disorders’. However, I believe psychologists should pay special attention to HKrs who witnessed (or
became aware of) a female family member’s sexual indiscretions during their childhoods. As
powerless and inarticulate children, they probably kept these “secrets” to themselves. This possibly
traumatized and tormented them for years (see Onal 2008). Childhood traumas have been connected
to a range of problems such as PTSD (Powers et al. 2016); substantial increase in the risk of
substance abuse (Ahmad and Mazlan 2014); psychosis and neurobiological disorders later in life
(van Winkel et al. 2013); and decreased emotional intelligence, problem-solving skills and creativity
(Tolegenova et al. 2012).15
Muhammad (2010) has speculatively connected HK to the following:

● Psychopathic traits such as violence, reckless disregard for the safety of women, failure to
conform to lawful behaviors, and the lack of remorse.
● Acute stress disorder, which is caused by experiencing threatening situations. It causes dis-
sociative symptoms such as emotional numbing, amnesia, derealization and depersonalization.
● Psychiatric disorders such as paranoid schizophrenia, or an unspecified psychosis that is
influenced by a perceptual disorder.
● Influence of cultural archetypes, traditional mind-sets, belief systems, and hyper-religious
ambience. Such mind-sets are accompanied by delusions that can lead to dangerous perspec-
tives (e.g., HK)
● Borderline personality disorder

Hamlet is the classic literary embodiment of such childhood trauma. He is tormented by shame, anger, hatred, and confusion.
15
 DEVIANT BEHAVIOR 483

● Psychosis

We do know that generally psychosis (especially in females) increases the likelihood of committing
murder. Such murders tend to be premeditated acts of revenge by lone males against a family
member and they take place at home. In such cases, revengeful feelings are prompted by paranoia
and sensitivity to disrespect (actual or perceived) (Hachtel et al. 2018). Psychosis (causing murder)
may have its origin in child-parents dynamics during childhood (Rashkin 2012), Neuropsychological
dysfunctions such as schizophrenia (see Stratton, Brook, and Hanlon 2017), or use of hard drugs
such as methamphetamine (see Scott 2012). Research also shows that male murderers, who commit
the majority of homicides worldwide, tend to have anti-social personality disorder. Female mur-
derers usually have borderline personality disorder (Fox et al. 2019).
Belfrage et al. (2012:27) have created an index that indicates the ‘Risk factors’ associated with an
act of HK. These include factors that point to a candidate for committing HK (factors are dubbed
‘PATRIARCH’) and those associated with the victim (dubbed ‘Vulnerability factors’). PATRIARCH
includes:

● Serious violent threats or thoughts

● Violent acts
● Honor-based violent acts
● Violent criminality
● Escalation
● Attitudes that support honor violence
● High degree of rudeness
● Living in an area with well-known subcultural values about honor
● Lack of cultural integration
● Personal problems

Vulnerability factors are:

● Inconsistent behavior
● Inconsistent attitude
● Extreme fear
● Inadequate access to resources
● Social isolation
● Personal problems
● Mental health problems
● Substance use problems
● Unsafe living situation
● Concerns related to dependants

Research shows that patriarchal families produce males that possess an ‘unstable spirit, are always
tensed, impassive, violent and often feel misunderstood and aggrieved’ (Dughi and Petruti 2015:89).
Patriarchy produces domestic abuse as well (Brown 2014). Females often show the opposite traits.
However, research by Karakurt and Cumbie (2012) shows that:

● Men belonging to patriarchal families do not show increased levels of aggression toward
females.
● Men in egalitarian families can be just as dominating and violent toward females. This is a means
of compensating for poor self-esteem related to the loss of patriarchal authority and respect.
484 R. BARMAKI

Whether or not research from other areas related to violence against females can used to understand
HK remains controversial as well. For example, research indicates that the most common personality
disorder among men with a history of domestic abuse is ‘borderline’ (Azam Ali and Naylor
2013:376). However, given the broad and often subjective symptoms associated with the disorder,
which ranges from fluctuating self-image to shoplifting, makes extrapolation to HK problematic.
Furthermore, unlike HK, domestic abuse is a long-term occurrence. As such, it is a more dependable
indication of a person’s enduring personality or mental problems. Moreover, other key factors
associated with domestic abuse – poor self-esteem, attachment problems, and communication
difficulties – are often irrelevant to HK.

Conclusion
This paper argued that HK was fueled by the emotional need to protect one’s honor, which allowed
the perpetrator to prove his/her allegiance to a key communal value and (thereby) avert community’s
punitive measures. In making my argument I discussed factors that caused the gradual enragement
of eventual-killers, the connection between emotions of honor and shame, the punitive consequences
of shame, and the connection between HK and mental and personality disorders. I conclude from
the foregoing that HKs play an adaptive role in patriarchal contexts. They are usually not acts of mad
individuals with inherent criminal tendencies, but those of desperate ones to protect themselves and
their families from communal abuse. They, along with their victims, are inextricably caught in an
archaic web of social and psychological forces that denies them the “freedom of choice” as it is
known in modern, non-patriarchal societies.
This conclusion, however, should not be seen as an indication of my personal beliefs about the
matter. A scientific understanding of causes of a phenomenon may require an understanding of its
social context and its function therein. If found functional, then it may even be considered normal and
moral for that context. However, from another cultural perspective, it may be found neither.
Furthermore, admitting the functionality of a social phenomenon does not mean predicting its future
inevitability. Social change may render it dysfunctional or even obsolete. Moreover, such understanding
is only meant to help with practical concerns. After all, this has been a key promise of modern social
sciences. I believe in modern, Western values such as autonomy and I do believe that HK must be
stopped. Although this may be harder in some parts of the world than the others, it is largely achievable.
However, this requires collective measures that induce substantive and enduring sociopolitical and
cultural change. Lessons from countries such as Iran, Indonesia, and Malaysia can be very useful in this
regard. In the meantime, immediate measures can also be taken to protect and recuse possible victims
from their dire situations. Greater scope of action given to governmental and non-governmental
agencies to detect and prevent possible cases of HK is of utmost importance in this regard.

Notes on contributor
Dr. Reza Barmaki teaches criminology at Center for Criminology and Sociolegal Studies at University of Toronto
(Toronto, Canada).

References
Abu Odeh, Lama. 2010. “Honor Killings and the Construction of Gender in Arab Societies.” The American Journal of
Comparative Law 58:911–52. doi:10.5131/ajcl.2010.0007.
Adorno, Theodor W., Else Frenkel-Brunswik, Daniel Levinson, and Nevitt Sanford. 1950. The Authoritarian
Personality. New York: Harper.
Ahmad, Affizal and Nurul H. Mazlan. 2014. “Substance Abuse and Childhood Trauma Experiences: Comparison
between Incarcerated and Non-incarcerated Youth.” Procedia - Social and Behavioral Sciences 113:161–70.
doi:10.1016/j.sbspro.2014.01.023.
 DEVIANT BEHAVIOR 485

Ahmed, Eliza, Nathan Harris, John Braithwaite, and Valerie Braithwaite. 2001. Shame Management through
Reintegration. New York: Cambridge University Press.
Alderman, Jess, Katherine M. Dollar, and Lynn T. Kozlowski. 2010. “Commentary: Understanding the Origins of
Anger, Contempt, and Disgust in Public Health Policy Disputes: Applying Moral Psychology to Harm Reduction
Debates.” Journal of Public Health Policy 31:1–16. doi:10.1057/jphp.2009.52.
Alsabti, Sarah. 2017. “Honor Killing and the Indigenous Peoples: Cultural Right or Human Right Violation.” Denver
Journal of International Law and Policy 45:457–70.
Altink, Henrice. 2007. “‘I Did Not Want to Face the Shame of Exposure’: Gender Ideologies and Child Murder in Post-
Emancipation Jamaica.” Journal of Social History 41:355–87. doi:10.1353/jsh.2008.0025.
Annavarapu, Sneha. 2013. “Human Rights, Honour Killings and the Indian Law: Scope for a ‘right to Have Rights.’.”
Economic and Political Weekly 48:129–32.
Aujla, Wendy and Aisha K. Gill. 2014. “Conceptualizing ‘honour’ Killings in Canada: An Extreme Form of Domestic
Violence?.” International Journal of Criminal Justice Sciences 9:153–66.
Ausubel, David P. 1955. “Relationships between Shame and Guilt in the Socializing Process.” Psychological Review
62:378–90. doi:10.1037/h0042534.
Awwad, Amani M. 2001. “Gossip, Scandal, Shame and Honor Killing: A Case for Social Constructionism and
Hegemonic Discourse.” Social Thought & Research 24:39–52.
Azam Ali, Parveen and Paul B. Naylor. 2013. “Intimate Partner Violence: A Narrative Review of the Biological and
Psychological Explanations for Its Causation.” Aggression and Violent Behavior 18:373–82. doi:10.1016/j.
avb.2013.01.003.
Baker, Katharine K. 1999. “Sex, Rape, and Shame.” Boston University Law Review 79:663–716.
Ball, Philip. 2016. “How Human Sacrifices Propped up the Social Order.” Nature (April 5). https://www.nature.com/
news/how-human-sacrifice-propped-up-the-social-order-1.19681. Accessed May 1, 2019.
Baller, Robert D., Matthew P. Zevenbergen, and Steven F. Messner. 2009. “The Heritage of Herding and Southern
Homicide: Examining the Ecological Foundations of the Code of Honor Thesis.” Journal of Research in Crime and
Delinquency 46:275–300. doi:10.1177/0022427809335164.
Barmaki, Reza. 2013. “Murder in Judaism: A Theological Perspective.” International Journal of Public Theology
7:157–73. doi:10.1163/15697320-12341279.
Barmaki, Reza. 2017. “On the Origin of ‘labeling’ Theory in Criminology: Frank Tannenbaum and the Chicago School
of Sociology.” Deviant Behavior 40:256–71. doi:10.1080/01639625.2017.1420491.
Barmaki, Reza. 2019. “Explanations of Blacks’ Criminality in America: 1630s-1950s.” Deviant Behavior. doi:10.1080/
01639625.2019.1614138.
Bartels, Jared. 2019. “Revisiting the Stanford Prison Experiment, Again: Examining Demand Characteristics in the
Guard Orientation.” The Journal of Social Psychology 159:780–90. doi:10.1080/00224545.2019.1596058.
Bastian, B., J. Jetten, and F. Fasoli. 2011. “Cleansing the Soul by Hurting the Flesh: The Guilt-reducing Effect of Pain.”
Psychological Science 22:334–35. doi:10.1177/0956797610397058.
Baumer, Eric P., Richard Wright, Kristrun Kristinsdottir, and Helgi Gunnlaugsson. 2001. “Crime, Shame, and
Recidivism: The Case of Iceland.” British Journal of Criminology 42:40–59. doi:10.1093/bjc/42.1.40.
Belfrage, Henrik, Susanne Strand, Linda Ekman, and Anna-Karin Hasselborg. 2012. “Assessing Risk of Patriarchal
Violence with Honour as a Motive: Six Years Experience Using the PATRIARCH Checklist.” International Journal
of Police Science & Management 14:20–29. doi:10.1350/ijps.2012.14.1.250.
Bernice, Andrews, Chris R. Brewin, Suzanna Rose, and Marilyn Kirk. 2000. “Predicting PTSD Symptoms in Victims of
Violent Crime: The Role of Shame, Anger, and Childhood Abuse.” Journal of Abnormal Psychology 109:69–73.
doi:10.1037/0021-843X.109.1.69.
Bilz, Kenworthey. 2007. “The Puzzle of Delegated Revenge.” Boston University Law Review 87:1059–112.
Block, Dorothy. 1978. So the Witch Won’t Eat Me: Fantasy and the Child’s Fear of Infanticide. Boston: Houghton
Mifflin.
Boonin, Leonard. 1983. “Guilt, Shame and Morality.” The Journal of Value Inquiry 17:295–304. doi:10.1007/
BF00148151.
Botchkovar, Ekaterina V. and Charles R. Tittle. 2005. “Crime, Shame and Reintegration in Russia.” Theoretical
Criminology 9:401–42. doi:10.1177/1362480605057726.
Braithwaite, John. 1989. Crime, Shame and Reintegration. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Brichto, Herbert C. 1976. “On Slaughter and Sacrifice, Blood and Atonement.” Hebrew Union College Annual
47:19–55.
Broom, Alex, David Sibbritt, K. R. Nayar, Assa Doron, and Pamela Nilan. 2012. “Men’s Experiences of Family,
Domestic and Honour-related Violence in Gujarat and Uttar Pradesh, India.” Asian Social Science 8:3–10.
doi:10.5539/ass.v8n6p3.
Brown, Jac. 2014. “Factors Related to Domestic Violence in Asia: The Conflict between Culture and Patriarchy.”
Journal Of Human Behavior In The Social Environment 24:828–37. doi:10.1080/10911359.2014.884962.
Bulunur, Kerim I. 2016. “An Honour Killing in Aintab: The Issue of Killing Fornicators in the Ottoman Empire.” Acta
Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 69:231–48. doi:10.1556/062.2016.69.3.1.
486 R. BARMAKI

Buss, David M., Randy J. Larsen, Drew Westen, and Jennifer Semmelroth. 1992. “Sex Differences in Jealousy:
Evolution, Physiology, and Psychology.” Psychological Science 3:251–55. doi:10.1111/j.1467-9280.1992.tb00038.x.
Caffaro, Federica, Federico Ferraris, and Susanna Schmidt. 2014. “Gender Differences in the Perception of Honour
Killing in Individualist versus Collectivistic Cultures: Comparison between Italy and Turkey.” Sex Roles 71:296–318.
doi:10.1007/s11199-014-0413-5.
Campbell, Frances A. 1984. “The Concept of Shame.” Perspectives in Psychiatric Care 22:62–64. doi:10.1111/j.1744-
6163.1984.tb00206.x.
Carvallo, Mauricio, Kiersten Baughman, and Ryan P. Brown. 2018. “Culture, Masculine Honor, and Violence toward
Women.” Personality & Social Psychology Bulletin 44:538–49. doi:10.1177/0146167217744195.
Caviness, Madeline H. 2013. “Giving ‘The Middle Ages’ a Bad Name: Blood Punishments in the Sachsenspiegel and
Town Law Books.” Studies in Iconography 34:175–235.
Cheema, Moeen H. 2008. “Judicial Patronage of ‘honor Killings’ in Pakistan: The Supreme Court’s Persistent
Adherence to the Doctrine of Grave and Sudden Provocation.” Buffalo Human Rights Law Review 14:51–69.
Chesler, Phyllis. 2015. “When Women Commit Honor Killings.” Middle East Quarterly 22:1–13.
Chesler, Phyllis and Nathan Bloom. 2012. “Hindu Vs. Muslim Honor Killings.” Middle East Quarterly 19:43–52.
Cohan, John A. 2010. “Honor Killings and the Cultural Defense.” California Western International Law Journal
40:177–252.
Colburn, Kenneth. 1985. “Honor, Ritual and Violence in Ice Hockey.” The Canadian Journal of Sociology 10:153–70.
doi:10.2307/3340350.
Coontz, Dustyn. 2015. “Beyond First Blush: The Utility of Shame as a Master Emotion in Criminal Sentencing.”
Michigan State International Law Review 415–54. (https://digitalcommons.law.msu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=
1113&context=lr).
Corbin, Bethany A. 2014. “Between Saviors and Savages: The Effect of Turkey’s Revised Penal Code on the
Transformation of Honor Killings into Honor Suicides and Why Community Discourse Is Necessary for Honor
Crime Education.” Emory International Law Review 29:277–325.
Cox, Oliver C. 1950. “Max Weber on Social Stratification: A Critique.” American Sociological Review 15:223–27.
Daly, Martin and Margo Wilson. 1988. “Evolutionary Social Psychology and Family Homicide.” Science 242:519–24.
doi:10.1126/science.3175672.
Dickson, Pat. 2014. “Understanding Victims of Honour-based Violence.” Community Practitioner 87:30–33.
Dindelegan, Camelia. 2014. “The Involvement of Cognitive Schemas in the Manifestation of Anxiety according to
Sex.” Procedia—Social and Behavioral Sciences 27:326–30. doi:10.1016/j.sbspro.2014.03.265.
Dobson, Roger. 2009. “‘honour Killings’ are a Public Health Problem for Pakistan.” BMJ: British Medical Journal
338:739–739.
Doğan, Recep. 2011. “Is Honor Killing a ‘muslim Phenomenon’? Textual Interpretations and Cultural
Representations.” Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs 31:423–40. doi:10.1080/13602004.2011.599547.
Doğan, Recep. 2013a. “Honour Killings in the UK Communities: Adherence to Tradition and Resistance to Change.”
Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs 33:401–17. doi:10.1080/13602004.2013.853978.
Doğan, Recep. 2013b. “Did the Coroners and Justice Act 2009 Get It Right? are All Honour Killings Revenge
Killings?.” Punishment & Society 15:488–514. doi:10.1177/1462474513504797.
Doğan, Recep. 2014a. “The Profiles of Victims, Perpetrators, and Unfounded Beliefs in Honor Killings in Turkey.”
Homicide Studies 18:389–416. doi:10.1177/1088767914538637.
Doğan, Recep. 2014b. “Different Cultural Understandings of Honor that Inspire Killing: An Inquiry into the
Defendant’s Perspective.” Homicide Studies 18:363–88. doi:10.1177/1088767914526717.
Doğan, Recep. 2016. “The Dynamics of Honor Killings and the Perpetrators’ Experiences.” Homicide Studies 20:53–79.
doi:10.1177/1088767914563389.
Doğan, Recep. 2018. “Do Women Really Kill for Honor?: Conceptualizing Women’s Involvement in Honor Killings.”
Deviant Behavior 39:1247–66.
Dorjee, Tenzin, Noorie Baig, and Stella Ting-Toomey. 2013. “A Social Ecological Perspective on Understanding ‘honor
Killing’: An Intercultural Moral Dilemma.” Journal of Intercultural Communication Research 42:1–21. doi:10.1080/
17475759.2012.723024.
Drury, Scott A., Duane E. Shuttlesworth Hutchens, and Carole L. White. 2012. “Philip G. Zimbardo on His Career and
the Stanford Prison Experiment’s 40th Anniversary.” History of Psychology 15:161–70. doi:10.1037/a0025884.
Dughi, Tiberiu and Adina Petruti. 2015. “Personality Traits and Aggression in Egalitarian and Patriarchal Families.”
Paper presented to the International Socio Plus conference Strategies and Ways to Develop University Curricula in
the Area of Social Work Education, 10-11nov.2015, Arad. file:///C:/Users/reza/AppData/Local/Temp/603-1910-
1-PB.pdf
Ehrenzweig, Albert A. 1964. “A Psychoanalysis of the Insanity Plea: Clues to the Problems of Criminal Responsibility
and Insanity in the Death Cell.” The Yale Law Journal 73:425–41.
Eisner, Manuel and Lana Ghuneim. 2013. “Honor Killing Attitudes Amongst Adolescents in Amman, Jordan.”
Aggressive Behavior 39:405–17. doi:10.1002/ab.v39.5.
 DEVIANT BEHAVIOR 487

Elise, Dianne. 2008. “Sex and Shame: The Inhibition of Female Desires. Journal of the American.” Psychoanalytic
Association 56:73–98. doi:10.1177/0003065108315685.
Ercan, Selen A. 2015. “Creating and Sustaining Evidence for ‘failed Multiculturalism’: The Case of ‘honor Killing’ in
Germany.” American Behavioral Scientist 59:658–78. doi:10.1177/0002764215568988.
Fatima, Huda, Tooba F. Qadir, Syed A. Hussain, and Ritesh G. Menezes. 2017. “Pakistan Steps up to Remove ‘Honour’
from Honour Killing.” The Lancet Global Health 5:145–145. doi:10.1016/S2214-109X(16)30359-X.
Folger, Robert Folger, Michael Johnson, and Chaim Letwin. 2014. “Evolving Concepts of Evolution: The Case of
Shame and Guilt.” Social and Personality Psychology Compass 8:659–71. doi:10.1111/spc3.v8.12.
Fox, Jaclyn M., Michael Brook, Robert L. Heilbronner, Teresa Susmaras, and Robert E. Hanlon. 2019.
“Neuropsychological and Criminological Features of Female Homicide Offender.” Journal of Forensic Science
64:460–67. doi:10.1111/1556-4029.13911.
Friedman, Susan H., James Cavney, and Philip J. Resnick. 2012. “Child Murder by Parents and Evolutionary
Psychology.” Psychiatric Clinics of North America 35:781–95. doi:10.1016/j.psc.2012.08.002.
Ghani, Saedah Abd., Salhah Abdullah, Sharifah M. S. Akil, and Noratthiah Nordin. 2014. “Moral Values and Coping
Strategies among Female Adolescents Involved in Premarital Sex.” Procedia—Social and Behavioral Sciences
114:617–21. doi:10.1016/j.sbspro.2013.12.756.
Gill, Aisha. 2009. “Honor Killings and the Quest for Justice in Black and Minority Ethnic Communities in the United
Kingdom.” Criminal Justice Policy Review 20:475–94. doi:10.1177/0887403408329604.
Goldberg, Carl. 1999. “A Psychoanalysis of Love: The Patient with Deadly Longing.” American Journal of
Psychotherapy 53:437–51. doi:10.1176/appi.psychotherapy.1999.53.4.437.
Goldberg, Julie H., Jennifer S. Lerner, and Philip E. Tetlock. 1999. “Rage and Reason: The Psychology of the Intuitive
Prosecutor.” European Journal of Social Psychology 29:781–95. doi:10.1002/(SICI)1099-0992(199908/09)29:5/6<781::
AID-EJSP960>3.0.CO;2-3.
Gorring, Hugo. 2018. “Afterword: Gendering Caste: Honor, Patriarchy and Violence.” South Asia Multidisciplinary
Academic Journal 19:1–10.
Gradowicz–Pancer, Nira. 2002. “De–Gendering Female Violence: Merovingian Female Honour as an ‘exchange of
Violence’.” Early Medieval Europe 11:1–18. doi:10.1111/1468-0254.00098.
Grans, Lisa. 2015. “The State Obligation to Prevent Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or
Punishment: The Case of Honour-Related Violence.” Human Rights Law Review 15:695–719. doi:10.1093/hrlr/ngv029.
Grans, Lisa. 2016. “A Right Not to Be Left Alone – Utilising the Right to Private Life to Prevent Honour-related
Violence.” Nordic Journal of International Law 85:169–200. doi:10.1163/15718107-08503002.
Gundersheimer, Werner L. 1994. “Renaissance Concepts of Shame and Pocaterra’s Dialoghi Della Vergogna.”
Renaissance Quarterly 47:34–56. doi:10.2307/2863110.
Hachtel, Henning, Margaret Nixon, Debra Bennett, Paul Mullen, and James Ogloff. 2018. “Motives, Offending
Behavior, and Gender Differences in Murder Perpetrators with or without Psychosis.” Journal of Interpersonal
Violence. doi:10.1177/0886260518774304.
Hasisi, Badi and Deborah Bernstein. 2016. “Multiple Voices and the Force of Custom on Punishment: Trial of ‘family
Honor Killings’ in Mandate Palestine.” Law and History Review 34:115–54. doi:10.1017/S0738248015000693.
Hellgren, Zenia and Barbara Hobson. 2008. “Cultural Dialogues in the Good Society: The Case of Honour Killings in
Sweden.” Ethnicities 8:385–404. doi:10.1177/1468796808092449.
Hongdao, Qian, Muhammad B. Khaskeli, H. A. Saleem, Mapa Rehman, G. Jonathan, and Sughra Bibi. 2018. “Honor
Killing Phenomena in Pakistan.” Journal of Law, Policy and Globalization 73:169–76.
Hosser, Daniela, Michael Windzio, and Werner Greve. 2008. “Guilt and Shame as Predictors of Recidivism:
A Longitudinal Study with Young Prisoners.” Criminal Justice and Behavior 35:138–52. doi:10.1177/
0093854807309224.
Ireland, Robert M. 1989. “The Libertine Must Die: Sexual Dishonor and the Unwritten Law in the Nineteenth-Century
United States.” Journal of Social History 23:27–44. doi:10.1353/jsh/23.1.27.
Jamal, Amina. 2015. “Piety, Transgression, and the Feminist Debate on Muslim Women: Resituating the
Victim-Subject of Honor-Related Violence from a Transnational Lens.” Signs: Journal of Women in Culture &
Society 41:55–79. doi:10.1086/681771.
Jamali, Hasina and Aslam N. Shah. 2015. “The Origin of Honour Killing (Karo-kari) in Sindh Pakistan: A Discussion
on Islamic Context.” The Women - Annual Research Journal of Gender Studies 7:60–82.
Ji, Chang-Ho and Yodi Ibrahim. 2007. “Islamic Religiosity in Right-Wing Authoritarian Personality: The Case of
Indonesian Muslims.” Review of Religious Research 49:128–46.
Jones, James W. 2008. Blood that Cries Out from the Earth: The Psychology of Religious Terror. New York: Oxford
University Press.
Kanchan, Tanuj, Abhishek Tandon, and Kewal Krishan. 2016. “Honor Killing: Where Pride Defeats Reason.” Science
& Engineering Ethics 22:1861–62. doi:10.1007/s11948-015-9694-5.
Karakurt, Gunnur and Tamra Cumbie. 2012. “The Relationship between Egalitarianism, Dominance, and Violence in
Intimate Relationships.” Journal of Family Violence 27:115–22. doi:10.1007/s10896-011-9408-y.
488 R. BARMAKI

Khalil, Noor A. 2010. “Honor Killing in Pakistan: The Case of 5 Women Buried Alive (Political Manipulation in
Human Rights Violation). Retrieved on February 23, 2019: ” http://www.humiliationstudies.org/documents/
AkbarHonorKillinginPakistan.pdf
Kingsford, A. Beresford. 1929. “The Comparative Psychology of Murder by Poisoning.” The Police Journal: Theory,
Practice and Principles 2:607–18. doi:10.1177/0032258X2900200408.
Knoll, James L. 2010. “The ‘pseudocommando’ Mass Murderer: Part I, the Psychology of Revenge and Obliteration.”
Journal of the American Academy of Psychiatry and the Law 38:87–94.
Korteweg, Anna C. 2014. “‘honour Killing’ in the Immigration Context: Multiculturalism and the Racialization of
Violence against Women.” Politikon 41:183–208. doi:10.1080/02589346.2013.866186.
Kressel, Gideon M., Alessandro Bausani, Joseph Ginat, Roger Joseph, A. M. Khazanov, Simha F. Landau,
Emanuel Marx, and Moshe Shokeid. 1981. “Sororicide/Filiacide: Homicide for Family Honour.” Current
Anthropology 22:141–58. doi:10.1086/202632.
Kulczycki1, Andrzej and Sarah Windle. 2011. “Honor Killings in the Middle East and North Africa: A Systematic
Review of the Literature.” Violence against Women 17:1442–64. doi:10.1177/1077801211434127.
Kurkiala, Mikael. 2003. “Interpreting Honour Killings: The Story of Fadime Sahindal (1975-2002) in the Swedish
Press.” Anthropology Today 19:6–7. doi:10.1111/anth.2003.19.issue-1.
Lalwani, Sheila B. 2008. “The Family Name: Honor Killings in Germany.” Kennedy School Review 8:109–10.
Lewis, Helen B. 1971. “Shame and Guilt in Neurosis.” Psychoanalytic Review 58:419–38.
Lightweis-Goff, Jennie. 2007. “‘blood at the Root’: Lynching, Memory, and Freudian Group Psychology.”
Psychoanalysis, Culture & Society 12:288–95. doi:10.1057/palgrave.pcs.2100129.
Lindsay-Hartz, Janice. 1984. “Contrasting Experiences of Shame and Guilt.” American Behavioral Scientist 27:689–704.
Lynch, Tony and Nishanathe Dahanayake. 2017. “Atheism and Morality, Guilt and Shame: Why the Moral
Complacency of the New Atheism Is a Mistake.” Philosophical Investigations 40:103–20. doi:10.1111/phin.12147.
Madek, Christina A. 2005. “Killing Dishonor: Effective Eradication of Honor Killing.” Suffolk Transnational Law
Review 29:53–77.
Martinez-Pilkington, Amber. 2007. “Shame and Guilt: The Psychology of Sacramental Confession.” The Humanistic
Psychology 35:203–18.
Mason, Corinne L. 2015. “The ‘kingston Mills Murder’ and the Construction of ‘honour Killings’ in Canadian News
Media.” Atlantis: Critical Studies in Gender, Culture & Social Justice 37:106–18.
McCann, Stewart J. H. 2009. “Authoritarian Personality and Rape Sentence Length in Conservative and Liberal States.”
The Journal of Social Psychology 149:284–86. doi:10.3200/SOCP.149.3.384-386.
McCully, Robert S. 1978. “The Laugh of Satan: A Study of A Familial Murder.” Journal of Personality Assessment
42:81–91. doi:10.1207/s15327752jpa4201_12.
McDermott, Rose, Anthony C. Lopez, and Peter K. Hatemi. 2017. “‘blunt Not the Heart, Enrage It’: The Psychology of
Revenge and Deterrence.” Texas National Security Review 1:68–88.
Mead, George H. 1918. “The Psychology of Punitive Justice.” American Journal of Sociology 23:577–602. doi:10.1086/
212795.
Mody, Perveez. 2002. “Love and the Law: Love-Marriage in Delhi.” Modern Asian Studies 36:223–56. doi:10.1017/
S0026749X02001075.
Mojab, Shahrzad. 2012. “The Politics of Culture, Racism, and Nationalism in Honour Killing.” Canadian Criminal
Law Review 16:115–34.
Mojab, Shahrzad and Amir Hassanpour. 2002. “The Politics and Culture of ‘honour Killing’: The Murder of Fadime
Sahindal.” Pakistan Journal of Women’s Studies 9:57–77.
Muhammad, Amin A. 2010. “Preliminary Examination of So-called ‘honour Killings’ in Canada.” Paper Presented To:
Family, Children and Youth Section Department of Justice Canada, June 2010. https://www.justice.gc.ca/eng/rp-pr/
cj-jp/fv-vf/hk-ch/hk_eng.pdf
Murphy, Kristina and Nathan Harris. 2007. “Shaming, Shame and Recidivism: A Test of Reintegrative Shaming
Theory in the White-Collar Crime Context.” The British Journal of Criminology 47:900–17. doi:10.1093/bjc/azm037.
Nasrullah, Muassam, Sobia Haqqi, and Kristin J. Cummings. 2009. “The Epidemiological Patterns of Honour Killing
of Women in Pakistan.” European Journal of Public Health 19:193–97. doi:10.1093/eurpub/ckp021.
Nauta, Rein. 2009. “Cain and Abel: Violence, Shame and Jealousy.” Pastoral Psychology 58:65–71. doi:10.1007/s11089-
008-0146-x.
Nowatzki, Robert. 1994. “Race, Rape, Lynching, and Manhood Suffrage: Constructions of White and Black Masculinity
in Turn-Of-the-Century White Supremacist Literature.” The Journal of Men’s Studies 3:161–70. doi:10.1177/
106082659400300204.
O’Hear, Anthony. 1976. “Guilt and Shame as Moral Concepts.” Proceedings of the Aristotelian Society 77:73–86.
doi:10.1093/aristotelian/77.1.73.
Oesterreich, Detlef. 2005. “Flight into Security: A New Approach and Measure of the Authoritarian Personality.”
Political Psychology 26:275–97. doi:10.1111/j.1467-9221.2005.00418.x.
Onal, Ayse. 2008. Honour Killing: Stories of Men Who Killed. London: Saqi.
 DEVIANT BEHAVIOR 489

Ozdemir, Bora, Mucahit Oruc, Mustafa Dogan, and Mucahit Egri. 2013. “Evaluation of Honour Killings in Turkey.”
Medicine Science 2:640–48. doi:10.5455/medscience.2013.02.8081.
Palo, Stephanie. 2008. “A Charade of Change: Qisas and Diyat Ordinance Allows Honor Killings to Go Unpunished in
Pakistan.” U.C. Davis Journal of International Law & Policy 15:93–109.
Paramjit, S. Judge. 2012. “Love as Rebellion and Shame: Honour Killings in the Punjabi Literary Imagination.”
Economic and Political Weekly 47:44–50.
Passer, Michael W., Smith, Ronald E., Atkinson, Michael and John Mitchell. 2008. Psychology: Frontiers and
Applications. Toronto: McGraw-Hill Ryerson.
Pazargadi, Leila. 2010. “Marketing ‘honor Killing’ Memoirs: Confronting Western Depictions of Muslim Women.”
UCLA Thinking Gender Papers. Retrieved on April 1, 2018: Permalinkhttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/
57k2604fAuthor
Peterson, Bill E. and Eileen L. Zurbriggen. 2010. “Gender, Sexuality, and the Authoritarian Personality.” Journal of
Personality 78:1801–26. doi:10.1111/j.1467-6494.2010.00670.x.
Peterson, Bill E., Michael W. Pratt, Janelle R. Olsen, and Susan Alisat. 2016. “The Authoritarian Personality in
Emerging Adulthood: Longitudinal Analysis Using Standardized Scales, Observer Ratings, and Content Coding
of the Life Story.” Journal of Personality 84:225–36. doi:10.1111/jopy.12154.
Piers, Gerhart and Milton B. Singer. 1953. Shame and Guilt. Springfield: Charles C. Thomas.
Pitt-Rivers, Julian. 1966. “Honour and Social Status.” Pp. 21–77 in Honour and Shame: The Values of Mediterranean
Society, edited by J.G. Peristiany. Chicago: University of Chicago Press,
Pitt-Rivers, Julian. 1977. The Fate of Shechem or the Politics of Sex. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Pitt-Rivers, Julian. 2011. “The Place of Grace in Anthropology.” HAU: Journal of Ethnographic Theory 1:423–50.
doi:10.14318/hau1.1.017.
Polk, Kenneth. 1999. “Males and Honor Contest Violence.” Homicide Studies 3:6–29.
Powers, Abigail, Negar Fani, Dorthie Cross, Kerry J. Ressler, and Bekh Bradley. 2016. “Childhood Trauma, PTSD, and
Psychosis: Findings from a Highly Traumatized, Minority Sample.” Child Abuse & Neglect 58:111–18.
Prochazka, Susanne J. 2012. “There Is No Honor in Honor Killings: Why Women at Risk for Defying Sociosexual
Norms Must Be Considered a ‘particular Social Group’ under Asylum Law.” Thomas Jefferson Law Review
34:445–503.
Proeve, Michael J. and Kevin Howells. 2006. “Effects of Remorse and Shame and Criminal Justice Experience on
Judgements about a Sex Offender.” Psychology, Crime & Law 12:145–61. doi:10.1080/10683160512331316271.
Rahim, Sabeen, Farhana Jahangir, and Roomana Zeb. 2018. “Development and Validation of Attitude Towards
Honour Killing Scale.” Pakistan Journal of Psychological Research 33:191–202.
Rashkin, Esther. 2012. “Psychic Murder and the Asylum of Psychosis.” Psychoanalysis, Culture & Society 17:70–76.
doi:10.1057/pcs.2012.10.
Reimers, Eva. 2007. “Representations of an Honor Killing.” Feminist Media Studies 7:239–55. doi:10.1080/
14680770701477867.
Riezler, Kurt. 1943. “Comment on the Social Psychology of Shame.” American Journal of Sociology 48:457–65.
doi:10.1086/219212.
Roberts, Karl. 2014. “Towards a Psychologically Oriented Motivational Model of Honour-Based Violence Karl
Roberts.” Pp. 69–88 in “Honour” Killing and Violence: Theory, Policy and Practice, edited by Aisha K. Gill,
Carolyn Strange, and Karl Roberts. Palgrave Macmillan. ProQuest Ebook Central. (http://ebookcentral.proquest.
com/lib/ryerson/detail.action?docID=1725787).
Rothschild, Zachary, K. Landau, J. Mark, Lucas A. Keefer, and Daniel Sullivan. 2015. “Another’s Punishment Cleanses
the Self: Evidence for a Moral Cleansing Function of Punishing Transgressors.” Motivation and Emotion 39:722–41.
Rüsch, Nicolas, Klaus Lieb, Ines Göttler, Christine Hermann, Elisabeth Schramm, Harald Richter, Gitta A. Jacob,
Patrick W. Corrigan, and Martin Bohus. 2007. “Shame and Implicit Self-Concept in Women with Borderline
Personality Disorder.” The American Journal of Psychiatry 164:500–08. doi:10.1176/ajp.2007.164.3.500.
Ruggi, Suzanne. 1998. “Commodifying Honor in Female Sexuality: Honor Killings in Palestine.” Middle East Report
206:12–15.
Schaible, Lonnie M. and Lorine A. Hughes. 2011. “Crime, Shame, Reintegration, and Cross-National Homicide:
A Partial Test of Reintegrative Shaming Theory.” The Sociological Quarterly 52:104–31. doi:10.1111/j.1533-
8525.2010.01193.x.
Scott, Russ. 2012. “Amphetamine-Induced Psychosis and Defences to Murder.” Psychiatry, Psychology and Law
19:615–45. doi:10.1080/13218719.2012.738022.
Sedem, Mina and Laura Ferrer-Wreder. 2015. “Fear of the Loss of Honor: Implications of Honor-Based Violence for
the Development of Youth and Their Families.” Child and Youth Care Forum 44:225–37. doi:10.1007/s10566-014-
9279-5.
Shah Kakakhel, Niaz A. 2004. “Honour Killings: Islamic and Human Rights Perspectives.” Northern Ireland Legal
Quarterly 55:78–89.
Shahram, Nadia. 2009. “Possible ‘honor Killing’ Not a Reflection of Islam.” Buffalo Law Journal 81:4.
490 R. BARMAKI

Shaikh, Masood Ali, Anila Kamal, and Irum Naqvi. 2015. “Opinions of University Students on Honour Killings:
Perspective from Islamabad and Rawalpindi.” Journal of the Pakistan Medical Association 65:421–24.
Shakeriana, Ata, Ali-Mohammad Nazari, Mohsen Masoomi, and Painaz Ebrahimi. 2014. “Investigating Personality
Trait and Pre-Marital Affair with Opposite Sex among University Students of Sanandaj City.” Procedia—Social and
Behavioral Sciences 114:339–45.
Shulman, Lee S., and Neil B. Carey. 1984. “Psychology and The Limitations of Individual Rationality: Implications for
the Study of Reasoning and Civility.” Review of Educational Research 4:501–524. doi:10.3102/00346543054004501.
Shweder, Richard A. 2003. “Toward a Deep Cultural Psychology of Shame.” Social Research 70:1109–30.
Siddig, Hala H. 2014. “The Perception of Honor and Honor Killing among Hawazma Men and Women in
Abu-Karshola Area of South Kordofan State.” Ahfad Journal 31:86–87.
Sorotzkin, Benzion. 1985. “The Quest for Perfection: Avoiding Guilt or Avoiding Shame?.” Psychotherapy 22:564–71.
doi:10.1037/h0085541.
Souza, Monica G.T.C, Bruno C Souza, Antonio Roazzi, and Edson S. da Silva. 2017. “Psychocultural Mechanisms of
the Propensity toward Criminal Homicide: A Multidimensional View of the Culture of Honor.” Frontiers in
Psychology 8:1–12. doi:10.3389/fpsyg.2017.01872.
Stanley, Milgram. 1974. Obedience to Authority: An Experimental View. New York, Harper & Row.
Stewart, Don and Thomas Hoult. 1959. “A Social-Psychological Theory of the Authoritarian Personality.” American
Journal of Sociology 65:274–79. doi:10.1086/222687.
Stillwell, Arlene M., Roy F. Baumeister, and Regan E. Del Priore. 2008. “We’re All Victims Here: Toward a Psychology
of Revenge.” Basic and Applied Social Psychology 30:253–63. doi:10.1080/01973530802375094.
Stratton, John, Michael Brook, and Robert Hanlon. 2017. “Murder and Psychosis: Neuropsychological Profiles of
Homicide Offenders with Schizophrenia.” Criminal Behaviour and Mental Health 27:146–61. doi:10.1002/
cbm.1990.
Tangney, J. Price. 1990. “Assessing Individual Differences in Proneness to Shame and Guilt: Development of the
Self-Conscious Affect and Attribution Inventory.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 59:102–11.
doi:10.1037/0022-3514.59.1.102.
Taylor, Scott K. 2004. “Women, Honor, and Violence in a Castilian Town, 1600-1650.” The Sixteenth Century Journal
35:1079–97. doi:10.2307/20477141.
Terman, Rochelle L. 2010. “To Specify or Single Out: Should We Use the Term ‘honor Killing’?.” Muslim World
Journal of Human Rights 7:1–39. doi:10.2202/1554-4419.1162.
Thrasher, John and Toby Handfield. 2018. “Honor and Violence.” Human Nature 29:371–89. doi:10.1007/s12110-018-
9324-4.
Tolegenova, A.A., S.M. Jakupov, M.C. Chung, S. Saduova, and M.S. Jakupov. 2012. “A Theoretical Formation of
Emotional Intelligence and Childhood Trauma among Adolescents.” Procedia - Social and Behavioral Sciences
69:1891–94. doi:10.1016/j.sbspro.2012.12.142.
Tomsen, Stephen and David Gadd. 2019. “Beyond Honour and Achieved Hegemony: Violence and the Everyday
Masculinities of Young Men.” International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy 8:17–30. doi:10.5204/
ijcjsd.v8i2.1117.
van Winkel, Ruud, Martine van Nierop, Inez Myin-Germeys, and van Os. Jim. 2013. “Childhood Trauma as a Cause of
Psychosis: Linking Genes, Psychology, and Biology.” Canadian Journal of Psychiatry 58:44–51. doi:10.1177/
070674371305800109.
Vandello, Joseph A. and Dov Cohen. 2003. “Male Honor and Female Fidelity: Implicit Cultural Scripts that Perpetuate
Domestic Violence.” Journal of Personality & Social Psychology 84:997–1010.
VanDerhei, Susan, Johannes Rojahn, Jeffrey Stuewig, and Patrick E. McKnight. 2014. “The Effect of Shame-Proneness,
Guilt-Proneness, and Internalizing Tendencies on Nonsuicidal Self-Injury.” Suicide and Life-Threatening Behavior
44:317–30. doi:10.1111/sltb.12069.
Venter, P. M. 2005. “Atonement through Blood in Leviticus.” Verbum Et Ecclesia 26:275–92. doi:10.4102/ve.v26i1.224.
Volpp, Leti. 2019. “Protecting the Nation from ‘honor Killings’: The Construction of a Problem.” Constitutional
Commentary 34:133–69.
Wasti, Tahir H. 2010. “The Law on Honour Killing: A British Innovation in the Criminal Law of the Indian
Subcontinent and Its Subsequent Metamorphosis under Pakistan Penal Code.” South Asian Studies 25:361–411.
Watts, Rob. 1996. “John Braithwaite and Crime, Shame and Reintegration: Some Reflections on Theory and
Criminology.” Australian & New Zealand Journal of Criminology 29:121–41. doi:10.1177/000486589602900203.
Weber, Max. 1952. From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology. London: Routledge.
White, Peter. 2011. “Thinking ‘murder’: Following the Trail of Psychology’s Uroboric Knowing of Itself in No Country
for Old Men.” Jung Journal: Culture & Psyche 5:71–83. doi:10.1525/jung.2011.5.2.71.
Wicker, Frank W., Glen C. Payne, and Randall D. Morgan. 1983. “Participant Descriptions of Guilt and Shame.”
Motivation and Emotion 7:25–39. doi:10.1007/BF00992963.
Wilke, H. J. 1977. “The Authority Complex and the Authoritarian Personality.” Journal of Analytical Psychology
22:243–49. doi:10.1111/j.1465-5922.1977.00243.x.
 DEVIANT BEHAVIOR 491

Wilson, John. 2001. “Shame, Guilt and Moral Education.” Journal of Moral Education 30:71–81. doi:10.1080/
03057240120033820.
Wright, Fred, John O’Leary, and Joseph Balkin. 1989. “Shame, Guilt, Narcissism, and Depression: Correlates and Sex
Differences.” Psychoanalytic Psychology 6:217–30. doi:10.1037/0736-9735.6.2.217.
Young-Elsendrath, Polly. 2007. “Learning about Love through the Therapeutic Action of Psychoanalysis.”
Psychoanalytic Inquiry 27:310–25. doi:10.1080/07351690701389502.
Yurdakula, Gökçe and Anna C. Korteweg. 2013. “Gender Equality and Immigrant Integration: Honor Killing and
Forced Marriage Debates in the Netherlands, Germany, and Britain.” Women Studies International Forum
41:204–14.
Zakaria, Rafia. 2016. “Honor Killings.” World Policy Journal 33:70–76. doi:10.1215/07402775-3642560.
Zhu, Ruida, Zhenhua Xu, Honghong Tang, Jiting Liu, Huanqing Wang, Ying An, Xiaoqin Mia, and Chao Liu. 2019.
“The Effect of Shame on Anger at Others: Awareness of the Emotion-causing Events Matters.” Cognition and
Emotion 33:696–708. doi:10.1080/02699931.2018.1489782.
Zimbardo, Philip. 1971. “THE STANFORD PRISON EXPERIMENT: A Simulation Study of the Psychology of
Imprisonment.” Conducted at Stanford University. Accessed January 22, 2019: https://web.stanford.edu/dept/
spec_coll/uarch/exhibits/Narration.pdf.
Zimbardio, Philip. 2007. “Revisiting the Stanford Prison Experiment: A Lesson in the Power of Situation.” The
Chronicle Review 53(30). https://www-lexisnexis-com.libaccess.lib.mcmaster.ca/hottopics/lnacademic/?verb=
sr&csi=171267&sr=HEADLINE(Revisiting+the+Stanford+Prison+Experiment)%2BAND%2BDATE%2BIS%
2B2007
Zvinkliene, Alina. 2010. “Honour Killings’ in Modern Societies: A Sociological Perspective.” Islam and Civilisational
Renewal 1:532–63.
Zwemer, Samuel M. 1946. “Atonement by Blood Sacrifice in Islam.” The Muslim World 36:189–92. doi:10.1111/j.1478-
1913.1946.tb02100.x.