How

 Emotion  Can  Be  the  Meaning  of  a  Music  Work  

The   issue   of   musical   meaning   has   proved   to   be   rather   elusive:   on   one   hand   it   is  
intuitively   obvious   to   professional   performers   and   listeners,   yet   on   the   other   hand   it   has  
caused  endless  controversies  amongst  researchers  of  music.  In  this  paper  I  will  try  to  lay  
out   the   foundation   for   new   semiotics   of   music   -­‐   that   is   in   line   with   the   most   up-­‐to-­‐date  
research  on  neurophysiology  of  emotion.  It  will  show  how  the  traditional  before  the  20th  
century   view   of   music   as   a   “language   of   emotions”   can   indeed   hold   true   in   relation   to  
perception  of  music.    

Art  of  Performance  

In  the  traditional  aesthetic  view  formed  by  the  end  of  the  18th  century,  the  meaning   of  
music   originates   from   the   inherent   values   of   the   music   structures   recorded   by   the  
composer,  and  illustrated  by  the  performer.  This  view  holds  that  the  listener  finds  a  piece  
of   music   meaningful   when   the   performer   “convinces”   him   in   the   authenticity   of   a   certain  
emotional  state  inherent  to  the  performed  music.    
Once   the   listener   “believes”   the   performer   and   starts   experiencing   the   projected  
emotional  state,  he  opens  up  to  the  appreciation  of  other  aspects  of  music.  Disbelief  in  the  
performer  and  the  lack  of  emotional  communication,  on  the  other  hand,  blocks  the  capacity  
of   the   listener   to   identify   the   changes   in   music   and   therefore   prevents   aesthetic   evaluation  
–   no   matter   how   virtuosic   or   grammatically   “correct”   the   music   appears,   the   audience  
remains  unmoved.      
The  bulk  of  the  music  repertoire  most  often  heard  in  concert  halls  and  studied  in  music  
schools  consists  of  performances  created  in  accordance  with  this  view.1  The  philosophy  of  
music  education  therefore  heavily  leans  toward  regarding  musical  structures  as  a  primary  
source   for   deriving   meaning   and   formulating   interpretation.   These   structures   are  
considered   much   more   important   than   the   biographical   circumstances   of   the   composer,  
social   environment   during   the   time   of   composition,   the   initial   reception   of   the   music,   the  
dramatic  context  associated  with  it,  etc.  -­‐  the  consensus  in  music  schools  tends  to  regard  all  
these  notions  as  secondary  to  musical  structures  as  the  basis  for  performance  renditions.  
The   same   view   is   usually   applied   onto   musical   traditions   other   than   classical   music  
today.   They   are   also   seen   to   operate   on   the   premise   of   some   musical   grammar   that  
prescribes   which   musical   structures   ought   to   be   used,   and   the   performer   is   expected   to  

                                                                                                               
1  Of  course,  the  connection  of  music  with  emotion  remains  a  matter  of  aesthetic  preference.  Some  

people  might  choose  to  create  or  consume  music  that  is  deliberately  unemotional.  Noteworthy  is  
the   anti-­‐emotional   rhetoric   of   Stravinsky   (Stravinsky   1936,   83).   But   even   more   noteworthy   is   his  
double-­‐standard:  nowhere  in  his  copious  writings  did  he  ever  name  a  performer  who  would  have  
over-­‐emotionalized   his   music,   moreover,   he   pronounced   Samuel   Dushkin   to   be   one   of   the   best  
interpreters  of  his  works  (Stravinsky  2005,  355–6),  while  Dushkin,  the  pupil  of  Auer  and  Kreisler,  
as   expected   from   a   world   class   violinist   in   the   first   half   of   the   20th   century,   played   Stravinsky  
with  utmost  Romantic  passion  (as  evident  from  his  recordings).  It  seems  that  emotional  affinity  of  
music  tends  to  find  a  way  to  penetrate  even  those  music  works  that  are  claimed  to  be  devoid  of  it.      
2  
 
know  that  grammar,  and  use  it  to  generate  an  emotionally  charged  music  composition  by  
either  improvising  it  or  varying  some  pre-­‐existing  model.    

Art  of  Performance  as  an  Act  of  Emotional  Interpretation  

The   exact   way   in   which   musical   structures   convey   meaning   remains   open   to   debate,  
with  different  disciplines  proposing  different  explanations.  The  only  uncontested  feature  is  
that   musical   expression   is   based   on   emotion.   The   majority   of   musicians   involved   in   the  
production   of   music   and   educators   that   work   with   performers   who   support   the   traditional  
autonomous   aesthetic   theory   hold   emotional   response   as   the   fundamental   mechanism   of  
musical   communication.   The   composer   is   believed   to   conceive   a   certain   emotionally  
charged  musical  idea  and  construct  a  plot  akin  to  a  dramatic  play  where  the  progression  of  
themes  and  their  development  generate  a  flow  of  musical  events,  each  colored  with  its  own  
emotional  tint.  The  job  of  the  performer,  then,  is  to  discover  the  plot  and  transform  it  into  a  
drama  similar  to  how  the  play  director  takes  the  script  of  a  play  and  creates  a  show  out  of  
it.    
This   “theatrical”   model   was   coined   by   Franz   Liszt   as   part   of   the   concept   of   public  
recital.   The   music   life   as   we   know   it   today   largely   originates   from   the   experiments   of  
Niccolo   Paganini.   Paganini   was   the   first   musician   to   start   performing   in   public   from  
memory   in   order   to   produce   the   impression   of   sincerity   and   spontaneous   creativity.   He  
considered   act-­‐out   to   be   a   constituent   of   technical   execution,   often   bringing   in   theatrical  
effects,  even  stage  action,  to  accompany  his  performances.  His  playing  was  designed  as  an  
actor’s   monologue,   exposing   the   chain   of   emotions,   characteristic   images,   often  
unpredictably   mixed   with   humor,   tragedy   and   passions.   Paganini   forged   the   image   of   a  
performing   violinist   as   a   bold   Romantic   hero,   who   challenges   his   fate   in   the   manner   of  
Beethoven.2    
However,   Paganini’s   love   for   mystery   and   secrecy   in   his   methods   of   producing   his  
supernatural  impression  on  audiences  limited  his  impact  on  the  performance  practices  of  
his  day.  It  took  Liszt,  with  his  charisma  and  connections  with  conservatoires’  staff  all  over  
Europe   to   undertake   a   major   revision   of   the   ways   for   a   performer   to   select   music   for  
performance,  work  with  the  score,  build  the  interpretation,  and  present  it  to  the  public.  The  
immense   authority   of   a   composer,   performer,   teacher   and   promoter   allowed   Liszt   to  
influence  most  of  European  schools  during  the  second  half  of  the  19th  century.    
At  the  heart  of  his  innovation  was  the  idea  of  the  necessity  for  a  performance  to  carry  a  
poetic  image  representative  of  the  entire  music  composition  being  performed.  Just  as  in  his  
own   compositions,   Liszt   could   not   think   musically   without   associations   with   poetry,  
literature,   history,   architecture,   etc.   In   the   same   way,   he   could   not   conceive   an  
interpretation  of  someone  else’s  work  without  supporting  the  musical  ideas  with  imagery  
of  some  kind  –  in  essence  “re-­‐composing”  that  work.  This  deeply  personal  attitude,  invoked  
by   such   “re-­‐composition,”   set   the   tone   for   sincere   and   integral   presentation   of   the  
composition  –  a  form  of  sharing  one’s  life  experience  with  the  audience.    

                                                                                                               
2  Paganini   often   hired   an   orchestra   to   play   Beethoven’s   5th   symphony   during   his   violin   recitals  

(Yampolskii  1961,  171–8).  

3  
 
Liszt   postulated   the   requirements   of   studying   a   composition   in   order   to   perform   it,  
“living   through   it”   and   playing   from   memory,   as   though   spontaneously   improvising.   He  
emphasized   the   necessity   of   these   rules   for   the   purpose   of   avoiding   any   formalistic   bias,  
temptation   to   show   off   one’s   technical   skills,   or   playing   exclusively   for   the   sake   of   one’s  
own  pleasure.  Liszt  recited  poems,  told  stories,  acted  out  with  gestures  and  mimics  to  his  
students  during  lessons  in  order  to  stimulate  their  imagination.  He  considered  the  ability  to  
fantasize   and  feel   far   more   important   than   technique,   and   used   to   drop   pupils   who   did   not  
show  great  imagination  (Milstein  1971,  2:71–79).  
The   Romantic   composers   and   performers   were   the   most   ardent   supporters   of   this  
theatrical  approach,  where  the  performer  combined  the  functions  of  the  play  director  and  
the  actor  in  order  to  convince  the  audience  of  the  “reality”  of  the  expressions  projected  by  a  
musical   composition.   Associations   with   Romanticism   did   not   compromise   this   approach  
during   the   1910-­‐1920’s   when   the   anti-­‐Romantic   sentiments   caused   the   rejection   of  
liberties   and   exaggerations   that   characterized   previous   generations   of   performers.  
Performers   like   Prokofiev,   Schnabel,   or   Backhaus,   known   for   their   aversion   to   Romantic  
style,   still   conceived   images   and   characters   by   analyzing   the   score   and   inventing   suitable  
scenarios   to   be   acted   out   in   front   of   the   audience   in   their   renditions.   The   same   approach  
directs  the  interpretive  effort  of  modern  mainstream  performers  of  classical  music.  
Their   work   on   assigning   the   expressive   parameters   of   timing,   dynamics,   articulation  
and  timbre  to  particular  notes  in  the  score  is  based  on  the  relationship  of  these  notes  to  the  
principal   idea   of   the   composition,   which   is   regarded   as   a   particular   character,   emotional  
state   or   happening.   This   work   of   musical   interpretation   is   equivalent   to   the   work   of   an  
actor  who  deduces  the  way  of  pronouncing  and  acting  out  a  line  in  a  play  script,  based  on  
the   relation   of   that   line   to   the   context   of   the   scene,   act   and   the   entire   play.   A   common  
method  amongst  modern  musicians  to  prepare  for  performance  is  to  expressively  sing  the  
parts   of   the   score   that   are   under   consideration   (which   is   equivalent   to   an   actor’s  
experiments  in  different  styles  of  enunciation  for  a  text  line).  As  common,  is  the  creation  of  
an  extra-­‐musical  program  for  a  piece  of  music,  in  the  form  of  a  story,  characteristic  image,  a  
descriptive  event,  or  emotional  sequence  (Reid  2002).  
The   only   major   deviation   from   this   approach   to   performance   is   by   the   authentic  
performance  movement  of  the  mid-­‐20th  century,  which  insists  on  historic  accuracy  above  
all   other   criteria.   According   to   their   principles,   dramatic,   theatrical   interpretation   is  
appropriate  only  for  those  pieces  that  were  composed  when  such  a  Romantic  approach  to  
performance  was  commonplace.    
Playing  a  concerto  by  Vivaldi  or  Bach  in   Romantic  manner  (in  fact,  a  standard  practice  
for   performers   like   Sergei   Rachmaninov,   Bronislaw   Huberman   or   Willem   Mengelberg)  
today  would  be  considered  anachronism  and  a  distortion  of  music.  However,  even  purists  
celebrate   the   interpretation   of   Rameau   in   the   theatrical   style   of   Racine   and   Corneille   by  
authenticist   performers   such   as   Christophe   Rousset.   The   historic   restriction   of   dramatic  
development   in   interpretation   does   not   mean   that   pre-­‐19th   century   music   is   tabooed   from  
narrativity  and  picturism.  Baroque  music  is  still  predominantly  performed  today  according  
to  the  method  of  image  creation,  which  often  involves  a  dramatic  component,  especially  in  
compositions  like  fantasies,  big  preludes,  passacaglias  and  other  variation  or  free  forms.    
4  
 
Emotion  as  Musical  “Meaning”  

The   practice   of   defining   the   imagery   for   a   piece   of   music   as   the   groundwork   for   its  
interpretation  suggests  that  emotion  is  the  primary  component  of  musical  meaning.  If  the  
job   of   the   performer   is   to   highlight   for   the   listener   what   is   meaningful   in   the   musical  
composition,  and  the  “program  narrative”  is  the  main  content  generated  by  the  performer  
(in  addition  to  the  information  obvious  in  the  score),  then  the  emotional  properties  of  the  
narrative  manifest  the  meaning  of  the  music.    
Psychological   research   supports   this   conclusion:   Hodges   and   Lipscomb   (Lipscomb   and  
Hodges  1996)  reviewed  the  studies  on  perception  of  music,  and  were  able  to  identify  seven  
types  of  information  retrieved  by  the  listeners  from  auditioning  musical  works  –  all  seven  
comprising  an  integrative  knowledge  system  centered  around  emotion.  The  list  consisted  
of:  
1) Feelings   -­‐   the   affective   response   of   the   listener,   sympathetic   to   the   display   by  
the  performer  of  features  that  characterize  a  given  emotional  state;  
2) Aesthetic   experiences   -­‐   the   judgment   of   proportionality,   appropriateness   and  
sublimity  in  organization  of  the  expressive  means  within  the  given  composition;  
3) Musical   thought   -­‐   the   choice   of   the   thematic   material   for   a   music   work   by   its  
composer,   and   the   treatment   of   that   material   within   the   composition,  
specifically  the  coherence  diversity  in  its  development;  
4) Formal   organization   -­‐   a   style   of   logical   connection   of   the   musical   elements  
together  employed  by  the  composer  as  a  discipline  of  his  musical  thought,  and  
grasped,  and  highlighted  by  the  performer;    
5) Realization  of  musical  time  -­‐  a  unique  experience  of  time  evoked  in  listener  by  
the   musical   timing   style   of   the   composition,   reflected   in   relation   of   tempo   to  
density  of  musical  events,  correlated  to  the  musical  movement;  
6) Personal   identity   -­‐   the   set   of   qualities   and   attitudes   that   resonates   with   the  
listener’s   self-­‐image   and   serves   to   reinforce   or   compensate   for   a   particular  
vision  of  himself;  
7) Group   identity   -­‐   the   set   of   values   that   is   recognized   by   the   listener   as  
characteristic   to   a   specific   social   group,   used   to   identify   his   attitude   towards  
that  group.    
All   seven   types   of   information   conveyed   by   a   music   piece   depend   on   the   emotional  
reaction   of   the   listener.   He   experiences   those   feelings   that   have   been   conditioned   in   his  
previous   life   to   form   an   emotional   reflex   triggered   by   a   particular   type   of   stimulus.   A  
listener  cannot  feel  dignity  in  music,  unless  he  has  developed  the  sense  of  dignity  prior  to  
listening.    
Aesthetic  evaluation  of  music  can  only  occur  if  the  listener  is  placed  in  an  appropriate  
emotional   state.   A   comedy   will   appear   silly   to   a   person   who   is   in   a   serious   mind   set.   A  
tragedy  will  appear  ridiculous  to  a  person  in  a  playful  disposition.  Without  identifying  the  
target   emotional   condition,   the   listener   will   not   be   able   to   judge   how   harmonious,  
appropriate,  or  expressive  the  rendition  of  the  musical  elements  was.  
5  
 
A   listener   recognizes   a   particular   musical   thought   in   music   based   on   its  
characterization.   It   is   the   change   in   character   that   separates   one   musical   theme   from  
another.  So,  in  order  to  follow  the  compositional  plan,  the  listener  has  to  be  stimulated  by  
every   change   in   character:   each   instance   of   change   in   the   thematic   material   in   music   ought  
to  bring  in  a  new  emotional  state.    
In   music,   formal   organization   is   built   around   the   thematic   work   as   well.   One   section  
differs   from   another   section   by   utilizing   a   different   theme,   and   more   than   anything   else,  
themes  differ  by  their  character.    In  order  to  be  aware  of  the  composer’s  logical  plan  for  the  
piece,   a   listener   must   self-­‐reflect   on   changes   of   his   feelings   throughout   the   music,  
remember  them,  and  relate  them  to  each  other  as  the  composition  progresses.  
More   intense   or   diverse   emotional   experience   leads   to   subjective   compression   of   time.  
A   shortage   of   emotional   response   to   music   leads   to   boredom   and   the   illusion   of   time  
becoming   longer,   or   slower.   The   same   applies   to   the   impression   of   musical   movement.  
Emotionally  unmoving  performances  are  not  capable  of  generating  a  sense  of  characteristic  
movement  in  music.        
Finally,   personal   and   group   identities   are   forged   largely   by   the   experience   of   a  
particular   music   work   in   terms   of   its   emotional   content.   Group   identity,   in   particular,  
depends  on  the  mechanisms  of  emotional  contagion.  As  we  can  see,  musical  emotion  is  at  
the  center  of  the  entire  sphere  of  semantic  connotations  in  music.    

Emotion  of  a  Music  Work  versus  Emotion  of  a  Listener  

Now  lets  ask  the  following  question:  what  exactly  in  the  music  works  as  a  carrier  of  the  
emotion,   and   how   is   it   related   to   the   actual   emotion   that   humans   normally   experience?  
Obviously,   emotion   cannot   be   encoded   in   a   music   score.   Emotion   is   a   set   of   physiological  
changes  in  the  body,  and  cannot  be  “transcoded”  into  notes.  Obviously,  listeners  recognize  
particular  combinations  of  sounds  as  possessing  characteristics  similar  to  the  display  of  a  
particular   emotion   they   know.   For   instance,   anger   is   associated   with   loud   dynamics,   fast  
tempo,  abrupt  articulation,  and  wide  jumps  in  pitch.  Once  the  listener  recognizes  a  similar  
set  of  features  in  music,  he  entrains  his  state  correspondingly.  So,  the  mastermind  behind  
the  musical  emotion  is  a  performer.  Then,  how  does  a  performer  come  to  grasp  a  particular  
emotion  in  music?  

Virtual  Feeling  Fixed  in  Music    

Many  musicians  would  agree  that  the  meaning  of  a  work  of  music  is  to  create  a  “virtual  
person”  as  a  protagonist  in  some  “virtual  reality”  designated  by  “virtual  time”  (evident  in  
rhythm,   meter,   tempo,   articulation,   and   form)   in   conjunction   with   “virtual   space”   -­‐   a  
subjective   impression   from   musical   movement   (interaction   of   rhythm,   meter,   tempo   and  
articulation  with  melody,  harmony  and  texture).  The  adventures  of  such  a  “virtual  person”  
are  usually  derived  from  the  development  of  thematic  material  within  the  composition.  
 What  eventually  happens  with  a  “virtual  person”  in  “virtual  reality”  constitutes  a  sort  
of   internal   cinema   -­‐   played   back   in   the   listener’s   and   the   performer’s   mind   alongside   the  
course   of   the   music.   The   only   difference   from   film   here   is   the   inherent   vagueness   of  
6  
 
imaging,  leading  to  substantial  variations  in  renditions  of  the  same  musical  composition  by  
different   performers,   as   well   as   variations   in   experiencing   the   same   performance   by  
different  listeners.  
Watt   and   Ash   (Watt   and   Ash   1998)   conducted   an   experimental   study   and   found   that  
listeners   routinely   attribute   traits   such   as   gender,   age,   temper,   and   mood   to   the   music   they  
hear.   In   essence,   they   construct   a   “virtual   person”   as   representative   of   the   thematic  
material   in   music   in   a   way   similar   to   how   a   reader   constructs   a   protagonist   of   a   story   in  
their  mind  while  reading  a  novel.  The  listener  then  starts  interacting  with  the  personality  
of   this   “virtual   person”   –   which   can   lead   to   quite   complex   emotional   changes   depending   on  
how  the  listener  identifies  himself.  
The  vagueness  of  this  musical  personality  and  the  openness  of  the  interaction  of  that  
personality  with  the  personality  of  a  listener  are  actually  advantages  of  music  medium  over  
film,   which   has   a   precise   and   concrete   representation   of   events.     Watching   the   same   film  
over  again  will  not  alter  the  personality  of  a  protagonist  of  that  film.  Listening  to  the  same  
music   composition   performed   by   different   performers   can   radically   change   the   “virtual  
person”   –   the   more   creative   the   performer,   the   greater   the   differences   in   this   “virtual  
person”.    
The  greater  variety  of  emotional  experience  from  musical  sources  is  one  of  the  reasons  
why  music  became  the  format  of  communication  dedicated  to  emotion.  Exact  repetition  is  
known   to   increase   predictability   and   induce   relaxation.   Relaxation   is   an   emotional   marker,  
and  will  interfere  with  transmission  of  a  whole  range  of  emotions  (such  as  anger,  anxiety,  
jealousy,   etc.).   Variance   in   performance   allows   for   a   fair   representation   of   all   emotional  
states   by   keeping   the   senses   of   the   listener   alert,   registering   the   small   changes   and  
discrepancies  from  previous  performances.  

From  Virtual  Feeling  to  Virtual  Personality  

There  is  ample  evidence  that  many,  if  not  most,  listeners  perceive  music  to  reflect  their  
own   personality:   the   way   they   think,   their   likes   and   dislikes,   strengths   and   weaknesses.  
One   of   the   leading   preferences   in   choice   of   music   to   listen   to   is   known   to   be   the   need   to  
confirm   one’s   own   identity.   Gabrielsson   and   Lindstrom   Wik   (Gabrielsson   and   Wik   2003)  
investigated   the   reports   of   “strong   experiences   related   to   music”   (SEM)   by   900   subjects.  
Reactions   included   sensation   of   freedom,   inspiration,   upliftedness;   comfort,   hope,   power,  
relief  –  obviously,  all  of  which  appear  to  be  dispositions  towards  actions.  Evidently,  music  
serves   as   an   agent   capable   of   motivating   people   towards   specific   behaviors   in   a   way   that   is  
essentially   similar   to   real   life   encounters.   In   fact,   it   is   likely   that   music   provides   even   more  
intense  emotional  action,  since  many  participants  remembered  their  responses  from  long  
time  ago  and  kept  it  private  -­‐  never  relating  their  SEM  to  anyone  else.  
The   advance   of   cognitive   sciences,   and   especially   of   neurophysiology,   during   the   last  
twenty  years,  has  provided  new  evidence  in  support  of  the  traditional  view  of  emotions  as  
the   basis   of   musical   communication.   For   about   two   thousand   years   emotions   have   been  
understood   as   “the   appraisals   of   consciously   detected   feeling   states   named   with   familiar  
words”  (Kagan  2007,  1–54).    
7  
 
The   consensus   between   scholars   was   that   emotion   was   a   mentalized   form   of   feeling,  
common   for   all   individuals,   and   therefore   designated   by   a   group   of   common   words   with  
essentially   the   same   meaning   (anger,   rage,   ire,   annoyance).   This   traditional,   “grammarian,”  
view  stemmed  from  the  Aristotelian  tradition  of  focusing  on  the  way  in  which  a  concept  is  
expressed  in  language.  
Modern   neuroscience   examines   emotions   as   they   are,   and   not   as   they   are   named   or  
referred   to.   Subsequently,   the   definitions   of   emotions   and   feelings   have   been   redrawn.   The  
traditional   meaning   of   “emotion”   is   addressed   in   affective   neuroscience   by   the   term  
“feeling”   –   which   represents   a   person’s   subjective   evaluation   and   perception   of   their  
emotional  state.    
“Emotion”  is  seen  as  a  “largely  automated  program  of  actions  concocted  by  evolution”  -­‐  
a  stable  mechanism  of  triggering  a  particular  physiological  state  that  is  vitally  important  for  
the   survival   of   an   organism   and   a   species.   “Mood”   is   separated   into   its   own   category,  
regarded   as   a   continuous   affective   state   that   is   relatively   diffused,   without   an   acute   mental  
awareness   of   its   character,   and   detached   from   the   environmental   stimuli   (Damasio   2012,  
116).    
So,  what  happens  during  an  audition,  is  that  the  listener  constructs  a  virtual  person  of  a  
certain   gender,   age,   temper   and   mood,   and   assigns   to   that   person   a   particular   emotional  
state.   This   state   keeps   changing   throughout   the   piece   of   music,   prompting   the   listener   to  
imagine   some   sort   of   happening,   the   chain   of   events   that   are   likely   to   trigger   a   specific  
chain   of   emotional   states.   Because   the   plot   here   is   set   by   the   emotional   descriptors,   it  
leaves   a   very   wide   range   for   fantasy:   each   listener   can   envisage   the   story   of   music   in   his  
own  way.    

Structure  of  Emotion  and  Musical  Idiom  

If   mood   and   feeling   are,   in   essence,   perceptions   -­‐   then   emotion   is   basically   an   action  
generated   by   the   organism   in   response   to   selective   types   of   stimuli.   Once   the   senses  
capture   data   and   the   brain   recognizes   the   presence   of   stimuli   that   have   been   registered  
previously   as   related   to   certain   emotional   responses,   the   brain   activates   a   number   of  
emotion-­‐triggering   regions   (amygdala   and   frontal   lobe   cortex).   The   endocrine   glands   and  
subcortical   nuclei   start   secreting   chemicals   like   cortisol   or   adrenalin.   Injected   into   the  
bloodstream,  these  chemicals  quickly  reach  the  internal  organs  and  regulate  their  activity  
in   a   way   stereotypical   to   a   given   emotion   (e.g.   surge   of   adrenalin   enables   intense   action,  
like  fighting  in  anger).    
This   pattern   of   changes   in   the   physiological   state   of   the   body   is   fixed   for   each   emotion.  
Though  the  context  of  invocation  for  a  given  emotion  can  be  radically  different  each  time,  
all  instances  of  the  experience  of  a  particular  emotion  by  a  given  individual  are  essentially  
identical  (ibid.).  It  is  this  structural  stability  of  emotion  that  makes  it  possible  for  music  to  
function  as  a  language  of  emotions.    
Contrary  to  public  opinion,  the  meaning  of  music  is  no  less  clear  than  the  meaning  of  
speech.  Just  as  the  way  in  which  the  word  “chair”  refers  to  something  on  which  a  person  
can  sit  comfortably,  the  pattern  of  pitch,  rhythm  and  harmony  in  music  refers  to  a  specific  
physiological  state.  Stable  structure  of  emotion  is  connected  to  stable  structure  of  sounds  –  
8  
 
what  can  be  called  a  “musical  idiom”:    an  audible  pattern  of  sounds  segregated  into  a  group  
that   would   be   associated   with   a   particular   mood,   attitude,   character,   or   idea   by   different  
listeners  upon  numerous  auditions.  
In   linguistics,   an   idiom   is   a   group   of   words   commonly   used   together,   where   the  
meaning  of  the  group  is  not  equal  to  the  sum  of  meanings  for  the  constituent  words  (as  in  
“pulling   one’s   leg”).   In   order   for   the   idiom   to   be   understood   properly,   the   listener   has   to  
know  the  convention  (Saeed  2015,  59–60).    
In   music,   the   word   “idiom”   is   used   to   mean   “a   characteristic   trait   of   the   specific  
progression  of  tones  -­‐  a  trait  by  which  the  listener  can  identify  that  the  music  belongs  to  a  
certain   type”.   For   instance,   a   melody   based   on   the   sounds   of   a   triad,   with   an   overall  
ascending   direction,   in   a   major   key,   and   loud   dynamics   is   usually   recognized   as   “fanfare”  
and   regarded   as   idiomatic   to   the   tone   of   the   trumpet   (i.e.   Tchaikovsky   –   the   opening   of  
Italian   Capriccio).  Similarity  to  the  linguistic  idiom  is  obvious:  the  listener  knows  how  the  
sounds   are   made   on   the   trumpet   and   what   kinds   of   melodic   patterns   are   the   easiest   to  
produce  on  it.    
Then   the   stereotypical  properties   of   trumpet   music   become   projected   on   the   musical  
idiom  of  fanfare:  trumpet  (and  other  brass  instruments)  calls  have  been  used  in  Western  
culture  as  signals  to  announce  something  important  for  the  public  (Huron  and  Berec  2009).  
Therefore,  the  idiom  of  fanfare  connects  to  emotion  of  courage.  The  linkage  goes  something  
like  this:    public  announcements  usually  are  related  to  public  authorities,  authority  has  to  
do   with   power,   and   display   of   power   irrespective   of   circumstances,   even   in   situation   of  
danger,  characterizes  courage.  
So,   listening   to   the   opening   of   Italian  Capriccio  by   Tchaikovsky   makes   a   listener   who   is  
aware   of   the   significance   of   brass   music   in   Western   civilization   experience   the  
physiological  condition  that  is  essentially  the  same  as  what  one  feels  when  he  stands  up  for  
his   beliefs   regardless   of   the   repercussions.   It   may   appear   that   the   knowledge   of   the  
convention   for   the   fanfare   is   something   esoteric,   which   would   make   emotional  
communication  through  music  way  too  exclusive  for  music  to  be  considered  a  “language.”    
But  competence  in  language  is  much  wider  than  expertise  in  language.  Most  people  are  
passively   aware   of   things   they   cannot   actively   express   in   words.   In   the   same   way,  
familiarity  with  fanfare  does  not  require  explicit  knowledge  of  the  history  of  music,  nor  the  
exact  structures  that  comprise  it.    
Most   people   who   lived   for   few   years   in   a   Western   country   would   have   witnessed  
ceremonies   that   involve   fanfares:   national   celebrations,   military   funerals,   openings   of  
important   sport   events,   etc.   Subsequently   recognizing   similar   sound   structures   in   the  
context   of   a   soundtrack   in   some   movie   would   reinforce   its   musical   meaning,   and   enable  
one  to  identify  fanfare  within  the  context  of  a  musical  work,  like  Capriccio  Italienne.  
 
 
9  
 
The  capacity  for  intuitive  competence  in  musical  idioms  is  not  unique  to  the  Western  
classical   music.   Any   naturally   evolved   music   culture 3  operates   on   the   same   semiotic  
principles:   there   is   a   pool   of   patterns   of   melody,   rhythm,   meter,   articulation,   and   texture,  
which   are   reused   in   every   musical   composition   and   require   from   the   music   user   the  
knowledge   of   conventional   reference   to   corresponding   emotional   conditions.   User   of   any  
kind  of  traditional  music4  is  usually  competent  in  the  music  of  his  native  culture.        
The  configuration  of  the  musical  aspects  of  pitch,  rhythm,  and  harmony  determines  the  
structure  of  a  music  idiom.  The  configuration  of  features  of  a  physiological  state  constitutes  
the   structure   of   emotion.   A   cultural   convention   stitches   the   structure   of   a   music   idiom   to  
the   structure   of   an   emotion   –   thus   providing   the   foundation   for   a   music   “language”.   A  
person  with  sufficient  musical  training  has  enough  command  of  music  idioms  to  conceive  
them  mentally  –  to  think  in  terms  of  music.    

The  Notion  of  Musical  Emotion  

Laypeople   cannot   rely   on   musical   thinking.   Their   command   of   music   is   more   passive  
than  active.  This  might  suffice  for  simple  forms  of  music  making,  such  as  folk  music.  But  for  
art  music,  such  as  classical  music  or  jazz,  their  lack  of  ear  training  will  be  an  obstacle  in  the  
detection  of  music  idioms  in  a  musical  composition,  whether  improvising  music  or  playing  
by   ear.   They   need   an   emotional   agent   in   order   to   convert   the   emotional   content   of   a   music  
language  into  an  artwork.  They  need  a  master  performer  who  is  capable  of  converting  the  
musical   structures   into   emotions.   Then   the   layperson   will   sympathize   with   the  
performance  and  generate  the  corresponding  emotional  states.  
To   bridge   the   gap   between   musical   idiom   and   human   emotion,   we   must   therefore  
consider  another  structural  entity  –  the  musical  emotion.  A  musical  emotion  is  the  emotion  
implied   by   the   notes   of   a   score,   encoded   in   the   musical   text   by   means   of   cultural  
convention,  and  designed  to  be  retrieved  and  re-­‐enacted  by  a  performer.  The  structure  of  
this  emotion  is  very  complex  and  the  rules  for  interpretation  of  these  emotions  are  vague,  
strongly  intuitive,  and  are  intermingled  with  numerous  exceptions  and  conditions.  That  is  

                                                                                                               
3  Artificially   invented   music   systems,   such   as   dodecaphony   by   Schoenberg   and   Webern,   or   serial  

music   by   Boulez   and   Stockhausen,   are   the   exception.   They   denounce   the   pre-­‐existing   grammar  
and   lexicon   of   musical   expressions,   and   substitute   them   with   completely   new   grammar   and  
lexicon.  This  radical  approach  makes  intuitive  competence  impossible  in  relation  to  these  types  of  
music,   as   well   as   in   later   compositional   techniques   that   followed   the   same   trend   (i.e.   new  
complexity).      
4  A   number   of   genres/styles   of   Western   popular   music   constitute   a   special   case.   Their   use   of   idioms  

usually   becomes   severely   limited   by   the   commercial   goals   of   production:   even   where   a   style   of  
popular   music   originates   from   some   folk   prototype,   the   popular   version   usually   drops   many  
idioms   and   simplify   the   rest   of   the   idioms   in   order   to   widen   the   base   of   potential   buyers.   The  
prime   goal   of   such   music   is   for   it   to   be   liked   by   as   many   people   as   possible,   without   requiring  
them  to  learn  any  idioms.  This  usually  makes  the  mass-­‐produced  Western  popular  music  rely  on  
the  superficial  “phonic”  characteristics  of  sound  as  well  as  non-­‐musical  means  of  communication  
(lyrics,  titles,  histrionic  aspects  of  presentation,  costumes,  stage  design,  etc.)  –  rather  than  musical  
idioms  –  in  emotional  communication.      
10  
 
why  it  takes  years  for  a  person  to  learn  music  interpretation,  and  there  are  relatively  few  
masters  who  can  do  it  well.    
  Musical  emotion  has  nothing  to  do  with  feeling  (in  the  scientific  sense  of  the  term).  
Feeling   is   the   “face”   of   the   emotion   for   the   listener.   One   of   the   leading   specialists   on  
emotion,  Antonio  Damasio,  defines  feeling  as  a  perception  of  an  emotional  state;  the  mental  
awareness   of   the   physiological   state   of   the   body   as   well   as   the   concurrent   state   of   mind  
(Damasio   2012,   117).  In   relation   to   music   listening,   an   example   would   be   the   experience   of  
thrills  (goose-­‐bumps  from  strong  emotional  reaction)  –  the  listener  becomes  aware  of  them  
and  connects  them  to  previous  instances  of  feeling  in  the  same  way.  In  this  way,  causes  and  
behavioral   reactions   from   the   past   connect   with   the   feeling   of   “now,”   and   the   feeling   of  
thrill  becomes  structured  into  the  emotion  of  pleasure.    
Together,   feeling   and   emotion   go   hand   in   hand,   forming   a   cycle:   perception   of   data  
triggers  an  emotional  reaction  that  starts  in  the  brain,  involving  glands,  which  spreads  over  
the  entire  body.  At  this  point,  the  feeling  stage  kicks  in  -­‐  activating  the  new  brain  regions  
and   concluding   the   cycle,   as   the   brain   becomes   conscious   of   the   overall   state   of   the   body  
and  relates  it  to  a  particular  mode  of  behavior.    
The   principal   difference   between   emotion   and   feeling   is   that   feeling   is   rather   free-­‐
floating   and   even   optional  -­‐   it   can   follow   the   emotional   response,   or   be   altogether  omitted,  
depending   on   the   attention,   urgency   and   self-­‐awareness   of   a   person.   Emotion,   on   the   other  
hand,   is   highly   structured   and   automated.   Modern   psychology   defines   emotions   as   bio-­‐
behavioral  systems  that  consist  of  at  least  four  core  components  (Humrichouse  et  al.  2007):    
(a) a  subjective  experience  (e.g.  seeing  a  dog  that  is  perceived  as  “dangerous”);  
(b) a   physiological   reaction   (e.g.   fear,   manifested   by   increased   heart   rate   and  
general  sympathetic    activation);  
(c) overt  expression  of  the  physiological  state    (raised  eyebrows  and  wide-­‐open  
eyes);  
(d) a  behavioral  response  (a  chosen  strategy  to  cope  with  the  situation,  such  as  a  
decision  to  freeze  or  flee).  
  These  components  follow  each  other  in  a  coordinated  manner  in  a  short  period  of  
time,   in   the   order   of   seconds,   mostly   beyond   the   control   of   an   individual.   Only   the  
behavioral   response   stage   is   partially   controllable,   when   the   mind   has   the   capacity   to  
moderate  or  modify  the  behavior  rather  than  acting  upon  the  first  impulse.  In  relation  to  
musical   emotion,   this   fourth   component   is   usually   suppressed:   listeners   do   not   run   away  
from   the   concert   hall   upon   hearing   scary   music;   however   they   can   root   or   cheer   while  
listening   to   some   fiery   march.   The   exact   choice   for   behavior   depends   on   the   place   and  
purpose  of  application  of  music.  
The   time   frame   for   musical   emotion   to   kick   in   is   shown   to   be   about   8   seconds.   A  
dedicated  study  of  emotional  response-­‐time  to  music  found  that  music  expertise  has  little  
to  do  with  the  speed  of  emotional  response  in  listeners,  and  is  significantly  accelerated  in  
cases  where  the  music  is  already  familiar  to  the  listener  (Bachorik  et  al.  2009).  
11  
 
Emotions  Across  Cultures  

Fixed  structure  allows  for  reliable  emotional  communication.  Numerous  experimental  

studies   have   confirmed   that   people   from   Papua   New   Guinea,   America,   Japan,   Brazil,    
Argentina,     Indonesia     and   Russia   all   are   capable   of   recognizing   facial   displays   of   basic  
emotions   (anger,   disgust,   fear,   happiness,   sadness,   and   surprise).   This   recognition   works  
quite   reliably   across   cultural   and   ethnic   differences,   indicating   universality   of   the   way  
emotions   are   experienced   and   facially   expressed   in   humans.   Video   recordings   of   people  
emoting   privately   and   publically   support   the   conclusion   that   emotions   are   distinguished  
even  in  cultures  that  lack  words  for  certain  emotions  –  and  it  is  the  management  of  facial  
expressions   that   varies   from   culture   to   culture,   and   not   their   structure   (Ekman   2003,   1–
16).  
Moreover,  there  is  evidence  that  human  display  of  basic  emotions  closely  matches  the  
display   patterns   by   other   primates,   making   it   possible   to   recognize   emotions   across  
species.   Emotional   contagion   appears   to   be   a   mechanism   universal   amongst   mammals.  
Thus,  one  monkey  reads  another  monkey’s  body  language,  becomes  empathetic  and  adopts  
the   same   emotion.   The   same   effect   was   observed   in   mice   demonstrating   intensified   pain  
response  after  these  mice  watched  other  mice  in  pain.  Evidently,  witnessing  an  emotional  
state  automatically  and  unconsciously  activates  the  subject’s  neural  representations  of  the  
same  states  from  past  experience  (de  Waal  2011).    
The  omnipresence  of  emotional  contagion  across  the  animal  world  must  be  explained  
by   its   strong   survival   value.   Making   an   animal   more   responsive   to   changes   in   the  
environment   by   means   of   empathy   allows   that   animal   to   act   earlier   and   have   a   time  
advantage  in  expressing  a  particular  behavior.  In  human  culture,  empathy  plays  a  central  
role  in  benevolent  behavior,  which  is  so  vital  to  social  structure  and  group  cohesion.  
In  fact,  experimental  evidence  suggests  that  empathy  regulates  recognition  of  emotions  
in   music   and   the   induction   of   emotions   in   listeners.   Thus,   the   data   recorded   from   more  
than   3,000   participants   (Hauke   Egermann   and   McAdams   2013)   indicates   that   listeners  
consciously   directed   their   empathy   in   order   to   moderate   whether   the   musical   emotions  
were  felt  or  not.  Musical  preference  was  found  to  be  the  strongest  moderator  of  empathy.  
Liking  a  piece  of  music  is  likely  to  increase  a  listener’s  attention  to  the  expressed  emotions,  
thereby   increasing   their   ability   to   empathize   and   experience   the   emotional   content  
suggested  by  the  music.  
Of   course,   it   should   be   stressed   that   the   universality   of   basic   emotions   by   no   means  
exempts  them  from  cultural  differences.  According  to  Matsumoto  (Matsumoto  and  Hwang  
2012)   emotions   are   biologically   programmed,   but   the   process   of   learning   to   perceive   an  
emotional   expression,   as   well   as   the   control   over   the   display   of   emotions   depends   on  
cultural   factors.   Members   of   a   certain   society   learn   what   to   become   emotional   about   based  
on   the   set   of   cultural   values   cultivated   within   that   society.   They   also   learn   what   kinds   of  
emotional   reactions   are   appropriate   to   have   after   an   emotion   is   elicited,   and   what   range   of  
behaviors  is  acceptable  for  individuals  to  engage  in  after  emotions  occur.    
Cultures   generate   attitudes,   values,   and   beliefs   about   emotions   that   are   supposed   to  
guide   individuals   in   handling   their   emotions.   In   that   sense,   cultures   can   promote   or   inhibit  
emotions,   and   even   produce   culture-­‐specific   emotions.     Thus,   American,   Japanese,   and  
Korean  cultures  are  found  to  cultivate  different  patterns  of  covering  anger  with  the  social  
12  
 
smile,  which  also  affects  the  way  in  which  the  display  of  such  complex  emotional  states  are  
perceived  by  the  observers  within  those  cultures  (Matsumoto,  Hwang,  and  Yamada  2012).    
Music   addresses   such   enculturation   issues   by   placing   musical   emotions   within   a  
specific  context  of  a  genre,  title,  tempo  and  dynamics.  Together,  these  referents  are  capable  
of  significantly  altering  a  display  of  a  particular  emotion,  prompting  the  listener  to  take  a  
particular  attitude  towards  music.  Thus,  the  national  anthem  of  Israel,  Hatikva  expresses  a  
sad   emotion.   The   genre   of   a   national   anthem   points   to   the   importance   of   this   emotion   to  
Jewish   culture,   and   the   fact   that   it   is   not   regarded   as   negative.   The   confident   impression  
produced   by   a   gradual   melodic   line,   slow   tempo,   and   loud   dynamics   further   corroborate  
this   impression   by   suggesting   that   sadness   in   Jewish   culture   should   not   be   viewed   as  
depression,   but   rather   awareness   of   past   history   of   prosecutions   and   strong   value   for  
compassion.  
Long-­‐lasting   exposure   to   a   particular   piece   of   music   definitely   is   capable   to   reinforce   a  
certain   cultural   perspective   on   a   given   emotion.   Thus,   listening   to   Hatikva   many   times  
within   the   celebrative   context   will   likely   reinforce   the   attitude   that   being   sensitive   and  
emotional   should   not   be   regarded   as   sense   of   weakness,   and   on   another   hand,   being   in  
touch  with  your  own  private  feelings  is  very  important  for  the  entire  nation.  Such  cultural  
connotation  is  specific  to  Jewish  culture,  and  therefore  is  cultivated  in  Jewish  music.        
Emotion   can   be   seen   as   fundamental   means   of   mediating   between   one’s   inner   and  
outer   world,   a   tool   of   adapting   one’s   behavior   that   is   more   immediate   and   reliable   than  
cognition.   Emotions   do   not   depend   on   thinking   -­‐   they   are   “relational”,   that   is,   they   result  
from  the  impact  of  noticed  changes.  Emotions  present  their  own  peculiar  angle  of  reflecting  
on   reality   by   allowing   an   individual   to   maintain   or   adjust   a   particular   relation   to   given  
events  which  are  important  to  that  individual.  The  strong  adaptive  value  gives  emotion  an  
evolutionary  magnitude.    

The  Genetic  Roots  of  Emotion  and  Music  

The   fact   that   the   display   patterns   for   the   same   emotion   stay   very   similar   across  
different   species   testifies   to   the   importance   of   emotion   to   the   survival   in   the   animal  
kingdom.   Thus,   the   baring   of   teeth,   characteristic   in   display   of   anger,   was   adaptive   as   a  
preparation  for  biting  in  attack;  narrowing  of  the  eyes  was  protecting  the  eye  from  injury  in  
combat.   High   reactivity   towards   specific   stimuli   early   in   life   also   points   to   the   evolutionary  
origin   of   emotions:   goslings   show   fear   when   exposed   to   the   shape   resembling   a   hawk  
without   ever   seeing   an   actual   hawk.   Evolutionary   factors   are   found   to   speed   up   linking   a  
given  environmental  stimulus  with  emotion,  of  enduring  such  a  connection,  and  mediating  
the  intensity  of  the  emotion.    
It  appears  that  emotions  are  somewhat  pre-­‐programmed  for  their  rapid  establishment,  
differentiation,   and   fine-­‐tuning   in   the   best   interests   of   an   individual.   A   number   of  
neurobiologists,   like   Paul   MacLean   or   Jaak   Panksepp,   speak   about   emotional   circuits  
embedded  subcortically  within  the  mammalian  brain.  Such  a  genetically  dictated  emotional  
operating   system   allows   newborn   animals   to   begin   responding   adequately   to   their  
environment  at  the  stage  when  these  animals  lack  any  cognitive  means  of  realization.  The  
circuits   responsible   for   dreaming,   anticipation,   the   pleasures   of   eating   as   well   as   the  
13  
 
consumption  of  other  resources,  anger,  fear,  love,  lust,  maternal  acceptance,  grief,  play,  and  
joy  ensure  effective  start  in  the  process  of  mental  development  (Panksepp  1998,  4).  
Panksepp   explains   the   organization   of   these   emotional   circuits   in   terms   of   computer  
hardware.   The   brain-­‐bio-­‐computer   has   an   operating   system   installed   in   the   read-­‐only  
memory  (ROM)  from  the  moment  of  birth.  ROM  functions  are  genetic  and  reside  in  lower,  
subcortical   regions   of   the   brain.   More   intricate   functions   of   learning   and   cognition   are  
elaborated  in  the  random-­‐access  memory  (RAM),  which  is  more  flexible,  faster  and  can  be  
programmed  by  the  user  of  the  computer.  These  functions  are  evolutionarily  more  recent  
and   are   concentrated   in   the   neo-­‐cortex.   All   mammals   appear   to   have   very   similar   ROM  
functions,  while  humans  rely  on  far  more  developed  RAM-­‐like  neuro-­‐computational  space  
than   other   mammals.   The   basic   emotions   belong   to   ROM,   whereas   cognition   operates   in  
RAM  (ibid.,  20).  
By  this  scheme,  complex  emotions  and  adjusted  basic  emotions  (such  as  sense  of  fear  
moderated  in  certain  situations,  i.e.  a  stage  fright)  are  entered  in  RAM,  as  cognition  keeps  
regulating   the   pre-­‐programmed   emotional   responses   to   the   needs   of   an   individual.   The  
capacity   for   fine-­‐tuning   emotions   is   crucial   for   success,   especially   in   the   modern   urban  
environment,   where   complex   social   organization   makes   an   individual   cater   to   multiple  
contacts,  services,  and  tasks.  For  one  situation,  it  might  be  beneficial  to  have  a  heightened  
sense   of   fear   (investment   in   the   stock   market),   whereas   for   another   -­‐   to   have   fear  
minimized  (stage  fright).  Failure  to  optimize  an  emotion  is  directly  connected  to  negative  
outcomes  that  would  hurt  the  career  of  that  individual.  
Music,   with   its   capacity   to   continually   exercise   emotional   response,   and   with   the  
individual’s   control   over   the   choice   of   a   particular   kind   of   music,   provides   a   tool   par  
excellence   for   calibrating   emotions.   The   fixed   structure   of   emotion,   per   se,   as   well   as   the  
fixed   patterns   in   the   expression   of   emotional   display   (frowning,   smiling),   testify   to   the  
objectivity  of  emotions,  thereby,  correcting  the  older  scientific  views  dominant  in  the  20th  
century  which  held  emotion  to  be  as  something  inherently  changeable  and  subjective.  If  the  
mechanism   of   basic   emotions   is   genetically   embedded,   and   their   communication   is  
universal,   as   indicated   by   the   most   recent   research   that   distinguishes   between   universality  
of  basic  and  non-­‐basic  emotions  (Matsumoto  and  Hwang  2012),  then,  it  becomes  possible  
to  claim  that  people  experience  each  of  the  basic  emotions  in  essentially  the  same  way.    

Cross-­‐modal  Perception  of  Music    

Given  this  objective,  the  structured  status  of  emotion,  basic  musical  emotions  become  a  
likely  candidate  for  the  foundation  of  a  universal  “emotional  language”  of  music,  provided  
that  the  musical  descriptors  of  musical  emotions  (pitch,  rhythm,  meter,  harmony,  texture)  
do   not   require   any   conventional   referents   (knowledge   of   a   specific   configuration   of  
pitch/rhythm/meter/harmony/texture   pattern).   Many   elements   of   musical   composition  
can  be  emotionally  interpreted  on  this  basis,  and  are  clear  in  their  meaning  purely  by  the  
virtue  of  their  physical  properties:  loudness  –  standing  for  intensity,  register  –  for  size  (K.  
K.  Evans  and  Treisman  2011),  tempo  –  for  motion  (Feldman,  Epstein,  and  Richards  1992).  
There   are   a   number   of   acoustic   attributes   of   sound   that   do   not   require   knowledge   of  
convention  to  be  understood  -­‐  they  act  on  a  synesthetic  basis,  by  automatically  converting  
an  auditory  stimuli  into  some  sensory  images  or  qualities  of  other  sensory  modalities,  such  
14  
 
as   vision   or   palpation   (Marks   2014).   Such   cross-­‐modal   integration   seems   to   be   a  
widespread  phenomenon,  presenting  a  norm  rather  than  anomaly  for  humans  (Parise  and  
Spence  2009).  It  is  just  that  some  people  are  conscious  of  synesthetic  connections,  whereas  
others  are  not  (Simner  2012).    
The  ramifications  of  this  for  emotional  communication  are  far-­‐reaching.  An  emotional  
reaction  can  be  primed  by  a  visual  stimulus,  and  transferred  onto  the  auditory  domain  by  
means   of   shared   neural   resources.   There   is   experimental   support   for   such   cross-­‐modal  
interaction  of  auditory  and  visual  emotions  for,  both,  simultaneous  stimuli  and  sequential  
processing  (Logeswaran  and  Bhattacharya  2009).  An  example  of  such  interaction  could  be  
found  in  the  cross-­‐modal  correspondence  between  the  tonality/mode  of  music  and  colors  –  
evidently,   mediated   by   emotion   (Palmer   et   al.   2013).   In   practice,   emotional   reference  
works   in   a   complex   manner,   integrating   a   specific   configuration   of   auditory   attributes:  
thus,  music-­‐color  associations  involve  a  combination  of  tempo,  mode,  timbre,  and  harmony  
(Tsang  and  Schloss  2012).    
However,   some   important   auditory   attributes   have   demonstrated   stable   synesthetic  
associations  that  can  bear  definitive  emotional  values.    
• The   connection   between   loudness   and  intensity   (K.   K.   Evans   and   Treisman   2011)  
easily   directs   one   to   perceive   very   soft   sounds   as   tender,   whereas   very   loud   -­‐   as  
angry.    
• The   register/size   correspondence   (Marks   1978,   53)   suggests   cuteness   of   sounds  
that   are   very   high   in   pitch,   and   potential   threat   associated   with   very   low   pitches,  
since  they  characterize  very  big  creatures  that  can  inadvertently  harm  a  person.    
• Similar  correspondence  of  thickness  and  pitch,  discovered  in  infants  (Dolscheid  et  
al.  2014),  supports  the  association  of  chords  with  security,  whereas  single  sounds  
with  vulnerability.    
• Synesthetic   mapping   between   lightness   and   melodic   interval   (Hubbard   1996)  
allows   to   associate   a   stepwise   melody   in   high   register   with   light   and   kindness,  
versus  leaps  in  low  register  with  darkness  and  evil.    
• The   cross-­‐modal   link   between   audition   and   tactile   sensation   (Kim   and   Zatorre  
2010)  enables  the  vibrotactile  discrimination  of  musical  timbre  and  texture  (Russo,  
Ammirante,   and   Fels   2012):   i.e.   pleasant   “velvet”   sound   of   tenor   saxophone  
(Nykänen  2004).  There  is  evidence  of  connection  between  the  growling  timbre  of  
distorted  electric  guitar  and  the  state  of  aggression  (Tsai  et  al.  2010).    
• Musical   articulation   also   carries   cross-­‐modal   functionality:   staccato   manner   of  
performance   is   associated   with   angular   shapes   and   discomfort,   whereas   legato  
articulation,  with  rounded  shapes  and  pleasure  (Weinstein  and  Gridley  2010).    
Hearing   of   musical   patterns   with   salient   features   of   register,   loudness,   textural  
thickness,   articulation,   melodic   intervallic   size,   and   timbre   –   coordinated   with   tempo   and  
metro-­‐rhythmic   features,   are   capable   of   invoking   imagery   of   physical   motion   of   very  
specific   type,   i.e.   gesture   or   gait   that   can   be   highly   suggestive   of   a   particular   expression  
(Clarke   2001).   Thus,   music   can   project   the   impression   of   panting   while   running.   or   of  
laziness   while   stretching.   The   connection   between   a   particular   configuration   of   auditory  
markers  is  shown  to  provide  a  stable  reference  to  a  certain  cross-­‐modal  analog  in  physical  
15  
 
reality:  i.e.  descending  melodic  motion  is  associated  with  diminuendo  and  relaxation  (Eitan  
and  Granot  2006).      
Such   emotional   associations   do   not   really   depend   that   much   on   the   listener’s  
familiarity   with   the   conventions   of   musical   grammar   adopted   within   his   music   community.  
Unless   his   musical   culture   deliberately   breaks   away   from   the   “natural”   synesthetic  
connections   (which   is   not   that   common),   any   listener   has   a   good   chance   of   figuring   out   the  
emotional   “meaning”   of   a   music   work   by   just   resorting   to   its   cross-­‐modal   functionality.    
Universality   of   basic   musical   emotions   across   different   cultures   must   owe   itself   to   such  
synesthetic  connections.  

Musical  Emotions  Across  Cultures  

There   is   enough   evidence   to   conclude   safely   that   the   basic   emotions   are   universally  
recognized  within  the  same  culture:  where  the  presented  music  is  native  to  the  listeners.  In  
a   major   experimental   study   (Mohn,   Argstatter,   and   Wilker   2011)   a   group   of   115   university  
students  were  able  to  identify  six  basic  universal  emotions  in  completely  unknown  musical  
stimuli,   in   most   cases   well   above   chance   level.   The   ability   to   detect   musical   emotions   did  
not  seem  to  be  influenced  by  musical  experience  or  personality  traits,  with  recognition  of  
happiness   and   sadness   with   extremely   high   reliability   –   testifying   to   the   centrality   of   these  
two  emotions  for  Western  music.  Evidently,  laypeople  are  competent  enough  to  recognize  
and  match  the  structures  of  musical  idioms  to  the  structure  of  basic  emotions  –  following  
the  convention  accepted  within  their  native  culture.  
The   research   in   recognition   of   emotions   in   music   across   different   cultures   is   limited,  
but   seems   to   point   in   the   direction   of   music   being,   not   only   a   refined   product   of   human  
culture,  but  part  of  human  nature  –  a  part  of  humanity’s  genetic  foundation.  Indeed,  those  
few  studies  that  examined  recognition  of  musical  emotions  by  the  listeners  across  Western,  
Japanese,   Hindustani,   and   Chinese   cultures   reported   that   subjects   did   succeed   in  
distinguishing  joy,  sadness  and  anger  in  music  unfamiliar  to  their  cultures.  Early  ability  to  
extract   emotion   intentions   from   music,   when   nine   months   old   infants   are   shown   to  
discriminate   between   happy   and   sad   music,   also   supports   the   idea   of   biological  
preparedness  for  music  (Peretz  2013).    
One   of   such   studies   examined   emotional   recognition   of   Western   music   by   German  
listeners   and   Mafa   people,   with   music   composed   specifically   for   this   experiment   (Fritz,  
Sammler,   and   Koelsch   2006).   The   Mafa   are   one   of   approximately   250   ethnic   groups   that  
make  up  the  population  of  Cameroun.  They  are  culturally  isolated  and  live  in  the  Extreme  
North  Province  in  the  Mandara  mountain  range.  The  remote  Mafa  settlements  do  not  even  
have   electrical   supply,   and   are   inhabited   by   individuals   who   pursue   a   traditional   lifestyle  
and  have  not  been  exposed  to  Western  music.  Both,  German  and  Mafa  listeners  identified  
all   three   emotions   in   the   music   samples   at   levels   that   were   above   chance   performance.  
Among   German   listeners,   recognition   of   happy   music   (99%)   was   slightly   better   than   sad  
music   (93%)   or   scary   music   (81%).   Similarly,   among   the   Mafa   listeners,   recognition   of  
happy  music  (65%)  was  better  than  sad  music  (49%)  or  scary  music  (48%).  Interestingly,  
the  capacity  to  decode  emotional  expressions  was  significantly  correlated  with  the  degree  
of   appreciation   of   the   compositions,   supporting   the   studies   on   the   contribution   of   empathy  
to  emotional  reaction  to  music.  
16  
 
The  universality  of  basic  musical  emotions  could  originate  in  common  neural  pathways  
shared  by  emotional  vocalizations  in  verbal  language  and  music.  A  recent  study  (Bowling  et  
al.   2012)   examined   the   spectral   analysis   of   happy   and   sad   music   of   Western   (classical)   and  
Eastern   (South   Indian   Carnatic)   traditions   versus   the   happy   and   sad   speech   of   American  
English  and  Indian  Tamil  speakers.  The  results  demonstrated  close  relationships  between  
tonal  variations  in  the  prosody  of  both  verbal  languages  and  both  types  of  music.  Melodic  
intervals   in   both   traditions   were   found   to   be   generally   larger   in   happy   melodies,   and  
smaller   in   sad   ones.     Similarly,   in   both   languages,   negative/subdued   expressions   were  
characterized  by  relatively  small  prosodic  intervals,  whereas  positive/excited  expressions  
were   characterized   by   relatively   large   prosodic   intervals.   This   finding   supports   the  
previous   reports   of   similarity   between   tempo,   intensity   and   timbre   between   verbal   and  
musical  expressions  of  the  same  emotion  (Juslin  and  Laukka  2003).  
For   example,   in   both   vocal   and   musical   expressions,   happiness   and   anger   are  
associated   with   increases   in   speech   rate/tempo   and   voice   intensity/sound   level,   whereas  
sadness   and   tenderness   are   associated   with   decreases   in   speech   rate/tempo   and   voice  
intensity/sound   level.   A   review   of   77   studies   of   vocal   expression   and   35   music  
performances   seems   to   support   the   conclusion   that   musicians   spontaneously   structure  
their  performance  in  a  way  that  resembles  the  overt  expression  of  emotions  in  speech.  The  
most  recent  studies  support  this  assumption:  thus,  American  listeners  were  quite  effective  
in   identifying   3   basic   emotions   (happiness,   sadness,   &   anger)   in   Korean   folk   songs   (Kwoun  
2009).  
Yet   another   possibility   is   that   music   and   movement   share   a   common   structure   that  
affords   equivalent   and   universal   emotional   expressions.   The   computer   generations   of  
matching   patterns   of   music   and   motion   appear   to   trigger   similar   emotional   response   in  
American  college  students  and  inhabitants  of  a  Kreung  village  in  Cambodia  (Sievers  et  al.  
2013).   The   Kreung   participants’   idea   of   “sad”   was   more   similar   to   the   American   “sad”  
prototype   than   to   any   other   emotional   prototype,   and   this   cross-­‐cultural   similarity   was  
observed  for  all  emotions  except  “angry.”  This  pattern  also  held  for  the  movement  results  
when   considered   separately   from   music.   When   the   music   results   were   evaluated   alone,  
three  of  the  five  emotions  (happy,  sad,  and  scared)  were  closer  to  the  matching  American  
prototype   than   any   nonmatching   prototypes.   These   results   suggest   that   the   dynamic  
features   of   emotional   expression   are   cross-­‐culturally   universal   for   “angry,”   “happy,”  
“peaceful,”   “sad,”   and   “scared”   expression,   and   share   similar   dynamic   contours   in   both  
music  and  movement.  
  The   cross-­‐modal   nature   of   musical   expression   must   be   responsible   for   the   ability   of  
human   newborns   to   readily   respond   to   emotional   communication   –   together   with   the  
genetic   component   of   emotional   receptivity.   In   newborns,   display   of   emotional  
organization   can   be   observed   early   in   life,   such   as   disturbed   limb   movement   that  
accompanies  the  wiping  of  the  baby’s  nose.  Differentiation  between  emotions  occurs  within  
the  first  year  of  life:  distress  at  four  weeks  of  age,  joy  at  six  weeks,  anger  at  four  months,  
disgust  -­‐  at  six,  and  fear  -­‐  at  eight  months  (Witherington  et  al.  2010).  
The   development   of   complex   emotions   goes   by   the   same   accelerated   pace.   The   basic  
emotions,  universally,  and  likely  genetically  shared  by  all  mammals,  are  believed  to  interact  
in   their   mechanisms   and   produce   more   complex,   at   first   secondary,   and   then   tertiary  
emotions.   As   the   infant   grows,   so   does   his   awareness   of   his   surroundings.   He   becomes  
17  
 
involved   in   more   complex   interactions   with   his   caretakers.   Researchers   report   observing  
such   complex   emotions   as   shyness   in   four   month   olds,   jealousy   in   babies   of   about   8  
months,   and   embarrassment   in   the   ages   between   nine   months   and   two   years   (Draghi-­‐
Lorenz,  Reddy,  and  Costall  2001).  
The   structural   consistency   of   the   primary   emotions   is   what   allows   more   complex  
emotions   to   form.   In   order   for   a   complex   emotion   to   evolve,   each   of   the   emotional  
components  that  comprise  that  new  state,  important  in  the  life  of  that  given  individual,  has  
to   be   continuously   re-­‐experienced   until   the   new   state   is   sufficiently   reinforced   to   be  
remembered   by   the   organism.     Despite   their   non-­‐genetic   component,   it   is   likely   that  
complex  emotions  are  also  transferrable  across  cultural  barriers.  
Thomson   and   Balkwill   (Thompson   and   Balkwill   2010)   define   a   special   category   of  
markers   responsible   for   emotional   connotations   across   cultures   -­‐   psychophysical   cues   that  
include   rate,   intensity,   timbre   and   pitch,   and   along   with   culture-­‐specific   cues   (e.g.  
harmonic,   rhythmic   patterns)   enhance   the   recognition   process   for   members   of   the   same  
culture.  These  psychophysical  cues  are  not  merely  the  result  of  innate  processes,  but  also  
reflect   other   systemic   constraints:   i.e.   musical   expression   of   high-­‐arousal   emotions   (like  
anger  or  excitement)  may  be  characterized  by  attributes  that  reflect  the  increased  oxygen  
requirements   associated   with   high-­‐arousal   states   (faster   respiratory   rate).   Because   the  
connection   between   oxygen   requirements   and   arousal   states   is   ubiquitous,   certain  
attributes  of  high-­‐arousal  music  are  likely  to  occur  across  cultures.  When  cultural-­‐specific  
cues   are   unfamiliar   or   absent,   listeners   may   still   perceive   psychophysical   cues   such   as  
faster  tempo  and  increased  [auditory]  volume.  These  cues  provide  listeners  with  a  general  
understanding   of   the   intended   emotion   even   for   unfamiliar   musical   styles   –   providing   a  
work-­‐around  when  the  listener  has  no  knowledge  of  that  culture’s  musical  conventions.  

Are  Musical  Emotions  Objective?  

The   connection   between   music   and   emotion   is   quite   well   established:   79   experimental  
studies  between  1892  and  2000  have  found  a  stable  connection  between  the  recognition  of  
at   least   a   few   emotional   states   or   emotional   conditions   and   specific   pieces   of   music.   The  
accuracy   varied   depending   on   the   emotion   and   music.   Accuracy   was   very   high   for   gaiety,  
joy,  and  assertion;  lower,  but  still  well  above  chance  level  for  calm,  sorrow,  tenderness,  and  
yearning;   but   less   direct   with   the   latter   ones,   which   were   sometimes   confused   with   each  
other.   The   ability   to   discriminate   musical   emotional   expressions   had   no   relation   to   general  
intelligence   or   musical   training,   and   carried   only   low   correlations   with   scores   on   the  
Seashore  Measures  of  Musical  Talents,  suggesting  that  emotional  communication  through  
music   is   a   general   function   for   any   human   being.   Overall,   recognition   stays   reliable   for  
positive  emotions  of  gaiety,  happiness,  joy,  mischievousness;  negative  emotions  of  sadness,  
sorrow;  anger-­‐hate;  dullness;  states  of  high  arousal  and  low  arousal  (excitement/calm)  and  
social  emotions  of  tenderness,  and  dignity  (Gabrielsson  and  Juslin  2003).  
Emotional  communication  through  music  appears  to  operate  on  objective  grounds,  at  
least   with   an   adult   audience   that   shares   the   same   cultural   background   as   the   creator   of   the  
music.   A   musical   emotion   is   realized   by   the   musician,   brought   to   life   through   performance,  
identified   by   the   adult   listener,   who   then   generates   the   same   emotional   state   via   the  
mechanisms   of   emotional   contagion.   Such   a   chain   supports   the   objective   perspective   of  
18  
 
musical  emotion.    This  is  not  to  say  that  there  is  no  subjective  component  in  it.  Like  verbal  
expression,   musical   expression   involves   both   facets:   the   information   conveyed   through   the  
act   of   perception   and   auditory   processing   of   the   signal   is   objective,   but   the   individual  
listener’s  associations  and  experience  of  the  physiological  response  is  subjective.  

Connotation  and  Denotation  in  Music  

The  objective  basis  of  emotion  lies  in  the  shared  physiological  structures  of  the  basic,  
primary   emotions.   In   linguistic   terms,   this   objective   aspect   can   be   called   “denotation”.  
Musical   emotion   denotes   a   certain   set   of   physiological   conditions   in   listeners.   The  
subjective  aspect  of  emotion  can  be  called  “connotation”:  musical  emotion  invokes  not  only  
a   sympathetic   response   in   listeners,   but   it   also   triggers   certain   attitudes,   evaluations   and  
resolutions   from   the   listener’s   past   experience,   unique   to   that   individual.   For   instance,   a  
sad   expression   can   connote   nostalgia   in   one   person,   melancholy   in   another,   and  
misanthropy  in  a  third.  Such  variance  depends  on  the  post-­‐emotional  mentalization  at  the  
moment  of  listening,  combined  with  the  person’s  memory  of  the  past  experience.    
The   discrepancy   between   connotational   and   denotational   emotional   “meanings”   is  
responsible  for  apparent  contradictions  in  semantic  values  of  the  very  same  music  in  eyes  
of   different   people.   Using   an   example   of   Stephan   Vitas,   many   people   hear   the   opening   of  
Beethoven’s   9th   Symphony   as  “man   meets   the   Creator   in   the   great   hall   of   the   universe”;  
yet  on   a   radio   talk   show   one   woman   said   she   heard   the   same   passage   as  “the   rapist  
confronts   his   victim.”   It   appears   that   both   emotions   deny   each   other,   therefore   testifying  
towards   arbitrariness   of   musical   emotion.   However,   the   contradiction   in   this   example   is  
illusory.    What  matters  here  is  not  the  conceptual  conclusion,  but  the  perception  prior  to  it.  
Musical   communication   handles   matters   up   to   this   point:   both,   an   admirer   of   Beethoven,  
and   this   woman   agree   in   recognizing   the   strength   and   awe   represented   by   Beethoven’s  
configuration  of  pitch,  meter,  rhythm  and  texture.  Beyond  that  comes  the  turn  for  cognition  
of  feeling  and  psychological  interpretations.  But  this  is  no  different  than  reaction  to  speech,  
where  the  realization  of  being  offended  often  follows  after  some  deliberation  of  what  was  
heard.   If   no   one   would   dispute   the   capacity   of   speech   to   convey   emotion,   then   the   same  
should  be  reserved  for  music.  
Emotional   communication   through   music   operates   primarily   through   emotional  
denotation,   leaving   emotional   connotation   as   an   individualized   response   of   each   listener.  
Musical  experience  is  shown  to  be  very  private.  Experimental  investigation  of  psychological  
and  physiological  reactions  (skin  conductance  response)  while  listening  in  a  social  setting  
versus   private   listening   demonstrates   (H.   Egermann   et   al.   2011),   beyond   any   doubt,   that  
listening   to   music   privately   is   more   arousing   than   listening   in   a   group.   There   are   more  
chills   reported   during   solitary   listening,   and   the   intensity   of   excitement   is   substantially  
higher.  This  leads  to  believe  that  emotional  connotation  is  the  primary  focus  of  emotional  
response   to   music   for   an   individual.   Emotional   denotation,   then,   is   needed   for   social  
reasons  –  to  keep  an  individual  in  tune  with  the  social  group  and  cultural  environment.  It  is  
important   to   remember   that   language   of   music   has   been   shaped   by   the   emotional  
denotation,   and   emotional   communication   would   not   be   possible   without   it.   Emotional  
19  
 
denotation   constitutes   the   principal   meaning   of   music,   and   emotional   connotation   builds  
upon  it.5  
Karl  Pribram  was  one  of  the  first  neuroscientists  to  put  forward  a  model  of  emotional  
semiosis   for   music   –   an   explanation   of   how   denotative   emotional   meaning   is   formed  
(Pribram  1982).    According  to  his  model,  a  particular  music  structure  obtains  its  meaning  
as   the   listener   builds   a   solid   memory   of   how   he   feels   while   listening   to   that   structure   –   the  
listener   averages   numerous   instances   of   listening   to   it   by   aggregating   patterns   of  
repetitions   of   that   structure,   as   well   as   variations   on   these   patterns.   The   mechanism   of  
learning   is   based   on   priming:   when   multiple   repetitions   establish   and   reinforce   an  
emotional   reflex   until   the   numerous   cultural   cues   adjust   the   emotional   reaction,   finalize,  
and  fix  a  particular  emotional  state.  Once  this  emotional  response  is  reinforced  a  number  of  
times,   this   state   becomes   conditioned   by   the   given   musical   structure.   It   can   still   be  
modified  or  reconditioned  by  variations  in  the  conditioning  pattern,  if  these  variations  are  
structurally  stable  enough  and  sufficiently  repeated.    
According   to   Pribram,   this   kind   of   emotional   meaning   is   processed   in   parallel,   quite  
independently   from   the   aesthetic   meaning,   which   is   related   mostly   to   recognition   of  
variations  between  the  familiar  musical  structures.  Pribram  believes  that  the  reason  for  the  
controversy  between  musicologists  as  to  what  constitutes  meaning  in  music  were  largely  
because   the   scholars   looked   for   sources   of   meaning   in   things   that   relate   to   music   structure  
by   reference,   via   cultural   convention,   whereas   in   truth   musical   structures   evoke   feeling  
rather  than  referencing  them.  
An  illustration  of  purely  emotional  meaning,  at  the  absence  of  aesthetic  evaluation  of  
music,   would   be   what   is   called   in   psychomusicology   “evaluative   conditioning”   –   the  
induction   of   emotion   by   purely   mechanical   pairing   of   a   specific   piece   of   music   with   a  
specific  positive  or  negative  stimulus.  Over  time,  after  repeated  exposure,  this  pairing  will  
become  fixed  into  a  “conditioned  stimulus,”  so  that  the  mere  entrance  of  familiar  pattern  of  
sounds   will   evoke   the   conditioned   emotional   state   even   if   the   person   is   not   consciously  
aware  of  music,  not  paying  attention  to  it,  or  is  busy  with  something  else.  Obviously,  in  such  
a   case,   a   person   would   not   be   capable   of   executing   aesthetic   evaluation,   yet   he   will   stay  
receptive  to  the  denotative  emotional  meaning  of  music  (Juslin  2011).  
Pribram’s   insight   resolves   the   question   of   the   objectivity   of   music.   If   musical  
denotation   is   made   by   means   of   direct   conditioning,   and   not   the   conscious   effort   of  
memorizing  a  reference,  then  musical  denotation  is  undoubtedly  an  objective  process.  Just  
as   the   smell   of   food   induces   the   emotion   of   hunger   –   musical   structures   elicit   specific  
emotional  responses  in  a  listener.    
The   objectivity   of   musical   emotion   is   further   supported   by   progress   in   the   automatic  
recognition   of   perceived   emotion   in   music.   A   number   of   engineers,   starting   from   2000,  

                                                                                                               
5  Of   course,   it   should   be   remembered   that   denotation   is   a   voluntary   act,   and   as   such,   learning   a  

denotation  requires  an  individual’s  willingness  to  admit  the  convention  of  ascribing  a  particular  
emotional  condition  to  a  particular  structural  element  of  music.  If  for  some  reason  an  individual  
has   aversion   to   such   an   emotional   condition   or   musical   element,   the   denotation   mechanism  
cannot   be   established.   This   is   in   contrast   to   the   musical   connotation,   which   seems   to   operate  
semi-­‐automatically.    
20  
 
have  been  working  to  build  applications  capable  of  organizing  musical  databases  according  
to   the   emotional   content   of   music.   Automated   emotion   recognition   obviously   would   not   be  
possible  unless  there  is  a  definable  set  of  emotional  markers  objectively  present  in  music.  
Most   of   such   software   is   based   on   the   extraction   of   musical  attributes   from   a   live   stream   of  
music  and  formulating  an  analytic  algorithm  for  the  computer  to  follow,  in  the  process  of  
which   the   program   would   fine-­‐tune   the   correlation   between   a   detected   structure   and   a  
particular   emotional   label   provided   by   the   human   annotators   –   quite   similar   to   optical  
character  recognition  (OCR)  (Yang  and  Chen  2011,  15–33).  

Is  Music  Meaning  Cumulative?  

A   relatively   common   argument   against   the   objective   nature   of   emotional  

communication   in   music   expressed   in   musicological   papers   is   that   the   listener  
spontaneously   imagines   certain   characters   upon   listening   to   music,   and   then   experiences  
emotional   states   that   are   completely   unique   and   individual   to   himself.   According   to   this  
view,   a   listener   comes   up   with   his   own   stories   and   emotional   sequences,   following   his  
intuition   and   previous   experience,   and   music   only   serves   as   a   general   trigger   for   this  
creative  process.  
This   view   is   corrected   by   a   number   of   studies   that   demonstrate,   rather   convincingly,  
that  listeners  tend  to  agree  remarkably  close  to  each  other  in  their  definition  of  emotional  
states   for   a   given   piece   of   music.   Even   stronger   evidence   for   the   objectivity   of   musical  
emotions   is   provided   by   studies   that   trace   which   exact   structural   element   in   a   musical  
composition   was   responsible   for   triggering   a   specific   emotional   reaction.   Studies  
conducted  by  John  Sloboda  and  Patrick  Juslin  demonstrate  that  the  emotional  response  to  a  
piece   of   music   comes   not   as   a   result   of   some   average   mentalized   impression   from   the  
entirety  of  the  music,  but  occurs  at  the  moment  when  the  listener  detects  specific  musical  
structures.  Thus,  Sloboda  (Sloboda  1991)  reported  that  a  significant  number  of  people  can  
reliably   recall   “peak”   emotional   experiences   pinpointing   the   place   in   the   music   where   it  
happened.   Not   only   that,   but   repeated   listening   to   the   same   place   would   subsequently  
evoke  the  same  reaction.  In  most  cases  the  reported  location  corresponded  with  a  syntactic  
change   in   the   composition,   when   one   musical   element   audibly   replaced   some   other  
element.     Later   analysis   made   it   possible   to   reduce   the   typology   of   the   changes   in   music  
syntax   to   ten   harmonic,   melodic,   rhythmic,   metric   or   textural   contrasts   in   music.   The   more  
of   these   10   devices   coincided   in   time,   the   more   intense   were   the   peaks   of   emotional  
experience  (Lehmann,  Sloboda,  and  Woody  2007,  220).  
The   syntactic   basis   for   these   emotional   reactions   is   also   evident   in   the   practice   of  
learning   a   new   music   piece   by   a   professional   musician   or   student   of   music.   As   a   rule,  
preparing   for   performance   involves   affective   “self-­‐induction”:   a   performer   practices   to   “get  
into   the   mood”   of   a   piece.   At   this   stage   it   is   common   for   performers   to   analyze   music   in  
search  of  the  musical  idioms  that  would  mark  a  contrast,  a  transformation,  or  a  variation  in  
musical   emotion.   Once   such   idioms   are   detected   and   emotionally   understood,   the  
performer  proceeds  to  build  a  “screenplay”  for  the  emotional  changes  within  that  musical  
composition  –  essentially,  designing  the  emotional  plan  for  future  performance.    The  notion  
of   giftedness   of   a   performer,   in   effect,   transpires   into   the   ability   to   construct   an   “emotional  
reality”   out   of   a   musical   text.   This   ability   is   the   chief   merit   capable   of   elevating   the  
21  
 
performer’s   status   to   that   of   a   composer   –   the   most   direct   indicator   of   the   performer’s  
creativity  (Persson  2010).    
Obviously,  there  must  be  a  limit  for  performer’s  “self-­‐induction.”  It  would  not  be  right  
for   him   to   develop   an   insight   into   a   lullaby   as   a   manifestation   of   a   heroic   character,   and  
perform   the   lullaby   loudly,   energetically,   and   in   fast   tempo.   The   syntax   of   the   music  
composition  is  responsible  for  moderating  the  fantasy  of  an  artist.  The  musical  idioms  set  
the  limits  as  to  how  far  a  particular  emotional  characteristic  can  be  pushed  in  performance,  
and   at   which   point   it   has   to   be   substituted   by   some   other   characteristic   feature.   For  
instance:  if  the  music  started  with  a  sad  expression,  and  suddenly,  there  is  a  fanfare  pattern  
appearing   in   the   melody,   this   would   be   a   signal   for   the   performer   to   switch   to   another  
musical  emotion  –  even  at  the  absence  of  any  instructions  in  the  score  made  by  a  composer.  
Not  doing  so  would  violate  the  music  text.    
Musical   emotions   depend   on   musical   structures,   and   the   emotional   meaning   is  
cumulative.   One   emotional   change   overrides   another   and   builds   a   narrative   no   different  
than  a  play  in  theater  or  a  film  in  cinema.  Similar  to  the  way  in  which  a  certain  ending  in  a  
theatrical   play   makes   sense   after   a   certain   beginning,   in   the   same   way   in   a   musical  
composition,   one   musical   emotion   makes   sense   in   conjunction   with   another   musical  
emotion.    
It   is   one   thing   when   music   starts   as   a   happy   dance,   becomes   sad,   and   then   finally  
returns   back   to   its   original   happy   state   (as   in   Grieg’s   “Homeward”,   Op.   62,   No.   6).   It’s   an  
entirely   different   matter   when   the   sequence   of   emotions   occurs   in   reverse   order   (as   in  
Grieg’s  “Homesickness”,  Op.  57,  No.  6).    
In  the  first  case  (Homeward),  the  music  makes  an  overall  impression  of  “merriment”,  
temporarily   clouded   by   a   sad   episode   in   the   middle,   which   appears   as   a   moment   of  
weakness   and   loneliness,   amidst   a   general   state   of   happiness.   In   this   second   case  
(Homesickness),   the   overall   impression   becomes   one   of   tragic   hopelessness.   Here,   the  
music  starts  in  a  sad  mood,  changes  into  a  happy  dance  temporarily,  and  then  returns  back  
to   its   original   sad   mood.   It   is   worth   noting   that   both   pieces   were   written   within   2   years,   by  
the  same  artist,  for  the  same  instrument  (piano  solo),  within  the  same  genre  of  “lyric  piece”  
(coined  by  Grieg),  and  are  extremely  close  stylistically.  This  is  all  to  say  that  the  emotional  
differences   are   a   result   only   due   to   the   different   order   of   musical   emotions   presented   –   not  
any  secondary  factors  due  to  style,  genre,  etc.  
It   appears   that   the   rule   of   a   thumb   in   the   accumulation   of   emotional   meaning   is   that  
whichever   a   musical   emotion   is   “sandwiched”   between   two   occurrences   of   another  
emotion,   this   “sandwiched”   emotion   serves   only   to   reinforce   the   initial   (and   concluding)  
musical  emotion.  It  is  therefore  evident  that  the  order  of  the  musical  emotions  affects  the  
emotional  meaning  of  a  music  work.    
Surveys  of  expert  musicians  from  different  countries  reveal  that  99%  of  them  believe  
that  music  expresses  emotions,  and  define  expression  mainly  in  terms  of  “communicating  
emotions.”  Most  of  them  (83%)  consider  themselves  expressing  specific  emotions  in  their  
playing  “always”  or  “often”  (Juslin  2005).  The  musical  markers  of  certain  emotions,  evident  
from   the   body   of   psychoacoustic   research,   include   tempo,   harmonic   mode,   harmonic  
changes,   modulation   in   key,   pitch   contours,   micro-­‐tonal   inflections,   intervallic   contrasts,  
rhythmic   grouping,   dynamic   and   timbral   contrasts,   expressive   timing,   articulation,  
22  
 
accentuation,   tone   attacks   and   decays,   and   vibrato.   Specific   combinations   of   these   markers  
are   shown   to   provide   cues   for   which   emotion   is   implied   in   music.   Thus   fast   tempo,   loud  
dynamics   and   detached   articulation   characterizes   the   display   of   joy.   One   of   the   reasons  
why   becoming   highly   qualified   in   music   performance   takes   so   long,   and   relatively   few  
students   attain   the   level   of   mastery   in   being   able   to   emotionally   drive   their   audiences  
according   to   their   plan   –   is   the   sheer   complexity   of   the   configuration   of   the   structural  
elements  of  music  in  relation  to  the  emotional  expression.  There  are  an  enormous  amount  
of  syntactic  units  and  rules  a  performer  must  know  in  order  to  be  able  to  detect  most  music  
idioms  contained  in  a  music  work.  

Are  Musical  Emotions  Really  Felt?  

Recently,  a  number  of  researchers  raised  an  interesting  question:  are  musical  emotions  
really  felt?    Or,  do  listeners  simply  recognize  what  emotion  is  implied  by  music,  but  block  
themselves   from   its   direct   experience?   Many   earlier   studies   did   not   account   in   their  
experimental  setting  for  the  possibility  that  verbal  self-­‐reports  of  musical  emotions  by  the  
subjects  of  a  study  may  be  unreliable  –  because  listeners  confuse  the  emotions  expressed  in  
the   music   with   their   own   emotions   in   their   answers   to   the   questionnaires.   Yet   another  
problem  is  the  way  in  which  performers  handle  their  emotional  reactions  during  practicing  
–   especially,   when   they   drill   “cold”   technical   use   of   specific   expressive   structures  
(Gabrielsson  2002).    
Of   course,   a   number   of   studies   have   avoided   this   pitfall   by   cross-­‐referring   the   verbal  
reports  with  the  data  of  physiological  responses  to  music.  Several  experiments  have  shown  
that  music  listening  can  give  rise  to  physiological  responses  very  similar  to  those  shown  by  
“natural”   emotional   stimuli,   such   as   physical   events.   The   reports   on   psychophysiological  
responses  to  music  include  changes  in  heart  rate,  biochemical  responses,  skin  temperature,  
skin   conductance,   respiration,   blood   pressure,   muscular   tension,   blood   volume,   gastric  
mobility,  blood  oxygen,  and  pupillary  and  startle  reflexes  (Juslin  1993).  
Different   pieces   of   music   can   produce   different   patterns   of   physiological   responses,  
such   that   it   is   possible   to   discriminate   between   emotions   based   on   the   unique  
configuration  of  psychophysiological  measurements  (Krumhansl  1997).  
More  recent  studies  of  brain  activation  provide  additional  support  for  the  “reality”  of  
emotional  reactions  to  music.  Listeners’  responses  to  music  activate  brain  regions  that  are  
known   from   previous   studies   to   be   implicated   in   emotional   responses.   Functional  
neuroimaging  and  lesion  studies  show  that  music-­‐evoked  emotions  can  modulate  activity  
in   virtually   all   limbic   and   paralimbic   brain   structures.   These   structures   are   crucially  
involved  in  the  initiation,  generation,  detection,  maintenance,  regulation,  and  termination  
of  emotions  (Koelsch  2010).    
Further   evidence   that   listeners   actually   “feel”   musical   emotions   comes   from   research  
on  behavior  influenced  by  exposure  to  music.  Observation  of  changes  of  facial  expressions  
corroborated   with   electromyographic   (EMG)   measures   of   facial   muscles   and   measurement  
of  heart  rate  fluctuations  throughout  listening  to  music  that  expresses  different  emotions,  
leave   no   doubt   that   listeners   actually   feel   what   they   report.   The   negative   reaction   to  
negative   emotions,   and   positive   reaction   to   positive   emotions   becomes   even   more  
23  
 
pronounced   with   longer   exposure   to   music   (Witvliet   and   Vrana   2007).   Lundqvist   et   al.  
added   extra   measurements   of   skin   conductance   and   finger   temperature,   and   had   music  
composed   specifically   for   the   study   to   avoid   possible   familiarity   of   the   subjects   with   the  
music  that  could  have  affected  their  emotional  reactions.  The  results  confirmed  the  other  
studies,  leading  to  the  conclusion  that  “emotions  induced  by  music  are  genuine  emotions  -­‐  
the  same  as  people  experience  in  real  life”  (Lundqvist  et  al.  2008).  
More  specific  psychological  studies  based  on  questionnaires  addressed  the  issue  of   the  
authenticity   of   musically   induced   emotions   by   directly   asking   the   subjects   what   they   felt  
while   listening,   and   what   emotion   they   recognized   in   the   music.   For   the   most   part,   the  
correspondence   between   the   two   was   high.   There   was,   however,   a   listener   bias:   positive  
musical   emotions   were   reported   as   felt   more   often   than   recognized,   while   the   opposite  
held  for  negative  emotions  (i.e.  fear).  This  may  reflect  most  listeners’  aesthetic  bias  –  they  
identify  fear  as  a  negative  emotion  within  the  context  of  music,  but  regard  the  experience  of  
“fear”  as  “positive”  in  relation  to  their  listening  experience  (Kallinen  and  Ravaja  2006).  This  
is   not   unlike   people’s   enjoyment   of   horror   films   and   roller   coasters   which   elicit   strong  
negative   emotions,   but   are   reported   as   “enjoyable”   activities.   Similar   results   were   obtained  
when  the  subjects  were  asked  to  imagine  a  piece  of  music  and  report  the  emotional  content  
of  the  imagined  sounds  (P.  Evans  and  Schubert  2008).  
A   dedicated   interview-­‐based   study,   designed   to   define   the   relationship   between   felt  
and  performed  emotions  in  performing  musicians  while  preparing  for  their  performances,  
revealed   that   musicians   use   different   strategies   to   manipulate   their   emotions.   In   the   first  
stages   of   work,   they   distinguish   between   their   own   practice-­‐related   emotions   (i.e.  
frustration)  and  emotions  related  to  music  (i.e.  delight).  As  the  study  progresses,  they  cut  
down   on   the   practice-­‐related   emotions   and   focus   more   on   the   musical   emotions.   When   the  
performance  plan  is  created,  the  “feeling”  of  musical  emotions  transforms  into  “knowing”  
them.  As  the  performer  polishes  the  musical  expressions  in  preparation  for  a  concert,  the  
intensity   of   felt   emotions   wanes.   Finally,   when   a   performer   comes   close   to   the   date   of   a  
public  performance,  and  the  technicality  of  the  piece  is  mastered,  he  emphasizes  feeling  the  
musical  emotions  once  more  (Van  Zijl  and  Sloboda  2011).  
In   addition   to   the   emotions   directly   induced   by   music,   another   important   emotional  
response  to  consider  is  the  listener’s  aesthetic  evaluation  of  the  music  they  hear.  A  number  
of  composers,  critics,  and  musicologists  of  the  20th  century  contend  that  “beauty”  in  music  
is  historically  limited,  and  no  longer  relevant  for  modern  art.  This  view  is  inconsistent  with  
psychological   investigations   of   aesthetic   perception   of   music   by   performers,   for   instance,  
which   confirm   that   musicians   evaluate   music   in   terms   of   “beauty”.   This   indicates   that  
beauty   is   central   to   the   concept   of   aesthetic   response   to   music.   The   feature   of   being  
“beautiful”  rates  the  highest  as  the  most  positive  of  the  adjectives  used  to  refer  to  the  value  
of  music.  Not  surprisingly,  experiencing  music  as  “beautiful”  tends  to  enhance  the  listener’s  
responses  to  the  expression  of  positive  musical  emotions.  However,  “beauty”  can  be  a  bit  
more   nuanced   than   it   would   first   seem   -­‐   “sad”   and   “beautiful”   can   co-­‐occur   in   an  
individual’s   estimation   of   a   musical   expression,   whereas   “ugly”   and   “beautiful”,   were   not  
ever  reported  together  by  study  participants  (Van  Zijl  and  Sloboda  2011).  
So,   there   are   three   distinct   emotional   phases   that   make-­‐up   the   music   listening  
experience:    
24  
 
(1) the   musical   emotion,   i.e.   the   denotative   expressive   idiom(s)   conveyed   by   the  
music,    
(2) a   listener’s   physiological   emotional   response   to   the   musical   emotion  
(contingent   upon   the   listener   having   sufficient   emotional   priming   to   experience  
it),  and    
(3) the   emotional   response   the   listener   experiences   as   part   of   his   aesthetic  
evaluation  of  the  musical  work.    
For   example,   let’s   consider   a   piece   of   music   which   contains   a   period   (section   of   music)  
with   a   very   melancholy   character     (1)   (eg.   “Adagio   for   Strings”   by   Barber).   The   listener  
recognizes  this  music  as  “sad”,  and  emotes  to  it  by  experiencing  the  emotion  of  “sadness”  
(2).   However,   the   listener’s   aesthetic   judgment   (3)   of   the   work   is   “positive”   –   so   he  
considers   that   he   has   enjoyed   the   work,   despite   his   emotional   state   being   negative  
throughout  the  listening.  The  lack  of  understanding  of  the  distinction  between  the  second  
and  third  states  described  above  is  the  source  of  much  confusion  and  controversy  amongst  
researchers  in  the  field  of  music  and  emotion.  
It   seems   that   Karl   Pribram   was   generally   right   in   claiming   that   emotional   meaning  
should   be   distinguished   from   aesthetic   meaning,   and   that   both   of   them   can   oppose   each  
other.   Patrick   Juslin   also   finds   it   common   for   emotion   to   form   peculiar   relations   with   the  
aesthetic   response.   Although   in   many   cases,   aesthetic   evaluation   follows   the   emotional  
response,  a  piece  of  music  is  perfectly  capable  of  evoking  an  emotion  in  a  listener  without  
triggering   any   aesthetic   evaluation.   This   is   especially   likely   in   relation   to   a   piece   of   popular  
music,  which  usually  is  not  perceived  as  an  “art  object.”  On  another  hand,  it  is  possible  to  
prefer  a  piece  of  music  over  some  other  piece,  without  the  music  arousing  any  emotion  –  
just   by   the   virtue   of   liking   the   lyrics   of   that   song   or   the   sound   of   a   particular   musical  
instrument  (Juslin  2011).  
Altogether,  the  intricacies  of  distinguishing  emotional  and  aesthetic  meanings  in  music  
are   no   more   complex   than   in   speech.   Poetic   speech   presents   exactly   the   same   problem:   the  
literal   meaning   of   words   in   a   poem   cannot   be   taken   literally   without   consulting   the  
aesthetic   aspect   of   verbal   expression.   And   the   greater   the   aesthetic   value   in   poetic  
expression  is,  the  less  clear  the  exact  meaning  of  the  words  is.  The  opposite  is  also  true:  the  
more  clear  the  verbal  expression,  usually  the  less  value  it  bears  from  an  artistic  standpoint.  
Emotional   communication   through   music   pretty   much   follows   the   same   route   as  
conceptual   communication   through   verbal   speech.   Both   are   designed   to   facilitate  
coordination   between   an   individual   and   a   group.   Where   verbal   language   focuses   on  
conveying   factual   data,   music‘s   purpose   is   to   communicate   emotions.   This   narrow  
specialization  determines  the  entire  infrastructure  in  both,  music  and  verbal  language.    
• The  context  of  verbal  language  serves  to  establish  the  framework  of  reference  
for  concrete  objects,  their  qualities,  actions,  and  events.    
• The   context   of   music   reflects   on   emotional   states,   utilizing   representations   of  
qualities  and  actions  to  the  extent  necessary  to  establish  a  correlation  between  
conceptual  and  emotional  modes  of  thinking.    
The   way   in   which   verbal   language   encourages   conceiving   ideas   to   reflect   on   reality,  
music  promotes  the  generation  of  emotions.  Both  verbal  and  musical  modes  form  two  sides  
of   the   same   communication   coin.   The   development   of   both   the   conceptual   and   emotional  
25  
 
faculties   is   vital   for   the   survival   of   an   individual.   What   makes   music   special   is   its   greater  
accessibility:   due   to   its   reliance   on   genetically   embedded   sound   gestures   rather   than  
referential  conventions  of  meaning,  it  reaches  more  people  across  wider  cultural  borders.  
So   we   can   safely   conclude,   then,   that   the   common   figure   of   speech   is   literally   true:   music   is  
the  universal  language  of  emotion.  
 
REFERENCES:  
Bachorik,   Justin   Pierre,   Marc   Bangert,   Psyche   Loui,   Kevin   Larke,   Jeff   Berger,   Robert   Rowe,   and  
Gottfried   Schlaug.   2009.   “Emotion   in   Motion:   Investigating   the   Time-­‐Course   of   Emotional  
Judgments   of   Musical   Stimuli.”   Music  Perception:  An  Interdisciplinary  Journal   26   (4):   355–64.  
doi:10.1525/mp.2009.26.4.355.  
Bowling,   Daniel   Liu,   Janani   Sundararajan,   Shui’er   Han,   and   Dale   Purves.   2012.   “Expression   of  
Emotion  in  Eastern  and  Western  Music  Mirrors  Vocalization.”  Edited  by  Olaf  Sporns.  PLoS  ONE  
7  (3):  e31942.  doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0031942.  
Clarke,   Eric   F.   2001.   “Meaning   and   the   Specification   of   Motion   in   Music.”   Musicae  Scientiae   5   (2):  
213–34.  doi:10.1177/102986490100500205.  
Damasio,   Antonio.   2012.   Self   Comes   to   Mind:   Constructing   the   Conscious   Brain.   New   York:   Vintage  
Books.  https://books.google.com/books?id=PBH40-­‐TgBCgC.  
de   Waal,   Frans   B.   M.   2011.   “What   Is   an   Animal   Emotion?”   Annals   of   the   New   York   Academy   of  
Sciences  1224  (April):  191–206.  doi:10.1111/j.1749-­‐6632.2010.05912.x.  
Dolscheid,   S.,   S.   Hunnius,   D.   Casasanto,   and   A.   Majid.   2014.   “Prelinguistic   Infants   Are   Sensitive   to  
Space-­‐Pitch   Associations   Found   Across   Cultures.”   Psychological   Science   25   (6):   1256–61.  
doi:10.1177/0956797614528521.  
Draghi-­‐Lorenz,  Riccardo,  Vasudevi  Reddy,  and  Alan  Costall.  2001.  “Rethinking  the  Development  of  
‘Nonbasic’   Emotions:   A   Critical   Review   of   Existing   Theories.”   Developmental   Review   21   (3):  
263–304.  doi:10.1006/drev.2000.0524.  
Egermann,  H.,  M.  E.  Sutherland,  O.  Grewe,  F.  Nagel,  R.  Kopiez,  and  E.  Altenmuller.  2011.  “Does  Music  
Listening  in  a  Social  Context  Alter  Experience?  A  Physiological  and  Psychological  Perspective  
on  Emotion.”  Musicae  Scientiae  15  (3):  307–23.  doi:10.1177/1029864911399497.  
Egermann,   Hauke,   and   Stephen   McAdams.   2013.   “Empathy   and   Emotional   Contagion   as   a   Link  
Between   Recognized   and   Felt   Emotions   in   Music   Listening.”   Music   Perception:   An  
Interdisciplinary  Journal  31  (2):  139–56.  doi:10.1525/mp.2013.31.2.139.  
Eitan,   Zohar,   and   Roni   Y.   Granot.   2006.   “How   Music   Moves.”   Music   Perception   23   (3):   221–48.  
doi:10.1525/mp.2006.23.3.221.  
Ekman,   Paul.   2003.   Emotions   Revealed:   Recognizing   Faces   and   Feelings   to   Improve   Communication  
and  Emotional  Life.  London:  Macmillan.  https://books.google.com/books?id=JJ9xHXo7hPgC.  
Evans,  K.  K.,  and  A.  Treisman.  2011.  “Natural  Cross-­‐Modal  Mappings  between  Visual  and  Auditory  
Features.”  Journal  of  Vision  10  (1):  6–6.  doi:10.1167/10.1.6.  
Evans,   P.,   and   E.   Schubert.   2008.   “Relationships   between   Expressed   and   Felt   Emotions   in   Music.”  
Musicae  Scientiae  12  (1):  75–99.  doi:10.1177/102986490801200105.  
Feldman,  Jacob,  David  Epstein,  and  Whitman  Richards.  1992.  “Force  Dynamics  of  Tempo  Change  in  
Music.”   Music   Perception:   An   Interdisciplinary   Journal   10   (2):   185–203.  
doi:10.2307/40285606.  
Fritz,   Thomas,   Daniela   Sammler,   and   Stefan   Koelsch.   2006.   “How   Far   Is   Music   Universal?   An  
Intercultural   Comparison.”   In   9th   International   Conference   on   Music   Perception   &   Cognition,  
Bologna,   Italy,  edited  by  M.  Baroni,  A.  R.  Addessi,  R.  Caterina,  and  M.  Costa,  88.  Bologna,  Italy:  
26  
 
Bolonia  University  Press.  
Gabrielsson,   Alf.   2002.   “Emotion   Perceived   and   Emotion   Felt:   Same   or   Different?”   Musicae  Scientiae  
5  (1  suppl):  123–47.  doi:10.1177/10298649020050S105.  
Gabrielsson,   Alf,   and   Patrik   N.   Juslin.   2003.   “Emotional   Expression   in   Music.”   In   Handbook   of  
Affective  Sciences,  edited  by  R.  J.  Davidson,  K.  R.  Scherer,  and  H.  H.  Goldsmith,  503–34.  Series  in  
Affective  Science.  New  York,  NY,  US:  Oxford  University  Press.  
Gabrielsson,  Alf,  and  Siv  Lindström  Wik.  2003.  “Strong  Experiences  Related  to  Music:  Adescriptive  
System.”  Musicae  Scientiae  7  (2):  157–217.  doi:10.1177/102986490300700201.  
Hubbard,   Timothy   L.   1996.   “Synesthesia-­‐like   Mappings   of   Lightness,   Pitch,   and   Melodic   Interval.”  
The  American  Journal  of  Psychology  109  (2):  219–38.  
Humrichouse,   John,   Michael   Chmielewski,   Elizabeth   A.   McDade-­‐Montez,   and   David   Watson.   2007.  
“Affect  Assessment  Through  Self-­‐Report  Methods.”  In  Emotion  and  Psychopathology:  Bridging  
Affective  and  Clinical  Science,  edited  by  J.  Rottenberg  and  S.  L.  Johnson,  13–34.  Washington,  DC,  
US:  American  Psychological  Association.  
Huron,  David,  and  Jonathon  Berec.  2009.  “Characterizing  Idiomatic  Organization  in  Music:  A  Theory  
and   Case   Study   of   Musical   Affordances.”   Empirical   Musicology   Review   4   (3):   103–22.  
http://hdl.handle.net/1811/44531.  
Juslin,  Patrik  N.  1993.  “Psychophysiological  Measures.”  In  Handbook  of  Music  and  Emotion:  Theory,  
Research,   Applications,   edited   by   Patrik   N.   Juslin   and   John   A.   Sloboda,   279–311.   Oxford,   UK:  
Oxford  University  Press.  
———.   2005.   “From   Mimesis   to   Catharsis.”   In   Musical   Communication,   edited   by   Dorothy   Miell,  
Raymond  MacDonald,  and  David  J.  Hargreaves,  85–116.  Oxford,  UK:  Oxford  University  Press.  
———.   2011.   “Music   and   Emotion:   Seven   Questions,   Seven   Answers.”   In   Music  and  the  Mind,   edited  
by   Irène   Deliège   and   Jane   Davidson,   113–38.   Oxford,   UK:   Oxford   University   Press.  
http://www.oxfordscholarship.com/view/10.1093/acprof:osobl/9780199581566.001.0001/
acprof-­‐9780199581566-­‐chapter-­‐7.  
Juslin,   Patrik   N.,   and   Petri   Laukka.   2003.   “Communication   of   Emotions   in   Vocal   Expression   and  
Music  Performance:  Different  Channels,  Same  Code?”  Psychological  Bulletin  129  (5):  770–814.  
doi:10.1037/0033-­‐2909.129.5.770.  
Kagan,   Jerome.   2007.   What   Is   Emotion?:   History,   Measures,   and   Meanings.   New   Haven,   CT:   Yale  
University  Press.  
Kallinen,   K.,   and   N.   Ravaja.   2006.   “Emotion   Perceived   and   Emotion   Felt:   Same   and   Different.”  
Musicae  Scientiae  10  (2):  191–213.  doi:10.1177/102986490601000203.  
Kim,   Jung-­‐Kyong,   and   Robert   J.   Zatorre.   2010.   “Can   You   Hear   Shapes   You   Touch?”   Experimental  
Brain  Research  202  (4):  747–54.  doi:10.1007/s00221-­‐010-­‐2178-­‐6.  
Koelsch,   Stefan.   2010.   “Towards   a   Neural   Basis   of   Music-­‐Evoked   Emotions.”   Trends   in   Cognitive  
Sciences  14  (3):  131–37.  doi:10.1016/j.tics.2010.01.002.  
Krumhansl,   C.   L.   1997.   “An   Exploratory   Study   of   Musical   Emotions   and   Psychophysiology.”  
Canadian  Journal  of  Experimental  Psychology  =  Revue  Canadienne  De  Psychologie  Expérimentale  
51  (4):  336–53.  http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/9606949.  
Kwoun,   S.-­‐J.   2009.   “An   Examination   of   Cue   Redundancy   Theory   in   Cross-­‐Cultural   Decoding   of  
Emotions  in  Music.”  Journal  of  Music  Therapy  46  (3):  217–37.  doi:10.1093/jmt/46.3.217.  
Lehmann,   Andreas   C.,   John   A.   Sloboda,   and   Robert   H.   Woody.   2007.   Psychology   for   Musicians :  
Understanding  and  Acquiring  the  Skills.  Oxford,  UK:  Oxford  University  Press,  USA.  
Lipscomb,   Scott   D;,   and   Donald   Hodges.   1996.   “Hearing   and   Music   Perception.”   In   Handbook   of  
Music  Psychology,  edited  by  Donald  Hodges,  2nd  ed.,  83–132.  San  Antonio,  TX:  IMR  Press.  
27  
 
Logeswaran,   Nidhya,   and   Joydeep   Bhattacharya.   2009.   “Crossmodal   Transfer   of   Emotion   by   Music.”  
Neuroscience  Letters  455  (2):  129–33.  doi:10.1016/j.neulet.2009.03.044.  
Lundqvist,  L.-­‐O.,  F.  Carlsson,  P.  Hilmersson,  and  P.  N.  Juslin.  2008.  “Emotional  Responses  to  Music:  
Experience,   Expression,   and   Physiology.”   Psychology   of   Music   37   (1):   61–90.  
doi:10.1177/0305735607086048.  
Marks,   Lawrence   E.   1978.   The   Unity   of   the   Senses:   Interrelations   among   the   Modalities.   New   York:  
Academic  Press.  
———.   2014.   “Synesthesia.”   In   Varieties  of  Anomalous  Experience:  Examining  the  Scientific  Evidence,  
edited   by   Etzel   Cardena,   Steven   J.   Lynn,   and   Stanley   Krippner,   121–49.   Washington   DC:  
American  Psychological  Association.  https://books.google.com/books?id=BRbDnQEACAAJ.  
Matsumoto,   D.,   and   H.   S.   Hwang.   2012.   “Culture   and   Emotion:   The   Integration   of   Biological   and  
Cultural   Contributions.”   Journal   of   Cross-­‐Cultural   Psychology   43   (1):   91–118.  
doi:10.1177/0022022111420147.  
Matsumoto,   D.,   H.   S.   Hwang,   and   H.   Yamada.   2012.   “Cultural   Differences   in   the   Relative  
Contributions   of   Face   and   Context   to   Judgments   of   Emotions.”   Journal   of   Cross-­‐Cultural  
Psychology  43  (2):  198–218.  doi:10.1177/0022022110387426.  
Milstein,  Yakov.  1971.  Liszt.  2nd  ed.  Vol.  2.  Moscow:  Muzyka.  
Mohn,   C.,   H.   Argstatter,   and   F.-­‐W.   Wilker.   2011.   “Perception   of   Six   Basic   Emotions   in   Music.”  
Psychology  of  Music  39  (4):  503–17.  doi:10.1177/0305735610378183.  
Nykänen,  Arne.  2004.  Methods   for   Specification   of   Sound   Quality   Applied   to   Saxophone   Sound.  Luleå,  
Sweden:   Luleå   University   of   Technology.   http://epubl.ltu.se/1402-­‐1757/2004/70/LTU-­‐LIC-­‐
0470-­‐SE.pdf.  
Palmer,   S.   E.,   K.   B.   Schloss,   Z.   Xu,   and   L.   R.   Prado-­‐Leon.   2013.   “Music-­‐Color   Associations   Are  
Mediated   by   Emotion.”   Proceedings   of   the   National   Academy   of   Sciences   110   (22):   8836–41.  
doi:10.1073/pnas.1212562110.  
Panksepp,   Jaak.   1998.   Affective   Neuroscience:   The   Foundations   of   Human   and   Animal   Emotions.  
Oxford,  UK:  Oxford  University  Press.  
Parise,   Cesare   Valerio,   and   Charles   Spence.   2009.   “‘When   Birds   of   a   Feather   Flock   Together’:  
Synesthetic   Correspondences   Modulate   Audiovisual   Integration   in   Non-­‐Synesthetes.”   Edited  
by  David  C.  Burr.  PLoS  ONE  4  (5):  e5664.  doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0005664.  
Peretz,   Isabelle.   2013.   “Towards   a   Neurobiology   of   Musical   Emotions.”   In   Handbook   of   Music   and  
Emotion:  Theory,  Research,  Applications,  edited  by  Patrik  N.  Juslin  and  John  A.  Sloboda,  99–126.  
Oxford,  UK:  OUP  Oxford.  doi:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199230143.003.0005.  
Persson,   R.S.   2010.   “Adding   Emotion   to   the   Gifted   Musical   Mind:   Towards   a   Model   of   Musical  
Thinking.”   The  International  Journal  of  Creativity  and  Problem  Solving   20   (2).   The   International  
Journal  of  Creativity  and  Problem  Solving:  85–107.  
Pribram,   Karl   H.   1982.   “Brain   Mechanism   in   Music:   Prolegomena   for   a   Theory   of   the   Meaning   of  
Meaning.”  In  Music,   Mind,   and   Brain:   The   Neuropsychology   of   Music,  edited  by  Manfred  Clynes,  
21–35.  New  York:  Plenum  Press.  https://books.google.com/books?id=XqPVBwAAQBAJ.  
Reid,  Stefan.  2002.  “Preparing  for  Performance.”  In  Musical  Performance:  A  Guide  to  Understanding,  
edited  by  John  Rink,  102–12.  Cambridge,  UK:  Cambridge  University  Press.  
Russo,   Frank   A.,   Paolo   Ammirante,   and   Deborah   I.   Fels.   2012.   “Vibrotactile   Discrimination   of  
Musical   Timbre.”   Journal   of   Experimental   Psychology.   Human   Perception   and   Performance   38  
(4):  822–26.  doi:10.1037/a0029046.  
Saeed,  John  I.  2015.  Semantics.  Oxford,  UK:  John  Wiley  &  Sons.  
Sievers,   Beau,   Larry   Polansky,   Michael   Casey,   and   Thalia   Wheatley.   2013.   “Music   and   Movement  
Share   a   Dynamic   Structure   That   Supports   Universal   Expressions   of   Emotion.”   Proceedings  of  
28  
 
the   National   Academy   of   Sciences   of   the   United   States   of   America   110   (1):   70–75.  
doi:10.1073/pnas.1209023110.  
Simner,  Julia.  2012.  “Defining  Synaesthesia:  A  Response  to  Two  Excellent  Commentaries:  Defining  
Synaesthesia.”   British   Journal   of   Psychology   103   (1):   24–27.   doi:10.1111/j.2044-­‐
8295.2011.02059.x.  
Sloboda,   J.   A.   1991.   “Music   Structure   and   Emotional   Response:   Some   Empirical   Findings.”  
Psychology  of  Music  19  (2):  110–20.  doi:10.1177/0305735691192002.  
Stravinsky,   Igor.   1936.   Autobiography.   Translated   by   Walter   Nouvel.   Chroniques   de   Ma   Vie.   New  
York:  Simon  and  Schuster.  
———.  2005.  Chroniques  de  Ma  Vie  [Хроника  моей  музыкальной  жизни].  Edited  by  I.  Vershinina.  
Translated  by  V.M.  Bogdanov-­‐Berezovskii.  Moscow:  Kompozitor  [Композитор].  
Thompson,   W.   F.,   and   L.-­‐L.   Balkwill.   2010.   “Cross-­‐Cultural   Similarities   and   Differences.”   In  
Handbook  of  Music  and  Emotion:  Theory,  Research,  Applications  .,   755–88.   Oxford,   UK:   Oxford  
University  Press.  doi:10.1037/e512802011-­‐003.  
Tsai,   Chen-­‐Gia,   Li-­‐Ching   Wang,   Shwu-­‐Fen   Wang,   Yio-­‐Wha   Shau,   Tzu-­‐Yu   Hsiao,   and   Wolfgang  
Auhagen.   2010.   “Aggressiveness   of   the   Growl-­‐Like   Timbre:   Acoustic   Characteristics,   Musical  
Implications,   and   Biomechanical   Mechanisms.”   Music   Perception   27   (3):   209–22.  
doi:10.1525/mp.2010.27.3.209.  
Tsang,   Tawny,   and   Karen   B.   Schloss.   2012.   “Associations   between   Color   and   Music   Are   Mediated   by  
Emotion  and  Influenced  by  Tempo.”  The   Yale   Review   of   Undergraduate   Research   in   Psychology  
82:  82–93.  
Van   Zijl,   A.   G.   W.,   and   J.   Sloboda.   2011.   “Performers’   Experienced   Emotions   in   the   Construction   of  
Expressive   Musical   Performance:   An   Exploratory   Investigation.”   Psychology   of   Music   39   (2):  
196–219.  doi:10.1177/0305735610373563.  
Watt,  Roger  J.,  and  Roisin  L.  Ash.  1998.  “A  Psychological  Investigation  of  Meaning  in  Music.”  Musicae  
Scientiae  2  (1):  33–53.  doi:10.1177/102986499800200103.  
Weinstein,   Bryan,   and   Mark   C.   Gridley.   2010.   “Visual   Perception   of   Music.”   Psychology  Journal   7   (3):  
80–87.  
Witherington,  David  C.,  Joseph  J.  Campos,  Jennifer  A.  Harriger,  Cheryl  Bryan,  and  Tessa  E.  Margett.  
2010.   “Emotion   and   Its   Development   in   Infancy.”   In   The   Wiley-­‐Blackwell   Handbook   of   Infant  
Development,  edited  by  J.  Gavin  Bremner  and  Theodore  D.  Wachs,  568–91.  Oxford,  UK:  Wiley-­‐
Blackwell.  doi:10.1002/9781444327564.ch19.  
Witvliet,   Charlotte   V.   O.,   and   Scott   R.   Vrana.   2007.   “Play   It   Again   Sam:   Repeated   Exposure   to  
Emotionally   Evocative   Music   Polarises   Liking   and   Smiling   Responses,   and   Influences   Other  
Affective   Reports,   Facial   EMG,   and   Heart   Rate.”   Cognition   &   Emotion   21   (1):   3–25.  
doi:10.1080/02699930601000672.  
Yampolskii,   Izrail   Y.   1961.   Niccolo   Paganini:   Life   and   Career   [Никколо   Паганини.   Жизнь   и  
творчество].  Moscow:  Gos  Muz  Izdat  [Гос.  музыкальное  изд-­‐во].  
Yang,  Yi-­‐Hsuan,  and  Homer  H.  Chen.  2011.  Music  Emotion  Recognition.  Boca  Raton,  FL:  CRC  Press.