SPECIALIZED CLOVISOIDS

HUNTERS
IN PARAGUANA, FALCON STATE
VENEZUELA

YENNY SZABADICS
2015
 SPECIALIZED CLOVISOIDS

HUNTERS
IN PARAGUANA, FALCON STATE
VENEZUELA

YENNY SZABADICS
2015
CREDITS

Text: MIKLOS SZABADICS (+), & YENNY SZABADICS

Original transcription: EVA HOFLE
Photos: EVA HOFLE
Draws: YENNY SZABADICS
Diagramation: YENNY SZABADICS
Translation : EVA NEMETH

USA 2015

ISBN:
“A civilization that forgets its past,
has no future”

Miklos Szabadics Roka

1931- 2011(+)
 INDEX

Aknowledgments

Biography Miklos Szabadics

Prologue

Preface or Introduction

CHAPTER I. Theories about the peopling of the American continent

CHAPTER II. Discoveries of clovisoids artifacts throughout the American continent

CHAPTER III. Geographical location of the clovisoid site in Paraguana.

CHAPTER IV. Surroundings.

CHAPTER V. Clovisoid peopling in Paraguana.

CHAPTER VI. 1- List of studied archaeological material from the El Cayude terrace, belonging to the clovisoid
complex.

2.-Procedure and method of analysis.

CHAPTER VII. Sources of lithic raw material.

CHAPTER VIII. Description of the artifacts:
1.-Percussors
2.-Nuclei
3.-Axes
4.-Primary flakes
5.-Secundary flakes.
6.-Blades
7.-Projectile points.
Conclusions
Archaeological rescue
Cultural rescue
References
 AKNOWLEDGMETS
The publication of this book was a collaborative effort that without them it would not be possible. For this reason I
extend in a way very pleasant the same the following people:

To God for let me finish this project.

To my husband Peter Balogh, who gave great ideas to apply in this work and for his constant support in finish this book,
and his eternal love and comprension.

To my dad, Miklos Szabadics Roka for inspire me to love the archaeology, for to teach me and transmited to me the
knowledge that now I have about the lithic area.

To Eva Hofle Szabadics, my father's wife and my second mom, who made the initial manuscript of this book, and who
was my support too to publish this book to honor my father legacy.

To Eva Nemeth, my cousin, who made the translate of spanish to english text.

All of them, are greatful for your support.

 BIOGRAPHY OF MIKLOS SZABADICS ROKA

Professor Miklos Szabadics Roka (1931-2011) was born in Szombathely, Hungary and migrated to Venezuela
after World War II. He fell in love with that country,it's rich history and it's wonderful people, and dedicated the rest of
his life to explore, rescue, recollect, classify, study and analyse archaeological artifacts. Over the years he managed to
accumulate the largest and most complete collection of lithic artifacts rescue on eroded surfaces in America. He has
donated a large portion (over 35.000 items) of the most precious and valuable artifacts to the Museum of Natural
Science in Caracas. Professor Miklos Szabadics worked side by side with Dr. Jose Maria Cruxent for many years on
diverse projects and expeditions. The Venezuelan Government in recognition of his scientific expertise requested his
collaboration as investigator and expert for UNEFM (Experimental National University “Francisco de Miranda”-
Venezuela) and CIAAP (Center of Anthropological, Archaeological and Palentological Investigations – Venezuela).
Founder and Director of Fundaprehistoria in 1987 he was curator of several Museums, throughout the country. Panama,
Santo Domingo, Aruba, Curacao and Venezuela were his focus points for many of his scientific investigations.
Professor Miklos Szabadics published two books: “Prehistory Archaeology of Venezuela”(1987) and “Tipology of
lithic artifacts found in Venezuela” (1997), this with the participation of Yenny Szabadics, his daughter, as coauthor . He
also has created permanent archaeological exhibitions in four different locations in Venezuela. There are numerous
published reports, interviews and articles about his work.
Professor Miklos Szabadics was not only an archaeologist, artist, writer, author, antique weapons recreationist and
scientist. He lived, felt, relived and recreated ancient American culture and native societies, he understood their art, their
culture, the construction and use of their tools and weapons, he was authentic, charismatic and a philanthropist and he
felt a superb passion for his research and for those reasons , he will leave a permanent mark in History. He died the
same way he lived, with a humble smile on June 28 th 2011 in Tara Tara, Falcon, Venezuela and his ashes were dispersed
where his love and life was, in the Pedregal Valley, in the desert of Falcon, in Venezuela

BIOGRAPHY OF YENNY SZABADICS

Prologue
 FOUNDATION FOR RESCUE, CONSERVATION,
STUDY AND PROMOTION OF PREHISTORIC
CULTURAL REMAINS

INTRODUCTION
___________________________________________________

This might be the fist time that archaeological sites corresponding to the Clovisoid complex are
studied outside of North America.

Our discovery took place in 1980, while our exploration team, under the guidance of Vicente
Barreno, who lives in the neighboring town of Santa Ana, surveyed the southern area of a hill named after
the same town. Upon reaching the site, we were very surprised by the presence of a Clovisoid sighting,
because we expected to find anything else but an entire workshop.
 The newly found site is located close to the foot of the hill, about 170 meters above sea level and
upon a small terrace that borders the western side of El Cayude River. The site is quite eroded, its
diameter is about 50 meters, and there is scant vegetation growing amidst scattered rocks.
To our amazement, while examining the site we found an enormous variety of artifacts and a great
amount of stone flakes, both evidencing a prolonged occupation of the area. Upon leaving, we
immediately headed towards the Center of Anthropological, Archaeological and Paleonthological

View of artifacts from “El Cayude” site

Investigations (C.I.A.A.P.) to inform Prof. J. M. Cruxent of our findings. We showed him some
samples, and he also identified them as belonging to the Clovisoid complex. At that time, archaeologist
José R. Oliver, who also worked at this Center, asked our permission to photograph these Clovisoid
spearheads, to which we gladly agreed.
Shortly afterwards, Prof. Cruxent organized an expedition to collect lithic archaeological surface
material from El Cayude Terrace, together with E. Durán and Miklos Szabadics Roka. Upon reaching the
site and having set up camp, we proceeded to survey the area cartographically. We collected the material
by quadrants, and we managed to gather more than two hundred kilograms of lithic material, including
many stone microchips. A couple of years later we returned to the site with Prof. Cruxent, and noticed
that new material belonging to this complex, started outcropping due to the action of heavy rains that
sporadically affect the region.

In April 2001, before initiating our current study, we visited El Cayude Terrace once again,
accompanied by Mrs. Eva Hofle and Felipe Torrealba, a technician. We were then able to determine that
there has been more chert type material resurfacing, also belonging to the Clovisoid complex. Felipe
Torrealba also accompanied us to visit the storage area of the CIAAP, to inspect the material collected 18
years ago by Prof. Cruxent from El Cayude. Because the material had been moved from one storage
to another a couple of times, its external packaging was damaged and the archives indicating the
corresponding quadrants were also lost. Today, half of the material rests in the CIAAP storage in Coro,
and the other half is in a storage area of the small town of Tara-Tara.

This material was available at all times to those professionals who wanted to inspect it. In 1990,
and without having even known about its true origins, Ardila and Politis wrote an essay regarding these
findings at El Cayude, published by the Bulletin of the Museum of Gold of Bogotá, Colombia. In this
report, we have described the technology used in the creation of the lithic artifacts. We have also
classified the different groups of Clovisoid artifacts made by the hunters of El Cayude. We have not
drawn maps indicating the entry and migratory routes of these hunters, because it is not possible to
determine to this date, whether the Clovis culture first developed in Northern or Southern America
 CHAPTER I
THEORIES ABOUTTHE PEOPLING
OF THE AMERICAN CONTINENT
 ___________________

To convey a better understanding of the process of peopling America, the book “The Ice Ages”,
written by John Imbrie and Catherine Pallmer Imbrie (1979) has very usefully resumed the complexity of
works carried out by astronomers, geologists, geochemists, paleontologists and geophysicists, in order to
establish the cause of the glaciations. Their investigations confirmed and supported the astronomy theory
that sustains the existence of three cyclical causes.

The third cycle is the most important from an archaeological perspective: it takes place every
26,000 years, and corresponds to precession movements of the Earth’s rotation axis (see graphic). Due to
this cycle, the North and South poles were alternately exposed to the sunrays, causing a larger
concentration of ice on the lesser exposed pole. This means that every 12,000 years or so, sea levels
either rose or decreased more than one hundred meters, causing alternating climates, affecting sea
currents and trade winds.

Due to the gravitational pull of both the sun and the moon within the earth’s precession movement,
the rotational axis of the planet moves slowly around a circular plane and completes its revolution
approximately every 26,000 years. Independently from this cycle, the axial inclination of the earth,
measured from its vertical plane in relation to its orbital plane, may vary (increase) in about a degree and
a half within 40,000 years.

Consequently, strips of about 1,500 kilometers wide along the Bering Strait remained free from
water, while abundant flora and fauna took over. As the sea levels decreased, the area became inhabited
for thousands of years, even more so when the ice concentrations occurred towards the southern
hemisphere. This also enabled the continental dispersal of horses, mammoths, camelids and other species,
like humankind. This phenomenon occurred several dozen times during the Pleistocene Era.

Ten or twelve thousand years ago, contact among diverse groups of hunters was quite frequent,
perhaps once or twice a year. Thus, any new knowledge such as medicinal plants, their preparation and
usage, or any inventions such as building traps and weapons to improve hunting, were quickly spread
from one group to the other, thus facilitating the diffusion of any new and useful knowledge. This can be
evidenced through the fact that in North America, about 90% of Clovis sites are between nine and eleven
thousand years old. That means that it took only two thousand years for this type of artifact to spread
throughout the entire continent

During their migratory displacements, the hunter groups left little evidence that could strongly
support an opinion or hypothesis. We believe that the peopling of America may have been done mainly
by sea.

Because of cultural lithic evidence such as projectile pre-spearheads, we know that since the
beginning of its evolution, humankind has lived near lakes or rivers and crafted stone utensils to carve
wood. Perhaps a log floating on a river may have inspired man to build the first canoe or raft. We believe
that by observing the force of the wind upon a floating object, man began using either branches, woven
artifacts or other, as sails. It is difficult to comprehend how, without the aid of navigation, humankind
was able to disperse throughout the entire continent, thus bypassing all the obstacles found on land, and
then be able to populate almost the entirety of the islands amidst the vast seas.
 CHAPTER II
DISCOVERIES OF CLOVISOIDS
ARTIFACTS THROUGHOUT
THE AMERICAN CONTINENT
_____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________
 _______________________

South America has always been part of the general research of American prehistory. Professionals
of physical and cultural anthropology, especially North Americans, have considered the Bering Strait as
the entry route when eliciting theories about the peopling of the American Continent.

Numerous sites have been discovered along the edges of the central Great Plains of North America,
filled with bison fossils, camelidae, equidae, mammoth, etc., and next to them, tools made of stone by
Paleo-Indian hunters. Consequently, North America became the focal point for archaeological research,
while South America was left as the appendix of the North American prehistory

In the year 1929, near the town of Clovis in New Mexico, a young man named Whiteman found
some unusual stones, which he called “Ogives”; he sent these to the Smithsonian Institute, where
specialists identified them as spearheads. They had been carefully flaked in order to sharpen both lateral
edges, while finishing the basal portion with indentations on both sides in order to ease their fit unto the
handle.
 Because of their unique and special features, they are considered as the identifying signature of the
specialized Paleo-Indian hunters. These spearheads were named after the place in which they were
discovered.

Eventually, more of the same type of grooved spearheads was found throughout the oldest
archaeological sites of North America. Clovisoid spearheads were found all the way from British
Columbia to northern Mexico, and from Nova Scotia down to Florida. They have been dated between
11,200 and 8,700 years old as of to date. According to a report made by Peter J. Mehringer Jr., the dates
of the organic material found with these tools indicate that those who used them lived in America no
more than 11,000 years ago. Within this relatively short era, the creation of Clovisoids reached to the
farthest tips of America.

“The classic Clovis points are less recurrent in the northern plains of North America”.(Frison & Zeimens,
1991:146.)

The National Geographic magazine (vol. 174 # 4, October 1988) makes reference to Moises
Aguirre’s incredible finding of a rare sharp and elongated stone, inside an irrigation ditch at an orchard in
central Washington. After having washed off the dirt, he realized that it was an enormous spearhead.
Indeed it was the largest ever seen among those crafted by the Clovis paleohunters that populated North
America while searching for mammoths, camels, bison and horses.
 According to most North American specialists, man came from Asia through the Bering Strait,
which was an ice free corridor that spread through the northern area of America. Because the Darien
jungle and the Panama Isthmus were natural barriers, these hunters of large animals were unable to reach
South America. In 1855, Ernst Hackel mentioned that:

“(…) the apparent absence of Paleolithic types of artifacts among the explorations carried out to this date
through Venezuela, brings doubts about the existence of a “Paleolithic age”, not only in that country but
throughout South America”.

During our field work we have been able to detect the presence of many sites containing lithic
artifacts that, without any doubt, belong to diverse periods of projectile pre-spearheads. In North
America, most of the Clovisoid sites that were excavated bore Sandia projectile points (these are the
equivalent of the Joboid points in Venezuela) in strata beneath Folsom and Clovis spearheads. This leads

us to believe that perhaps the Clovis point may have been first crafted by the Sandia hunters of North
America.
 Clovis 'like' point from El Cayude Site, Falcon State-VENEZUELA

Folsom 'like' point found a 150 km. of El Cayude terrace in San Francisco Valley, Falcon State-VENEZUELA

Doctors Mario Sanoja and Iraida Vargas have best described the different cultural periods of the
Valley of the Pedregal River as follows:

“Despite being in superficial layers, the differentiations within the lithic artifact complexes that are related
to the Pedregal River terraces in the State of Falcon, allow us to presume the existence of chronological
differences among them. In 1962, in diverse North American museums, we were able to study many
collections of lithic artifacts of the aforementioned region. We observed a gradation in their complexity, an
improvement of the cutting technique and of the functionality of the artifacts, due perhaps to a lengthy
process of local evolution. We also realized that the rough and large bifacials of El Camare, which are as
long as 30 cms., could well be considered as the beginning of a series of more evolved lithic artifacts that
were reduced to only 15 cms. long, while improving the usable edges. At the same time, next to these
roughly crafted bifacials, it was also possible to discern a more specific and better finished type of artifacts.
These are the leaf-shaped points, the double points that may have serrated edges and are beautifully
decorated, convex bifacial blades, peduncle points, etc.” (Sanoja & Vargas, 1974: 30.)
 CHAPTER III
GEOGRAPHICAL LOCATION OF
THE CLOVISOID SITE
IN PARAGUANA
___________________________________________________________________________________________________________________
 ________________________

Because of its strategic geographic location at the north of South America, Venezuela have
favorable coastal formations, such as The Goajira Peninsula, Lake Maracaibo and the Paraguana
Peninsula. The latter was more important, because for a period of time it contained abundant flora and
fauna. This occurred particularly during the Pre-Ceramic cultural periods, and the region must have been
much like a crossroad, a land of cultural convergence, and which evidence we have analyzed from an
archaeological perspective.

The sites containing Clovisoid points are quite important due to their relevance when studying the
origins of the American man. This further stresses the importance of the site that we discovered in
Venezuela, and which we named “El Cayude Terrace” (N 11° 48’ 024” and W 69° 56’ 621”). Within it
we found a large workshop that contained the entire Clovisoid complex, and given the large amounts of
artifacts present in it, we assume that it was also used as a dwelling place.
 Clovisoids points of El Cayude Site

The archaeological site of our study is located at the foot of the southern area of the Santa Ana hill,
above a small terrace on the eastern side of El Cayude River. To get to it, we headed towards the north of
Santa Ana, through a sandy path scattered with sponge trees. The area is flat and along the path, there are
small and abandoned fenced farms . The land has lost its vegetation and is covered by thorny bushes,
weathered by drought and wind.

After almost two kilometers, we arrived to the convergence of the first fluvial source (Curivito) of
El Cayude. The hill has a gentle elevation, which turns steeper; the land is rocky and partially covered by
low thorny vegetation that makes it difficult to walk through. As we got closer to the terrace, the
vegetation turned into small trees shorter than 3 meters.
 El Cayude Terrace is about 200 meters long by 50 meters wide. Its longitudinal axis is slightly
inclined and concave, runs from east to west, at which point it meets and drains into El Cayude River.
The archaeological site is located at the westernmost area of the terrace, next to the bank that lies upon
the upper stream of El Cayude River. The soil on the terrace is eroded and rocky, and at times embedded
in compact beige-reddish clay. It is possible to observe the outcropping chert artifacts.

Left: Bifacial points. Right:unifacial blades made in chert and igneus rock from El Cayude Site

At the foot of the hill and along the Chamuriana, Varacara, Siraba and Curivito streams, we also
observed outcrops of lithic archaeological material which could be morphologically classified under the
Joboid and Clovisoid complex.
CHAPTER IV
SURROUNDINGS
______________________________________________________
 ________________________

The Caribbean coastal lines are an important component of the Venezuelan Quaternary Era. Their
origin is fluvial-marine, due to the combined action of sedimentation and the modeling effect of rivers
and the sea.
During the diverse interglacial periods, the regressions and transgressions created the different types
of landscape that conform these seashores. The coastal plains contain knots or sandbars that are remains
of highly eroded intrusions, and there are plenty of saltwater marshes as well. Some of the remains
of the sandbars are covered with large amounts of seashells, which indicate the presence of marine
gatherers. These gatherers sporadically changed their sites of collection, in accordance to the variations of
the sea levels and to the formation of intrusions and mangroves. The vast amount of sea shells tell us that
the region must have been inhabited for thousands of years by these marine gatherers. The wide strips of
the coastal plains run from the Vela de Coro towards Lake Maracaibo; they are interrupted a couple of
times by lowlands of tertiary sediments, or by higher elevations of ancient quaternary deposits.

Fortunately, the geological faults along the entire existing coastal region prompted the formation of
ascending water springs within the area, which in turn allowed the survival of the fauna and also the
establishment of humankind therein.
 It is essential that we cite some of these water springs in the State of Falcon, because they were the
ultimate resource for its mega fauna, and also because Prof. Cruxent studied them. Among the most
important, we have Muaco, Taimataima, Cucuruchu, Aguaclara and Aguaviva. There are no human
remains in the latter, but the quartzite artifacts found in the area clearly point towards human activity
within the proximity of this spring.

Despite their intermittent seasonal volume, fluvial channels do carry enormous loads of sediment
that contributed to the development of recent delta formations. Such is the case of the Mitare River in the
Golfete de Coro, and El Cayude River located south of the Peninsula of Paraguaná. El Cayude River
has special relevance within our study.
 CHAPTER V
CLOVISOID PEOPLING
IN PARAGUANA
____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________
 ______________________

When analyzing the environment in which the specialized Clovisoid hunters of Paraguaná lived,
we must also ask ourselves the following questions: Why did they abandon the area at the foot of the hill,
leaving remnants of their campouts? Why did they relocate half way up the Santa Ana Hill, at a higher
elevation of 200 meters above sea level?

Aspect of the lithic context of “El Cayude “site

 We believe that the Clovisoids inhabited El Cayude Terrace between 8,000 to 11,000 years ago.
During the latter period, the last interglacial era intensified at the Northern hemisphere. Because of this,
sea levels were at least 100 meters below their actual level. This phenomenon promoted many droughts
affecting the lowlands of the coastal zone, and only the head of El Cayude River was able to provide
water within the entire area, moreover close to its origin and continuously towards the south.

“The Clovis – Folsom cultural eras of the late Paleo-Indian must have taken place between 11,500
and 8,000 years before our era, along the southern Great Plains of the United States”.
(Boldurian & J. Cotter 199:73.)

Approximately 11,000 years ago, when the last interglacial era was about to end, the sea level was,
as previously indicated, 100 meters lower than today’s. The Paleo-Ecologic environment of the State of
Falcon was quite similar to that of North America.

There were lowlands of approximately 200 kilometers wide extending from the bottom of the hills
of the Coro region, and the island of Aruba was also part of the continent. This vast coastal lowland was
densely fed by rivers and fresh water springs, and a wide variety of flora gave way to thick jungle forests,
immense regions of shrubbery and infinite palm tree plantations. In turn, this paradisiacal heaven was
home to a great variety of mega fauna, as well as to smaller herbivores, amphibians, reptiles and birds.

As soon as the Clovis period started, the climate began turning drier. Shrubbery lowlands rapidly
extended, while most water sources turned intermittent and thus forced the fauna to concentrate around
thermal regions. Some of these are still active and can be found in Paraguaná and the coastal region of
Falcon.

The Santa Ana Hill contains the highest elevation in Paraguaná that is volcanic in origin. Prevailing
winds from the northeast constantly affect the area, and because these bring on humidity, fresh water
condensation occurs. During the worst droughts, Clovis and Joboid hunters relocated from the lowlands
to areas closer to the foot of the Santa Ana Hills. At times, the water main from El Cayude may have
dried out before reaching the foot of the hill, and this may have forced man to move closer to its main
source.
 Partial view of a Clovisoid workshop site in El Cayude

Humankind was part of Nature, and therefore had to learn to take advantage of its resources. It
seems that man took advantage of the best in El Cayude Terrace. The temperature of the area was ideal,
there were no insect swarms and there were plenty fruit trees. The elevation of the site provided physical
security; it was also a great observation platform, that covered areas from the south, east and west. This in
turn also allowed better surveillance and planning for hunting any possible feedstock.
 CHAPTER VI
LIST OF STUDIED
ARCHAEOLOGICAL MATERIAL
FROM THE EL CAYUDE TERRACE,
BELONGING TO THE CLOVISOID COMPLEX
 ____________________________

As follows, we show you the list of the archaeological material found in the Cayude Terrace:
Percussors………………………………...5
Nuclei…………………………………….6
Handheld axes……………………………3
Blades………………………………… 134
Broken proximal blades…………………72
Flakes: from the knapping process
of an artifact……………………….……921
Flakes: from the re-sharpening process
of the blade of an artifact……………….283
Fragmented Flakes…………………... 2.590
Whole Clovisoid points…………..……....6
Clovisoid point proximals………………..38
Possible Clovisoid distals……………….42
 Axes for hafting………………………… 5
Perforators…………...…………………...9
Pieces of coloring paint: Red and yellow.. 3
TOTAL PIECES……………....……....4,174

VI.1 PROCEDURE AND METHODS OF ANALYSIS

The collection that originated from El Cayude terrace contains thousands of artifacts carved in
stone. Among them we have found, from mostly primary flakes all the way up to the more sophisticated
arrow points. Unfortunately, the artifacts that were crafted from bone and wood were not in good shape
due to the acidity of the soil. We have focused our interest towards the analysis of the Clovis complex of
this unique (to this date) site that has been found in Venezuela.

Previous to the detailed analysis and description of our primary objective, we carried out an
inventory of the thousands of artifacts that make up the above mentioned complex.

We are aware that most archaeologists are familiar with diverse methods used when analyzing lithic
artifacts; we also know that, even though two investigators may work on the analysis of the same
material, they might arrive to different conclusions. This may happen due to diverse reasons such as
different cultural backgrounds, or because of trivial details like not having ever used a hammer, or in
other instance, not knowing how the natives from the Orinoco River carve a canoe from a tree log. Such
circumstances may always bring one to either correct or incorrect interpretations about lithic technology,
its attributes and function.

The technology used in the production of stone utensils varied greatly throughout the cultural
evolution of mankind. In order to craft these, it is necessary to use a nucleus and a percussor, so as to
knap flints from the nucleus. Knapping may be done either with a soft or a hard hammer, using direct,
indirect or bipolar percussion.

In order to analyze and understand artifacts carved in stone, it is necessary to use a specialized
method, such as the lithic analysis. This sub-discipline of prehistoric archaeology can guide us toward the
significance and better comprehension of lithic technology. It can also enlighten us with regard to its
function, whether economic or social, and occasionally and ideologically, it may reveal about extinct
cultures. A careful reconstruction of lithic technology will ease our understanding of ancient survival and
Paleo-ecology.

The archaeological material collected from El Cayude Terrace came directly from the surface and is
not the product of careful digging. Therefore, it is impossible to identify and analyze the prehistoric
individual that elaborated these stone utensils, but rather the entire human group.
 Artifac in situ, found in eroded context in El Cayude

There is very little waste in El Cayude Terrace. Even the smallest flakes produced by percussion
were used as incrustations. This evidence of maximum usage of raw material has never been observed in
any other rocky surfaces, where abundant raw material prevails.

Most of the large amounts of crafted utensils and the small amounts of residue allow us to
comprehend the manner in which a determined artifact was shaped from its beginning, and how it
changed with usage through the constant renovation while sharpening its blade.

Because chert was a very important and valued raw material in the El Cayude Terrace, the Clovisoid
people tried to minimize waste. For example, a blade that was destined to become a Clovisoid point was
first used as a knife. Then, as its blade was sharpened in the right direction, it eventually turned into the
desired shape of a Clovisoid point. Either the abundance or scarcity of raw material may have strongly
influenced the lithic technology and the classification of the group of artifacts. Through careful analysis,
we have tried to describe their characteristics in order to determine their nature, and then translate them
into an archaeological perspective.
 CHAPTER VII
SOURCES OF LITHIC
RAW MATERIAL
__________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________
 __________________________

In the archaeological site within El Cayude Terrace, we found four different kinds of rocks used in
the making of tools.

Among these different rocks found in the site, only one originated from the area: it is grayish
granite, occasionally green, with or without milky quartz. This material was not used by the Clovisoid
natives. Any raw material used by the hunters from this place, was exotic.

Chert was the most important and abundant imported raw material. It either is present in pure form
or contains streaks, its color ranging from clear honey to dark brown and even white. Its place of origin
is about four kilometers straight east from El Cayude, closer to the village of Machuruca, where there are
many locations containing the same type of chert.

In second place, we found tools designed in volcanic rock consisting of a greenish plutonic igneous
stone. Its origin can be traced towards the northeastern side of the Aruba Island. This is the only place,
where we were able to find the existence of this type of rocks and where there are volcanoes (now
dormant), where the raw material may have originated in a liquid state.
 Lastly, it is worth mentioning the presence of milky quartz, which is very common in Paraguaná,
specifically in the Cano and Pizarral hills, except for the granite lithic percussors. All the raw material
used by the Clovisoids was exotic to El Cayude Terrace and it seems that these natives had no difficulties
in obtaining the best volcanic stones from areas as far as Aruba.

At this point in our analysis, we would like to introduce the idea that these Clovisoid Paleo natives
used only the finest available raw material to craft their stone utensils. This important anthropological
observation shows us that in order to obtain the material, they had to travel to distant places, or that
perhaps their sites were close to the confines of their habitual hunting trips.

During the last interglacial era of the Northern hemisphere, the sea levels were 100 meters lower
than today and therefore the island or Aruba was part of the mainland. The marine coast was then located
at a short distance from the north or the island, where the presence of deep faults is due to subduction
between tectonic plates. It is possible that between El Cayude and Aruba there used to be an extension of
lowland of about 80 kilometers, where the Clovisoid people used to hunt.

Between 8,000 and 11,000 years ago, the island of Aruba used to be a peninsula connected to the
mainland by its southwestern part. The island used to be a haven filled with multiple resources, and may
have been inhabited by a large number of marine hunters and gatherers. Judging from the vast amount of
artifacts made from volcanic rock, and marine shells (Strombus Gigas) that we found along many coastal
areas and their rate of dissemination, it seems that the inhabitants may have lived in symbiosis with
mainland hunters; in turn, they may have been related to each other. There is much evidence as well,
indicating an exchange of quality stones, marine shells, salt and natural pigments, among other.
 CHAPTER VIII
DESCRIPTION OF
THE ARTIFACTS
____________________________________________________________________________________________________________
 ___________________________

In the beginning, every artifact originates as a primary flake that has detached from a nucleus.The
Clovisoid people that lived on El Cayude Terrace in Paraguaná, applied the most sophisticated technology
in the making of diverse stone utensils.

By studying the characteristics of their artifacts, we were able to appreciate the fact that they were
very close to Nature. This allowed them to master and make the most of whatever was part of their
surroundings. We also admire them for their wide knowledge of raw materials, the techniques they
applied in order to develop them, and the functional designs applied to their utensils, which fit perfectly
into their daily requirements.

The description of the artifacts of a lithic complex must accurately indicate the results of the
investigations. The archaeologist must not be tempted by the easy path of fantasy. Every conclusion must
have sufficient and convincing evidence to reflect reality, besides generating new information about the
subject, even though this may turn the task into a more difficult one.
The existing types are: -percussors - nuclei - axes - primary flakes -secundary flakes - blades projectile
points.
 VIII.1 PERCUSSORS

The Clovis hunters from El Cayude terrace used the native granite in the making of percussion
flaking tools. Granite’s weight by volume is almost ten percent higher than chert. Its crystals are bonded
into a design that is resistant to fracture, and their shape becomes spheroid due to usage. One of them is
slightly flattened on opposite sides, similar to those found in the Ceramic cultural period. Their surface
contains small indentations caused by percussion. Their diameter varies between 63 mm. and 42 mm.
This type of spheres was used in flint knapping a nucleus through direct percussion. The basal of the
flakes shows the detached remnants of the percussion platform, and its shape indicates that they used
antler tines or flat-nosed convex bars. Unfortunately, these bone tools have decayed due to the acidity of
the soil in which they were embedded.
 VIII.2 NUCLEI

We consider as nucleus, the object whose function is to become the raw material in the preparation
of tools. Nuclei made of boulders or rocky surfaces, are carefully selected according to the size and shape
of the tools that are eventually supposed to become.
 The five nuclei that we found in El Cayude Terrace already had a prepared percussion platform.
These nuclei had been beveled throughout their perimeter, and two of them had evidence, on one of their
sides, of having been used as hammers.

Flint knapping in El Cayude was done by indirect percussion, using antlers with flat-nosed edges,
spherical. The diameter of these left their shape on the flakes that detached from the percussion platform,
on the back of the proximal of the flake, as well as on the edge of the percussion platform of the nucleus.

In order to obtain long, thin and straight blades, it was necessary to use the bipolar percussion
method. To be able to apply this technology, the nucleus has to be shaped as a barrel, with two
percussion platforms at the apex, as well as its basal. Other nuclei with only one percussion platform,
acquire a conical shape upon reduction, and may occasionally become sharp at their basal.
 VIII.3 AXES

To this date, axes have always been considered as one of the most important tools of humanity.
The usage of axes arises from the earliest stage of the cultural evolution of the human race. There is
evidence of carefully crafted hand axes that belonged to the pre-Acheulean era. These axes have faceted
handles that provide ergonomically efficient grips. The Acheulean cultural period also presented the
beginning of bifacial artifacts and the incorporation of handles into the axes. The latter lost their grip to
give way to a sharp blade that extended along its perimeter.
 It is evident, that for the Clovisoid hunters an axe was an artifact just as important as a spear head.
This was not only because they had to hunt bison, mammoth or megatherium, but they also had to
butcher and process the animal. They needed a highly efficient tool for such an endeavor. The Mid
Paleolithic cultures of Africa used hand axes for this purpose.

The Clovisoid people of the El Cayude terrace manufactured very efficiently hafted axes, crafted
with very resistant volcanic rock and also chert. Three of the El Cayude axes are bifacial, and are almost
the same length of 180 mm long by 140 mm wide and 18 mm thick, and have an approximate weight of
600 grams.

The incorporation of the handles into the axes was crafted transversally or longitudinally. Some
wedging and minor touchups of the lateral edges clearly indicate the placement of the sharper blade. Due
to their constant usage, the blades on these axes needed frequent replacements, which are also evidenced
through their repositioning along the handle.

The shapes of the hafts vary quite a lot. The most frequent among the collection from El Cayude
are quadrangular with slight convex sides (barrel-like), or oval with blunt basal planes. Because of their
frequent usage, all axes become reduced and turn into a smaller amygdaloidal shape. The same has
happened with the Joboid Complex, with the difference that the original size of their axes is larger that in
the Clovisoid Complex.

We were surprised by the fact that Clovis Revisited 1999, an excellent book written by Anthony T.
Boldurian and John L. Cotter, does not mention any axes. In it, the sketch of a beautiful axe, is referred to
as a bifacial “mobile nucleus” and the authors state that it was carried by hunters to their remote hunting
areas, far from any possible raw material. They also specify that if hunters were in need of a knife or an
arrow point, they used the mobile nucleus to achieve the desired results. The authors also add the
following:

“ and if they did not need it, they could either bury it or place it somewhere in the area, for future necessity.”
(Boldurian& Cotter, 109; 1999. Free Translation.)

We can’t understand why the investigations in North America about Clovis hunters would only
inform about projectile points and knives – scrapers, while ignoring the rest of the artifacts within the
vast arsenal contained in the Complex.
VIII.4 PRIMARY FLAKES
 We consider as primary those flakes or blades that are knapped from a nucleus, with or without
percussion platform, by any technique, whether it be direct percussion, using a hard or soft percussor, o
through indirect percussion. The size of these flakes may vary greatly.

The presence of facets on the obverse side point to previous flint knapping, or the obverse in its
entirety still has all its form, with or without remnants of a percussion platform. As previously
mentioned, every artifact originates from a primary flake. We also pointed that the nucleus had to be
prepared so that the primary flakes could acquire the shape closest to that of the artifact that was to be
turned into.

The Clovisoid hunters of the El Cayude Terrace displayed their knowledge widely: in order to make
a Clovisoid point, they knapped from the nucleus such a perfect blade, that with just a few adjustments
they were able to shape them into a Clovisoid point.
 VIII.5 SECUNDARY FLAKES
Generally, these flakes have a smaller shape and we can group them according to the origin of their
crafting. The first group includes flakes and chips knapped from a primary flake with the purpose of
turning them into an artifact, by using any of the aforementioned techniques. The presence of one or
more facets in the obverse indicates a previous knapping.

The second group results generally from the maintenance, repair, and modification of previously
made utensils. This maintenance includes the renewal of a sharp blade, which is a process that produces
flakes; one of the extremes still shows a small section of the older blade, thereby forming a cornice or
bulb applied by the forceful pressure of a soft percussor.
 The third group of secondary flakes is the product of unifacial knapping. In El Cayude Terrace we
observed this unifacial process made by pressure in some very thin blades that were used as knives.
The first cut will produce flakes whose obverse is flat and which reverse will show longitudinal
convex indentations. The second cut will produce bifacial flakes on its obverse and a longitudinal convex
indentation on its reverse; occasionally, its basal may conserve a small triangular portion of the older
blade. In the El Cayude Terrace we detected the usage of unifacial cutting only on those blades that
probably were used later on as knives.
 VIII.6 BLADES

Most of the blades found in El Cayude terrace are rather narrow in relation to their longitude, and
this variation ranges from 1:2 up to 1:5 or more. The surface of the obverse shows two or more negative
grooves (or parallel longitudinal facets, or almost parallel.) The surface of the reverse occasionally
presents waves that indicate the direction of the force applied in the knapping of the blade. Quite
frequently, the proximal of the blade retains a small area of the edges of the percussion platform, which in
turn is reduced so as to allow the hafting of the blade. There are also other types of narrow blades which
have a triangular section in the shape of a wedge and a slight elevation, and these are called back blades.

“The blades are a special subcategory of flakes originated from a nucleus.”

(According to Bordes & Crabtree 1969:39. Free Translation.)

Sometimes these blades could be the byproduct of maintenance work. Their features are thin,
curved and they still keep a small portion of the original edge on their basal.

Among the 134 blades found in the El Cayude terrace, only 5 are bifacial in just one of their
laterals. Almost all the blades were utilized as knives, and only the terminal of their distal shows renewal
of the active sector, with approximately 35° of convexity. We also found wide blades with foliated shape,
and an absent plane of percussion. Its basal presents indentations so as to facilitate the hafting.

Similar types of blades are also present in the Joboid Complex. Due to their prolonged usage, they
have turned into thin scrapers with a convex plane, on which obverse it is easy to detect indentations that
resulted from the constant renovation of the sharp blade. Occasionally there are small grooves caused by
abrasion and these are formed diagonally with respect to their longitudinal axis, perhaps because they
were utilized by basket weavers.
 VIII.7 PROJECTILE POINTS

There are 87 “Clovis points” found at El Cayude Terrace, both whole and fragmented. We
presume that the largest were utilized as spear points and the smaller ones as arrow points that would be
propelled. We noticed that some of them have asymmetrical edges towards their distal, probably because
they were also used as knives. Among the 87 artifacts we found points that do not possess all the Clovis
characteristics. When the point is fragmented, only the proximal allows us to identify it without any
doubt. Within this complex, there are points that have a rounded basal and do not present any
wedging. There are also Clovis points whose frontal silhouette reminds us of Folsom points, but the
groove is only present in the entirety of its proximal.

Because the entire collection of El Cayude Terrace was gathered from the surface, it is not possible
to establish a chronological order .

Still some unanswered questions will remain, such as: “Which point was made first, the one with
the rounded basal, the Clovisoid, or the tiny Folsomoid? Or, did all of them belong to the same complex?

According to the morphology found within the complex, there are three categories. When taking
into account the duration of this cultural period in America (from two to four thousand years), we must
accept the fact that there must have been transformations such as the ones in the Joboid Complex.

According to Prof. J. M. Cruxent, first came the large spear point, and then came the arrow points
for propulsion. They initially had an average length of 86 mm and eventually were reduced to an average
of 45 mm. At this point, the fabulous spear and arrow must have been created, thus reducing the weight
of these lithic points as well (Las Casitas, with peduncles). At the beginning of the Ceramic period, these
projectile points became even lighter and they were made of antlers ( in the State of Falcon).
 CONCLUSION
______________________________________

As mentioned in the chapter “Geographic location of the Clovisoid site”, beige-reddish clay is still
present in El Cayude Terrace. There we can observe the presence of outcropping chert artifacts. It is of
utmost importance to nominate a multidisciplinary group of professional, in order to establish a
stratigraphic analysis in situ, so as to determine the age of the establishment of the Clovisoid people on
El Cayude Terrace.

Besides the El Cayude Terrace in Venezuela, findings of Clovis points have also been reported in
other sites. These are: Siraba (chert), Maitiruma (chert), San Francisco Valley (quartzite), San Jose de
Bruzual (chert).

According to Sanoja & Vargas (1999:55), in the site of La Hundición,

“..It is difficult in Venezuela to publish or propagate ideas that present points of views that differ from those of
the existing classist hegemony. This would explain the reason for the absence of national history or
anthropological museums, and the existence of only art museums. It would also explain why scholarly texts that
criticize social theory and those that are based upon historical and anthropological investigations that question
the ideological hegemony of the official history, have not been integrated within the knowledge imparted
throughout elementary and secondary schools in Venezuela. To this date, this has resulted in an impoverished
information about the origins of the national history, and it has been reduced to a disorienting discourse that
separates and antagonizes both the student and the common civilian as people against their own genesis.”
(Vargas-Arenas & Sanoja 1993:67).

The object of our essay about the presence of specialized Clovisoid hunters in Venezuela, is to
demonstrate that hunters carrying diverse cultural phases came over and across during the Superior
Paleo-Indian Period, and their presence can be confirmed throughout the entire American continent.

Our continuous efforts in doing archaeological rescues have established new evidence of the
presence of specialized Clovisoid hunters across the Paraguaná Peninsula. On November 20, 2002,
accompanied by Eva Hofle, we also carried out a recognizance of the area of Siraba, Paraguaná.

While driving across the eroded lands belonging to Pedro Juan Davila and family, we have found
dispersed Clovisoid artifacts. Among flakes and retouched blades, we have found 5 proximals and 2
distals that are typically Clovisoid, made of whitish chert that has been exposed to the elements for a very
long time.

All these artifacts have a more rustic nature, such as those found in the El Cayude Terrace. The
coordinates of the site are as follows: N 11° 48’ 14” W 69° 56’ 84”, 85 mts. above sea level.
 ARCHAEOLOGICAL RESCUE
______________________________________________________________________________________________

The main object of our archaeological rescue is to plan and carry out field studies in order to make
an inventory of the sites that we found, register their location and their content. Ideally, we would also
like to collect samples without altering the site, in case these were in immediate danger of destruction.

In our lab, we study the samples, catalogue them and carefully prepare them for future permanent
museum exhibitions. We also prepare relevant information both for the authorities and the general public.

Our project for archaeological surface rescue has been directed towards regions that comprise the
arid strips surrounding the Caribbean lands of Venezuela. In these areas, erosion has exposed the
quaternary sedimentary layers, outcropping the archaeology towards the surface while turning it quite
vulnerable under the destructive elements. Among the most harmful elements we can cite: eolic erosion,
prevailing winds carrying abrasive sand and dust, acid rain, the sun rays, laminar erosion and regressive
erosion.

We have been working in Venezuela for more than 30 years, doing archaeological surface rescue. In
occasions, due to lack of time, we found it impossible to rescue endangered sites, and shortly after
returning, we found nothing at all because the area had been completely eroded.

We have to accept the unfortunate reality that within the State of Falcon, besides the CIAAP of the
UNEFM, no other institutions have organized any systematic archaeological rescue teams in search of
Pre-Ceramic cultural eras in Venezuela. This should alert the urgent need to install immediate resources
for such purpose.

CULTURAL RESCUE
_________________________________________________________________

It is through the archaeological cultural remains that the societies of humankind are able to be
studied. Only the careful investigation of their structure and contents will allow us to acquire further
knowledge on how to plan for a more successful future.

The Venezuelan Institute of Cientific Investigations (IVIC) and the Center for Anthropological,
Archaeological and Paleonthological Investigations of the National Experimental Francisco Miranda
University (UNEFM), should be considered pioneers in the studying of Paleonatives of Venezuela.
Insofar, all international publications regarding the peopling of the American continent cite Venezuelan
researchers, with specific references to investigations carried out by the UNEFM.

Research has shown that due to lack of understanding, some people do not consider these studies as
a priority within humanistic sciences. Because of this particular, research of Pre-Ceramic cultures within
Venezuela has lost substantial support.

“The political manipulation of Venezuelan history comprises two power mechanisms: politics and society; this
process results from the elitist social order that relies upon the economic domain. The relevancy of this practice is
sustained through the privileges of a bourgeoisie that needs to alienate and historically disqualify the rest of the
population within the country, in order to gain supremacy. This is the manner in which ideology represents a
strategic part in the structure of power, its continuity and also the replication of such power.
 Unfortunately, it is also the reason through which the official Venezuelan history presents a negative aspect about
its social origins: “the savagery and laziness of the native Indians, the heritage of slavery and the vulgarity of the
Negroes, or the indiscipline and moral corruption of the Castilians.” (Vargas-Arenas 1995:49)

Those in charge of the activities of anthropological research centers would rather not be concerned
about the origins of the American Man.
Jacqueline Clarac states the following in her book:

“Venezuelans cannot talk about their indigenous or African ancestors, because they consider it shameful to have
such a heritage; however, they cannot talk either about the Spaniards as ancestors because since Bolivar’s quest,
Spaniards have also been branded as bloody conquistadores and as colonizers guilty of ethnic genocides…..even
though they brought “civilization”. Every Venezuelan child is educated within this ideology, and this hinders his
creative capacity.” (Clarac: 1993)

Twenty years ago, researcher Richard Leakey spoke about the need to create permanent Paleo-
archaeological expositions:

“I believe that by creating Archaeological Museums we can help raise a national identity among youngsters,
although, sadly, this is something not easily understood…..but through programs and expositions it is possible to
foster an interest in science and pride in a national cultural identity.” (R. Leakey 1981 [Free translation]).

Upon investigating the origins of the American Man through the cultural remains that we found, we
came up with enough evidence to try and replace this feeling of “ethnic shame”. We therefore propose
that the absence of anthropological and archaeological values, be substituted with a feeling of pride about
our origins, by showing their values through the establishment of permanent museum expositions.

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