Chapter 7

Executive Power and Presidential Leadership:
Philippine Revolution to Independence
Ma.Lourdes G. Genato Rebullida
Constitutionally, organizationally, politically, the Philippine President had the better of the Congress, and
except for recent events which point to a slightly different balance ofpower, he will continue to be the
major actor in the determination of Philippine public policy.
-John H.Romani'
Learning Objectives,At the end of this chapter, the student should be able to:,
Introduction
The executive branch of the Philippine government is represented and symbolized by the president, as
the chief executive of the state, under the
1.John H.Romanl,The Philippine Presidency(Manila: Institute of Publie Admintstration.

UP.,1957).148.cited in Remiglo Agpalo,*The Phillppine Exe-cutive,"in Adventuras in Political
Science(Quezon City:UP Diliman,1996).297.
Philippine Politics and Governonce:An Introducion
different constitutions in Philippine political history. As a central and vital political institution, the
executive branch is constituted by the office of the president and the executive bureaucracy. But while
the constitutions defined the powers, authority, and responsibilities of the executive, the office has been
enlivened more by the persona, political style, and performance of the respective occupants, whose
practice of politics configured the actual exercise of powers during the terms of office, that influenced
democracy and development in the Philippines.
The dynamics of constitution making on the Philippine executive are contextualized in a confluence of
major historic events, political factors,and socioeconomic considerations. But the personalities of those
who assumed and about to assume the position have influenced either or both the framing of the
constitution and the implementation of executive powers.
Historical time frames
Analyzing the Philippine executive must necessarily cover the specific constitutions, the power
dynamics, and the political leadership in the given time frames:
1) The First Philippine Republic in 1899, referred to as the Malolos Republic, based on the Malolos
Constitution.
2) The Philippine Commonwealth under the terms of the 1935 Constitution and the United States
Tydings-McDuffie law.
3) The independence period of the Repubttc of the Philippines under the 1935 Constitution from
1946 to 1972.
4) The Marcos dictatorial regime from the declaration of martial law in 1972, the operation of the
1973 Constitution, the 1981 Constitution, until the February 1986 EDSA People Power Revolution.
5) The post-EDSA 1 era under the 1987 Constitution.
This chapter examines the executive powers in the provisions of the 1899 Malolos Constitution on which
the First Philippine Republic (from 1899 to 1902) was based, and as brought to life by the leadership of
Emilio F. Aguinaldo as the first president. The declaration of Philippine independence by Aguinaldo
occurred at the interlocking points of the Philippine revolution against Spain, the victory of the United
States of America in itswar against Spain, and the consequential cession of the Philippines by Spain to
the United States.
This chapter proceeds to cover the Commonwealth of the Philippines, intended for a ten-year period
from 1935, under the aegis of American colonization and legislation for eventual Philippine
independence, but interrupted by the Japanese occupation in World War II.Manuel L.Quezon became
the first president of the Philippine Commonwealth from 1935 till
Chapter 7:Execulive Power and Presidential Leadership
his death in 1944.Then-Vice President Sergio Osmeña assumed the presidency. In the postwar
presidential elections of 1946, Manuel A. Roxas was elected to be the last president of the
Commonwealth and first president of the independent Republic.
This chapter's last segment covers the period from the July 4,1946,declaration of Philippine
independence from the United States and the full enforcement of the 1935 Constitution, with Manuel A.
Roxas as first president of the Republic of the Philippines until his death (1946-1948). Upon the death of
President Roxas, Vice President Elpidio R. Quirino assumed the presidency for the unexpired term and
won the next elections of 1949 for his own term (1948-1949, 1949-1953). In his reelection bid, President
Quirino lost to Ramon Magsaysay in the 1953 elections. Due to his untimely death in a plane crash,
President Magsaysay was short of a few months to complete his full term (1953-1957). Vice President
Carlos P. Garcia became president and in the elections of 1957 won his own term (1957-1961) but lost
reelection to his former Vice President Diosdado Macapagal.Eventually,Macapagal assumed the
presidency (1961-1965) but lost in next elections to Ferdinand E. Marcos,the only president who won
two election terms (1965-1969,1969-1972). During his second term, Marcos declared martial law on
September ,21, 1972, using such provision of the 1935 Constitution. Marcos then proclaimed the
subsequent 1973 and 1981 constitutions, and used the provisions to prop up his administration.
LoyaltyIn this chapter, a mix of the institutional, constitutional, historical,and behavioral approaches to
political analysis is utilized to examine the nuances of the political framework, structures, functions, and
dynamics of exercising executive powers.' This analytic approach is applied on the presidency of the First
Philippine Republic based on the 1899 Malolos Constitution, the Commonwealth of the Philippines from
1935 to 1945, and the independent Republic of the Philippines from 1946 to 1972 that are based o n the
1935 Constitution.
From the constitutional and institutional perspective, the office of the president is analyzed in terms of
the stipulations of executive powers, and the principle of separation of powers. On such bases, the
performance of the Philippine presidents can be examined. New institutionalism as a recent analytic
approach expands the meaning of political institutions and structures to refer to recurring and stable
pattens of behavior and emphasizes the institutional actors' behavior in relation to norms and culture,
as well as the influences on and the contexts of the actors' preferences.3 However, old institutionalism
is still a relevant approach as the constitutional and legal provisions are essential to comparing real
politics and to issues of constitutionality.
2.David Marsh and Gerry Stoker,eds.,Theoryand Methods in Political Science,2nd editlon (New
York:Palgrave Macmlllan. 2002).
3.Vivien Londes,*Institutlo-nalism,"in Theory and Methods in Political Sclence,ed.Davld Marsh and Gerry
Stoker(New York:Palgrave Macmllan,2002). 95-96.
On the other hand, the psychology of political leadership provides the framework with which to see the
president's personality factors and political leadership style.The analysis probes into the impact of the
president's individual qualities on the actual exercise of executive power; even on constitutional design,
and on operationalizing the structure, function, and image of the Philippine presidency.' The dynamics
of the president's political behavior consists in their individual predispositions and ideology' toward the
useof executive powers, as well as interactions with the legislature, the judiciary, political parties,and
the executive bureaucracy.
4.Remigio Agpalo,Leader-ship and Types of Fillpino Leaders:Focus on Ferdinand E. Marcos and Corazon
C.Aquino. In Remigio Agpalo,Adventures in Political Science (Quezon City: Universlty of the Philippines
Press,1996).251-69.
Cecilla Conaco,The Psycho-
logy of Political Leadership.
paper presented in the Training
Semlnar tor Social Sclences/
Social Studles Teachers on the
Theme:"Soclal Issues and
Dynamics in the New Millenlum:
Relevant Research and Teaching
in theSocial Sciences (UP
Diliman,April 13-16,2004).1,4.
8,11-14.
5.Agpalo,"Leadership and
Types of Flllpino Leaders,251-
54.
6.lbid.,299.
The historical contexts are crucial to understanding and analyzing the Philippine presidency. The years of
constitutional praxis and political dynamics concerning the Philippine president as the chief executive of
the state and government executive render valuable lessons in pursuing democracy and development in
the country. These are salient in the light of persistent demands for charter change and the shift from
presidential to parliamentary form of government, as well as issues on presidential leadership
qualifications, powers, and authority.
Presidential Profile
The Philippine presidents were Emilio Aguinaldo y Famy of the First Philippine Republic;Manuel
L.Quezon and Sergio Osmeña during the Philippine Commonwealth; Jose P. Laurel of the Occupation
Republic; and six during the independent Republic, namely, Manuel A. Roxas, Elpidio R. Quirino, Ramon
Magsaysay, Carlos P. Garcia, Diosdado P. Macapagal, and Ferdinand E.Marcos.
Except for Magsaysay who finished commerce and Aguinaldo who attended but did not complete
college, all presidents were lawyers. Macapagal and Laurel had high educational attainment as holders
of doctoral degrees by excellent academic performance. Aguinaldo and Magsaysay had commendable
performance as commanders in the battlefield. In biographical accounts, Quezon,
Osmeña,Roxas,Quirino,Magsaysay,Garcia,Macapagal,and Marcos were recognized as outstanding
legislators.Quezon, Osmeña, Roxas, Magsaysay, and Garcia were provincial governors; even Aguinaldo
was elected capitan municipal of Kawit. The senators were Quezon,Osmeña,Laurel,
Roxas,Quirino,Garcia, Macapagal,and Marcos.Two were Senate president pro-tempore, namely Osmeña
and Quirino; and three served as Senate president, namely Quezon, Roxas,and Marcos.The presidents
were also cabinet members.
Such performance records catapulted them to prominence; popular support brought their electoral
victory to the presidency for their first term of office. Likewise, the criteria of performance caused
electoral defeat. Aguinaldo's term was cut short by American colonization;Quezon, Roxas,and
Magsaysay died
Philippine Politics and Governance:An Introduction
Chapter 7:Executive Power and Presidential Leadership
while in office. Marcos won a second term by his political maneuvers.The presidents who lost their
reelection bid on grounds of graft and corruption issues were Quirino and Garcia.
In terms of age, the youngest president was Aguinaldo at twenty-eight; Magsaysay was forty-six and
Marcos in his forties; Macapagal at fifty-one, Quezon at fifty-seven, and Quirino at fifty-eight; Garcia at
sixty-one and Osmeña, sixty-seven.?While Magsaysay gained the admiration and support of the masses,
it was Macapagal who was really born poor but worked his way to achieve and become president.
Such profiles indicate the intellectual and academic qualifications of Philippine presidents and their
commendable public and government service as they began their terms as president of the country.
The Presidency and the First Philippine Republic
Aguinaldo's proclamation of independence
and the First Philippine Republic
The First Philippine Republic, known as the Malolos Republic, short-lived as it was from 1899 to 1902,
significantly laid down the constitutional groundwork on executive powers, particularly vis-à-vis the
legislature and the judiciary in a republican state. Aguinaldo's leadership exemplified the personal style
of a strong and dominant executive in Philippine politics. The Malolos Republic made its impact in
Philippine history as the expression of the Filipino resolve for independence articulated in the course of
the 1896 Philippine Revolution against Spanish colonial rule.
Fate of the Pbilippine Revolution. In the chronology of events surrounding the 1896 Philippine
Revolution, the Filipino revolutionaries initially prepared the Biak-na-bato Constitution that provided for
a supreme council headed by the president, and with a vice president and four department secretaries
and chief of staff, and a separate legislature and judiciary.' But the leadership eventually entered into a
peace negotiation with the Spanish authorities,called the Pact of Biak-na-bato in November 1897, that
called for the revolutionaries' surrender of arms, general amnesty for all, the Spanish authorities'
promise of reforms, payment of Php 800,000 to Aguinaldo and other leaders,and Php 900,000 for civil
damages during the hostilities." According to historical accounts, Aguinaldo went on exile on December
27, 1897.
Meanwhile, the US entered into a war against Spain on account of circumstances in Cuba. Accounts
noted that even before the war between the United States and Spain, Aguinaldo had conferred with
Commodore Dewey in Singapore,and upon return to Hong Kong he made preparations for the purchase
7.lbid.,298;Sol H.Gwekoh,
Diosdado Macapagal:Triumph over Poverty(Manlla and Quezon City:G & G Enterprises).219. 8.Onofre
D.Corpuz,The Roots of the Filipino Nation. volume 2 (Quezon Clty:Aklahi Foundation Inc..1989).206-70.
9.Eufronio M.Allp.In the Days of General Emillo Aguinaldo (Manlla:Alip & Sons, Inc., 1969). 38;Alex
Brilllantes,"The Execulive" in Govemment and Politics of the Philppines,ed.Raul P.de Guzman and Mila A.
Reforma(Singapore:Oxford Universlty Press and UP College of Public Administration,1988). 114.
10.Jose V.Abueva,Phllip-plne Ideologles and Natlonal Development, In Raul De Guzman and Mila
Reforma. Govemment and Politics of the Philippines,18-74;Alip. 39: Teodoro Agoncillo and Oscar
Alfonso.A Short History of the Filipino People(Quezon City: University of the Philipplnes Press,1960),243.

11.Teodoro Agoncilo,Malolos: The Crisis of the Republic (Quezon City:UP Press,1997). 243;Eufronio
M.Alip,Politicaland Cultural History of the Philppines, volume 2. Since the British Occupation
(Manila:Alip and Sons,Inc.,1964).47-48.
12.Abueva,"Philippine Ideo-logies and National Develop-ment,31;Agoncilo,Malolos:The Crisis of the

Republic,243-45. 13.Alip,Political and Cultural History of the PhiMppines,50.
14.lbld.,58.
15.Agoncillo,Malolos:The Crisis of theRepublic,245. 16.Decree of June 18,1898. establlshing the

Dictatorial Govemment (English translatlon). Signed by EmHlo Aguinaldo.Alip. 54:Agoncillo,244-48.
17.Allp.Political and Cutural History of the Philippines.54. Agoncilo,Malolos:The Crists of the

Republic,244-48.Decree of June 23,1898,establishing the Revolutlonary Govemment.
of arms to renew the Filipinos' revolution against Spain. On May 24, 1898, Aguinaldo returned to the
Philippines and resumed command of the revolutionary forces. He carried a draft plan by Mariano Ponce
for a revolutionary government, providing for a strong executive, in his understanding that the
Americans supported the Philippine revolution and promised independence."
The series of events revealed the US intentions to take hold of the Philippines. '2 The US defeated the
Spanish fleets in Manila Bay,and caused the Spanish navy to surrender (May 1898).'" But Commodore
Dewey did not engage the Spanish land forces. Historians noted that the Filipino revolutionaries had
won in the provinces and surrounded Manila; they were geared for battle and joint capture, but were
tactically told by the Americans to keep away from the city.“ Consequently, the Filipinos were denied
victory in the surrender of Spain and participation in the negotiations between the US and Spain. With
the signing of the Treaty of Paris in December 1898, Spain ceded the Philippines to the United States.
Aguinaldo's Declaration of Pbilippine Independence. By June 12,1898, Aguinaldo proclaimed Philippine

independence from Spain and raised the Philippine national flag, done by Marcella Agoncillo while on
exile in Hong Kong, in the balcony of his residence in Kawit, Cavite.'" On June 18, 1898, Aguinaldo issued
the decree establishing the Dictatorial Government; by this he took the important act of directing the
setting up of the local government"to preserve peace and order, which in turn shall be the foundation of
the government of the Republic of the Philippines as a government of the people, by the people and for
the people."16 This decree stipulated that after the capture of all Spanish soldiers in respective
communities and given treatment accorded by civilized nations, the citizens of every town shall convene
a big assembly and elect by majority vote the town mayor and head of every barrio in town, and those
elected by majority vote must be twenty-one years of age who have proven their love for the
independence of the country (Art. 1).Several town mayors shall constitute the provincial assembly and
shall elect by majority vote the governor of the province and three councilors (Art. 5). These officials in
turn shall elect by majority vote three representatives for Manila and Cavite; two for each regular
province,and one for each of the other provinces and politico-military command posts of the
archipelago (Art. 6). This was followed by the decree of June 20, 1898, on the administration of
provinces and towns, where Aguinaldo's instructions stated as rules centered on the holding of sessions
of the assemblies and councils, elections, organization of the police forces, administration of justice, civil
registry, and census.
Revolutionary Government. Thereafter, Aguinaldo changed the Dictatorial Government tothe
Revolutionary Government, and his title from dictator to president of the Revolutionary Government of
the Philippines and commander-in-chief of its army, on Mabini's advice, in the decree of June 23, 1898."
The
decree established four departments, each under a secretary, and respective bureaus and divisions (Art.
2-7); and allowed the president to choose his secretaries at his discretion and appoint alI personnel of
the department, provided that favoritism be eliminated in the appointment of employees for the good
name of the country and the triumph of the Revolution that requires the services of truly capable
persons(Art.8).18
Aguinaldo's decree on the revolutionary government also called for a revolutionary congress as the
assembly of representatives from all provinces, except in areas not yet liberated from Spanish rule for
which the government may appoint representatives on the basis of education, social position, and
length of residency in the area (Art. 11). The Malolos Congress was convened on September 15, 1898,
and its historic act was the crafting of the Malolos Constitution, the document dated January 20, 1899,
signed by Pedro Paterno as president of the Congress. '" Aguinaldo proclaimed the Malolos Constitution
on January 21, 1899, and on its basis promulgated the First Philippine Republic in the ceremony at the
Barasoain Church, in Malolos, Bulacan, on January 23, 1899. It was while the Malolos Congress worked
on the constitution that the Treaty of Paris of December 1898 was signed,without the participation of
Filipinos.
The Malolos Constitution:Dynamics of framing executive power
The Revolutionary Congress, referred to as the Malolos Congress, was inaugurated on September 15,
1898, and held at the Barasoain Church, in Malolos, Bulacan.2" As its most vital acts, Congress ratified
the declaration of Philippine independence and crafted the Malolos Constitution on January 20,1899.
Aguinaldo officially promulgated this constitution on January 21, 1899, and on its basis proclaimed the
First Philippine Republic two days later, on January 23, 1899.
The Congress favored delegate Felipe Calderon's position for a powerful legislature over the executive,
while Mabini contended for more powers for the executive. Both had in mind the personality, stature,
and strategic role of Aguinaldo in the revolution and in the formation of the Philippine state and
government. In their arguments lie the dynamics of power in constitution making with respect to the
structure, functions, powers, and institution of the executive vis-à-vis the person likely to assume the
title and position of president.
Majul2' explains that in crafting the provisions for a weak executive and strong legislature, Calderon
exemplified the ilustrado aversion for the military and non-intelligentsia, citing Calderon's memoirs.
Aguinaldo did not belong to the ilustrado class and the military had been recruited from the uneducated
classes. Since Aguinaldo was the military chief and commanded the loyalty of the military and the
masses, Calderon and those on his side had apprehension about Aguinaldo and the military's
predominance. Majul further notes that
18.Decree of June 23,1898.
establishing the Revolutionary
Govemment.
19.Malolos Conatitution.
January 20.1899(English translatlon).
20.Cesar Adib Majul,The Political and Constitutional Ideas of the Philippine Revolution (Quezon City:UP
Press,1967. 1996),177-207;Alip,60-68. 21.Majul,The Political and Constitutional ldeas of the
Philppine Revokution,180-81.
22.Ibid.,180-81.
23.Ibld.,181,183-85.
24.Intemational Congress on
the Malotos Republic and Aslan
Democracy,Phillppine Centennlal
Commiasion,January 19-20.
1999,Manila Hotel:Allp.Political
and Cultural History of the
Philippines,69.
Calderon's position became politically significant in forestalling the preeminence of Aguinaldo as the
supreme military chief of the revolutionary forces and head of government.22
On the other hand, Majul explains that Mabini wanted more powers for Aguinaldo, as supreme military
chief, to curb the misbehavior and abuses of military subordinates and followers over the civilian
population; to provide strong leadership in the anticipated military action against the United States'
colonization of the Philippines, and fast and efficient promulgation and execution of laws.2" Aguinaldo's
adviser, Apolinario Mabini, urged him to reject the constitution on the issue of the provisions for a
strong legislature vis-à-vis the executive. But since Aguinaldo recognized the powers of the congress to
promulgate a constitution, Mabini advised instead certain amendments, provisional and transitory in
character, particularly the grant of powers to the president to assume legislative powers when Congress
was not in session; to convoke Congress under critical circumstances; to exercise a second veto on the
acts of congress that endanger internal and external security of the country; and to dissolve congress
without its consent.
The contentions on the issue of a strong executive vis-à-vis the legislature and strong legislature vis-à-vis
the executive reflected the dynamics of power relations involving the ilustrados, the educated class,
between groups led by Calderon and Mabini, between the Congress and Aguinaldo. In the end,
Aguinaldo approved the Malolos Constitution without amendments.
The Malolos Constitution is hailed as the first initiative not only in the Philippines but even in Asia for a
democratic republic, 24 the basic principles of which are stated in the opening provisions:
Government of the Republic is popular, representative, alternative and responsible and shall exercise
three distinct powers, namely: the legislative, the executive, and the judicial.(Art.1)
Any two or more of these powers shall never be united in one person or corporation, nor the legislative
power vested in one single individual. (Art. 2)
Executive power is vested in the president of the Republic, who shall exercise it through the department
secretaries (Art. 56). On the other hand, the administration of the towns, provinces, and of the state
shall correspond respectively to the popular assemblies, the provincial assemblies and to the
administration in power in accordance with laws...(Art. 57). This early, the Malolos Constitution already
provided for observance of the most liberal policy of decentralization and administrative autonomy (Art.
57). Among the presidential powers are: the right to initiate the introduction of bills equally with
members of the assembly; to promulgate and execute the laws (Art. 59). The constitution stipulates the
period for the president to promulgate laws under certain circumstances, after transmittal to him by the
assembly (Art. 60-63).
Chapler 7:Executive Power and Presidential Leadership
125
In relation to the legislature, “the president of the Republic has the right to convoke it, suspend and
close its sessions, and dissolve the same, within the periods prescribed by law enacted by the assembly
or by the Permanent Commission"(Art.36).Before the expiration of the legislative term, the president
may dissolve the assembly, with the majority vote of the representatives, in which cases new elections
should be held within three months (Art. 70). “In extraordinary cases, he may convoke the Assembly
outside of the period fixed by law,as determined by the Permanent Commission, and prolong its
lawmaking, provided the extended period does not exceed one month and provided further that such
extensions do not take place more than twice during the same legislative term"(Art.38).
On the other hand, “the National Assembly, jointly with the special representatives, shall organize
committees for the organization of the assembly and for the election of a new president of the
Republic...” (Art.39).The president is elected by absolute majority of votes in the Assembly and special
representatives, for a term of office of four years and may be reelected (Art. 58). “In the case of death or
resignation of the President of the Republic, the assembly shall meet in session by its own right or by
initiative of the president or of the Permanent Commission" (Art. 39). Meanwhile, if the president has
not been chosen, the chief justice of the Supreme Court takes over the functions.
Aside from execution of laws, the president's vast powers and responsibilities extend over the army and
the navy; the declaration of war and ratification of treaties with prior consent of the assembly (Art. 65,
66). Administrative powers and responsibilities are clearly stated: to supervise civil and military
employees; appoint the government's secretaries; direct diplomatic and commercial relations; ensure
administration of justice throughout the Philippines, even to grant pardon to convicted criminals in
accordance with laws; and preside over national functions and receive ambassadors and accredited
representatives (Art. 65-68).
The Malolos Republic
The First Philippine Republic was referred to as the Malolos Republic as it was inaugurated with
ceremonies in Malolos. It was clear that the Malolos Republic had the support of revolutionaries all over
the country.25 With the exigencies of the last stage of the Filipino war against Spain and the beginning
against the United States, as the new colonial power arising from the 1898 Treaty of Paris, the Malolos
Constitution could not be fully enforced; Aguinaldo's presidency of the Republic and his exercise of
executive powers were put to a test.2 Aguinaldo was preoccupied with the war against the United
States and moved the seat of government from town to town. Nonetheless, he enforced the opening of
primary schools and instructed municipal heads to appropriate funds for teachers and school
expenses.2' His government observed the Bill of
25.Alip.Political and Cutural History of the Philippines,70-71: Majul. The Political and Constitutional Ideas
of the Phillppine Revolution,201.
26.Agonclllo,Malolos:The Crisis of the Republic,Corpuz, The Roots of the Fuipino Nation. 271-341,342-
403;Rosarlo M Cortes,The Republle against American Impertalism,"In Rosarlo Cortes Phiopine Presidents
100 Years(QC:Phlipplne Historcal Association and New Day Publishers,1999).56-77.
27.Arsenlo Manuel,Felipe Calderon:A Blographical Portralt (Manila:Bookman,1954),24, cited in

M.L.Rebullida,Social Change and the Maloloe Congress."paperpresented at the Intemational Congress
on the Malolos Republic and Asian Democracy(Philppine Centennial Commission,January 19-20.
1999.Manila Hotel).10.
28.Majul,The Political and
Constitutional Ideas of the
Philippine Revolution,199-200.
29.Alip.Political and Cultural
HHistory of the Philippines,5.
30. Ambeth R. Ocampo.

Revolutionary Leader Emilio
Aguinaldo,First Presldent,1898-
1901."in Rosario M.Cortes.
Philippine Presidents 100 Years.
24-26.
31.Ocampo."Revolutionary
Leader Emilio Aguinaldo,'27-55.
32.lbid.,54.
33.Colestina P.Boncan,The Period of Political Tutelage.1901-1935.in Rosario M.Cortes. Philippine

Presidents 100 Years. 78-105.
34.Alip.Political and Cultural History of the Philippines,209-324:Agoncillo, Malolos:The Crisis of the

Republic,Corpuz. The Roots of the Filipino Nation. 404-567.
Rights,encouraged the airing of grievances, and maintained the freedom of the press, even the
publication of privately owned newspapers.28
Emilio Aguinaldo:Leader of the revolution and president of the First Republic
The narrative on Emilio Aguinaldo placed his birth on March 22, 1869, in Kawit, Cavite, to a family with
economic conditions somewhat similar in level as the families of Jose Rizal, Graciano Lopez, and the
Luna brothers, and better than those of Apolinario Mabini and Andress Bonifacio.” He studied in Letran
but did not finish high school; proceeded to become cabeza de barangay of Binakayan, in Kawit, and
then member of the Katipunan.'" He became the undisputed and nationally recognized military and
political leader of the Philippine Revolution and constitutional leader of the First Philippine Republic.3"
However, this career has been tainted by accounts of rivalry between him and Andres Bonifacio,
founder of the Katipunan, and his involvement in Bonifacio's execution and death.2
Aguinaldo's abilities proved valuable in laying down the foundations of Philippine government as he
boldly declared Philippine independence and made the transitions from dictatorial government to
revolutionary government and then to constitutional government. Furthermore, he significantly averted
a political vacuum and leadership crisis, arising from American entry in the midst of the Filipino
revolution against Spanish colonial rule. Aguinaldo's contribution to Philippine democracy and national
development can be drawn from his political acts: the declaration of the First Philippine Independence,
the decree calling for the Malolos Congress and promulgation of the Malolos constitution. Given the
historical circumstances, the “strong executive" prevailed in practice, despite the predisposition in the
Malolos Constitution for a more powerful legislature.
Commonwealth of the Philippines:
The 1935 Constitution and Presidential Leadership
American tutelage on democracy

With the end of Filipino resistance, the United States shifted from the initial military rule to the civilian
regime in the Philippines.33 The American civil authorities reorganized the central and local levels of
government, also the judiciary; established the public school system;encouraged the organizing of
political parties; and enforced the US legislations in preparation for Philippine independence." The US
congressional legislation-the Philippine Bill of 1902-called for the setting up of the Philippine Assembly,
such that elections were
127
held in 1907. Subsequently, the Joriés Law or the Philippine Autonomy Act of 1916 provided for the
grant of Philippine independence as soon as a stable form of government could be set up, including an
all-Filipino Philippine legislature, with the elective Senate on a term of six years and the House of
Representatives as the lower house on a term of three years.35
The Filipinos gained experiences in democratic processes as some joined the civil service, others were
appointed to the cabinet, some were elected to the legislature, and others became Resident
Commissioner to the United States, as part of the Filipinization processes of American colonial rule.36
The American governor-general organized the cabinet that included Filipinos as heads of executive
departments, such as Rafael Mapa as secretary of interior,Victorino Mapa as secretary of justice,
Galicano Apacible as secretary of agriculture, Alberto Barreto as secretary of finance, and Felix Roxas as
secretary of public instruction. In the Philippine legislature, Manuel L. Quezon served as Senate
president and Sergio Osmeña as speaker of the House, thereby giving Filipinos the opportunities for
administration over their own legislative bureaucracy. Filipino resident commissioners represented the
Philippines in the US Congress with no right to vote. Osmeña became vice president of the Council of
State. Future presidents, such as Manuel A. Roxas and Elipido R. Quirino, and other prominent political
leaders, such as Claro M. Recto and Jose P. Laurel, started their careers in this period of American
initiation to democratic institutions, processes, and politics, in preparation for Philippine independence
by July 1946.
The 1935 Constitution:Executive powers
The path to the 1935 Constitution was paved by the passage of the US Congress of the Tydings-McDuffie
Law through the political maneuverings of Manuel Quezon to replace the previous Hare-Hawes-Cutting
Act obtained by Sergio Osmeña and Manuel Roxas. It had its backdrop in the politics of conflict and
cooperation,rivalry and coalition between two Filipino national leaders-Quezon and Osmeña-and their
respective political party factions. Serious political cleavages marked the politicsof obtaining the US
enabling act for Philippine independence,between those in favor (Pros) and those against (Antis) the
Hare-Hawes-Cutting Act. Leading the Antis, Quezon, traveled to the US to secure a better legislation and
brought back the Tydings-McDuffie Law.But resolving their differences, the political leaders, political
parties, and the Philippine legislature finally accepted the Tydings-McDuffie Law.The election for
members of the Constitutional Convention was held in June 1934. The constituent body completed the
1935 Constitution on February 8, 1935, and the people ratified it on May 14,1935.
The 1935 Constitution is the most valuable document in Philippine constitutional history as it guided the
Philippine Commonwealth and thereafter
35.Carlos Qulrino.Quezon.
Paladin of Philippine Freedom
(Manila:Fillplnlana Book Gulld.
1971).93-115:Alip,Povitical and
Cutura/History of the Philppines,
249-54.
36.Alip.Polfical and Cuhural
History of the Phippines,251-305
37.lbid.,307.
38.Jose N.Nolledo-NBSI
Editorial StaH,"Appendix B 1935
and 1973 Philippine Consti-
lutions,"in The Constitution of the
Republic of the Philppines with
Highlights of the 1986 Consti-
tution and Appendices (Manila:
National Book Store,Inc., 1986).
39.Isaganl A.Cruz,Philippine Political Law (Quezon City: Central Lawbook Publishing Co., Inc.,2001),184.
40.Quirino,Quezon,Paladin of Phitippine Freedom,329. 41.Allp.Political and Cultural History of the

Philippines,308; Quirino,329.
the Philippine Republic in 1946 until 1972. In Claro M. Recto's view, it “reflects the political experience
of the Filipino people and expresses their national philosophy," and as the “fundamental law, it is the
final refuge of the rights and liberties of the people."” Overall, it contained the preamble, bill of rights,
territorial scope and boundaries; democratic principles (particularly on the republican state); separation
and limitation of powers; provisions on the transition from the Commonwealth to the Republic; and
specific provisions on suffrage, education, citizenship, auditing, civil service, and amendment.*
Executive power in the 1935 Constitution is vested on the president of the Philippines (Art. 7). Isagani
Cruz describes executive power as the power to enforce and administer the laws. But in the exercise of
this power, the president assumes a “pleniture of authority,” though with “awesome responsibility."39
It would be quite dangerous if left in the hands of unscrupulous politicians, as in the case of Ferdinand
Marcos, but a powerful instrument if used by dedicated presidents for the interests of the people.
Originally, both the president and the vice president are to be elected by direct vote, for a term of six
years without reelection, proclaimed on the basis of highest number of votes obtained; unless two or
more have equal votes, then the majority vote of Congress in joint session will decide the matter. On
September 15, 1939, the Assembly passed Resolution 38 approving the amendment such that the
original term of six years without the right of reelection was changed to four years with only one
reelection.*° In the plebiscite of June 18, the people favored the amendment on the president's term of
office, the shift to bicameral legislature, and the setting up of an independent Commission on Elections.
The US president approved these amendments on December 2, 1940. In the elections of November
1941, Quezon and Osmeña were reelected for a second term on the basis of the amendment, to end in
1943." But due to the Japanese occupation of the Philippines in World War II, as the Commonwealth
government was on exile in the US, the term of office for president and vice president was indefinitely
extended until such time that a constitutional regime could be restored. However, the constitution's
provision for the four-year term with reelection was followed strictly in the years of the independent
republic from 1946 to 1972, though only one president (Marcos) won a reelection bid. The vital
executive powers of the president, indicating the functions of the
office,stipulated in the amended Article 7 executive department,are the following:
1) Power to Appoint. The president, with consent of the Commission on Appointments (composed of
members of the legislature), is vested with powers to appoint the heads of executive departments and
bureaus; the officers of the Army, from the rank of colonel of the navy, and from the rank of captain or
commander of the air forces; and all other officers of the government not provided for, and those
authorized by law, as
well as for inferior officers as Congress may by law authorize the president (Sec. 10 (3)); also the
appointment of members of the Supreme Court and all judges of inferior courts (Art. 8, Sec. 5); and
appointment of ambassadors, other public ministers and consuls (Art. 6, Sec. 10 [7]).
2) Executive control. The president is vested with the power and the function to implement laws,
stated even in the oath of office, including defense of the constitution, the rendering of justice and
service to the nation (Art. 7, Sec. 7); to control all executive departments, bureaus, offices; and to
exercise general supervision over all local governments as provided by law (Art. 7, Sec. 10 (1)).
3) Budgetary power. The president submits the budget of receipts and expenditures in the opening
ofeach regular session of Congress, as basis for the general appropriation bill (Art. 6, Sec. 19 [11}; Art. 7,
Sec. 19 [1]).
4) Military power. The president is the commander in chief of all armed forces of the Philippines
and whenever necessary, may call out such armed forces to prevent or suppress lawless violence,
invasion, insurrection,rebellion (Sec. 10 [2]).
5) Power to declare martial law and suspend the writ of habeas corpus. In cases of invasion,
insurrection, rebellion or imminent danger thereof, when public safety requires,the president may call
for the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus and declare the Philippines or part thereof under martial
law (Sec. 10 [2]).
6) Power to grant reprieves. The president has the power to grant reprieves, commutations,
pardons; remit fines and forfeitures after conviction,for all offenses except cases of impeachment,
subject to conditions, restrictions and limitations deemed proper to impose; power to grant amnesty
with the concurrence of Congress (Section 10 [6]).
7) Treaty-making power. The president with concurrence of two-thirds of all members of the
Senate can enter into treaties; and has the power to receive ambassadors and other public ministers
duly accredited to the Government of the Philippines (Art. 6, Sec. 10 [7); Art. 7).
8) Taxation power. As authorized by Congress, subject to limitations and restrictions as it may

impose, the president can fix, within specified limits, tariff rates, import or export quotas, tonnage and
wharfage dues (Art.6,Sec.22[2)).
9) Veto power. With respect to Congress, the president can exercise veto on particular item or items of
an appropriation bill (Art. 6, Sec. 20 [2]).
The stipulations of the 1935 Constitution are essentially the indicators with which to analyze and
evaluate the Philippine state and government, to assess the performance of the executive, legislative,
and judicial branches of government and other constitutional entities, in the years of its application.
Evidently, the
Philippine Politics and Governance:An Introduclion
42.Ledevina Carino,Bureau-
cracy for Democracy(Quezon City: UP College of Publle Administration,1992).44: Abueva,"Philipplne

Ideologles and National Development,*49. 43.Gwekoh,Dlosdado Maca-pagal,34. 44.Cruz,Phllipplne
Polltical Law,199. 45.Ibld.,199-201.
presidential system and republican form of government had been adopted in the 1935 Constitution,
anchored on the political philosophy and ideology of democracy, with the underlying principle of
“separation of powers, checks and balance."
The 1935 Constitution was operational during the Philippine Commonwealth (1935-1946) and in the
period of the independent Philippine Republic (July 1946-1972). The independent republic is referred to
as the Third Republic or the Second Republic, depending on the historical perspective. One view is that it
is the Third Republic, since the First Philippine Republic (1899-1902) was that established by Aguinaldo,
also called the Malolos Republic, based on the 1899 Malolos Constitution;while the Second Republic is
considered to be the Japanese-sponsored government in the World War II (1943-1944).2 On the other
hand, the other view is to consider only Aguinaldo's First Philippine Republic and the independent
Republic first headed by Roxas as the Second Philippine Republic, thereby setting aside the so-called
Occupation Republic sponsored by the Japanese.3
In the years of application, the 1935 constitutional provisions were tested by the dynamics of power
relations, conflict and cooperation, between the president as chief executive and the senators and
representatives in the legislature. The Supreme Court had rendered judicial interpretation in some cases
brought to it.
For instance, the Supreme Court responded to the query on the extent of executive power in Villena vs.
Secretary ofthe Interior that the “resident of the Philippines is the Executive of the government of the
Philippines and no other"; and in Planas vs. Gil that “all executive authority is thus vested in him."" In
different cases, the provisions specifying particular powers had been viewed differently-either limited to
those enumerated or as emanating from the general grant of executive power."
However, it is the personal political behaviors of the individuals in position that have made the
constitution a living reality. For example, the issue of the judiciary's independence springs from the fact
that its members are appointed by the president, such that this might affect the decision on cases
concerning the president. However, the principle and the expectations are that the judiciary is
independent and that the rule of law will prevail. Hence, both presidential and judicial observance of the
separation of powers is vital to a democratic and republican government.
In relating to the executive bureaucracy, the president's use of the power of appointment must conform
to the constitutional provisions and laws pertaining to the civil service. On this matter, there had been
tensions created by the presidents in their appointment of government officials and in the
reorganization of the bureaucracy during their terms of office. To some extent and in certain cases,the
institution of the executive and the people's confidence in their political
131
leaders had been undermined. For example, then-President Carlos P.Garcia signed the so-called
midnight appointments that caused problems for the next president,Macapagal.46
Between the executive and the legislature, the constitution puts the check-and-balance principle by
matching the president's veto power with the legislature's power to re-pass the law on the required
number of votes. Such provisions become alive in terms of the political dynamics that occur between
the executive and the legislative. When the legislature must come to terms with making laws and
considering the approval or not of the president's actions, the influence of the president enters into
their consideration.The president is deemed the titular head of the political party in which he or she
belongs and, consequently, exerts influence over party members in the houses of Congress. In practice,
the presidents' use of their executive powers and their political skills vis-à-vis the senators and
representatives have resulted in the passage of important legislation vital to their success in office as
chief executive. For example, President Roxas obtained the Congress' approval for executive agreements
and the passage of legislation pertineñt to the contentious issues of parity rights, trade and military
relationship between the Philippines and the United States in the crucial early years of the independent
republic. Another example is Magsaysay's political influence over his party in the legislature on issues of
foreign policy directions toward the US that Senator Recto contested.
Also, the president is vested with functions and powers related to the milicary, as the civilian
commander in chief. For example, President Magsaysay had been at the forefront of the counter-
insurgency operations undertaken by the Armed Forces of the Philippines against communist groups.
However, it was during the term of Ferdinand Marcos that the military started to be politicized.
The constitution stipulates in the Bill of Rights the individual citizen's rights that must be observed. The
suspension of the writ of habeas corpus and martial law are crucial powers in the hands of the
executive. The constitutional provision on the president's power to suspend the writ of habeas corpus
was exercised by President Elpidio Quirino as his term was confronted with the problems of peace and
order, insurgency, and threats to topple the government from radical communist groups.'" The use by
Ferdinand Marcos of mnartial law in his second term proved to be fatal for Philippine democracy as it
ushered his dictatorial regime from 1972 until his downfall in 1986.
The presidents have been granted by the legislature at various times with emergency powers during a
state of national emergency (examples are CA 444, 496, 498; in 1940, extraordinary powers by CA 600
amended by 620; in 1941, CA 671 emergency powers under conditions of war).48 The emergency
powers enabled the president to deal with varied cases such as lawlessness, subversive activities,
unemployment, and evacuation of the population. The emergency
46.Carho,Bureaucracy for
Democracy.so.
47.Allp.Political and Cufural
History of the Philppines,405.
48.Agpalo,The Philipplne
Executive,301-2.
49.Agpalo,The Phllippine Executive,"302-3.
50.Rlcardo T.Jose,"Advocate
of Independence Manuel L.
Quezon and the Commonwealth,
1935-1944,"In Rosano M.Cortes.
Phitippine Presidents 100 Years.
106-29.
51.Qulrino,Quezon,Paladin
of Philippine Freedom,145. 52.lbld.,187.

53.lbid.,7.15.
54.Ibld.,31,33.
55.Ibid.,62-72.77.88: Aprodiclo Laquian and Eleanor Laquian,Joseph Ejercito"Erap" Estrada:The

Centennial President (Vancouver,Canada and Quezon City.Phllippines: Institute of Asian Research.
University of Britlsh Columbia and the College of Public Adminle-tration of the Philippines Duiman.
1998).87.
powers during World War II included the transfer of the seat of government, and the reorganization of
the Commonwealth, among others. As explained by political scientist Remigio Agpalo, the emergency
powers would not have posed a problem had the presidents, particularly Roxas and Osmeña,kept to the
time limits.49 Hence,the Supreme Court had ruled that the emergency powers act were intended for a
limited period.
The president's use of executive powers stipulated in the 1935 Constitution in the period of the
Commonwealth and the Third Republic provided the lessons for crafting the 1987 Constitution, as well
as the bitter lessons from the Marcos regime.The 1973 and 1981 constitutions were drafted and ratified
under conditions of martial rule from 1972 to 1986, and used by Marcos in ways that suited his
dictatorial regime, until it ended by the 1986 People Power Revolution, now referred to as EDSA 1.
Quezon's presidential leadership of the Philippine Commonwealth
In his political career before and during the Commonwealth,Quezon made an impact in the politics of
securing Philippine independence from American colonial rule.° He is remembered for his strong
political statement, “My loyalty to my party ends where my loyalty to my people begins."5' He also
uttered, “I would prefer a government run like hell by Filipinos to one run like heaven by Americans,
because no matter how bad a Filipino government might be, it can still be improved."52
Quezon studied at San Juan de Letran for his Bachelor of Arts and graduated with highest honors and at
the University of Santo Tomas for law.”He witnessed the “Fall of Manila" as Spain lost to the US and was
described to have been saddened as he had Spanish blood and spoke the language very well.Since
Aguinaldo led the resistance against American takeover, Quezon joined the guerrilla fight and was
designated second lieutenant, promoted to captain and then to major. “ Under the American civil
regime, he worked as a lawyer,then a fiscal.He was elected governor of Tayabas in 1905, after which he
was elected to the first Philippine Assembly. For a time, he became resident commissioner to the US.55
Quezon's fight against the Hare-Hawes-Cutting Act had put him at odds with Osmeña. But since the
Tydings-McDuffie Law had been unanimously approved by the Philippine legislature, Quezon and
Osmeña worked out their differences and their factions reconciled for them to run as Nacionalista Party
candidates in the first elections of the Philippine Commonwealth.The leaders of Philippine Revolution,
Aguinaldo and Gregorio Aglipay, also contested the presidency. Quezon and Osmeña were elected
president and vice president, respectively, of the Commonwealth of the Philippines, inaugurated on
September 15,1935.
Chapter 7:Executive Power and Presidentiol Leadership

133
Quezon's presidency steered the Commonwealth government from its beginnings and through the
interlude of the Japanese occupation of the Philippines in World War II,until his death in 1944.Naratives
about Quezon shed light on the dynamics of Quezon's exercise of executive power and his political style
as president.6 Quezon showed how he could use the power to appoint with respect to friends, critics,
even those who may not have deliberately intended to offend or challenge him." The story was told
about Quezon's change of mind in appointing Roxas to be secretary of finance.5There were also
accounts that Quezon made appointments without any political color; though in some cases, he did not
seem to like strong-minded people and refused to appoint them. He took a hand in the appointment of
key personnel at the University of the Philippines.” He dispensed rewards and pork barrel that
contributed to patronage politics. Anecdotes and examples of his political style have created the image
of a “dominant executive.”
On executive control and administrative performance,Quezon steered the passage of the National
Defense Act and eighteen of twenty-two administration bills during his term.° His themè was social
justice for thepoor and for the tenants. He sought to combat electoral fraud and graft, and insisted on
judicial integrity. He reorganized the executive bureaucracy and introduced improvements in health,
education and public works, as well as planning for economic development.
The Japanese occupation of the Philippines forced Quezon to go on exile in the United States. While at
Washington DC, he continued to urge the US to take action on the liberation of the Philippines and he
anticipated the need for defense and postwar rehabilitation of the country. By means of radio
broadcasts, he strove to inspire the Filipinos to continue the fight against the Japanese, to struggle for
Philippine independence and democracy.
Quezon sought to amend the six-year term of the president and vice president to a term of four years
with a reelection. For a while this raised contentions; nonetheless, the amendments were approved and
ratified. In the November 1941 elections, Quezon ran and won reelection as president, with Osmeña as
vice president. Then during the wartime Japanese occupation of the Philippines, and while on exile in
the US, Quezon was bothered by the imminent succession of Osmeña to the presidency and conditions
in the Philippines such that he broached the possibility of extending their term of office.6' After much
vacillation, Osmeña acceded to sign a letter, jointly with Quezon and the cabinet, to ask the US for
emergency legislation suspending the 1935 Philippine Constitution on the term of office and extending
Quezon's term as president until such time as the constitutional processes had been reestablished and a
qualified successor had been elected. The US Congress approved the joint resolution so that Quezon
held on to the position of president until his death in 1944.
56.Quirino,Quezon,Paladin of Philippine Freedom,267-97: Jose,"Advocate of Independence Manuel

L.Quezon,"128-29.
57.Alex Brillantes,"The Executive,"In Govemment and Povitics of the Phiippines,ed.Raul De Guzman and
Mlla Reforma (Singapore:Oxlord Unlveralty Press and UP College of Public Adminlstration,1988).117.
58.Qulrino,Quezon,Paladin
of Philppine Freedom,290-92.
59.lbtd.,292-95.
60.Allp.Political and Cutural
History of the Phppines,310-24. 61.Qulrino,Quezon,Paladin of Philppine Freedom,267-89.
62.Abueva,Philippine Ideo-logies and National Develop. ment,47.
63.Ricardo T.Jose,"Rlsing to the Challenge of the Japanese Occupation," in Rosario M. Corles,Philippine

Presidents 100 Yoars,130-60.
64.Jose P.Laurel,Days of Our Years:The Laurel Lagacy (Manila:Jose P.Laurel Memorlal Corporation,1989).
65.Laquian and Laqulan. Joseph Ejercito "Erap"Estrada,
87
66.Allp.Political and Cu/tural
History of the Philppines,339-40.
67.lbld.,435.
Laurel as president of the Japanese-sponsored Republic
In most historical accounts, Japan's wartime occupation of the Philippines brought torture and suffering
to the Filipinos. Manila was most devastated, second only to Warsaw.'2 The Japanese pushed their plan
for a constitutional convention called “Preparatory Commission on Philippine Independence,” the
adoption of the constitution and the election of members to the unicameral National Assembly. This
assembly met later and selected Jose P.Laurel as president of the Republic of the Philippines,
inaugurated on October 14, 1943. This republic has been deemed a mere “puppet" government of the
Japanese.63
Jose P.Laurel's track record speaks of his stature. He obtained his Bachelor of Arts at the University of
Santo Tomas and law at the University of the Philippines, and civil laws from Yale University. He also
attended several universities-the Tokyo Imperial University, the University of Paris in France, and the
University of Oxford in England.He was secretary of the interior in 1923 at age thirty-one; elected
senator, delegate to, and presiding officer of the 1934 Constitutional Convention;appointed secretary of
justice, associate justice then chief justice of the Supreme Court.
However, Laurel was charged with “collaboration with the Japanese" as a consequence of his presidency
of the Japanese-sponsored Philippine republic, but this did not prosper. Laurel had been constrained by
the Japanese, but as accounts pointed out, he tried to keep peace and order as he issued an amnesty
proclamation to enable the guerrillas to surrender and be given full pardon.5 He is quoted to have said:
“All Filipinos should go back to their prewar occupations and unite for a common cause instead of
leading the life of guerrillas, but in the event of the return of the Americans to our shores then we all
should unite to welcome them and fight a common enemy."6 It had been noted that Laurel did not
declare war against the US, nor did he conscript soldiers to fight on Japan's side, nor did he stop the
constabulary forces from deserting.67
Upon the return of the Commonwealth government in Manila, with Osmeña as president, and the US
forces under Gen. Douglas MacArthur,the Japanese kept Laurel and the cabinet virtual prisoners,
brought them to Baguio, then to Japan. Laurel was chosen by the Nacionalista Party as standard bearer
for president in the 1949 elections, which was won by Elpidio Quirino.
Osmeña as postwar president
Osmeña became president of the Commonwealth upon Quezon's death in 1944 and was sworn to office
by General MacArthur on February 27, 1945, upon return of the Commonwealth government to the
Philippines.The government resumed its functions in Manila even as the city's liberation
from Japanese occupation was ongoing, till the end of the war on September 2, 1945. Osmeña assumed
the powers of the chief executive and set up his cabinet for the unexpired term of Quezon.8 In the
remaining years of the Commonwealth,President Osmeña's government organized the People's Court to
try cases against top national leaders charged for collaboration with the Japanese; reconvened the
legislature; conducted the last Commonwealth elections; pursued reconstruction and rehabilitation; and
initiated foreign relations.69
Osmeña has been described as a statesman, an able and veteran political leader; a quiet and formal
person, ever the gentleman even in politics.7° His personality markedly contrasted with that of Quezon,
who was described as fiery and impulsive. Osmeña began his career as a newspaperman and then won
in the elections for governor of Cebu.'" He was a delegate to and speaker of the Philippine Assembly, a
senator, cabinet member, then vice president prior to becoming president of the Commonwealth.He
was overtaken by Quezon in the leadership of the party and the nation, whose political maneuverings
won the passage of the Tydings McDuffie Law. At some points, Osmeña, along with Roxas, contested
Quezon and the Nacionalista Party.” But Osmeña later acceded to coalescing their factions to strengthen
the Nacionalista Party against other political parties. He supported Quezon's amendments to the
constitution for which reason he went on second term as vice president of the Commonwealth; and
eventually yielded to Quezon's persistence that they send a joint resolution to the US Congress on
extending their term due to war conditions.
Toward the anticipated independence day in July 1946, national elections were held in April that
resulted in the loss of Osmeña as presidential candidate and Eulogio Rodriguez for vice president under
the Nacionalista party.73 On the other hand,the elections spelled the victory of the Liberal Party
standard bearers, Roxas as president and Quirino as vice president for the independent Republic of the
Philippines.
The contribution of Osmeña to upholding and strengthening democratic institutions and

constitutionalism in the Philippines, can be gleaned from Jose Laurel's assessment of Osmeña's loss in
the 1946 presidential elections. At the time, the Bell Trade Act was a fundamental and critical political
issue.Laurel recalled that Osmeña saw the helplessness of his position because “he could not play the
game any other way except as a true patriot and a gentleman."74 Initially, Osmeña had wanted to
withdraw, but then decided to pursue the good fight and instructed his followers to keep the elections
scrupulously clean. He also rejected the practical advice for him to use the machinery of government to
ensure his victory. Laurel narrated that Osmeña “wanted to demonstrate the fact that, in a democracy,
it was not important who won; what was important was sacred democratic processes like elections be
held pure and inviolate."75
68.Gloria M.Santos.Govem-ing during the Liberatilon,Serglo Osmeña,Sr.1 August 1944 to 28 May

1946,*in Rosario M.Cortes. Philippine Presidents 100 Years, 161-79.
69.Ibld.,170-78.
70.Laquian and Laquian. Joseph Ejercto Erap Estrada. 87;Santos,"Goveming during the Liberation,164-
70,178-79. 71.Alip,Political and Cultural History of the Philippines,138. 72.Abueva,Phippine ideolo-
gies.42.
73.Allp,Political and Cultural History of the Philppines,139. 74.Jose P.Laurel,Braad and

Freedom(Manila:Jose P.Laurel Memorial Corporatlon).57. 75.lbld,58.
Foundation of democracy and constitutionalism
The closure of the Commonwealth of the Philippines and the inauguration of an independent Republic
of the Philippines on July 4, 1946, actualized the aspirations of the Katipunan and the 1896 Philippine
Revolution. By this time, the 1935 Constitution had been tested even for the short period of the
Commonwealth, and the experiences elicited the legal, political, and personalistic nuances of the
presidents' use of executive powers. Quezon's leadership and presidency, supported by Osmeña's
political style, certainly propelled Philippine independence and democratic moorings, despite their
personalistic control of powers. The persona of Quezon made a case for a “dominant executive."Political
leaders in the next era have cited Quezon and Osmeña, along with Jose Rizal and the leaders of the
propaganda movement, also Bonifacio, Aguinaldo, and Mabini, as the inspiration for the country's
pursuit of freedom, democracy, and development.
The Philippine Republic: Independence and Executive Leadership
The challenge:Democracy and development
With independence came the responsibility of making democracy work and pursuing the aspirations
articulated way back in the propaganda movement and the revolution in the 1800s, and in the
independence efforts of Quezon and Osmeña. By then the Philippine president had the entire
bureaucracy of government under his administrative direction and executive control, the local
government under his general supervision, and the military organization as its civilian commander in
chief. In short, the full powers of the 1935 Constitution have come into the hands of the president, as
chief executive of the state.
In the postwar period, the new state was confronted by the threat of communism, the demands for
economic rehabilitation and social well-being, and the imperatives of democracy and political stability.
Each president planned and introduced programs for various aspects of national development, in
response to deeply rooted problems as well as emerging conditions during their terms of office.
The presidents apparently pursued common development objectives, such as to resolve the agrarian
problem historically rooted in the landowner-tenant relationship, associated with communist
insurgency,and thereby eradicate the security problem (though in the 1950s, this problem was
successfully suppressed by Magsaysay); induce employment and resolve problems with inflation, low
wages, and increasing costs of living; curb graft and corruption and render efficient public services;
achieve food sufficiency and agricultural productivity; and stimulate industrialization and economic
progress.
Chapler 7:Executive Power and Presidential Leadership
With independence also came the responsibilities for the Philippines to take its place and be
represented in the community of nations. The new relationship with the United States weighed heavily
on the presidents, particularly Roxas and Magsaysay, who prevailed upon the legislature to approve the
trade agreements, the military bases agreement, and security alliances with the US, amidst the criticism
and opposition of some legislators and pro-communist groups. By the terms of Macapagal and Marcos,
the new problems were the government's foreign loans and debt servicing, the depreciation and
devaluation of the peso, and related economic problems, arising to some extent from their own
development policies.
Furthermore, the way the presidents used their constitutional powers,their personal qualities, and
political style of leadership resulted in positive and negative impacts on democratic institutions and
processes. The significant relationships of the president were with the bureaucracy,as part of the
electoral spoils system and political patronage; with the military, for support and loyalty; with political
parties, for the purposes of their electionand reelection as president, and for legislative support; and
with the legislature itself for government appropriations and passage of executive-initiated legislation.
Significantly,graft and corruption in government were generally attributed to the president's personal
behavior and political leadership, such that this caused the downfall of Quirino and Garcia and dealt a
blow to reelection bids.
A brief review of the presidents from 1946 to 1972 describes the mix of constitutional, personal, and
political factors that interplay in assuming the post of chief executive of the Philippine republic.
The presidents
Manuel A. Roxas (1946-1948)
Roxas has been described as American-educated, handsome, eloquent,an excellent writer and orator,'6
and quite a match to Quezon.His educational and professional credentials made him a most qualified
political leader." He is remembered for the Osrox mission (Osmeña and Roxas mission to the US) that
obtained the Hare-Hawes-Cutting Act for Philippine independence.®He was educated in the public
schools of his home province of Capiz and in Hong Kong; obtained his law degree from the University of
the Philippines and emerged topnotcher in the law bar examinations of 1913. He was private secretary
of Chief Justice Cayetano Arellano; was elected govemor of Capiz,and then elected to the Philippine
legislature.
He was cleared of the charges that he collaborated with the Japanese. He rose to political power and
national prominence, such that he organized the Liberal Party and challenged the ruling Nacionalista
Party in the elections of 1946, winning over Osmeña to be the last president of the Commonwealth and
76.Laquian and Laquian.
Joseph Ejercito"Erap"Estrada.
88.
77.Brilantes,"The Executive.
118-19.
78.Quirino,Quezon,Paladin of Phibippine Freedom,238-43.
79.Gloria M.Santos,"The Presidents of the Postwar Republic 1946-1965,"in Rosario M.Cortes Phi:ippine
Presidents 100 Years,182-89.
80.8nlantes,"The Executive,"
119.
81.Allp."In the Days of General Emillo Aguinaldo,141. 82.Ibld.,140.
83. Sol Gwekoh,Elpidio Quirino(Manila:Phillppine Education Foundation,Inc.1949). 78-79.
84.Santos,The Presidents of the Postwar Republic,189-94. 85.Gwekoh,Elpidio Quirino. 22-48.
86.Ibid..56.
87.Alip.Political and Cultural
History of the Philippines,399.
88.lbld.,419.
the first president of the independent Philippine Republic." But he died in 1948 before he could
complete his four-year term.
Roxas had to face the problem of the country's rehabilitation after the war and the treaties with the US
that had been adjudged over the years as unequal and disadvantageous to the Philippines. He made
ample use of the treaty-making powers of the executive. He signed the Executive Agreement pertinent
to the Bell Trade Act, also called Philippine Trade Act or Parity Act, and the inclusion of the Parity
Amendment in the Philippine Constitution, granting US businessmen equal rights with Filipinos in the
exploitation of natural resources and operation of public utilities.' Despite objections from various
quarters, Roxas made way for the US-RP Military Bases Agreement on the extraterritorial rights of the
US over their military bases for the period of ninety-nine years;and the US-RP Military Assistance Pact
for continued US control over the Philippine armed forces by way of the Joint US Military Advisory
Group, for which the Philippines received materials and weapons. There was also the Property Act that
gave the US government the right over real estate and other property acquired before the July 4, 1946,
independence.
On the bureaucracy, Roxas obtained legislation from Congress for the reorganization of the
administrative departments.82 He organized the Department of Foreign Affairs on the basis of
Commonwealth Act 732 and issued Executive Order 18 that established the foreign service for the
purpose of launching the Philippines in the international scene.83
Elpidio R.Quirino(1948-1953)
As vice president, Quirino succeeded as president for the unexpired term due to Roxas's untimely death,
in compliance with constitutional provisions.4 Quirino's track record as a member of the cabinet and the
legislature prepared him for the presidency.85 He was secretary of finance in the cabinet of the last
American governor-general, then also secretary of finance and subsequently secretary of the interior in
Quezon's first term in the Commonwealth. He was vice president and concurrently secretary of finance
in the Roxas postwar Commonwealth presidency; then upon independence, served as vice president and
concurrently secretary of foreign affairs. He was elected to the House of Representatives;then elected
and reelected senator of the Philippine legislature, in the years prior to and during the Commonwealth.
President Roxas explained that he chose Quirino for vice president because “in case something happens
in the future,I want to be sure that this country falls in safe hands."86
Quirino won his own term in 1949 against Jose P. Laurel, but amidst protests that the elections were the
dirtiest ever.7 But in his reelection bid in 1953, Quirino was commended for clean elections, though he
faced defeat and saw the victory of his opponent, who was his former secretary of national defense,
Ramon Magsaysay.
139
It seemed that many factors worked against Quirino from the time he entered the presidency. There
were those who doubted his capacity to follow in the footsteps of Roxas. He and his administration were
perceived negatively: a "great accident," an inept administration."' Quirino's political will to pursue a
cleanup of graft and corruption in government met a challenge when one member of his Liberal Party
was charged for irregularities, ousted as president of the Senate and suspended for a year as
senator.According to accounts, the partymate had asked Quirino to tolerate rather than pursue the
investigation, but Quirino persisted in letting the truth come out at all costs.° An impeachmentcharge
was brought against Quirino, which did not prosper for lack of factual and legal basis and because the
president's actions were duly approved by legal and constitutional officers. The incident was viewed by
the New York Times as a vindication of democratic processes in the Philippines."
Quirino's term was beset with the problem of communist insurgency. In his revamp of cabinet, he
appointed Magsaysay as secretary of defense precisely to deal with the peace and order problem posed
by the wartime guerrilla group called the Huks (Hukbong Mapagpalaya Laban sa Hapon) led by Luis
Taruc and the communist groups. Quirino suspended the writ of habeas corpus to support the
counterinsurgency program, for which he was criticized. But the success of the military and
socioeconomic policies and programs to suppress communism had been attributed largely to Ramon
Magsaysay, who in the next elections of 1953 opposed Quirino's reelection and emerged the winner for
the presidency. Quirino's defeat also spelled the Liberal Party's decline in the next eight years of the
Nacionalista presidents.
Ramon Magsaysay(1953-1957)
As president, Magsaysay carried the image of an honest and humble man, a trustworthy and
commendable guerrilla leader, the man with the common touch, as one of the masses-the common
“tao"-a tough fighter of communism but caring and sympathetic to the rebels, a man of action and
example, the people's president.92 Magsaysay's Spanish ancestry did not come out strongly in his
features and his parents could afford to give him a piece of land and a car.” He started the study of
engineering at the University of the Philippines but returned to his home in Zambales due to illness.He
recuperated and finished college with a degree in commerce at Jose Rizal College.* He worked in a
transportation firm for eleven years and promoted to manager till the war.95
It was his performance as a guerrilla leader that led his companions to push him in the elections of 1946
as candidate to the lower house of Congress.96 In his first term, he demonstrated exemplary
performance as chair of the committees on national defense and appropriations and his trip to the US
helped in the passage of the Rogers Bill for the war veterans.” He won a landslide reelection
89.Alip,Political and Cultural History of the Philpplines,399 90.Gwekoh,Elpldio Quirno, 178.
91.lbid.,182.
92.Laqulan and Laqulan,88: Jose Abueva,Ramon Magsay-say:A Political Biography(Manila: Solidaridad

Publishing House. 1971).248,252,271,300: Santos,"The Presidents,194-200.
93.Aurelia Del Fierro,Mag-saysay: The Leader of the Masses,trans.Luie Serrano (Madrid and
Manita:Ramon Magsaysay Foundation,1967. 1972).17
94.Del Fierro,Magsaysay.
19.
95 lbld.,20:Jose Abueva. Ramon Magsaysay:A Political Biography(Manlla:Solldaridad Publlshing

House,1971).47-67. 96.Del Fierro,Magsaysay.19-30:Abueva,Ramon Magsaysay. 70-109.
97.Abueva,Ramon Magsay-say.109-55.
98.Allp.Political and Cultural History of thePhitjopines,417-30. 99.Abueva,Phitippine Ideolo-gies,"385-

416.
100.Del Fierro,Magsaysay. 76.80-88. 101.Abueva,"Philippine
Ideologles.357-75.
102.Alip.Political and Cutural History of the Philppines,417-30. 103.Santos,"The Presidente." 201-3.
in 1949 but by 1950, Magsaysay had been appointed as secretary of national defense, a post to which
his experience as a guerrilla fighter proved useful. With his military and socioeconomic programs, the
communist movement lost its ground. The elections in 1951 were described as clean and orderly, which
enabled the opposition Nacionalista candidates to win over the incumbent Liberals. Political
circumstances led to his eventual transfer to the Nacionalista Party as presidential standard-bearer for
president and his victory in the elections of 1953.
As president, Magsaysay continued to put down communism and press on his convictions for democracy
to succeed by programs for the people, specially for the poor.'8 He worked at rural development, and
stressed high moral standards for the cabinet and the bureaucracy to gain back the people's faith in
government. He opened the Malacañang Palace to the people and created the President's Complaint
and Action Committee, to make the people feel close to government. He directed the construction of
artesian wells and pushed for the floating of bonds for agrarian reform. He signed the Retail Trade
Nationalization Law in 1954 to protect the common man who could not compete with the shrewd
Chinese retail merchants with sari-sari stores in remotest towns and villages. Thereby, he placed retail
trade in the hands of Filipinos.
Magsaysay drew criticism on his foreign-policy directions, particularly from Senators Recto and Tanada,
and he had to work out this predicament.9 Recto assailed the president's position of cooperative
relationship with the United States, and the iniquitous agreements, such as the Garcia-Ohno
Agreement,the Laurel Langley Agreement, the Military Bases Agreement, and the SEATO. Nonetheless,
Magsaysay's administration conveyed the vital objections of Senator Recto in foreign-policy
deliberations. Magsaysay, with his political skills and leadership, sought to offset Recto to the point of
excluding the senator from the Nacionalista Party lineup in the 1955 elections. Despite this presidential
sanction of the opposition, the electorate still voted for Recto.
The surrender of Huk leader Luis Taruc,the rehabilitation of those who surrendered through
resettlement programs, and agrarian reform were hallmarks of Magsaysay's administration.10 He also
paid attention to local government with the election of barrio councils and recognition by awards of
their efforts.10 The Asian Games were held in Manila and he actively sent legislators to attend
international conferences for their exposure and learning. 102
Carlos P.Garcia (1957-1961)
Garcia was considered an experienced politician by the time he became president following the
untimely death of President Magsaysay in 1957, as he was the successor being the vice president. 103
He was born in 1896,finished law at the Philippine Law School and passed the bar, landing in the top ten.
Early in

his career, he was elected provincial governor of Bohol, as representative to the Philippine legislature in
1925 and reelected in 1931, then senator in 1941 reelected in 1946, and vice president in 1953. He
served as secretary of foreign affairs, as vice president, under Magsaysay.
As president, Garcia did not receive as much political support as his predecessor. The army stirred a
coup but this did not prosper. 04
The Civil Service Act or RA 2260 was passed during Garcia's term but this was not implemented until
Macapagal's term. In his time, the 50-50 plan was hatched, by which the 1,800 positions in the 1959
General Appropriations Act were equally divided between the executive officials and the representatives
of legislature's lower house for recommendations on employee appointments. 105 His “midnight
appointment" for positions in the bureaucracy, despite his electoral defeat, was severely deplored,
considering the effects on the next president, Macapagal,who waited for the terms of office to expire
before making his appointments.0%
President Garcia pursued what he called the “Filipino First" policy, but he also moved into gradual
decontròl in 1960."7 The big blow to Garcia was the serious graft and corruption in his government,
deplored even by Emmanuel Pelaez, who resigned from the Nacionalista Party on this issue.'"" Garcia's
display of his use of government resources-transportation,personnel, services-in his reelection campaign
somehow explains his defeat to Macapagal.109
Diosdado P.Macapagal(1961-1965)
Macapagal's image as the poor man who became the president of the Philippines paralled that of
Ramon Magsaysay. But by comparison,Macapagal was really born poor and grew up in conditions of
lack, but succeeded over adversity by determination and hard work."° He entered the University of the
Philippines, during which time he joined the Junior House of Representatives as a partial requirement
for course completion. He left UP due to poor health and returned to his home town in Pampanga to
work as an actor in an ambulant theater troupe. With the help of a philantropist, he finished the degree
of Bachelor of Laws from the University of Santo Tomas and topped the law bar examinations in 1936.
He subsequently completed the degree of Master of Laws in 1941, Doctor of Civil Law in 1947, and
Doctor of Philosophy in Economics in 1957. He brought into the presidency these intellectual and
scholarly achievements, besides his experiences from the practice of law and as law professor.'""
Macapagal's opportunity for politics came when the Liberal Party asked him to run for representative as
his poetic skills and popularity with the rural folks matched the qualities possessed by his would-be
opponent. Macapagal's house-to-house and barrio-to-barrio campaign proved useful in his inirial victory
in 1949 and then his record as outstanding legislator allowed him reelection in 1953.'"2 However, he lost
in the 1955 election as a neophyte senatorial candidate.
104. Ricardo Jose,·The Philippine Armed Forces:Pro-tector or Oppressor? A Historical

Overview.Kasarinlan 16,no.2 (2001):85.
105.Cariño,Bureaucracy for
Democracy,51.
106.Brillantes,The Execu-
tive.120:Carino,Bureaucracy for
Damocracy.50.
-107.Carho,Bureaucracy for Democracy.53. 108.Gwekoh,Dlosdado Maca-pagal,134.
109.Carino,Bureaucracy for
Democracy,52:Gwekoh,Dlos-
dado Macapagal,137.
110.Cecllia P. Serrano.
Beating the Odds:The Life,the Times and the Politics of Diosdado P.Macapagal(Quezon Clty:New Day
Publishers),1-42. 111.Gwekoh,Diosdado Maca-
pagal,22-24;Santos,The Prest-
dents,204-9.
112.Gwekoh,Diosdado Maca-
pagal,42-43.
113.Santos,"The Presidents."
204-9:Serrano.Beating the
Odds,51-89.
114.Carino.Bureaucracy tor
Democracy,49-55.
115.Santos,'The Presldents,"
207.
116.Carno,Bureaucracy tor
Democracy.55.
117.Brillantes,'The Execu-
live,121.
While Garcia served his first presidential term, Macapagal began his maneuvers to unite the opposition-
the Liberal Party and Grand Alliance. In 1957 he ran and won the vice presidency under the banner of
the Liberal Party, while his presidential candidate lost to the Nacionalista candidate, Carlos P.Garcia. The
situation created a dilemma because the president and vice president belonged to different parties; and
the constitution made it discretionary for the president to give a cabinet position or assignment to the
vice president. Since Garcia excluded him from the cabinet and neither did he deem it proper to shift
political parties,Macapagal used his term as vice president to crisscross the country, reaching even far-
flung areas on meager resources and in adverse weather conditions.
In the 1961 elections, Macapagal teamed up with Emmanuel Pelaez of the Grand Alliance and went on
to win the presidency. His presidency is remembered for his socioeconomic and agricultural policies,
highlighting decontrol; and foreign policies toward the Southeast Asian states.113
As president, he tried to keep off the usual executive dominance over the bureaucracy for political
patronage and instead attempted to professionalize the bureaucracy."" He tried to curb graft and
corruption since he knew this caused Garcia's downfall by setting up the Antigraft Committee.
Macapagal embarked on the economic policy of decontrol to accelerate free enterprise, but this has
been viewed as the cause of inflation such that wages could not match the rising prices.1"5 He also
faced the problem of the peso-currency depreciation. Macapagal established an office, the Program
Implementation Office, with economics and technical experts to help him pursue economic
development, though that tended to undermine the National Economic Council.1"6 Land reform was his
flagship program.
In the area of foreign policy, Macapagal was a prime figure in the establishment of the Maphilindo
association among Malaysia, Philippines, and Indonesia. But relations with Malaysia became strained as
Macapagal pushed for the Philippine claim over Sabah. He tried to move away from the US by declaring
June 12 as the Philippine Independence day, in keeping with Aguinaldo's declaration in 1898, instead of
the July 4 celebration of the US grant of independence to the Philippines on this date in 1946.
Nonetheless,he seemed to support US economic policies, even on the Vietnam War.117
Macapagal's bid for reelection wasfrustrated by Ferdinand Marcos who won his first term as president in
1965, having given way to Macapagal in 1961. He did not break the pattern of the incumbent president's
loss in reelection. This feat would be done by Marcos who won a second term in 1969.
Ferdinand E. Marcos (1965-1972)
Ferdinand E. Marcos was a brilliant student who successfully acquitted himself from the criminal case
that charged him for the killing of his father’s
political opponent and rose to political power as president of the Philippines. 'I8 He reviewed for the bar
examination while in prison and successfully garnered the top place. His World War II guerrilla exploits
had been widely known until questions surfaced about their veracity. He was elected to the House of
Representatives in 1949 and was chosen as outstanding representative; he was elected as senator in
1959. He became president of the Liberal Party and president of the Senate but left this party to run
against the incumbent standard-bearer Diosdado Macapagal.
Marcos broke the pattern of reelection failure of incumbent presidents. He was elected for his first term
from 1965 to 1969 and reelected for the second term from 1969 to 1973, but he declared martial law in
1972 and pushed for the new 1973 and 1981 constitutions to support his authoritarian regime.
In his first term, he was concurrently secretary of national defense and was comfortable just like
Magsaysay in handling the Armed Forces of the Philippines against the menace of the communist New
People's Army, as well as the threat posed by the militant Moro National Liberation Front.'1" But he
used these as rationale for the declaration of martial law. Marcos brought the military into doing
additional work in the name of national development. 120 But on him was heaped the charges of
militarization and military abuses.'21
Though he wanted to project an anti-US image, Marcos's foreign policy nonetheless supported US
policies, including the war with Vietnam to which he offered to send the Philippine Civic Action Group.
He continued to establish harmonious relations with Malaysia and members of the ASEAN.
In his first term,'22 he worked for land reform and rice self-sufficiency, which had become contradictory.
In his relationship with the bureaucracy,he retrenched the casuals and the semipermanent without
eligibilities. He failed to fast-track the legislature's mandate to reorganize but he proceeded to create
the Police Commission and the President's Agency on Reforms and Government Operations (PARGO).
By the close of his first term, there were allegations of overspending and graft and corruption.The loans
with the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank resulted in debt service and negative balance
of payment. The country experienced the devaluation of the peso, the freeze on new hire and
promotions, the cut on social services expenditures, strikes, and unemployment protests; while the
military budget increased.123
Marcos had intended to go beyond his term of four years and reelection of four years or a total of eight
years. But this required the amendment of the 1935 Constitution for which the 1971 Constitutional
Convention was called. But even before the ConCon could finish its work, Marcos declared martial law in
1972.
The period from Marcos's imposition of martial law on September 21, 1972, to his downfall in what is
now known as the EDSA 1 People Power Revolution in February 1986, constitutes a major era in
Philippine political history. The end
118.Charles C.McDougald, The Marcos Flle:Was He a Philippine Hero or Comupt Tyrant (California: San
Franclaco Publishers,1987).7-8;Adrlel O. Meimban,The Rise and Fal of the Now Society Ferdinand Edralin
Marcos 1965-1986,"in Rosario M.Cortes Philippine Presidents 100 Years,210-49. 119.Brillantes,The
Execu-
tive,122.
120.Raymond Qullop,Waltz-ing with the Army:From Marcos to Arroyo. Kasarinlan 16,no.2 (2001):73-93.
121.Jose.The Phlllppine Armed Forces.73-85.
122.Meimban,'The Rise and Fal of the New Soclety.215-20. 123.Flemon Rodriguez,The Marcos Regime:
Rape of the Nation (Quezon City:MOED Press, 1985). 23-70; Cariño. Bureaueracy lor Democracy,59.
Philippine Polilics and Governance:An Introduction

of the Marcos administration was marked by the assumption to power of Corazon Aquino. The
Philippines moved into a new era of redemocratization with the new 1987 Philippine Constitution and
the presidency of Corazon Aquino, Fidel Ramos,Joseph Estrada, and Gloria Macapagal Arroyo during
their respective terms of office.
The Philippine President:Impact on Democracy and Development
The period from the Philippine revolution against colonial rule to the postwar republic under the 1935
Constitution brings out the salient points of executive power and presidential leadership in relation to
democracy and development in the country. The 1899 Malolos Constitution provided for a weak
executive and strong legislature while the 1935 Philippine Constitution vested strong executive powers
on the president, while the dynamics of power relations tilted favorably for the executive.The
executive's dominance over the legislature,the bureaucracy, and the military derives from factors
beyond the constitutional provisions.
Through the presidential terms of Aguinaldo to Marcos, the president's strength had come from
personal leadership and political prowess in drawing both elite support and popular support, arising
from some personal qualifications and track record of performance. Educational attainment and track
record in their service to the country-whether in the battlefield, in the legislature, or executive
branches-were vital factors in capturing the populace's attention, their political party's draft as
presidential standard-bearer, and eventual victory at the polls.
The president's dominance had been demonstrated in the case of Quezon's success in amending the
1935 Constitution to extend his term of office. This can be attributed to his strong personality and
political maneuvers, although this may be viewed as reasonably expedient, as the other political leaders
acquiesced, due to the political transition of the Commonwealth and the war. In Aguinaldo's case,the
revolution hindered the full operation of the constitution and necessitated the exercise of strong
executive and military leadership. Marcos was a historic case of one bent on keeping power in his hands,
by ingeniously using the constitution itself, its provision on martial law, to launch a dictatorial regime;
and thereafter inducing charter change-the making of the 1973 and 1981 constitutions.
The power play between the president and the legislature in the post-independence period proved to
be a critical test of the constitutional principle of separation of powers and checks and balance. The
president had political leverage to become titular head of the political party to which they belonged and
to muster the support of party members in the legislature.However,this
has not been without opposition from the minority party, and even a few from the president's own
party. Party politics in the legislature and in relation to the presidency characterized the real politik of
checks and balance.President Roxas proved his mettle in the exercise of the executive's treaty-making
powers and using the support of his party in the passage of the postwar treaties with the US. On the
other hand, while Magsaysay availed himself of party support in the legislature, his own partymate Claro
M. Recto assailed his foreign policies.In the impeachment case against Quirino, party politics played a
vital role on the side of those that pressed the charges and those that dismissed the charges in the
president's favor.
In the post-independence period, the president as chief executive played the power game with the
legislature pertaining to the bureaucracy. The president shared control of the bureaucracy with the
legislators and political parties by appointments of agency heads at high level of technical experience
and positions of confidentiality that exempted the appointees from the civil-service eligibilities; as well
as lower-ranking casual, nonpermanent employees that served the politics of patronage. But the
president inexonerably carried the blame for rampant and massive graft and corruption, with the
repercussions of electoral defeat in reelection and the political party's debacle at the polls. Executive
control of the bureaucracy was evident in the president's strategy of restructuring and reorganization.
The legislature prevented extreme domination by the executive and claimed to do checks and balance in
its power to legislate the reorganization and to confirm or not the president's appointments. The
bureaucracy also resisted executive dominance by causing long delays in implementation.
The strong executive was also evident in the exercise of the constitutional provision of the president's
role as commander in chief of the armed forces. Aguinaldo found it easy to exercise direct command
and control over the military during the revolution and the First Philippine Republic; likewise Magsaysay
as he led the forces in the offensive against the Huks and communist groups. Quezon came under the
authority of the United States on matters of mnilitary command but he did his best to encourage the
Filipino troops even while on exile.Except for a failed intent against Quirino, the military had rendered
its constitutional role toward the other presidents. However, to Marcos was attributed the military's
politicization toward his personal rule and expansion of its role in national development.
The articulations of the presidents of the First Philippine Republic, the Occupation Republic, and the
Independent Republic indicate their strong commitment to the country's independence and statehood
as a democratic republic. Their exemplary performance in government and public service at the start of
their political career are vital evidence of their competencies.Elected to the presidency, their power play
and maneuverings are a mix of their determined efforts to exercise constitutional powers and
accomplish the responsibilities of
. Philippine Politics and Governance:An Introduction
the office,as well as guarantee their personal political survival. Their performance in pushing for
legislation and in managing the executive bureaucracy for implementation and service delivery are a
combination of success and failure. But of major consequence to democracy and national development
are the acts of undermining the electoral process, graft and corruption, and the use of government
resources that account for the people's loss of trust in government and in democracy.
Overall, the image of the Philippine president is that of a dominant executive, a tradition that began in
the peculiar situations of Aguinaldo and Quezon when the Philippines was waging a struggle for
independence. But this has been sustained in the years of the new independent republic as presidents
asserted themselves upon the legislature and upon their political parties.
Guide Questions,1.What vital historical circumstances provide the context for Emilio,
Glossary
1896 Philippine Revolution-the Filipino struggle for national freedom and independence from Spanish
colonization.
Appointive officials-those appointed (non-elected and non-permanent) to
positions/offices of government by duly elected officials subject to
provisions of the constitution and other laws, but at the discretion of the
elected official, particularly the executive; such as members of the executive cabinet.
Bureaucracy-the hierarchy of public officials and personnel selected on the basis of merit to comprise
the government's civil service.
Checks and balance-the powers and functions shared by the three branches of
government, the system of control even as branches are independent in
their respective jurisdiction, intended to prevent abuse of power.
Citizens- the people in the country that render allegiance to the state, subject to
power and authority of the state and its government, entitled to the
protection of the state, as defined in the constitution.
Communism-the ideology emanating from the ideas of Karl Marx, and Lenin
calling for a revolution, collective-communitarian rather than individual-
private ownership of property, and in the long term a “state-less
society.”
Constitution- the fundamental law, of the land that sets the principles, powers,
organization,and functions of the state and its government, the relations
between state-government and the people,rights and obligations of the
people, relations among the people.
Constitutionalism-the rule of law, consisting of the principles and provisions in
the constitution on powers and obligations of the state, government, and

people.
Democracy-the philosophy and ideology of government based on the principles
of consent of the people (consent of the governed), rights and liberties
of the individual and the people, participation of the people in the
workings of the state and government, accountability of political leadership
to the people; and with variations of mechanisms, including those referred
to as direct democracy and representative democracy.
Development- a multifaceted concept, referring to economic, political,social,
and cultural conditions of society, state, and government, indicated by
improvements,progress, growth, stability, among others.
Dictatorship- a type of rule, a type of government in which one person is in full control.
Elections - process by which the people who are qualified voters cast their vote
for candidates to government positions; expected to be free and honest
in a democracy.
Elective/elected officials-those who win in elections for positions in the executive
and legislative branches of government; for example in the Philippines,
the president, vice president, senators, district representatives, governors,
vice governors, mayors, vice mayors, and councilors.
Executive branch - the branch of government vested with executive powers, for
administration,execution of laws,leadership,and other functions assigned
to it.
llustrado-the educated elite socioeconomic-political class in Philippine society emanating from and
during the Spanish colonization of the Philippines.
Independence-the full control of the state and its government over its own affairs.
Independence-the freedom of the state from any form of external rule and
control; the condition of the state to carry out its functions on its own,to
make its own decisions.

Judiciary - the branch of government with the functions of interpreting the laws.
Legislature - the branch of government mainly responsible for making laws
(legislative functions) and other functions that may be assigned to it;
may have one house called unicameral legislature, or two houses called
bicameral legislature; also called Congress in the case of the Philippines.
Local government - the particular levels and units of authority within the state, namely province, city
and municipal, barrio/barangay.
Nation-a sociocultural-political concept referring to the sense of oneness, to the bond among the
people.
National government - the central and overall level of government of the state.
Political leaders - those that vie for the elective positions/offices of government,
considered public officials when elected, and those appointed (non-
elected) to positions/offices of government by the duly elected officials
subject to provisions of the constitution and other laws.
Political party - a voluntary citizens' organization participating in elections by fielding candidates for
government positions.
President-the position,office,tidle of the chief executive as head of the executive branch of government
in the case of the Philippine constitutions.
Presidential system of government - a government where there is separation of powers and checks and
balance of the three branches of government.
Republic- the type of state and government that derives its powers from the
people, where the people govern though not directly but through
officials they choose, either directly or indirectly, for a period stated
by law.
Revolutionary government-the government anchored on the aspirations of the
people participating in a revolution, which is characterized by the aim to
topple down and replace the existing political system.
Chapter 7:Executive Power and Presidential Leodership

Separation of powers-powers of co-equal but coordinate branches of government, namely the
executive, legislative, and judicial branches.
State-community of persons permanently and legitimately occupying a given
territory,independent of forms of external control, with a recognized
and organized government, possessing sovereignty-the state power and
authority over the territory.
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Executive Power and Presidential Leadership:

Philippine Revolution to Independence

Ma.Lourdes G. Genato Rebullida

1.John H.Romanl,The Philippine Presidency(Manila: Institute of Publie Admintstration.

Philippine Politics and Governonce:An Introducion

Historical time frames

5) The post-EDSA 1 era under the 1987 Constitution.

Chapter 7:Execulive Power and Presidential Leadership

Cecilla Conaco,The Psycho-

logy of Political Leadership.

paper presented in the Training

Semlnar tor Social Sclences/

Social Studles Teachers on the

Theme:"Soclal Issues and

Dynamics in the New Millenlum:

Relevant Research and Teaching

in theSocial Sciences (UP

Philippine Politics and Governance:An Introduction

Chapter 7:Executive Power and Presidential Leadership

The Presidency and the First Philippine Republic

Aguinaldo's proclamation of independence

and the First Philippine Republic

Philippine Politics and Governance:An Introduction

12.Abueva,"Philippine Ideo-logies and National Develop-ment,31;Agoncilo,Malolos:The Crisis of the

15.Agoncillo,Malolos:The Crisis of theRepublic,245. 16.Decree of June 18,1898. establlshing the

17.Allp.Political and Cutural History of the Philippines.54. Agoncilo,Malolos:The Crists of the

Aguinaldo's Declaration of Pbilippine Independence. By June 12,1898, Aguinaldo proclaimed Philippine

Chapter 7:Executive Power and Presidential Leadership

The Malolos Constitution:Dynamics of framing executive power

18.Decree of June 23,1898.

establishing the Revolutionary

January 20.1899(English translatlon).

Philippine Politics and Governance:An Introduction

the Malotos Republic and Aslan

and Cultural History of the

Chapler 7:Executive Power and Presidential Leadership

The Malolos Republic

27.Arsenlo Manuel,Felipe Calderon:A Blographical Portralt (Manila:Bookman,1954),24, cited in

Philippine Politics and Governance:An Introduction

28.Majul,The Political and

Constitutional Ideas of the

29.Alip.Political and Cultural

HHistory of the Philippines,5.

30. Ambeth R. Ocampo.

1901."in Rosario M.Cortes.

Philippine Presidents 100 Years.

Leader Emilio Aguinaldo,'27-55.

33.Colestina P.Boncan,The Period of Political Tutelage.1901-1935.in Rosario M.Cortes. Philippine

34.Alip.Political and Cultural History of the Philippines,209-324:Agoncillo, Malolos:The Crisis of the

Emilio Aguinaldo:Leader of the revolution and president of the First Republic

Commonwealth of the Philippines:

The 1935 Constitution and Presidential Leadership

American tutelage on democracy

Chapter 7:Executive Power and Presidential Leadership

The 1935 Constitution:Executive powers

Paladin of Philippine Freedom

(Manila:Fillplnlana Book Gulld.

Cutura/History of the Philppines,

36.Alip.Polfical and Cuhural

History of the Phippines,251-305

Editorial StaH,"Appendix B 1935

and 1973 Philippine Consti-

lutions,"in The Constitution of the

Republic of the Philppines with