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STUDYING THE SIKH DIASPORA: FIRST-YEAR UNIVERSITY EXPERIENCE

OF PUNJABI SIKH STUDENTS
Jaswinder Singh Sandhu; Kamala Elizabeth Nayar

Online Publication Date: 01 June 2008

To cite this Article Sandhu, Jaswinder Singh and Nayar, Kamala Elizabeth(2008)'STUDYING THE SIKH DIASPORA: FIRST-YEAR
UNIVERSITY EXPERIENCE OF PUNJABI SIKH STUDENTS',Sikh Formations,4:1,33 — 46
To link to this Article: DOI: 10.1080/17448720802075421
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 Sikh Formations, Vol. 4, No. 1, June 2008, pp. 33– 46

Jaswinder Singh Sandhu and

Kamala Elizabeth Nayar

STUDYING THE SIKH DIASPORA:

FIRST-YEAR UNIVERSITY EXPERIENCE
OF PUNJABI SIKH STUDENTS
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This paper examines the effectiveness of the ‘Sikh Diaspora’ course in terms of enhancing
the first year higher education experience of Punjabi Sikh students attending a post-
secondary educational institution in the Vancouver Lower Mainland. The paper provides
a general overview of the pertinent socio-cultural issues that South Asian students may
experience while obtaining higher education. It analyses data based on an evaluation
questionnaire collected from 82 students registered in the ‘Sikh Diaspora’ course. The
analysis reveals that the course had a positive impact on the students, including (a)
enhanced classroom experience, (b) cultural validation, and (c) career relevancy. The
paper concludes that the classroom can play an integral role in welcoming, supporting,
and validating students of culturally diverse backgrounds.

Introduction1
The most recent census figures indicate that ethnic diversity is steadily increasing in
Canada (Statistics Canada 2003a). In major Canadian metropolis centres like Toronto
and Vancouver, visible ethnic minorities now constitute nearly 37% of the total popu-
lation (Statistics Canada 2003b). Moreover, in a study published by Statistics Canada
(2005), it is estimated that by 2017, when Canada celebrates its 150th anniversary,
one out of every five people in Canada may be a member of a visible minority
group. In Vancouver, where there is a large Asian and South Asian population, it is
predicted that by 2017 the majority of the population in Vancouver is likely to be
comprised of visible minority persons or, in other words, the ‘minority majority’
(Statistics Canada 2005). Such diverse cultural demographics call for a more active,
and culturally responsive, approach to enhancing the higher education experience
for visible ethnic minority students.
In view of these cultural demographics, the experience of ethnic minority
students in higher education has been an ongoing concern among politicians, higher
education administrators, and the academic community. For example, former

ISSN 1744-8727 (print)/ISSN 1744-8735 (online)/08/010033-14

# 2008 Taylor & Francis
DOI: 10.1080/17448720802075421
 34 SIKH FORMATIONS

Minister of Education in Ontario, Canada, Richard Allen, commented that ‘we must
continue our efforts to develop and improve the climate for under-represented groups
not only by making universities more accessible, but also by making sure that the
necessary supports exist that will allow these individuals to succeed in their
studies’ (University of Toronto 1992). According to Grayson (1995), steps should
be taken to enhance the higher education experience for ethnic minority students,
by: (a) understanding the distinctive challenges that certain groups experience
while pursuing higher education; (b) encouraging representation of a variety of
perspectives or world views in the curriculum; (c) fostering positive interactions
with faculty and campus services; and lastly (d) encouraging the study of topics
relevant to the career aspirations that students strive to attain.
In the light of the above, the present study will (a) explore the socio-cultural
issues experienced by one ethnic minority group while acquiring higher education;
(b) measure the effectiveness of a diaspora course; and (c) discuss the implications
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for first-year experience in higher education institutions amid a multicultural

environment. The community of interest for the purposes of this study is the South
Asian community, and more specifically the Punjabi Sikh community of Western
Canada. Before commencing this endeavour, a brief historical overview of the
Punjabi Sikh Community in Canada is presented.

Punjabi Sikhs in Western Canada

The Punjabi Sikh community is an immigrant group which hails from the state of
Punjab, India. It has been one of the important immigrant groups in Canada in the
post-war period (Nayar 2004). Sikh immigrants started coming in the early 1900s
to British Columbia, where they found manual labour employment in raw resource
industries. The marked increase in migration of the Punjabi Sikh community into
Canada occurred during the post-war period as a result of the establishment of the
sponsorship system as part of Canadian immigration policy. The majority of Sikh
immigrants to Western Canada during the 1950s and thereafter thus came under
the family sponsorship program (changes in immigration policy in the 1960s also
opened the door to educated white-collar professionals from India). Although the
earlier Punjabi Sikh immigrants in Western Canada worked primarily in raw
resource industries, such as forestry, fisheries, mining, and agriculture, many later
immigrants arrived with formal education from the Punjab, but experienced
difficulties in having their foreign credentials recognized in Canada, and as a result
many were pushed into blue-collar occupations.
In the Vancouver Lower Mainland, most Punjabi Sikh immigrants have come from
an agricultural farming community. Even as Canadian citizens, many of them maintain
legal ownership of their farmland in the Punjab. This connection with the Punjab, to a
certain extent, allows for the transmission of cultural values to remain intact, such as the
communal values attributed to traditional agricultural societies. The transmission of a
collective value system within an individualistic dominant culture has had ramifications
for the children of immigrant Punjabi Sikh parents. Indeed, a social contradiction makes
the situation challenging for those Canadian-born or -raised children living in a tra-
ditional Punjabi Sikh household (reflecting a collective orientation and ascribed
 STUDYING THE SIKH DIASPORA 35

status) yet attending schools that are founded on western ideals and values (such as self-
orientation and meritocracy) (Abouguendia and Noels 2001; Nayar 2004).

Socio-cultural issues experienced by South Asian students

Before commencing a discussion on the socio-cultural issues experienced by South

Asian students, it is important to note here that first, due to limited available
research on the higher educational experiences of Punjabi Sikh students in
western institutions, research pertaining to general South Asian student experiences
will be presented. Second, the authors would like the reader to be mindful that not
all children of South Asian immigrant parents experience an ongoing ‘East versus
West’ culture clash; rather, many have learned to successfully ‘mediate’ between
the values of two disparate cultural systems. Indeed, the notion that the children
of immigrant parents are ‘caught between two cultures’ is too simplistic; that is,
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it ‘disavows the possibility of cultural interaction and fusion’ (Brah 1996, 41).
The present article contends that South Asian youth should not be branded as
being ‘caught between two cultures’, but rather ought to be viewed as varying
along a continuum ranging from ‘collectivism’ towards ‘individualism’. This
variance can be attributed to certain variables, such as age upon arrival to the host
country, exposure to one’s ethnic group in the host country, ethnic settlement
patterns in rural and urban areas in the host country, class, education, gender,
religious commitment, and, most importantly, individual preferences.
Having said that, a survey of the literature indicates that there are specific
socio-cultural issues often experienced by South Asian students, which we have
organized into five categories: (a) lack of parental guidance in western education;
(b) cultural incongruence; (c) gender-related issues; (d) out-group stress; and
(e) entry into criminal gangs.

Lack of parental guidance in western education

South Asian immigrant parents, for the most part, have had minimal experience in,
or familiarity with, western higher education, making for minimal parental guidance
(Abbas 2002a). At the same time, there exists a high rate of participation by the
children of immigrant South Asian parents in higher education and significantly
better performance and retention when compared with other visible ethnic minority
students (Abbas 2002b). According to Abbas (2002a), this greater participation in
higher education can be attributed to the strong family support system, wherein
South Asian students tend to live at home or with relatives when pursuing higher
education. In many cases, South Asian students also have the benefit of receiving
financial assistance from their parents. Such parental support is often influenced by
the parents’ desire to see their children achieve what they themselves could not
attain (Abbas 2002b).
Family assistance, at first blush, appears to be a source of support and motivation for
South Asian students. However, it can also hinder the South Asian student’s first-year
experience of higher education (Bhattacharya 2000; Abbas 2002a,b; Nayar 2004).
Bhattacharya argues that there is an element of ‘collective’ pride involved in the
South Asian cultural value of having ‘strong families’, where the achievements of
 36 SIKH FORMATIONS

individual members are seen as enhancing family pride (izzat). In fact, higher education
is often viewed as a means to enhance family status as well as to acquire wealth, rather
than being understood as an opportunity to develop an individual’s potential (Bhatta-
charya 2000). Indeed, there is tension between the traditional norm of fulfilling
one’s duty for the benefit of the collective group and the western value of exploring
one’s abilities and interests in order to achieve one’s full potential (Nayar 2004).
Parents, with their collectivity orientation, furthermore have little or no experi-
ence in attending to, or empathizing with, the personal challenges that students may
have to endure in higher education. When the children of immigrant South Asian
parents give vent to their feelings about the challenges they experience in higher
education, their parents often respond with the attitude that the children ought to
do well since they have been raised in the West and do not face the language barriers
like the parents did (Abbas 2002a). As a result, South Asian students can often feel
frustrated and alienated from both the home and school environments when
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confronting personal challenges in higher education (Abbas 2002a).

Moreover, Nayar (2004) contends that parents also have difficulty in providing
guidance to their children due to their own educational experience having been
limited to mainly learning facts by rote without necessarily having been exposed
to critical inquiry. Cultural incongruence, therefore, results between the traditional
practice of oral transmission of wisdom, characterized by a lack of inquiry out of
respect for elders, and the western analytical approach to knowledge that features
a progressive and individualistic orientation to education and life in general
(Nayar 2004). It is important to note here that analytical approaches to knowledge
are not absent in South Asian cultures, but rather exist on a continuum, with oral
approaches to wisdom being on one end and analytical approaches being on the
other end. In India, rural villages tend to operate from an oral wisdom orientation,
whereas urban centres tend to operate from an analytical approach to knowledge.

Cultural incongruence
The experience of cultural incongruence by South Asian students, according to
Bhattacharya (2000), begins early in the educational cycle, where there is a lack of
synergy between the child’s two primary socialization agents: the parents and the
teachers. The parents, who hold a traditional or collectivity orientation to education,
tend to view education as a mechanism through which their children will acquire values
and patterns of behaviour that will help them fulfill the family’s interests. Parents,
therefore, expect their children to respect the teacher, like their parents would have
done in their former homeland. However, since the teachers in the West manifest an
individualistic orientation, as a result of which students are encouraged to develop
personal autonomy and critical thinking, children of South Asian immigrant parents
can endure a considerable amount of intrapersonal tension due to the lack of congruence
between their two primary socialization agents (Bhattacharya 2000; Nayar 2004).

Gender-related issues
The role of gender in traditional South Asian communities can be understood by a
reference to the Code of Manu (Manusmrti). Although the Code of Manu is a collection
 STUDYING THE SIKH DIASPORA 37

of the rules of life compiled by Hindu priests around 200 BCE (Klostermaier 1989), it
has, nonetheless, shaped the manner in which gender roles are defined in South Asian
communities, regardless of their religious background. The Code states that: ‘In
childhood let her remain under the control of her father; under the control of her
husband in youth; and under the control of her son after the demise of her Lord
in old age’ (Manusmrti 5.148). This constraint on a woman’s autonomy is justified
by the Code through the belief that women are the essential medium through
which the traditional culture can be passed on to the next generation (Naidoo 1984).
South Asian females raised by immigrant parents, who hold the ‘traditional view
of women’, can often experience difficulties in higher education, such as (a) being
restricted in their involvement in on- and off-campus social activities; (b) being
discouraged from pursuing careers that have been traditionally held by men;
(c) being pressured quickly to finish a degree so that they can be married; and
(d) being discouraged from attending a college away from the parents’ home
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(Ghuman 1994; Talbani and Hasanali 2000; Nayar 2004).

Out-group stress
Out-group stress is the tension associated with the particular nature of interactions that
ethnic communities often have with members of mainstream society, such as racial
discrimination, prejudicial attitudes, and racial stereotyping (Abouguendia and Noels
2001; Abbas 2002b; Nayar 2004). The effects of out-group stress on the psychological
well-being of ethnic minority students often include a higher incidence of depression
and lower levels of self-esteem (Abbas 2002b). In regard to out-group stress in edu-
cation, South Asian students often report that their educators hold negative stereotypes
of South Asians and that they are unfairly streamed in their secondary schooling (Abbas
2002b; Samuel and Burney 2003). Negative stereotypes and streaming can often lead to
decreased levels of self-esteem and motivation in South Asian students (Abbas 2002b),
with the result that such students develop feelings of alienation from the university
milieu (Samuel and Burney 2003). These consequences can, in turn, result in limited
aspirations and restricted choices (Samuel and Burney 2003), and at times make
some of these students prone to high-risk behaviour (Tyakoff 2004).

Entry into criminal gangs

Some writers have described South Asians in North America as a model of a minority
group (Ramirez 1986; Bell 1996), based on its strong family ties, stability, structure,
and hard work that have contributed to the success of South Asians in North America
(Sandhu 1997). There has, however, in recent years emerged the phenomenon of
South Asian gangs, particularly in Western Canada, where there exists a lucrative
underground marijuana industry (Tyakoff 2004). In the Vancouver metropolis,
where there is a large concentration of South Asians, an alarming rate of gang-
related homicides involving South Asians is evident. In the period from 1994 to
2003, there have been sixty-two gang-related homicides among young South Asians
(Tyakoff 2004).
Several social forces can influence South Asian youth to join criminal gangs.
These include: (a) the feelings of marginalization and isolation from the family
 38 SIKH FORMATIONS

and/or mainstream society; (b) the desire for protection against endemic racism or
bullying; (c) the need for social relationships that impart a sense of identity and
respect; and (d) the increased exposure to criminal activities (Nayar 2004; Tyakoff
2004). It is important to note that both perpetrators and victims in South Asian
gang-related homicides come from both privileged South Asian families as well as
from economically disadvantaged families. They also consist of college graduates as
well as high school dropouts. Moreover, their background may be either as first-
or second-generation South Asians (Tyakoff 2004).
The above discussion has outlined some of the pertinent socio-cultural issues that
South Asian students can experience while pursuing higher education. However, this
discussion should not lead to the generalization that these issues are characteristic of a
homogeneous South Asian community. It is imperative not to view the South Asian
community as a homogeneous group, but rather as a mosaic composed of distinct reli-
gions, cultures, belief systems, and nationalities (Ibrahim, Ohnishi, and Sandhu
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1997), which also differ in their social and migration histories. By respecting the
diversity within the larger South Asian culture, the ethnic identity of students belong-
ing to various South Asian communities can be validated.
According to Ishiyama (1995), people are motivated to seek validating experiences
– ‘the affirmation of one’s sense of self and positive valuing of one’s unique and
meaningful existence’ (135) – when interacting with the world; and the lack of vali-
dation can lead to adverse feelings, including disorientation, stress, anxiety, and
self-doubt. Astin (1982) contends that ethnic minority students’ positive feelings of
fitting in culturally can create a sense of affirmation and belonging, and thus the
desire to do well in higher education.
In view of the above, this study will examine whether the ‘Sikh Diaspora’ course –
which takes into account the distinctive socio-cultural issues that Punjabi Sikh students
often face – can, indeed, enhance their first-year experience of higher education.

The ‘Sikh diaspora’ course

As part of the general social science curriculum, and to effectively address the needs
of the Punjabi Sikh community, a post-secondary educational institution in the
Vancouver Lower Mainland piloted a lower level three-credit sociology course
entitled the ‘Sikh Diaspora’. First, the course examines social theory related to
global migration, diaspora formation and social adaptation. Second, the course
looks at the social history of Sikhs in Canada. Last, it explores the major social
issues that the immigrant Punjabi Sikh community encounters in Canada at both
the personal and community levels. The course was designed so that students who
successfully complete the course will have reliably demonstrated the ability to:
. Define and describe the concept of diaspora
. Explain the basic models of social adaptation and cultural change
. Apply the basic migration and adaptation paradigms to the Sikh diaspora
. Describe the development of the Sikh diaspora in Western Canada
. State the basic social issues surrounding the adaptation and integration process of
Sikh communities
 STUDYING THE SIKH DIASPORA 39

. Read and critically analyze relevant academic articles

. Develop analytical skills in classroom discussions, assignments, and field research.
While the course provides a theoretical foundation for diaspora studies, it also gives
students the opportunity to acquire intercultural skills since the course content
integrates an awareness of (1) the various ways of seeing the world and the issues
immigrants face; (2) the adaptation and integration process of Sikh communities in
Canada from the perspective of continuity and change in traditional values and prac-
tices; (3) the intergenerational experience of living in an immigrant community in
Canada; and (4) the interactions between the homeland and ‘host’ society. In
effect, students of Punjabi Sikh heritage gain the opportunity to discuss issues
close to their own life situation, such as intergenerational conflict, gender and
family relations, cultural incongruence, and out-group stress.
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Methodology
In the fall and spring semesters of 2004 and the fall semester of 2006, 82 students
(75 Punjabi Sikh and seven non-Punjabi Sikh) – who were registered in the ‘Sikh
Diaspora’ course – volunteered to complete an evaluation questionnaire. The question-
naire took approximately 20–30 minutes to complete. Students were requested to rate
several statements relating to their classroom and cultural experiences, using a
five-point Likert scale in which 1 ¼ strongly disagree, 2 ¼ disagree, 3 ¼ uncertain,
4 ¼ agree, and 5 ¼ strongly agree. Three general open-ended questions were also
included for students to elaborate on their classroom and cultural experiences.

Results and discussion

As summarized in Table 1, the students registered in the ‘Sikh Diaspora’ course
expressed attitudes that reflect positive classroom experiences. The affirmative
experiences included: (a) enhanced classroom experience; (b) cultural validation;
and (c) career relevancy. To substantiate the results of the evaluation questionnaire,
qualitative responses were also gathered regarding classroom experience, cultural
validation, and career relevancy.

TABLE 1 Student responses to the Sikh Diaspora Course Questionnaire

relevant survey items mean

1. The instructor is able to create a positive learning environment. 4.30

2. Assignments are meaningful learning experiences. 4.21
3. Assignments are responsive to varying student interests, abilities, and learning styles. 4.01
4. The course readings present materials interestingly so as to encourage reading. 3.92
5. As a student of Punjabi-Sikh heritage, this course is a culturally validating experience. 4.52
6. As a non Punjabi-Sikh student, I am more aware of ethnic minority experiences in Canada. 4.71
7. The course is useful for students interested in careers involving multicultural populations. 4.53
 40 SIKH FORMATIONS

Classroom experience
Classroom experience is distinct from traditional measures of academic perform-
ance, such as grades, attendance, and contact with faculty (Grayson 1995). In the
present study, classroom experience involves the acquisition or enhancement of
skills and knowledge through meaningful learning activities. As indicated in
Table 1, items 1 – 4, students on the whole expressed the opinion that the instructor
was able to create a positive learning environment. The instructor’s ability to create
a positive learning experience can be gathered from the inclusion of course topics and
assignments that the students had a personal interest in. Note the comment of one
student:

I took an interest in the assignments because the issues were close to home, and
because of my interest in the subject I put in more effort and have improved my
essay skills.
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(SA20)

Since the assignments involved learning about, and articulating, the social issues per-
tinent to the students’ inner world of experience, they, by virtue of the nature of the
topic, inspired students to take a greater initiative in sharpening their skills so that
they could convey an accurate portrait of themselves.
In addition, the opportunity to explore non-Eurocentric world views also appears
to have increased the students’ willingness to engage in the learning activities. Take, for
instance, the comment of another student:

All of the other courses I have taken are loaded with Western values and much of
the curriculum is based on Christian beliefs and I wanted a break from that.
(SB24)

The opportunity for students to learn about diverse world views seems to have
resonated with their interest in examining the world through a non-Eurocentric
perspective, especially one that is also consistent with the way in which many of
the students themselves view the world. Indeed, the inclusion of diverse world
views and experiences in the curriculum seems to have been culturally validating
for the students.

Cultural validation
Cultural validation (see Table 1, items 5– 6) in the present article involves both
acknowledging the religious-cultural identity of culturally diverse students, as
well as accurately understanding the personal issues that these students often experi-
ence. In this study, student responses indicated that their participation in the class-
room was greater due to the personal relevancy of the course material. The course
served as more than an opportunity to learn and acquire knowledge and skills.
Rather, it proved also to be an opportunity for students to self-explore and to
gain insight into issues that have, for the most part, remained untouched earlier
by them and their environment (school, family). Note the comment of one student:
 STUDYING THE SIKH DIASPORA 41

I feel confident about myself by taking this course. I am not alone in feeling alienated
at times either through family and non-Sikhs.
(SB26)

The opportunity to discuss personal issues unique to the students’ religious-cultural

identity seems to have provided a psycho-emotional outlet for students’ inner world
of experiences. In other words, the course played a therapeutic role in allowing students
to express themselves. Note the comment of another student:

I got a lot out of the class discussions. Being raised in the West with traditional
parents, I have issues that are not discussed in the mainstream. It was nice to talk
about these issues with fellow students in a structured environment and the three
credits are a bonus.
(SB8)
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Moreover, students also indicated that the course helped them better understand
some of their issues from other perspectives, including that of their immigrant
parents. Note the following comments by two students:

I have learned to become more open minded about the issues faced by immi-
grants. Now when my parents say something I don’t appreciate, I at least
know where they are coming from.
(SB20)

I understand my family better. I don’t judge my family with my Western per-

spective.
(SB25)

In addition to understanding family-related issues, students also indicated greater

confidence and pride in their interaction with the mainstream. Several students com-
mented thus:

I have gained a great depth of knowledge about my culture and its traditions and
the reasons behind them. I feel as though [I] am better informed and can engage
in conversations with other people about it confidently.
(SA18)

My great grandfather came here in 1906. He was one of the early pioneers. I feel
so proud and so much respect for him. I realized how courageous and brave [the
pioneers] were.
(SB25)

I feel proud to be learning about my tradition at school and get credits for it, not
just in the gurdwara (Sikh temple). Also, the classroom is a neutral area so it is
not self-promotion like it is in the gurdwara.
(SB10)
 42 SIKH FORMATIONS

The above comments seem to reflect the students’ appreciation for having their heri-
tage being worthy of academic study. The course increased their ability to actively
engage with the mainstream about the issues that matter in their world. Students
appear to have taken the perspective that their heritage and the issues that they
experience are a part of the larger society, rather than that of a marginalized and
isolated ethnic group.

Career relevancy
As mentioned earlier, the Vancouver metropolis is composed of a mosaic of diverse
cultural groups. Such demographics have increased the need for a culturally competent
workforce in all sectors, such as business, criminal justice, social services, medicine,
and education. By exposing students to a variety of theories and perspectives on under-
standing the issues that arise in the process of migration and social adaptation, they can
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be better equipped to serve the distinctive needs of the culturally diverse population in
their chosen career field (see Table 1, items 6–7). Note the following comments:

By taking this course, I now feel more comfortable venturing into careers invol-
ving multiculturalism.
(SA23)

I want to work in the Lower Mainland as a police officer. In taking this course it
has given me a different perspective as to the issues faced by immigrants and
South Asians.
(SA10)

It is also important to note here that all of the non-Sikh students expressed favourable
interest in the course due to the relevancy it had for their career aspirations, in that it
made them more aware of ethnic minority experiences in Canada. Indeed, non-Sikh
students felt they benefited from the course in that they were enabled to better under-
stand the Punjabi Sikh community. This better understanding can, in turn, help inter-
community relations in the workplace, college campus or society in general.

Implications for higher education

First-year experience programs are designed to ‘provide a rite of passage in which
students are supported, welcomed, celebrated, and ultimately assimilated’
(Gardner 1986, 266). Moreover, O’Bryne and Alva (2002) describe first-year experi-
ence as an opportunity to ‘provide students with resources, information, and oppor-
tunities not only to develop academic skills but also to increase personal
involvement’ (115). Although there are positive outcomes from such programs
and initiatives for participating students (Gardner 1986), taking part in campus
activities can often be difficult for students from an ethnic minority group. One dif-
ficulty is rooted in the lack of cultural validation that ethnic minority students often
experience in higher education (Samuel and Burney 2003). Students with a strong
cultural or bi-cultural identity may not feel a sense of belonging in their respective
 STUDYING THE SIKH DIASPORA 43

institution if their unique cultural background is not validated in the campus

community (Astin 1982; Samuel and Burney 2003). This lack of validation can
further lead to feelings of alienation when such students endure personal challenges,
especially since ethnic minority students have been shown to under-utilize campus
services, such as counselling (Cheng, Leong, and Geist 1993).
Moreover, with the rising costs of tuition, many students are forced to juggle
their academic and employment obligations; thus limiting their time to participate
in on-campus activities. In Canada, between 1990/91 and 2002/03 tuition fees
have increased at an average annual rate of 8.1%, which is four times the average
rate of inflation of 1.9% (Statistics Canada 2004a). In regard to British Columbia,
where the provincial government lifted a six-year tuition freeze in 2002/03,
tuition fees have increased by 84.4% between 1990/91 to 2004/05 (Statistics
Canada 2004a). Consequently, there has been an increase in part-time enrolment
in British Columbia (Statistics Canada 2004b), where many students, especially
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those from low-income families and ethnic minority backgrounds, have to take on
employment to pay for their education (Canadian Federation of Students 2004).
Having said that, there is a need to utilize innovative approaches to making the
classroom experience more than the simple acquisition of skills and knowledge, and
rather to regard it as an opportunity to be welcomed, supported, and validated. The
‘Sikh Diaspora’ course is, indeed, an innovative approach as it implicitly welcomes
and validates students belonging to a specific ethnic group without marginalizing the
students from the larger student body. This effort has proven to effectively make
students consider themselves as included in the classroom setting as well as make
them feel like contributors to mainstream society. Indeed, the approach of this
culture-specific curriculum sheds light on the positive effect it can have on
students when taking a course offered to all students (such as Sikhs, South Asians,
Anglo-Saxons, and others), in that it is a lower level three-credit course as part of
the regular curriculum.
There are often higher level courses in the curriculum related to the history of a
specific ethnic group. However, validation and enhancement of classroom experi-
ences ought to occur during the first year. Moreover, unlike a history or cultural
course about the ethnic group’s homeland (from which children of immigrant
parents often feel alienated and distanced), the ‘Sikh Diaspora’ course specifically
addresses the social and cultural issues that the students are actually experiencing,
making it more validating and encouraging for the students. Many of the social
issues discussed in the classroom are part of their existential situation. Moreover,
the course provides students with a neutral arena to discuss such issues. As a conse-
quence, students are more likely to have increased levels of motivation, interaction
and discussion. And, in turn, through the cultural validation experience, students
acquire learning skills in a meaningful environment, and gain the opportunity for a
greater sense of self-expression and exploration.
There is, of course, the risk that some of the students may assume that they are
natural experts on the subject matter so that they do not turn to academic sources (i.e.
they do their assignments based solely on personal experience). However, the empha-
sis placed on the academic nature of the course – whereby students are required to
critically analyse the readings or integrate the course material in their assignments,
or periodic tests – proved to be useful in countering such a risk. The objective
 44 SIKH FORMATIONS

study of academic material as well as the exploration of various theoretical perspec-

tives on the topic at hand can further prevent the risk from materializing.
Although this article has examined the socio-cultural issues experienced by
Punjabi Sikh students while obtaining higher education, the issues discussed may
be relevant to other immigrant communities as well, especially those which have
arrived in the western world from traditional agricultural societies. One,
however, must exercise caution when making generalizations from this study to
other ethnic communities as many other factors are involved. There may be differ-
ences in cultural norms, religious backgrounds and political environments both in the
homeland and in the ‘host’ country that can be relevant to an immigrant commu-
nity’s experience. Nonetheless, the study’s findings demonstrate the importance
of strengthening the link between higher educational institutions and their culturally
diverse student body, through a proactive approach, such as a culturally specific
curriculum, that welcomes, supports, and validates the unique first-year experience
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of ethnic minority students.

Although the present study has provided some useful preliminary findings that
support the development of a culture-specific, or culturally validating, curriculum,
there are limitations in the study that need to be addressed and further explored. For
instance, while students responded favourably in the evaluation questionnaire, a
long-term analysis is required to determine the effectiveness of a culturally specific
curriculum in terms of retention. Also, there is the methodological limitation of the
small size of the sample and the absence of a comparison group. Nonetheless, these
are preliminary findings, and further empirical research is required to determine the
use of a culture-specific curriculum as a means of enhancing the first-year higher
education experience for ethnic minority students.

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Jaswinder Singh Sanahu. Address: 523-7231 120th Street, Delta, British Columbia,
V4C 6P5, Canada. [email: jas@pacsbc.org]
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