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Applying the Harvard Gender

Analytical Framework: A Case
Study from a Guatemalan Maya-
Mam Community
a
Adrienne Wiebe
a
University of Alberta
Published online: 06 May 2014.
To cite this article: Adrienne Wiebe (1997) Applying the Harvard Gender Analytical
Framework: A Case Study from a Guatemalan Maya-Mam Community, Canadian
Journal of Latin American and Caribbean Studies/Revue canadienne des études latino-
américaines et caraïbes, 22:44, 147-175, DOI: 10.1080/08263663.1997.10816757
To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08263663.1997.10816757
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APPLYING THE HARVARD GENDER
ANALYTICAL FRAMEWORK: A CASE
STUDY FROM A GUATEMALAN
MAYA-MAM COMMUNITY 1
ADRIENNE WIEBE
University of Alberta
Abstract. This paper assesses the effcctiveness of the Harvard Gender Anal)1ical Frame-
work using a case study of a Maya-Mam community in Guatemala. Data were collected through
participant observation, informal intcrvicws and focus group discussions during the author's
four anda halfyear involvement in a rural development project in Comitancillo, San Marcos.
The study reveals the Harvard Gcnder Annlytical Framework to be a useful too I in the exami-
nation of data, illuminating the distinctive dynamics of gender work relations in traditional
subsistence activities and in activities linkcd with the national cash cconomy and social struc-
ture. However, it bccame evident that the Framework could providc a more comprehensive
view if it were expanded to includc other variables, among thcm additional aspccts of com-
munity work.
Résumé. Cette étude évalue l'applicabilité de la grille d'analyse des gcnres Harvard dans le
cadre d'un projet de développement rural dans une communauté Maya-Mam, à Comitancillo
au Guatemala. Lcs données furent recueillies sur le terrain par l'auteur sur une période de
quatre ans et demi lors d'entrevues informelles. de discussions dirigécs et d'observation
participante. La grille d 'analyse Harvard s 'est avérée utile dans I' examen des données. mettant
particulierement en relief les dynamiqucs spécifiques des genres dans lcs rclations de travai I
tant au niveau des activités de subsistancc traditionnelle, que de I' économie de marché nationale
et de la structure sociale. II est cependant apparu évident que l'analysc aurait pu
avantageusement tcnir compte d'autres variables, entre autres le travail communautairc.
Introduction
During the past three decades since gender has become recognized as a criticai
variable in development efforts, several research tools and methods have been
created to facilita te the examination of gender-based divisions oflabour, resources
Canadian Journal of Latin American and Caribbean Studies, Vol. 22, No. 44 (1997): 147-175
147
148 CJLACS I RCELAC 22/44 1997
and benefits within specific communities, cultures and time periods. Moreover,
as our understanding of the complexity of gender dynamics grows, and with the
accumulation of first hand experience in the field, these tools and methods can
be successively refined and adjusted to fit new situations.
The primary purpose of this study is to reassess one of the most well-
known and frequently recommended ofthese research tools-the Harvard Gen-
der Analytical Framework (GAF) (see Appendix) 2 The GAF provides a strat-
egy for organizing information about a community in a manner which illuminates
the structure of gender roles and relations and then provides a method for view-
ing the implications of this on development-related project design and imple-
mentation.
ln order to review the effectiveness of this particular too!, ethnographic
data gathered in Comitancillo, San Marcos, a previously unexamined highland
Maya-Mam community of Guatemala, is analyzed using the GAF. The study
uses the two select components ofthe GAF to prepare a comprehensive picture
of how gender permeates work relations in the community.
The results of the exercise indicate that GAF remains a highly effective
too! for data organization and analysis. However, severa! possible modifica-
tions emerged from the application process that could strengthen its ability to
represent an accurate and comprehensive view of gender-based roles and
activities particularly in communities with a combination of subsistence and
cash-economy activities.
The Harvard Gender Analytical Framework

The Gender Analytical Framework was developed in the 1980s at the Harvard
Institute for International Development by Catherine Overholt, Kathleen Cloud,
Mary B. Anderson and James E. Austin 3 as a practical research too! for interna-
tional development agencies. The GAF aims to enhance understanding of com-
munity-level gender dynamics and to ensure that both women and men partici-
pate in and benefit from project interventions. This theoretical framework charts
and organizes information in three forms. These are: (I) "The Activity Pro file,"
which outlines gender and age divisions of productive and reproductive work;
(2) 'The Access and Control Profile," which identifies differences in men's and
women's access and control ofresources and benefits; and (3) an "Analysis of
Influencing Factors," which describes social, economic and politicai forces that
may have an impact on gender roles and relations. An additional component,
"The Project Cycle Analysis," examines specific project proposals against the
three preceding profiles to determine ifthe project is designed to enhance wom-
en's participation and benefits.
This study focuses exclusively on the first two elements ofthe GAF, i. e., the
Activity Profile, and the Access and Control Profile. During the planning stages
of the study, it was also decided that based on recent research on gender and
Wiebe I Applying the Harvard Gender Analytical Framework 149
work, it would be appropriate to include a third category ofwork in addition to

the "productive" and "reproductive" categories presented in the framework.
Taking into consideration Moser's4 conceptualization of three categories of
work-productive, reproductive and community work-the framework was
then expanded to include a section for community work roles and responsibili-
ties within the first element, the Activity Profile.
The data used in this paper were gathered while the author was living in
Comitancillo from 1992 to 1996 and working in a multi-faceted community
development project sponsored by Pueblo Partisans, a Canadian non-govern-
mental organization (NGO). The information is based on participant observa-

tion, informal individual interviews and group discussions with approximately
200 women and I 00 men of a diversity of ages and socio-economic statuses,
from the main urban centre and from 14 a/deas (hamlets) scattered throughout
the municipality. Some of the more detailed information, such as the time allo-
cation chart, was obtained from a series of workshops and group discussions in
which 30 female and male project participants pondered gender-based relations
and roles and positions in their community. It is important to note that the proc-
ess of information-gathering was not determined by the GAF, but rather, that
the GAF was utilized for analysis after data collection was complete.
Gender Research in Mayan Communities of Guatemala

ln addition to providing material for an exercise using the GAF, the data con-
tained in the study represent a preliminary ethnography of gender in an isolated
highland Mayan community in the 1990s. A brief review of the literature related
to gender in highland Guatemala pro vides a context for the present ethnographic
data.
Despite the wealth of data concerning the contemporary Mayan people of
Meso-Arnerica generated by social scientists since the 1930s, research docu-
menting women's lives and gender roles and relations is a relatively recent phe-
nomenon. Before the 1970s, ethnographic research focused on community-level
religious, economic and social organization and structure, and any explicit infor-
mation about Maya women's lives and gender roles was recorded incidentally.
Notwithstanding, many ofthe detailed ethnographies ofindividual communities
in highland Guatemala contain significant kernels ofinformation regarding gender
roles and activities which can be useful in corroborating, contrasting and en-
riching current efforts. 5
By the 1970s, researchers who had identified this gap in the literature began
to focus specifically on Maya women and, although there were no specific stud-
ies in Guatemalan Maya communities, severa) seminal studies concerned the
Maya of southern Mexico 6 Since the 1980s, research in the region has shifted
from a specific focus on women to utilizing gender as the basic element of
analysis 7 The analysis itself has also become more sophisticated as the com-
plexity ofthe relationship of gender to class and ethnicity as well as the impact
of changing economic and politicai structures on gender are examined.
ln Guatemala, this trend is apparent in Bossen's research presented in lhe
Redivision of Labour: Women and Economic Change in Four Guatemalan
Communities. 8 ln this book, the first to focus specifically on Guatemalan women,
patterns ofwomen's work in four distinct groupings are compared-the Mayan
peasantry, the plantations, the urban poor and the middle-class-demonstrating
that economic structure is a more powerful shaper of gender roles and stratifi-
cation than conventional cultural or biological explanations. Moreover, in Silent
Looms: Women and Production in a Guatemalan Town, 9 Ehlers pro vides a de-
tailed analysis of gender in an entrepreneurial Indian town, San Pedro

Sacatepequez, in which women have a previously unexamined pivotal role in
the "female family business" system of cottage industry and trade which charac-
terize the town. 10 Another researcher, Cabrera Perez-Arrninan, compares K'iche'
women's lives in two highland communities (San Vicente Buenabaj, Totonicapan,
and Santa Catarina Ixtahuacan, Sololá) in Tradición y Cambio de la Mujer
K 'iche · 11 This is one of the first studies focusing specifically on rural indig-
enous women, and it provides extensive data regarding gender-based roles and
division of labour in these two communities within the context of changing
economic and politicai pressures from outside the community, as well as de-
scribing program implications for community development initiatives based on
the findings.
Apart from these larger, groundbreaking gender studies of Maya Guate-
mala, there are numerous other scholars, both North Arnerican and Guatema-
lan, exploring this emerging field. 12 Evenso, Rosenbaum and Eber indicate in
their comprehensive overview of gender research in Mesoamerica that: "[h]acen
falta estudios ethnográficos que presenten un cuadro detallado de las relaciones
de género y la vida y actividades de la mujer " 13 Thus, this paper's documenta-
tion of gender roles and activities in Comitancillo is a response to the scarcity of
specific community-based gender studies in contemporary Guatemalan Maya
society.
Comitancillo: The Case Study Community

Figures of the total Mayan population living in Guatemala vary considerably,
partly because ofthe diversity of characteristics used to define ethnicity (such as
birth family, language, customs, culture, community of origin and individual
self-perception), and partly because ethnic identity is not necessarily static. 14
Estimates range from 40% to 70% ofthe total Guatemalan population (approxi-
mately 1O million in 1994) depending on the definition of ethnicity used and the
politicai point being made with the statistics 15 Divided into 21 distinct ethnic
and language groups, the majority of the Mayan population inhabits the high-
land regions ofthe country and is engaged in "milpa agriculture," 16 cultivating
small, subsistence plots of traditional crops such as maize, beans, squash and
potatoes using pre-industrial technologies.
ln contrast, export-oriented commercial agriculture dominates the major-
ity ofthe fertile land in Guatemala. The humid, volcanic slopes ofthe mountains
are occupied by huge coffee estates, the drier, southem coastal plains by exten-
sive sugar and cotton plantations and cattle ranches, and the tropical lowlands
in the northeast by banana plantations. It is estimated that 67% to 75% ofthe
fertile agricultura] land in Guatemala is in the hands of only 2% of the land-
owners, while 80% offarmers occupy only I 0% ofthe land. This represents one
ofthe most unequalland-ownership ratios in the world. 17
ln the last few years, Guatemala has begun to emerge from a devastating
period ofviolence and oppression that left tens ofthousands dead and hundreds
ofthousands displaced internally and externally. Despite efforts to improve con-
ditions since the return to official civilian rule in 1986, human rights violations
continue to occur daily, and the immense gap between a small privileged elite
and the poor majority has persisted. Statistics from 1992 indicate that 76% of
Guatemalans live in poverty and 54% in extreme poverty, unable to meet basic
subsistence needs. 18
The extreme disparities of economic class that exist in Guatemala have a
distinct gender dimension, reflecting global patterns ofinequity between women
and men. 19 Aggregate data from Guatemala indicate that women overall have
lower incarnes, fewer income-generating opportunities, lower leveis ofliteracy
and education and fewer possibilities for participation in local and national pub-
lic life than Guatemalan men. 20 ln addition to a full share ofthe productive work
in the rural and urban sectors, women carry almost the entire burden of repro-
ductive/domestic work in the household.
A uni que aspect of the Guatemalan situation is the ethnic dimension of
social structure which impacts on ali other economic, social and politicai
stratifications. Economic and social indicators demonstrate that the indigenous
population is overwhelmingly within the poorest and the most marginalized sec-
tors of society. Life expectancy among indigenous people is 16 years lower than
for the non-indigenous population, indigenous illiteracy is 60% compared to
40% in the non-indigenous, and infant mortality in the highland Mayan commu-
nities is twice the national average 21 It is possible that indigenous women, the
intersection ofthe most disadvantaged gender with the most marginalized eth-
nic group, constitute the poorest and least powerful sector ofGuatemalan soci-
ety. Yet despite these monumental constraints, indigenous women play a criticai
though often unrecognized role in the survival and well-being offamilies, com-
munities and cultural identity in Guatemalan-Mayan society.
The case study venue, Comitancillo, is an isolated, rural indigenous com-
munity of Mam-speaking Mayas located in the southwestern Department of
San Marcos. While the Mam of Huehuetenango have received extensive re-
search attention in the past decades, 22 the Mam in San Marcos have been rela-
tively neglected. The three major studies undertaken in the Department of San
Marcos have ali focused on the unique market-town community of San Pedro
Sacatepequez and the Department capital of San Marcos, and refer to the rural
indigenous hinterland only in relation to this provincial urban centre. 23
The Municipality ofComitancillo is located in the Sierra Madre Highlands
of San Marcos and covers an area of 113 square kilometres of mountainous
terrain with steep slopes, ravines and the occasional small plateau. The Munici-
pality includes 47 aldeas with a total population of almost 50,000 inhabitants.
The cabecera (town centre) has a population of approximately I ,000 residents
and is the si te of the majority of local services and businesses, as well as the
twice weekly market.

The economy of Comitancillo is fundamentally smallland-owner subsist-
ence agriculture complemented by a small amount of commercial trading and
artisan production. Given the low agricultura! productivity of the area and the
increasing population pressures on the limited cultivable land available, only a
small number ofComiteco households produce any agricultura! surplus for cash
sales. Most local household incomes are supplemented by an extensive seasonal
migration oflabourers to the lowland coffee plantations for two to six months a
year, a pattern common throughout the highlands.
The vast majority (98% ) of the population of Comitancillo is indigenous
Maya-Mam. Mam is the mother tongue of the community and approximately
50% of the residents speak Spanish as a second language 24 Households are
large, usually consisting of a married couple, their 6-1 O children and other rela-
tives such as parents, unmarried relatives and daughters-in-law. The majority
(75%) ofthe population consider themselves Roman Catholic, 20% Evangeli-
cal and an estimated 5% of the population admits to following an essentially
Mayan belief system. The rather authoritarian local parish in Comitancillo has
been the most influential element in Comitancillo society for severa) decades,
and the small Comitancillo Evangelical churches have not experienced the dra-
matic rapid growth that has been an important factor in other regions of the
Highlands in the past 25 years. Among the elderly and in the most isolated
hamlets, there continue to be remnants ofMayan cosmology, 25 and in the Munici-
pality as a whole, Mam social and economic modes remain the norm. Outward
expression of this is the continued use of traditional traje (costume) among the
women, with no signs of decreasing, and the use of Mam as the essential lan-
guage of communication in both household and public settings. Except for two
rather depleted cofradias (brotherhood or fraternity), the traditional religious-
political hierarchies no longer exist in Comitancillo and politicai authority rests
with the elected mayor and council members who are ali Mam.
The socio-economic structure of the community consists of essentially
three groups. The upper strata is comprised of a handful of Ladinos who are
either professionals from outside the community, such as the teachers, nurses
and local government officials, or are families that have lived in the town of
Comitancillo for severa! generations and operate businesses or own sizable exten-
sions of land. The middle strata represents about 25% of the population and
corresponds to those Mayans who own and cultivate land, but who also have
additional sources of steady income from artisan activities o r smali-scale com-
mercial trading The majority of Comitecos (70%) fali within the lower socio-
economic strata of subsistence farming families, unable to produce enough from
their smali tracts of land to sustain the household for the entire year. Over half
the households in the Municipality own less than 1O cuerdas (I cuerda = 21 x
21 metres) ofland, often ofvariable agricultura! quality, when a minimum of 1O
cuerdas of productive agricultural1and is required to sustain the average family
of eight members. 26 These families rely on annual migration to the coas tal plan-
tations to obtain about one-halftheir yearly subsistence needs through agricul-

tura! wage labour. The major distinguishing characteristic between the middle
and lower strata is that the former do not migrate to the plantations.
How representative is Comitancilio ofMaya communities in the highlands
of Guatemala? The author's experience with other municipalities in the region
suggests that while details may vary, on the whole the gender-labour patterns
apparent in Comitancilio are similar to the many other communities that possess
a similar degree of geographic and social isolation from national politics and
that lack economic self-sufficiency. This perception is supported by the frag-
mentary evidence found in other studies of this theme, and references to these
studies are cited throughout the text. Conversely, Comitancilio is unique in the
San Marcos highlands for the extent to which the Maya language, dress and
social structures continue to endure, and in this aspect it is similar to many
municipalities in other regions ofthe country.
The Activity Profile

The GAF Profiles that appear in Charts 1 to 6 map the economic activities of
community members according to gender and age, time aliocation and locus of
activity. As mentioned above, a third category of work, "Community Work,"
was added to the Pro files before data analysis began. During the process of data
analysis, the need to include a third column emerged. So between the "Female"
and "Male" columns another was added for those tasks done by ali members of
the household.
The information in the charts represents a typical household where both
husband and wife, an adult mal e and an adult female, are present. Obviously the
picture is quite different in households where the husband is not present; in such
cases, the woman carries the fuli work load of productive activities. Perma-
nently female-headed households-the result of death, separation o r abandon-
ment-constitute approximately 10% to 20% of households in Comitancilio.
As many as 70% ofhouseholds experience the temporary absence (one to four
months) of the adult male, and sometimes the older sons as weli, because of
seasonallabour migrations.
Agricultura/ Work
The subsistence agriculture system in the Comitancillo region is best described
as one consisting ofrural poor-minifundias or smalllandholdings 27 ln this pro-
duction system, men and women participate in cultivating family plots, and almost
ali men, and some women, hire themselves out as seasonal wage labourers on
commercial estates and plantations in slack periods.
The data suggest the existence of two farming patterns in Comitancillo:
"Shared Tasks" and "Separate Enterprises" (Chart 1). The Shared Tasks pat-
tern, with some internal differentiation, applies to the cultivation of traditional
staple foods, while the Separate Enterprises pattern emerges in the production
of cash crops and in animal husbandry. The cultivation of the Mayan triad-
maize, beans and squash-along with wheat and potatoes is a collective house-
hold effort (Shared Task); however, specific work activities are differentiated
by sex and age. The adult male in the household is typically the "manager" and
central decision-maker, determining the what, when and where of cultivation.
Men also perform the heavier or specialized tasks such as preparation of the
field and applying fertilizers and pesticides. Nevertheless, in the labour-inten-
sive periods of seeding, weeding, doubling and harvesting, the whole family is
involved. lf a family has enough money, day labourers might be hired to do this
work, in which case the female members of the household are responsible for
feeding the whole crew. Of course, in households where no adult mal e is present,
the woman tends the fields herself o r, if she is able, hires workers.
It has been suggested that when the responsibility for agricultura! tasks is
shared by ali members ofthe household, the outcome ofthis is that the "farm is
run for the greatest good of the household in general " 28 Although it does not
appear to be a completely shared responsibility, in that men usually make most
of the farming decisions regarding staple crops, the entire family does partici-
pate in production and ali members appear to benefit from the results.
A comparison ofComitancillo data with existing ethnographic studies con-
cerning division oflabour in staple crop production suggests that female partici-
pation in subsistence farming has increased in the past 60 years or so. During
the 1930s in Chichicastenango, Bunzel noted that field work was considered
strictly men's work and that women did not even assist with planting and harvest-
ing29 Likewise, in Panajachel during the sarne decade, ali tasks related to the
cultivation ofthe "milpa" were viewed as male, e.g. preparing the fields, plant-
°
ing, weeding, cultivating and harvesting 3 Conversely, women in Panajachel
were responsible for the "domestic" task of removing the grain from the cob.
By the 1970s, women's share ofthe workload in the cultivation ofsubsist-
ence crops appears to have increased. ln Aguacatán, Huehuetenango, agricul-
ture was considered men's work, but women helped during labour-intensive
periods in the cultivation cycle such as planting and harvesting 31 ln T'oj Nam,
Huehuetenango, the cultivation of maize and other staple crops was a male
CHART 1
Activity Profile-Agriculture
Ali Household
Women & Girls Members Men& Boys
Maize & beans
Prepare the fields Men & boys
Prepare the seeds Women ormen
Seeding Whole family
Weeding Whole family
Fertilizers & pesticides Men & boys

Protection from birds Women & girls Boys
Folding over of stalks Women& men
Harvesting Whole family
Remove & dry leaves Whole family
Remove kemels Whole family
Storage or hanging Whole family
Wheat
Seeding Men & boys
Transport Whole family
Threshing (with horse or
by machine) Whole family
Storage Men & boys
Potatoes
Seeding Whole family
Defoliation Men
Storage Whole family -----
Vegetables
For domestic
consumption Adult women
Commercial production Whole family
works in labour-
intensive periods Men responsible
Fruit
F ertilization of trees Men
Pruning Men
Apply lime to trunk Boys
Harvest Whole family
Transport to market Whole family
Sal e Men
task, and while women helped with the harvesting and gleaning, they did not
participate in any planting, cultivating or hoeing activities 32 ln Momostenango,
men prepared the fields, planted the crops and did the bulk of the harvesting,
while women covered the seeds with compost, heaped up the earth around the
plants and weeded 33
While these accounts seem to perpetuate the image oftraditional peasant
agriculture as a "male farming system" in which women are merely an extra set
ofhands during labour-intensive periods, the Comitancillo data indicate a more
integral female role as they share responsibility for almost ali tasks (planting,
hoeing, folding, harvesting and storage) necessary for the production of staple
crops. This suggests that either women's participation in agriculture has been
underestimated in past research, or that women's participation in subsistence
cultivation has increased in the recent decades.
Ideally, Comitancillo households (and rural Mayans in general) would like
to satisty ali their basic food needs from their farming activities. Unfortunately,
population pressure on a limited amount of land means that most households
(53%) have less that 1O cuerdas of land, and another quarter (26%) have be-
tween 1O and 20 cuerdas. 34 Elsewhere in the Guatemalan highlands where simi-
lar topography and soil conditions prevail, it is calculated that a farm of at least
1O cuerdas is necessary for a family to be economically independent 35
Low productivity leveis on the limited available land also have negative
impacts on household sustainability. Productivity per hectare is approximately
one-third to one-half expected yields due to soil deterioration, deforestation,
over-use of chemical fertilizers and pesticides and the inability of farmers to
allow for fallow periods. Given a typical household size of eight members, the
staple crops produced on the average family plot provide only an estimated
40% to 60% ofthe household's yearly basic food requirements, a situation that
is increasingly common throughout the highland region. Thus essentially ali
maize, beans, potatoes and wheat produced in Comitancillo are consumed domes-
tically, and little is used for exchange value.
If vegetables other than the traditional beans and squashes are grown for
household consumption, such as carrots, radishes, onions or turnips, it is the
work of women on family-owned plots near the house compound. Children
often assist their mother in these endeavours. "Family gardens," as these are
called, are a relatively new phenomenon introduced by non-governmental organi-
zations in an attempt to increase the variety of nutritional elements in the local
diet. Women also tend traditional herb and medicinal plant gardens near their
housing compounds and use the products of these gardens in the feeding and
healthcare of the family.
Local Cash-Crop Cultivation

Similar to the pattern found throughout Latin America, Africa and Asia, cash
and commercial crops are largely the domain of men. ln the past ten years,
frozen vegetable export companies have drawn some local Comitancillo farm-
ers into the production of specialty vegetables such as cauliflower, broccoli and
snowpeas. The profitability ofthis is doubtful, particularly given the unfavour-
able terms of production imposed by the export companies 36 ln addition, the
loss of staple foods and associated products for household consumption, such
as corn leaves for wrapping tamales and corn stalks for animal fed, has a severe
negative impact on the food security and sustainability ofthe households involved.
Currently, only a few dozen farmers in Comitancillo cultivate vegetables
for export. ln these cases, it is a completely male enterprise, and the adult men
of the household determine the shape and schedule of activities and accrue the
profits or debts which result. Nevertheless, the other household members are
often called upon to assist during labour-intensive periods, such as when trans-
planting seedlings or harvesting before a transport pickup. A small amount of
more traditional vegetables, such as onions and carrots, is grown for sale in the
local regional market. Again, this is essentially an activity of the adult males of
the household.
A significant amount oftemperate fiuit, including apples, peaches and plums,
is produced in Comitancillo. Men are responsible for the care of the trees and
control any profits from fruit sales Again, household members provide labour
during the harvest and transport the fruit to the market for sale. At present the
bountiful harvest of fruit in Comitancillo is not of great benefit to the local
residents; dueto the low-grade quality of the fruit and the Jack of storage facili-
ties for ripened fruit, producers must sell in bulk at extremely low prices to
intermediaries from the capital city, who resell the fruit for as much as a tenfold
profit 37
Animal Hushandry
A pattern of separate enterprises emerges in animal husbandry and cash crop
production (Chart 2). Women are almost always responsible for small animal
husbandry, raising ali poultry and usually the pigs and sheep as well. Caring for
chickens and turkeys is an activity which is readily combined with women's
home-based reproductive responsibilities, and animais are usually fed from the
kitchen Ieavings. Women are responsible for the purchase, care and sale ofthe
poultry, and they refer to these birds as their "savings accounts" because they
can quickly sell an animal when an unexpected need or special occasion arises.
ln Comitancillo, as appears to be the case throughout the highland Mayan
region, tasks related to the care of animais are allocated on an age basis. ln the
case of sheep and pigs, women are almost always responsible for the care and
feeding, although men sometimes participate in the buying o r selling of these
animais. Pasturing sheep is typically the responsibility of the children and the
elderly women ofthe household. Pasturing is viewed as an appropriate task for
these age groups because it requires less physical strength, significant mobility
and freedom from other on-going or intensive responsibilities.
Because of the scarcity of pasture lands and the large amount of capital
required, there are few cows or horses in Comitancillo. Occasionally a family
will have a single cow which produces milk for sale. ln this case, the cow is
definitely the property of the adult mal e, however, women and children may be
called upon to attend to the daily chores offeeding and pasturing it or cleaning
its stall. Elderly women frequently collect wild grass and hay for the animais.
Horses are uncommon in Comitancillo; those that exist are always the property
and responsibility ofmen. The exclusive mate ownership and use oflarge domestic
animais evident in Comitancillo has also been recorded in many other communi-
ties ofthe Guatemalan highlands 38
ÜIART 2
Activity Profile--Animal Husbandry
Ali Household
Women & Girls Members Men & Boys
Poultry
Care & feeding Women&
children
Purchase & sale Women or men
Sheep
Pasturing Older women
& children
Pigs
Care & feeding Women & children
- - - - - - - - ----- ·---·--··-·
Cows
Care & feeding Adult women;
elderly women
collect wild
grasses
Purchase & sale Men
- - - - -------··---~------~-----
Horses
Care & feeding Men
Use ofhorse Men
Purchase & sale Men
Seasonal Migration
Because agriculture does not produce sufficient food to satisfy household needs,
families participate in a variety of supplementary non-farm, income-generating
activities (Chart 3 ). The largest income source, apart from agriculture, is sea-
sonal wage labour on the coastal plantations. It is estimated that up to 75% of
the population ofthe region migrates for at least one or two months a year, and
often for as many as six months. 39
Coffee estates are the primary destination of migrant labour from
Comitancillo. Employment on the coffee estates links the people ofComitancillo
into the capitalist/international market economy as wage labour. The indigenous

peoples of the highlands of Guatemala act as a reserve labour force for the
seasonal demand for labour in the commercial agriculture sector. The estates
recruit female and male labour equally and pay the sarne wages to both women
and men. Men and older boys often migrate for severa) months between May
and July for weeding, pruning and applying fertilizers and pesticides. Later,
from October to January, most if not ali household members migrate to the
coastal estates to work in the coffee harvest. Sometimes, the mother, young
children and the elderly will stay behind to look after the farm while the adult
males and older children are away. Average wages are US$2.00 per day for
picking I 00 pounds of coffee. Living conditions on the estates are extremely
poor and unsanitary, resulting in high incidence of illness among returning
workers. Families also suffer serious setbacks ifthey have had to abandon their
highland farms during migration, leaving crops unattended and selling animais
at low prices before leaving.
While a full discussion ofreproductive labour is included in the following
section, at this juncture it is important to make reference to reproductive tasks
as related to migrant agriculturallabour ln addition to field work equal to the
men's, women continue to be responsible for reproductive tasks for their fami-
lies, such as food preparation, laundry and child care. Babies are carried on the
back while working and fed and cared for as needed during the day. Women ri se
severa) hours before men to begin grinding com for breakfast, and laundry and
cooking are done after the fieldwork is finished in the evening. This adds up to
the equivalent of a "double workday" which allows women only a few hours of
sleep per night and results in lower productivity during the day because of con-
stant childcare interruptions and tiredness due to Jack of sleep.
Artisan and Trading Activities
There are a variety of other income sources available to Comi/eco men besides
wage labour on the plantations These include production of cal (lime made
from limestone and used for whitewash and in cooking), selling firewood, weav-
ing on a footloom, carpentry, baking, sewing and construction (Chart 3). These
crafts and trades employ only a handful of men from each community and are a
CHART 3
Activity Profile--Other Income-Generating Activities
Ali Household
Women & Girls Members Men & Boys
Coffee plantations
Planting Men& women
Fumigation Men
Pruning Men
Weighing coffee Men& women
Drying coffee --------

Men
Urban migration
Domestic work Young&
unmarried women
Work in stores, hotels,
factories, ~~st~urants____ _ _________________Y:_o_u~ng__~
Lime production
Extraction Men
Processing Men
Transport to market Men
Sale in the market Women or men
Pottery production
Extraction of clay Men
Transport of clay Men
Production of pots Women
Production ofrooftiles Men
Transport to market Menor women
Sale in the market Menor women
Weaving
Backstrap 1oom Women
Footloom Men ---
Commerce/Trade
Local family sales Whole family
Regional trading Men
Other crafts
Baker Sometimes women Usually men
Mason/builder Men
Tailor Men
Production offirewood
for sale Men
Carpentry Men
Producing cut wood
for building Men
Producing rope, net &
head-slings Women Men
supplement to subsistence farming. The main income-generating activities open

to women are pottery, crocheting, backstrap weaving and occasionally baking
Among the non-agricultural income generating activities, traditional tasks
appear to have greater gender balance and interdependence, while modem activi-
ties are more segregated and stratified. For example, in pottery production, a
traditional art, men and boys dig and haul the clay and transport the finished
products to market on their backs (the tasks requiring significant physical
strength). Women produce pots and household clay items, while men and boys
make roofing tiles Either men or women sei! the pottery in the market.
On the other hand, men seem to have had a monopoly on the large, more
profitable footlooms (originally introduced by the Spanish), whereas women
have been restricted to the smaller, traditional pre-Columbian backstrap looms.
This corroborates Saito's observation that mechanized tasks or new technology
seem to immediately become regarded as "male," while traditional methods are
usually considered "female. " 40 However, today very little footloom weaving
production occurs in Comitancillo, and the majority ofthe cloth for cortes (skirts)
and huipiles (blouses) is brought from outside the municipality. ln a current
income-generating project, women 's groups in fi v e aldeas purchased 16
footlooms in order to leam to weave cloth for the local market. They felt that
this type ofweaving had more potential for profit than backstrap weaving and it
would enable them to continue to wear traditional clothing without the high
cost ofimported goods. Despite some male opposition that this was nota suit-
able activity for women, after three years they have fairly successfully mastered
the basics offootloom weaving.
Both men and women are involved in commerce and trading, however,
women are restricted to businesses within or close to home, such as in the Sun-
day market. Men, on the other hand, are more often involved in regional trading
with other highland communities and with the larger urban centres. Women also
tend to sei! those products which are viewed as supplementary, such as eggs,
vegetables, spices and herbs, while men market the products considered essen-
tial: com, potatoes and wheat.
Women clearly have fewer income-generating opportunities than men in
and around Comitancillo. However, in terms of urban job opportunities, it is
young women who have the advantage. While young, unskilled men from the
rural areas often have difficulty finding work in the large cities, young indig-
enous women are in high demand as domestic servants. While working condi-
tions are poor (long hours, poor wages, heavy work and almost slave status),
women can usually find work within a day or two of arriving in the city. Every
year severa! hundred young, unmarried women and single mothers migrate to
the cities to work as domestic servants for a period of months o r years before
retuming to settle in Comitancillo.
Reproductive ffhrk
Comitancillo replicates the universal pattern that allocates most of the repro-
ductive work to females (Chart 4) The adult women, girls and elderly women
in a household are responsible for food preparation, serving meals, cleaning up
after meals, ali aspects of childcare, washing clothes, cleaning the house and
yard, care for the sick and elderly, preparation ofthe chuj (steam bath) for the
family and water and firewood collection. ln terms of reproductive work, mal e
household members are involved in making firewood and house-building and
repatr.
Approximately six to seven hours a day is devoted to food preparation.

Maize, the core ofthe local diet, requires at least three hours ofwork on a daily
basis. Raw maize is cooked with lime, soaked overnight, then rinsed and ground
by hand on a grinding stone or, if there is an electric mill in the community,
carried to the mill for grinding After additional hand-grinding, the dough is
then shaped into tortillas for cooking on a coma/ (tlat earthenware pan) or
wrapped in com leaves and boiled.
Preparation of supplementary foods such as beans, vegetables, meats and
atoles (hot cereal drinks) is ali done in addition to the time-consuming prepara-
tion ofmaize. Food preparation is strictly the responsibility ofthe females in the
household. Men never cook, and if a household has no resident females or if
men are living in a situation away from their home, they must find a women (a
relative ora paid woman) to do this for them.
Childcare is another task which is rigidly segregated by gender. Until chil-
dren are about two years old they are carried on their mother's back throughout
her daily routine and breast-fed and cleaned as necessary. Toddlers also stay
dose to their mothers throughout the day. At six or seven years of age girls
begin to help their mothers with household tasks, particularly caring for younger
siblings, assisting with the cooking and cleaning and running errands. At eight
or nine years of age boys begin to accompany their fathers to fields; they are
never required to participate in domestic tasks. ln mixed gender discussion groups
that took place during the author 's time in the community, participants acknowl-
edged that boys are allowed much more free time for play than girls and that
boys have fewer household responsibilities.
There is some differentiation of tasks among the females of different age
groups. For example, women with young children are often restricted to tasks
within the house compound, such as cooking, cleaning, childcare and care of
the sick and elderly. Elderly women and young girls usually take responsibility
for the tasks which require greater mobility, e.g. fuel and water collection, prepa-
ration ofthe chuj and pasturing sheep, as mentioned earlier. Because scrubbing
clothes in a river is considered too demanding for elderly women, laundry is the
job ofyoung and middle-aged women.
CHART 4
Activity Profile---Reproductive Activities
Ali Household
Water collection & transport Women & children
Collection of firewood Women, children
& especially
the elderly
Splitting firewood Men
Food preparation, serving Adult & elderly

meals & cleaning after women & girls
Ali aspects of childcare Adult & elderly
women & girls
Washing clothes Adult women &
teenage girls
Cleaning house compound Adult & elderly
women, & girls
House construction & repair Ali members Men
Care of elderly & sick Adult &
elderly women
Preparation of the sweat -bath Adult women
Purchases Women Men
Prenatal, birthing & Adult &
postnatal care elderly women
Historically, weaving clothes for the family was the second most impor-
tant female responsibility in the household after food preparation 41 Today, al-
though Comiteca women still weave their own fajas (belts) and shawls and
sometimes embroider their own blouses, most of the traditional clothing they
wear is produced in other parts of Guatemala and purchased in the Sunday
market. ln Comitancillo, as in most Maya communities, men have discontinued
the use oftraditional Mayan clothing and now purchase ali Western-style new
or used clothing in the market. Purchasing ready-made clothing, rather than
producing it in the home, obviously increases the amount of cash required in the
household and, as mentioned above, the weaving and embroidery project ofthe
women's groups aims to address this problem.
Maintaining the household supply of firewood is a family responsibility.
Children and the elderly gather kindling while pasturing sheep, women make
expeditions to collect wood, and adult men split the wood and carry large trees
or branches. As has been observed, 42 there is an interesting distinction made
between "making" firewood, which is a man's job, and "collecting" firewood,
which is a task ofwomen and children.
Sixteen of the 4 7 aldeas in Comitancillo do not have potable water, and

many ofthe existing water systems are unreliable. ln Comitancillo, the arduous
task ofhauling water for ali household needs is a female task, as it is throughout
the Mayan highlands. The construction and repair of the adobe dwelling is the
responsibility of the adult men, although ali household members may assist in
large projects. Purchases in the market of goods not produced in the home,
such as soap, candles, pots, chile, tomatoes and coffee, can be done either by
men or women.
Comnumity Work
While women in Comitancillo have essential roles within the community arena,
the absence of women in the "politicai'' sphere is clearly portrayed in Chart 5.
Men fi li ali elected and paid community positions, and they also organize specia1
events and fiestas, while women play more supportive roles, such as food prepa-
ration, or accompany their spouses in their community duties.
Beginning in the 1960s the only legally acceptable way to organize at the
community levei in Guatemala was to form Comités de promejoramiento
(lmprovement Committees), and this remains the pervasive form of community
organization today, as well as forming the base for many ofthe new regional and
even national organizations now emerging. ln Comitancillo, as in most highland
communities, it is exclusively men who form the committees that work to fu1fill
the community's infrastructure needs such as potable water, electricity and
schools. Partly in response to the prevailing male attitude that women are not
capable ofleadership and organizing at the community levei, the women involved
with the author in the income-generating projects ardently wanted to demon-
strate their abilities in a strictly female organization.
Within religious organizations of ali types-Catholic, Evangelical and
Mayan-men occupy almost ali positions: as catechists in the Catholic church,
as preachers and lay leaders in the Evangelical churches andas leaders in Mayan
ritual Only recently have women begun to participate publicly in church activi-
ties, although leadership continues to be male. For example, the Catholic priest
has established a small congregation of indigenous religious sisters in
Comitancillo, and they assist the priest during the mass, provide domestic serv-
ices for the priest and undertake some community outreach work There is evi-
dence that historically women had larger roles in traditional Mayan ritual as
active partners iftheir husbands held cargos (religious positions) in the commu-
nity, and even as day-keepers and diviners in their own right 43 However, ortho-
dox Catholicism has repressed traditional Mayan ritual activity in Comitancillo
almost to the point of extinction.
The tasks assigned to women in the larger community are the traditional
female tasks of food preparation or cleaning for community events (fiestas for
the Saint days and religious celebrations) and collective or extended family activi-
ties (marriages, baptisms and funerais), and as healers and midwives. These
community roles are predominately an extension ofwomen's "domestic/repro-
ductive" responsibilities.
Notable in the pro file of Community Activities is the absence of politicai
activity above the municipal levei or outside the narrow confines ofpermissible
improvement committee work. Much of the research in the l980s and 1990s
concerning Latin American women, and particularly Maya women, has explored
the increasingly pivotal participation of women in social and popular move-
ments and the expanding power ofwomen's organizations in national politicai
arenas 44 However, the evidence from Comitancillo, and other San Marcos
municipalities that the author is familiar with, indicates that the image of the
politicized Maya woman is a very incomplete one. The politicization of exten-
sive sectors of the Maya population in Guatemala during the violence and re-
pression of the last two decades and the current Maya cultural revitalization
CHART 5
Activity Profile--Community Work
Ali Household
Elected community positions Adult &
elderly men
Paid community positions Adult men
Committee members Adult &
elderly men
Maintenance of community Adult men
infrastructure (i.e.: roads,
water system)
Organization of community Men
events
Preparation offood for Women
community events
Carry firewood, cooking Men
stones, etc. for events
Mayan, Catholic & Men
Evangelicalleaders
Midwives Women
Healers Adult & Adult &
elderly women elderly men
Care of elderly & widows Ali women
Godparent responsibilities Married couples
for baptisms, marriages,
confirmations, etc.
movement are dramatic occurrences which legitimately draw public and research
attention. However, it must be remembered that this still represents a small,
albeit growing, segment ofthe Maya population. Comitancillo is similar to many
other communities of the highlands that are geographically isolated, economi-
cally unimportant from a national perspective (except as a reserve labour force),
and without strategic military significance during the armed conflict This com-
munity did not directly experience the violence of the period and appears to
have survived essentially untouched through a strategy, conscious or uncon-
scious, of silence and non-involvement The present day outcome of this sur-
vival technique has been a minimal awareness of national events; conversely,

events in the outside world have little impact on the community. Obviously this
is slowly changing, particularly as a small but significant number ofyoung peo-
ple from the community continue in post -secondary education outside the region.
The momentous national-level Maya organizations that exist today are only
beginning to reach out to the majority of peasants in the isolated rural areas.
Time Allocation Chart
The original GAF incorporates the time allocation for each activity within the
larger framework However, in this case study it has been documented sepa-
rately in order to facilitate presentation (Chart 6) This particular set of data
was the result of a group exercise clone by 30 female and male participants
during a workshop discussing gender issues and, as can be imagined, stimulated
much discussion and some new insights for those involved. The accuracy ofthe
data was confirmed by personal observations and individual interviewing.
Of course, daily task schedules vary throughout the year depending on the
agricultura! and ritual cycles. There are periods when the whole family works
I O hours a day planting o r harvesting, and other times of the year when fi estas
o r rituais require the full-time participation of ali community members. ln addi-
tion, the weekly Sunday market in Comitancillo results in a change ofthe daily
routine, as some o r ali of the household members walk to town to buy and/or
sell in the market, attend mass or church services and visit relatives and friends.
A comparison of time allocated to reproductive and productive work in
Chart 6 indicates that women spend approximately seven hours a day sleeping,
I O to 14 hours in reproductive labour, and three to seven hours engaged in
productive tasks. Adult males spend an estimated eight hours sleeping, six to 1O
hours per day of productive labour, and tive to nine hours in community activi-
ties or free time. Thus women contribute almost as much productive labour to
the household as men, as well as ali of the reproductive labour required for
household survival. The adult male contribution to household needs is essen-
tially productive labour and participation on behalf ofthe household in commu-
nity activities. Adult males have significantly more free time and resting time
than adult women
CHART 6
Time Allocation Chart
Women Men
5-6 a.m. Start cooking fire, washes Sleeping
cooked maize, grinds maize
by hand or in a machine
6-7 a.m. Cares for baby, dresses Eats breakfast, some
children, prepares & serves household chores such
breakfast, prepares snack as splitting wood, feeding

for men to take to the fields large animais
7-8 a.m. Clean dishes & house Working in the fields
8-9 a.m. Prepares food for the animais,
& feeds animais Working in the fields
9 a.m.-12 p.m. One ofthe following: Working in the fields
• field or garden work
• visit sick relatives
• wash clothes in the river
• take baby for acheckup
• pasture animais
• collect firewood, water
or hay for the animais
• weaving, pottery, crafts
12-1 p.m. Prepares lunch Working in the fields
1-2 p.m. Serves, eats & cleans up
after lunch Eats lunch
2-5 p.m. One ofthe following: One ofthe following:
• weaving, pottery, crafts · community activities
• sewing & mending · artisan activities
• participation in meetings · visiting friends
• prepare & serve snack
5-6 p.m. Prepares food for the Continues as above
animais, removes maize
from cobs
6-7 p.m. Prepares supper, prepares Continues as above
chuj (sweat-bath) for the
family
7-8 p.m. Serves & eats supper Eats supper
8-10 p.m. Cleans kitchen, baths & puts Free time
children to bed, cooks maize
for the next day, does mend-
ing, conversation with family
10 p.m. or )ater To bed To bed
Access and Control (?( Resources in the Household

Chart 7 reveals the gender disparity of access and control of resources and
benefíts within Comitancillo households. Women frequently offer their opinions
or discuss issues with their husbands, but the final decision ultimately rests with
the adult mal e of the household. Except for small amounts of cash earned by
women through the sal e of poultry o r small handicrafts, men control the flow of
cash in the household.
ln Comitancillo, between one-half and two-thirds of the household food
and non-food needs are met through household production. Harvested crops
(maize, beans, potatoes and wheat) are stored immediately in the house com-
pound and are directly accessible to the women as they prepare the household
meals. Subsistence crops are not sold for cash and then converted to foodstuffs
for the household, thus there is little chance that household production earnings
are diverted into non-subsistence purchases, such as radios, bicycles or alcohol,
by males controlling the flow of cash
Unfortunately, Comitecos are not able to meet ali their basic needs through
household production There is a period ofthe year when maize and other sta-
ples must be purchased because household stores have been depleted, and there
are some goods which cannot be or are no longer produced within the house-
hold, such as soap, candles, chile, coffee and sugar. ln optimum situations, the
adult male who controls the main cash flow provides his wife with cash to obtain
these goods. ln cases where the husband does not contribute to additional house-
hold expenses, the woman ofthe house must manage with whatever cash income
she can obtain from the sal e of poultry o r crafts A chicken sells for about 20 to
30 Quetzales (Can$4 to 6) anda crocheted bag for 15 to 30 Quetzales (Can$3
to 6). This income might be available to a women once a month depending on
her time, resources and market demand ln order to understand this cash income
in light of overall household needs, it is important to realize that a family of
eight members consumes about 50 pounds ofmaize a week which, ifpurchased,
would cost approximately Q40 to 60 ($1 O to 15) weekly depending on the time
of year. Thus a woman 's cash income is not nearly enough to sustain a house-
hold adequately, and households in which adult males do not contribute towards
household food needs or in which there is no adult male present often cannot
meet basic subsistence requirements.
Almost ali land titles are held by men. While women often inherit land
from their fathers, it is usually a smaller portion than that given to the sons
because a patrilocal system exists in which women usually join their husbands'
household. Even ifa woman does have a land title, the use ofthe land is usually
determined by her husband Women's access to credit is restricted because a
land title is required as a guarantee for any institutionalloan. ln addition, women
rarely, if ever, can open bank accounts o r obtain loans without the permission of
their husbands or fathers
CHART 7
Access and Control of Resources and Benefits
Women Men
Resources
Land Women may have permission Men have land titles and
to use Iand-sometimes they controlland use
have hereditary titles, but they
consult with their husbands or
fathers conceming land use.
Equipment Ali family members use tools Ali family members use tools
(i e hand tools) according to tasks according to tasks
Labour Women sometimes control Adult males make decisions
the use of their own time concemingthelabour
after completing daily tasks. allocations offamily members
Cash Women have control over Men control the majority of
small amounts from the sale income from agriculture and
of their crafts, eggs, poultry, other sources, such as sales
etc. of large domestic animais.
Education/ Younger women may be given Adult males determine access
training access to lirnited education to education for ali family
or training. Girls usually members. Boys usually
attend until Grade 3. receive a few more years
than girls. If only one or two
children can continue studies,
they are usually boys
Credit Women can rarely access Men have access and control
credit for Jack ofland titles offinancial credit.
or valuables for collateral.
Benefits
Provision of Basically ali members ofthe Adult males determine the
basic needs household receive rninimum allocation of resources
among household members.
Education Girls receive lirnited education, Boys are given priority
usually less than three years.
Politicai Very little involvement of Adult men control the major-
power/prestige women, however, prestige ity of politicai power and
through community service the larger portion of
is often accorded to the prestige for communicty
household as a whole. serv1ce
Non-agricultural employment activities are limited in the community to

crafts production and commercial trading. Outside the community, men and
women have possibilities in the plantation Iabour force, although there is slightly
more work for men in this area. Urban migration is dominated by young women
migrating to work in domestic positions. This is a common pattem in Latin
America, where young women, rather than men, are most frequently the first
migrants to the urban centres. Young, childless women usually senda portion of
their eamings back to their parents in the village, while women with children
support their children either in the city or in the village with their eamings.
Basic needs such as food, shelter and clothing appear to be satisfied for ali
members of the household in a fairly equitable manner. However, there may be
a slight priority hierarchy in which the adult male and other older men come
first, the boys next, then the women and the girls last. Hierarchies similar to this
exist in many parts ofthe world. However, in Comitancillo it does not take on
the extreme forms that have been observed in other societies.
Education is still clearly a resource and benefit that favours men, although
this appears to be changing slowly. As in many subsistence societies, the educa-
tion of girls is thought to be a waste of time and resources because they usually
marry young, and their lives are consumed by domestic responsibilities. ln the
more isolated communities of Comitancillo education is considered irrelevant
to the realities of daily life and an added expense for households which have
little surplus cash income and need the contribution of children's labour. Forty
of the 4 7 hamlets that make up Comitancillo have schools which offer grades
one through three. For the majority of rural residents this is sufficient because
education has until now been viewed primarily as a means of self defense-that
is, possession of the basic Spanish literacy and numeracy necessary for interac-
tions with the outside world-rather than as a basis for increased employability
and social advancement 45 However, as land becomes increasingly scarce,
Comitecos have been compelled to explore non-agricultural vocations, and fur-
ther education is becoming seen as a necessity for economic survival, particu-
larly among town residents and in communities with easier access to the higher
educational opportunities available in the town centre.
Currently, girls account for 44% of primary school students in Comitancillo,
25% ofBasic Levei (Grades 7 to 9) and 15% ofHigh School (Grades 1O to 12)
students. 46 These figures are tempered by the fact that only 66% ofall primary
school age students attend school. A common household strategy to overcome
the obstacles to education is to channellimited existing resources into the edu-
cation of one or two children, usually boys, with the expectation that they will
assist the family when they have established non-agricultural jobs. Although at
present education continues to favour males, there is increasing awareness and
discussion in the communities of the importance of education for girls, and a
steadily growing number ofyoung women are obtaining a secondary education.
Conclusion
This study examined the gender-based division oflabour, resources and benefits
in a highland Maya community in Guatemala utilizing one ofthe analytical tools
available for social sciences research. The organization of the information and
the questions raised by the Harvard Gender Analytical Framework provided an
analytical framework and launching pad for a foray into gender dynamics in the
case study community.
Using this theoretical màdel, Comitancillo can be described as having a
core of shared family subsistence agriculture which ensures survival and basic
needs of ali household members. Adjunct to this central core are a variety of
separate enterprises undertaken by various members ofthe household depend-
ing on age and gender, such as cash crop production by adult males, backstrap
weaving by adult and elderly females and small animal husbandry by adult women.
Greater gender parity and interdependence was evident in the traditional and
subsistence activities than in the cash economy realm. Here was demonstrated
the need for the GAF to include an additional column for activities in which ali
household members participated, as subsistence agriculture in this region is clearly
a family atrair.
One ofthe most significant contributions of gender analysis theory in gen-
eral, and the Harvard Framework in particular, is to articulate the distinction
between productive and reproductive work and to provide tools for quantifica-
tion and analysis ofthese two types ofwork. Such a systematization ofthe data
from Comitancillo reveals that men and women spend almost the sarne amount
of time on productive tasks. Conversely, reproductive work is almost exclu-
sively the responsibility offemales, from young girls to elderly women.
The addition ofthe "community work" category to the framework proved
essential to the understanding ofthe division oflabour in a peasant community
such as Comitancillo. Politicai and higher status community roles are consid-
ered "male," while women's principal contributions in the community sphere
are extensions oftheir reproductive responsibilities, for example, acting as mid-
wives, caring for the sick and preparing food for and cleaning up after commu-
nity events. Only recently have women begun to engage in religious and com-
munity-level positions, and only recently has the community of Comitancillo
begun to overcome its isolation from the national politicai and social arena.
This exercise also revealed the need to expand the Harvard Gender Ana-
lytical Framework to reflect migration patterns and intergenerational issues.
Seasonal migratory work impacts directly on the division of labour within the
household unit and in the larger community, and it cannot be assumed that pat-
terns in the community of origin are entirely replicated in seasonallabour desti-
nations. ln addition, the model makes reference to age as a possible factor in
task allocation. However, a clearer articulation of generational divisions is use-
fui in most contexts.
ln conclusion, the effectiveness ofthe Harvard Gender Analytical Frame-

work is apparent in this analysis of data collected in Comitancillo, San Marcos.
It is equally apparent, however, that continued evaluation ofresearch tools such
as this is necessary to enhance our basic understanding of gender-based roles
and activities and the implications of these for community development.
Appendix: The Harvard Gender Analytical Framework47

1. ACTIVITY PROFILE
A. Production Activities Womenlgirls Menlboys

Agriculture:
activity 1
activity 2, etc.
Income Generating:
activity 1
activity 2, etc.
Employment:
activity 1
activity 2, etc.
Other:
B. Reproductive Activities
Water-related:
activity 1
activity 2, etc.
Fuel-related:
Food preparation:
Childcare:
Health-related:
Cleaning and repair:
Market -related:
Other:
2. ACCESS AND CONTROL PROFILE

A. Resources Access Contrai
Women Men Women Men
Land:
Equipment:
Labour:
Cash:
Education/training, etc.:
Other:
B. Benefits
Outside income:
Asset ownership:
Basic needs (food, clothing, shelter):
Education:
Politicai power/prestige, etc.:
Other:
3. INFLUENCING FACTORS
Impact? Opportunities? Constraints?

Politicai:
Economic:
Cultural:
Educational:
Environmental:
Legal:
International:
Other:
Notes
I. The author would like to express particular appreciation to the following for their com-
ments and critique of earlier drafts of this paper: Dr. Eloise Murray, the anonymous
reviewers of CJLACS, Arturo Avila, Nicolasa Cardona, Rubén Feliciano and Hector Lopez.
A sincere thank you is also extended to the many women of Comitancillo who shared
their thoughts concerning their lives, struggles and hopes for the future. Of course, any
errors are the responsibility of the author.
2. Sec for example, Canadian Council for lntcrnational Coopcration, et ai., Two Halves
Make a Whole: Balancing Gender Relations in Development (Ottawa: Canadian Coun-
cil for International Cooperation, 1991); and Deborah Eade and Suzanne Williams, The
Oxfam Handbook of Development and Relief(Oxford: Oxfam Publishing, 1995).
3. C. Overholt, K. Cloud, M. Anderson and J. Austin, "Womcn in Development: A Frame-
work for Project Analysis," in C. Overholt, et ai., eds., Gender Roles in Development
Projects: Cases for Planners (Wcst Hartford, CN: Kumerian Press, 1985); and C. Overholt,
K. Cloud, M. Anderson and J. Austin, "Gender Analysis Framwork," in A. Rao, M.
Anderson and C. Overholt, eds., Gender Analysis in Development Planning: A Case
Book (West Hartford, CN: Kumcrian Press, 1991).
4. Caroline Moser, "Women, Human Scttlements, and Housing: A Conceptual Framework
for Analysis and Policy-making," in Caroline Moser and Linda Peake, eds., Women Hu-
man Settlements and Housing (London: Tavistock Publications, 1987), p. 12-32; and
Caroline Moser, Gender Plmming and Development (New York: Routledge. 1993).
5. Examples of the numerous ethnographies on the highland Maya publishcd since the
1930s include Oliver La Farge, Santa Eu/alia: The Religion of a Cuchumatan lndian
Town (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1947); Ruth Bunzel, Chichicastenango: A
Guatemalan lll!age (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1952): Sol Tax, Penny
Capitalism: A Guatemalan lndian Economy (Chicago: The University ofChicago Press,
1953); Douglas Brintall, Revolt Against the Dead: The Modernization of a Mayan Com-
munity in the Highlands ofGuatemala (New York: Gordon and Breach, 1979).
6. For cxample, severa! seminal studies concerning the Maya of southern Mexico were
published in this period. See Beverly Chinas, The Jsthmus Zapotecs: Women ~-Roles in
Cultural Context (Ncw York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1973); and Mary Elmendorf,
Nine Mayan Women: A Vil/age Faces Change (Cambridge, MA: Schenkman, 1976).
7. Lynn Stephen, "Anthropological Research on Latin American Women: Past Trends and
New Direction for the 1990s," in Edna Acosta-Belén and Christine Bose, eds., Research-
ing Women in Latin America and the Caribbean (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1993),
p. 77-97.
8. Laurel Bossen, The Redivision of Labor: Women and Economic Choice in Four Guate-
malan Communities (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1984 ).
9. Tracy Ehlers, Silent Looms: ffomen and Production in a Guatemalan Town (Boulder,
CO: Westview Press, 1990).
I O. Two earlier studies of San Pedro Sacatcpequcz, San Marcos, do not include an analysis of
gender and little refercnce to women. Sce Waldmar Smith, The F"iesta System and Eco-
nomic Change (New York: Columbia University Press, 1977); John Hawkins, lnverse
Images: The .Meaning of Culture, Ethnicity and Family in Postco/onial Guatemala
(Albuquerque, NM: University of New Mexico Press, 1984).
II. Maria Luisa Cabrera Pcrez-Arminan, Tradición y Cambio de la Mujer K 'iche · (Guate-
mala: IDESAC, 1992).
12. See, forexamplc,Mesoamérica 12,23 (1992).
13. Brenda Rosenbaum and Christine Eber, "Traycndo dei margen ai centro: mujer y género
cn Mesoamérica," Mesoamérica 12, 23 (1992): xv-xxv.
14. Sec, for example, the discussion of the complexities of determining ethnic identity in
Susanne Jonas, The Batt/e for Guatemala: Rebe/s, Death Squads, and U. S. Power (Boul-
der, CO: Westview Press, 1991), pp. 103-106.
15. Statistical data takcn from the following sources: FLACSO-Facultad Latinoamericana
de Ciencias Sociales. Mujeres Latinoamericanas en Cifras: Guatemala (Guatemala:
FLACSO, 1992): and Suzanne Jonas, The Battle for Guatemala.
16. Barbara Tedlock. Time and the Highland Maya (Albuquerque. NM: University of New
MexicoPress. 1992), p. 27.
17. Jonas, The Bati/e for Guatemala. p. 178.
18. For statistical data on economic and politicai conditions, some recent publications are
Patricia Samayoa Méndez, Profi/e ofthe Situation ofWomen in Guatemala (Guatemala:
Canadian Cooperation Office. 1993 ): and FLACSO. Mujeres Latinoamericanas en Cifras.
19. J. L. Jacobson, "Closing the Gender Gap in Development," in Staire, ed., State of the
World, 1993 (New York: Norton & Company. !993), pp. 61-79.
20. Patricia Samayoa, Profile of the Situation of Women in Guatemala (Guatemala: Cana-
dian Cooperation Office. 1993).
21. Susanne Jonas, The Battle for Guatemala, p. 179.
22. The extensive literature on the Mam ofHuehuetenango includes Oliver La Farge, Santa
Eu/alia: The Religion of a Cuchumatan Town (Chicago: University of Chicago Press,
1947); Maud Oakes, The Two Crosses of Todos Santos (New York: Pantheon Books,
1951); Laurel Bosscn, The Redivision of Labor: Women and Economic Choice in Four
Guatemalan Communities (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1984); John
Watanabe, Maya Saints and Souls in a Changing World (Austin, Texas: University of
Texas Press, 1992).
23. The three studies are Smith, The Fi esta System and Economic Change; Hawkins, Inverse
Jmages; and Ehlers, Si/ent Looms.
24. Rubén Feliciano Pérez, Monografia de/ Municipio de Comitancil/o, San Marcos, Guate-
mala (Guatemala: Pueblo Partisans. 1996), p. 68.
25. Feliciano, Monografia, p. 39.
26. lbid., p. 89.
27. K. A. Saito and D. Spurling, "Understanding How Gender Affects Agricultura! Produc-
tion," in The World Bank. DevelopingAgricu/tural Extensionjor Women Farmers (Wash-
ington, DC: World Bank, 1992), p. 10.
28. Saito and Spurling, "Understanding How Gender." p. 12.
29. Bunzel, Chichicastenango, p. 53.

30. Tax, Penny Capitalism, p. 92.
31. Douglas Brintnall, Revolt Against the Dead: The Modernization ofa Mayan Community
in the Highlands ofGuatema/a (New York: Gordon and Breach, 1979), p. 78.
32. Bossen, The Redivision of Labor, p. 59.
33. Tedlock, Time and the Highland Mava.
35. Smith, The Fies/a System, p. 83.
36. AVANCSO-Asociación para el Avance de los Ciencias Sociales, Producción agricola
para la exportación en e/ altiplano de Guatemala (Guatemala: AVANCSO, 1994).
38. See, for example, Tax, Penny Capitalism; BrintnalL Revolt of the Dead; Bossen, The
Redivision oj Labor.
40. Saito and Spurling, "Understanding How Gender," p. 12.
41. See, for example, Bunzel, Chichicastenango; and Tax, Penny Capitalism.
42. Tax, Penny Capita/ism, p. 93.
43. See, for examplc. BunzeL Chichicastenango; and Tedlock, Time Among.
44. Stephen, "Anthropological Research."
45. Smith, The Fies/a System, p. 76-78.
46. Feliciano, Monografia, pp. 137-144.
47. This rcpresentation takcn from Canadian Council for International Development, et ai.,
Two !falves A.lake a Whole, p. 31.

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This article was downloaded by: [New York University]

On: 03 October 2014, At: 20:32

Canadian Journal of Latin

Applying the Harvard Gender

To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08263663.1997.10816757

PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE

The Harvard Gender Analytical Framework

work, it would be appropriate to include a third category ofwork in addition to

mental organization (NGO). The information is based on participant observa-

Gender Research in Mayan Communities of Guatemala

tailed analysis of gender in an entrepreneurial Indian town, San Pedro

Comitancillo: The Case Study Community

twice weekly market.

tations to obtain about one-halftheir yearly subsistence needs through agricul-

The Activity Profile

Fertilizers & pesticides Men & boys

Local Cash-Crop Cultivation

into the capitalist/international market economy as wage labour. The indigenous

Drying coffee --------

supplement to subsistence farming. The main income-generating activities open

Approximately six to seven hours a day is devoted to food preparation.

Food preparation, serving Adult & elderly

Sixteen of the 4 7 aldeas in Comitancillo do not have potable water, and

vival technique has been a minimal awareness of national events; conversely,

breakfast, prepares snack as splitting wood, feeding

Access and Control (?( Resources in the Household

Non-agricultural employment activities are limited in the community to

ln conclusion, the effectiveness ofthe Harvard Gender Analytical Frame-

Appendix: The Harvard Gender Analytical Framework47

A. Production Activities Womenlgirls Menlboys

2. ACCESS AND CONTROL PROFILE

Impact? Opportunities? Constraints?

29. Bunzel, Chichicastenango, p. 53.

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