CAMBRIDGE/

UNIVERSITY PRESS
NEW DIRECTIONS IN ARCHAEOLOGY

Fran~oise Audouze
Centre de Recherches Archéo/ogiques. Meudo11. France
Richard Bradley
Department ofArchaeology. University ofReading
Joan Gero
Departme,u ofAnthropology. University of Sourh Carolina
Tim Murray
Departmem ofArchaeology, La Trobe Universi1y, Vicroria ,
Australia
Colin Renírew
Departmem ofArchaeo/ogy, University ofCambrúlge
Anclrew Sherratt
Depanmem of Amiquities. Ashmolea11 Museum, Oxford
Timothy Taylor
Departme111 ofArclraeology, Uniwr,,íty ofBradford
Nonnan Yoffee
Deparrment ofAmhropology. Uníversiry ofArizona

DOMESTIC ARCHITECTURE
AND THE USE OF SPACE
DOMESTIC
ARCHITECTURE
AND THE USE
OF SPACE
An interdisciplinary
cross-cultural study

EDITED BY SUSAN KENT

Old Dominio11 U11iversiryflorfolk

"" C AMBRIDGE
UNIVERSITY PRES S
Published by the Prcss Synd.icatc of the Unive rsity of Cambridge
The Pitt Building, T rumpington Strcet, Cambridge CB2 IRP
40 West 20th Srn:ct, New York, NY 1001 1-4211, USA
10 Stamford Road. Oakleigh, Melboum c 3 166, Australia

C Cambridge University Prcss 1990

First published 1990

First paperback edition 1993 CONTENTS
P rinted in Greal Brilain al the University Prcss, Cambridge

Brllish Library caruloguing i11 publication dara

To Lewis R . Binford whose f riendship Lisr of conrributors vi
Domestic archilecturc and lhe use o f space; an interdisciplinary cross-
cultu ra l study. - (New directions in archaeology) Aclmowledgements vii
1. R esidences. Architectural features. Social aspecls
transcends theoretical differences
Activity areas and arc.hitecture : an ioterdisciplinary
l. Kent, Susa n, 1952- 11. Series 728' .01'03
view of the relationship betwceo use of space and
Library of Co11gress cataloguing úr publication data domcstic buill cnvironmcnts
Domestic a rch itecture and tbe use of space; an inlerdisciplinary cross- S,isan Kem 1
cultural study / edited by Susan Kcnt. 2 Systems of activities and systems of sertings
p. cm. - (New directions in archaeology) Amos ~ por / 9
Lncl ud~s index. 3 Domestic space and the tenacity of tradition among
ISBN 0-521-38160-6
1. Dwcllings - Cross-cultural studies. 2. Spacc (Architectu re) - Cross- sorne Betsilco of Madagascar
cultural studics. 3. A rchitecturc - Social aspecls - Cross-cultural stud ies. S11san Kus and Victor R aharijaona 2I
4. Arcbaeo logy and h istory. 5. Ethnoarcb.acology. J. K ent, Susan. 4 The bcii°t environment ~ consumer decisions
U. Series. Richard R . fillk 34
GN4 14.D65 1990 5 Bchavioral conventions and archaeology: methods
728'.0I '03 - dc20 89-35778C fP
for the analysis of ancient arcbitecture
ISBN O521381606 hardback Donald Sanders 43
ISBN O521445779 paperback
6 Public collective and private space: a study of
urban housing in Switzerland
Roderick J. Lawrence 73
7 Domestic space in the Greek city-state
Miclwel H . Jameso11 92
8 A structur ingstructure : lhe Swahili house
Linda W. E,g_nley-Reid 114
9 A cross-cultural study of segmentatlon,
architecture, and lhe use of space
S11sa11 Kent 127
10 Domestic space and social structure in
pre-Columbian nonhem Péru
UP
Garth Bawden 153
Refere11ces 172
lndex 187
 CONTR IBUTORS
Ganh Bowden, University of New Mexico
Linda W. Donley-Reid, University ofCalifomia, Berkeley
Michael H. Jameson, Stanford University
Susan Kem, Old Dominion University, Norfolk
Susan Kus. Rbodes CoUege, Memphis, Tennessee
Roderick J . Lawrence, University of Geneva
Víctor Raharijaona, Musée d' Art et d 'Archéologie, Madagascar
Amos Rapoport, University of Wisconsin-Madison
Donald H. Sanders, Williamstown, MA
Richard R. Wilk, Indiana University
....,
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
There are a oumber of peop le wbo belped make this book
a success. Fírst and foremost are the individual aothors whom
I Lha nk far their ba rd wor k and congenialily. They took the
Lime·and cffort to read and comment on each otber·s papcrs,
integrati ng the entire volume into a cohesive book. T hey were
aJways open to suggeslions and mostly on time \vitb deadli nes.
It was truly a pleasure working with each of them. Next
T would like t o thank friends at the Univcrsity of Kcntucky and
Old Dominion Un iversity where lhe book was wcittcn and put
logether between 1985 and 1988. Thirdly I wan t to tbank EJainc
Dawson for typ in g t he bibliography. Fourthly I am most
grateful lo Jessica Kuper for her assistance and perseverance in
getting Lhe book p ublished. Lastly I would like to thank
Cambridge University Prcss for their su pport. Of course I take
all rcsponsibility for any shortcomings of lhis book, a ltbough
I hope thcrc a re not man y 1
Susan Kent
Norfolk. Virginia
Jaouar y L989

Domestic Archilecture and tlie Use of Space: An In.ter-
disciplinary Cross-cultural Study is coocemed with the relation-
slúp between domestic architecrure and rhe organization of
space. As archacologists, we must deal with space and archi-
tecturc. While reviewing the líterature, I bccarne aware lhat
other discip lines are grappling with the same issues as are
archaeologists. This realization has rcsulted in the present book
which integra tes the researcb of archaeologists with that of
ethnograp hcrs, arcbilects, and others who are asking the same
qucst.ions uod are exploring them from tbe samc historical
and/or cross-cultural perspectives, but are apprnaching them
from different theoretical orientations and backgrounds. The
end result is a more holistic exanúnation of a most important
issue confronting all archaeologists. As a generalization. and
with sorne notable exceptions, archaeologists, as well as scholars
from other disciplines, bave tended to work in discipliue iso-
lation. They have neglcclcd the research and therefore the insights
obrained in other disciplines confronting similar p roblems.
It is interesting that this is only selectively the case in
archaeology. Por example, archaeologists have enthusiastically
embraced concepts, thcories, and data from geology, geography,
economics, and evolutionary biology. H owever, archaeologists
involved with architecture and the use of space on an intra-sitc
leve! bave bee.n more provincial in tbcir outlook. This may not
always be a result of reluctancc to entertain perspectives
developed in other disciplines: il may result from a basi.c
1
Chapter 1
Activity areas and arcbitecture :
an interdiscipllnary view of
the relationsbip between
use of space and domestic built
environments
Susan Kent
ignorance of wbat has beeo accomplished that is useful to the
archaeologists' own work. Such a lack of awareness might be
particular.ly true concerning the discip lines of architecture and
behavioral/ environmental psychology (and these disciplines tend
to be largely ignorant of relevanr archaeological rcsearch : see
chapter 2). The cbap ters in this book demonstrate precisely how
an archaeologist can use the otber disciplines' data and theories
in a productive manner Lbat does not violare basic arch aco-
logical assumptions, compromise the data, or simplify a
theoretical orientation.
TnterdiscipJinary research prov:ides more altematives with
which to view data. Awarencss of diffcrent disciplines allows
one to introduce novel approacbcs not considered bcforc, to
have access to a dilferent data base which may enhance a
discipline's pre-existing one, and to avoid mistakes already
made and corrected in other disciplines.
The book is structurcd to investigare lhe relationship
between architecture and Lhe use of space t hrougb the study of
disparate cultures around the world and through time_ The
authors from their dilferent backgrounds Logether pursue the
samc fundamental question of what influences domestic archi-
tectural design and the use of space and how each is rclated lo
the other. In other words. how does the ase of spacc affect
domestic architectural design and vice versa ? The insights
contained within the conclusions of the individual chapters are
a testimony to the value of the interdisciplinary approach_
 Susan Kent 2 Activity areas ami archiLecture 3

While the focus of the book is on the complex interaction
between domestic structures and spatial organization, specific-
ally explored is the role of culture in tlús interaction, as
expressed in technology, sociopolitical complexity, symbolism,
and economics. Tbe emphasis is on domestic rather than on
public or strictly ceremonial architecture.
Scholars have tradilionally aoalyzed buildings and the use
of spacc within buildings without aualyzing the inleraclion
between the two or how the interaction articulates with specific
aspects of culture. Jn ordcr to fill this gap in tbe literature, the
authors lry to elucidate those variables that affect the interaction. They can t hen be employed by archaeo1ogists in thcir study of
This is tben assessed from philosophical, theoretical, and
descriptive perspcctivcs.
There are a few books which include among thcir
contributors scholars from various disciplines who address a
somcwhat similar !heme, such as home eovironments (e.g.
Altman and Wemer 1985), or share the same philosophy of
archi tecture, such as phcnomeoology (e.g. Seamon and
Mugerauer 1985). Wbile cxtremely valuable, tbese books do not space, and how. This actually represents a strength of this book
contribute to an interdisciplinary view per se since authors
discuss the books' amorpbous common intercst, rather than a
common issue or problem. In fact, Rapoport has observed that
studies of this kind "have not been cumulative ; indeed thcir
very number has becomc counterproductive. In the case of
borne environmenLs Lhere is a particularly daunting amount of
diversc and unintegrated work" (1985a : 255).
This book a ttempts to integrate rescai-ch. It does so by
bringing logethcr scholars with disparate expertise to investigate which a user fails to carry out !he intentions the architect
a single narrow concem - the relationsbip between domcstic
architecture and the use of space - and to discern those
variables influencing the relationship. The goal of the book is
not to have al! tbe disciplines possible represcnted, but to have
scholars from di.fferent disciplines which are invcstigating
simHar issues join logethcr to provide their views on a single
concern. By including arcbitects, ethnographers, and prehistoric cnvíronment is neutral, inhibiting, or facilitating to behavior,
and classical archaeologists, we are able to provide a more
integrated approacb to the study of a particular issue. To
facilitate feedback between the disciplines, ali tbc authors have
exchanged papers, and this has produced a more cohesivo and
integrated volume. An overview of the literature is not
prcscnted bere in arder to avoid repetition with the chapters
that follow, despite the widely held tradition of the inclusion of
one in the introductory chapter. The reader is instead referred
to cbapters 2, 5, and 6 for discussions of earlier a ttempts al
íntcrdisciplinary studies conceming the use of space and
architecture.
A variable that influences the relationship betwcen
arcbitecture and the use of space
Architecture creates boundaries out of otberwise
unbounded space wbile the use of space can be seen as a means
to organize Lhat unbounded space. The type of space a
boundary partitions dcpends on tbe culture and time period it
occurs in and can range from inner---outer and public-private
space (Korosec-Serfaty and Bolitt 1986; Lawrence 1984 and this cmphasis on past behavior and architecture. Ethnologists need
volume) to sacred-profanc (Kcnt 1982) and to ours- theirs
(Rodman 1985b). Architcctural parti tions usually are coascious
manipulations by humans to create boundaries where they do
not exist in naturc. While natural phcnomena can also create
the same type of boundaries in space in difieren! cultures,
architecture artificial.ly partitions in a very visible way.
Tbe variables that ought to be considered in tbis lype of
study are numerous and complex. Nevcrtheless, tbey are not so
numerous as to invalida te predictive modcls based on the
interaction bctween the built environment and space utilization.
the past. The authors agrec that the most important variables
which influence the interaction between architecture and thc use
of space a re sorne compouenl of culture. While the term
"culture " is notoriously vague, it includes technology,
symbolism and world view, econornics, social structure, and
politica! organization. Where the aulhors differ is about which
part of culture directly infl.uences archi tecture and the use of
bccause it illustrates how d.i.fferent facets of culture interplay
with thc interaction oí the use of space and archü ecture and the
very differcnt interpretations and conclusions that result from
emphasizing one componen! ovcr another.
The chaptcrs which follow indicate that the use of space
influences architecture more strongly and consistently than the
otber way around. This has also been noted by Gutman (1976:
38) wbo wrote tbat architects "mention the numerous ways in
tbough t he had incorporated into thc design of the building.
Architects themsclves inhabit a curiously divided worlcL They
adamantly assert that buildings are major determinants of the
fiow of human culture, yet tbey constantly complain tbat the
inhabitants of buildings are 'unsympathetic users. ·" A similar
point has been rnade by Rapoport when he Wrote lbat thc built
but not dctermining (1976a : 9; also sce chapter 2). The built
envfronment may be seen as "suggestivc" in that architecturc
can suggest new bchavior (Zeigler 1986: personal communica-
tion), as well as being a mnemonic device for reminding users of
particular types of behaviors (Rapoport 1982a). However,
architecture does not determine behavior in my opinion. This
also has been observed by lawrence (chapter 6, this volume)
wbo wrole that urban house planning does not necessarily
determine urban house use. Even so, nol ali the contributors in
this book wo uld agrec (e.g. Donley-Reid, cbapter 8). The
interaction between the use of space and archi tectute and t he
vicw that sorne aspect of culture is responsible for that
interaction líes the chapters together so that they complemcnt,
without duplicatíng, cach othe.r.
If this approach is valid, and I think thc chapters that
fo!low attcst to this, then the direct infiuence of cu.lture on
space use and spacc use on arehitecturc (rather tban the other
way around) means that archaeologisls need to be conccrned
with a group's bygone culture, as we!I as witb the usual
to be aware of a group's use of spacc and built environment
and to regularly include them in their studies of a people's
culture (see Kcnl, chapter 9, this volume). Architecls need t o
seriously study those aspccts of culture that are most likely to
inlluence the use of spacc if Lhey want to design compatible
buildings. Geographers need to look bcyond spatial conccpts,
urban p lanners beyond design concepts, aud psycbologists
beyond mental conccpls. in arder to fu!ly understand a society's
bullt environmenl or use of spacc. Sorne scbolars are beginning
to recognize this need. Their response has been to encourage the
interdisciplinary studies mentioned previously. However,
without tbe use of different perspectives to address one single
issue, aided by the cross-discussion betwcen articles as was done
bere, the studies remain fragmented, bcing jusi perhaps a little
more conveniently located ali in one place.
The best known pioneer of the type of research advocated
in this volume is Rapoport who, despite bis seminal work
dating from as carly as 1969, has, curiously, generated few
actual progeny. Allbough he is often cited in studíes of non-
Western vcrnacular architccture, few _researchers have actually
looked at architecture and lhe use of spacc togetber, fewer have
looked at tbem from a cross-cultural perspective, and even
fewer have attempted to view them by examining a people's
culture (tbough cxceptions do exist; see for examplc Duncan
1976). The goal of this book is to address the dearth of studies
of this type.
Therc is not always agreement between t he authors in the
book. Nor did I ever íntend tbere to be total agreement . I
believc such an important subject should not be rest ricted to a
single theoretical orientation because Lo do so would limit and
narrow tbe book's perspcctive and therefore its contribution.
For instance, it is valuable to see bow Donley-Reid considers
architecture as structuring aspects of culture wlúle authors from
other orientations see culture as structuring architecture (e.g.
Kus and Raharijaona). Anothcr cxample is my attempt (cbaptcr
9) to cstablish an evolutionary cross-cultural perspective of tbe
use of space and architecturc as influenced by a group's
sociopolitical organizatioa, which represents a n approach thal
Bawden feels can be potentially misleading (cbaptcr 10).
However, ali aulhors do agree on the hístorical and cross-
cultural direction we must follow to bcgin to understand the
fundamental issue of the relationship between arclútecture and
space use and the factors affecting it. Ali authors also contend
tbat an interdisciplinary approach produces dee_per undcr-
standing and more powcrful explanations than can be obtained
by relying on data a nd/or t heoretical orienlations from a single
discipline. In addi tion, the authors ali find sorne aspect of
culture as the variable most infiuential in a(fecting the
interactíon between tbe use of space and architecture. Thesc
simiJarities do no! belittle tbe theoretical differences betweea
authors. Such dilferences are seen not as a dlstraction bul
rather as a cont ribution to the overal1 strength and wide
application of the book.
Culture, use of space, and arcbitecture
Rapoport (chapter 2) begins the discussions witb a
summary of previous work and sorne interesting views of future
research. He briefly mentions that culture and tbe built
environmcnt are neither the samc unils nor on tbc same scale.
As he rightly points out, this one fact has led to much
confusion on the part of scbolars and has resulted in
problematic interpretations. My own view is tha t architecture is
a rcf!ection of behavior or the use of space which , ía tum, is a
ref!ection of culture-in otber words, they are not one and the
same (Kent 1984; 1987b). Admi.ttcdly, tbe pbysical environment
is given a very minor role in this scheme. It is seen only as a
broad limiting factor - for exarnple, igloos are not built in tbe
Kalahari and open brush huts are not wintcr abades in the
Arctic. Once again, no t all the authors agree with this view of a
passive role of the environment, as the reader can explore in the
foliowing chaplers (e.g. see Sanders, chapter S).
Rapoport maintains that once issues of scale and
comparabilit y bave been solved, the buílt environment, features
within it, and use of space - systems of settiag and cultural
landscapes - are the result of highly culture-specific and a! times
temporal-specific designs. Sorne autbors, including Kus and
Rabarijaona (chapter 3) and Wilk (chapter 4), t ry to delinea te
precisely wbat it is about economics or symbolism, as parts of
culture, Lhat m ake thcm influentiaJ in the organization of space
and architecture of a single group. Others like rnysclf try to
delineate cross-cultural variables in order to identify those
which a re culture-specific. Rapoport also shows bow activity
settings guíde bebavior tbrougb otber people's activities and
tbrough semi-fixed fumishing or features (elements) tbat act as
cues.
Whereas Rapoport assumes that archaeologists will be
constrained by bis notion that only suites of act.ivitics or
" activity systems in systems of settings .. sbould be studied, I
think experimental smdies havc shown tha t it is very difficult if
not impossible to reconstruct anything but such systems from
Lbe archaeological record. Individual activities are simply not
usual!y discernible (see Brooks and Yellen 1987). They are also
probably relatively unimportant to our understandin g of lbe
past (Biuford 1981 ; Kent 1987a). That is, wc are actually
constraincd to study only activity systems within systems of
settings or wbat Rapoport refers to as systems of environmental
settings (e.g. Schiffer 1976 ; 1983; 1987; Kent 1987a). Othcr
arcbaeologists have argued that even if we coa]<l dclinea te single
events, it is not single-activity reconstructions Lhat are
important to the undcrstanding of past uses of space. Rat her it
is the parterning of activities that is crucial (Binford 1987) o r
what R apoport calls activity systems (chapter 2).
Often invisible in the archaeological record is lbe
differentiaJ sequential use of public space by distinct groups -
whetber tbe distinction is based on ethnicity, gcnder, age, o r
sorne other factor. T bese di.ffercn1 groups may use public space
for separate fuoctionally discrete activities, referred to as a
"ballet " of people and their activities (Rapoport, chapter 2 ;
Seamon and Nordin 1980). Archaeologically, tbese a reas may
 Susan Kent
appear to be multipurpose since minute time intervals of
twenty-four-hour pcriods cannot usually be discriminated.
Therefore, it might be more productive for arcbacologists to
identify such areas as gcneric public spaces and to concentrate
more on delineati:ng activity patterning in and ncar nonpublic
archüecture, such as domestic dwellings. This is why the focus
of the book is on domestic architecture. This is not to lmply
thar archaeologists can ignore aondomestic builr environments
for the reasons specificd by Rapoport in chaptcr 2; however, it
is to suggest that the more labor- and analysis-intensive studies
needed to discera activity arcas in the archaeological record
might be most productively spent on the domestic built
environment. As with all resea:rch, the appropriateness of tbis
suggcstion líes in the research design of thc project.
Whatevcr differences may exist between authors, the
consensus of the cbapters is the need for an integration of those
disciplines which focus on mutuaUy relevant concems,
specificaJly archaeology, ethnography, and architeeture. As
Rapoport wrote in his chapter, the investigation of past,
prescnt, and füture buiJL environments and use of space will
profit from interdisciplinary research and it is hoped that this
book acts as a catalyst for stimulating that type of research.
An integrated approach
As alluded to above, an integrated approach docs not
necessarily produce a single view nor should it necessarily be
expected to do so when examining the diversity of time periods
and societies reprcsented here. Instead what it does accomplisb
is an enbancement of each of the views presented.
For example, in chapter 3, in which symbolism is looked
at from an idealist perspective, insigbts into the use of space
and archi tecture are presented for a single culture - the Betsileo
of Madagascar. Kus and Raharijaona use their bermeneutic
pcrspective to link architecture and the use of spacc within
Betsileo symbolism. They menlion forces of ehange and thcir
impact on architecture and the use of space, giving the article a
diachronic perspective. Domestic structures embodied in
symbolism are compared to tombs, also embeddcd in
symbolism. This results in thc study of wbat Rapoport (chapter
2) calls " a system of settings." It is an attempt to ga.in an
appreciation of the entire context of the domestic environmenL
Kus and Raharijaona accomplish this by contrasting the
dwellings of the living witb the dwellings of the dead, or tombs,
which together comprise the Betsilco activity system in a system
of scttings.
Also similar in his emphasis on a single society, Wilk in
chaptcr 4 analyzes the relationship betwecn the built
environmen t and space among the Maya. H e accompl.ishes this
from an economie perspective rather than from the symbolic
perspective utilized by Kus and Rabarijaona. Wilk's emphasis
on economics as a determining factor results in intercsting
conclusions that differ in sorne respects from those reacbed by
other authors. Wúk sees the house (architecture) as a consumer
good and the use of space (behavior) as consumption. This
raises questions as to the appropriateacss of formal economic
4 Jcti1•rty areas and architecture
analysis for the study of the rclationship berween architecture
and the use of space - is i t appropria te to consider houses as
consumer goods and space use as consumption?
One striking difference in orientations among thc authors
is evident in Wilk's view that "to understand decision-making
in housing [in teans of the built environment], we should nol
begin with a grand, overarching theory of thc complex balance
of function, aesthetics, mcaning, and social position. Instead we
should study the ful l range of human factors that affect
decisions to buy1 design, build, alter, i:mprove, sell, and destroy
houses, to see how pcople themselves achicvc a balance through
an interaction of cultural knowledge and pragmatic action."
His suggestion is "tbat tbe amount of effort devoled to
construction, and the shape and fonn of the buill environment,
are lhe rcsult of allocatlon decisions, cboices that are
conventionally considered to faJ! witbin tbe rcalm of con-
sumption behavior or consumer decision-making." Contrast
that with the berrncneutic approach adopted by Kus and
R aharijaona (chapter 3), Sanders' (chapter 5) assenion that
cultural conventions influcncc architecturaJ form and use of
space more than do economic and other factors, or my view
(chapter 9) that a group's segrnentation, as measured by relaúve
sociopolil.ical complex.ity, is most influential in the organization
of space and architccture.
In one of the few chapters in this volurne to regard the
physical environment as a determining force in architectural
fonn and the use of space; Sanders (chapter 5) providcs a
model that integrales ecological and cultural factors. He
attempts to incorporate semiotic, proxemic, and behavior-
environment analyses of Early Minoan Bronze Age architeclure
on Crcte. By so doing, he analyzes the relationsbip between lbe
built environment and the use of space from a more ecological
perspective than that taken by other authors in thc volume.
Hence, the chaptcr provides an additional way to view the
architecture-space use interaction.
Going from Sandcrs' behavior--environmental view of a
group at one general point in time to a hislorical view from a
different orientation, Lawrencc in chapter 6 prcsents an
important altempt to combine individuals' use of space witb
architecturaJ design. He contrasts "micro " personal/individual
parameters wilh " macro " social/sharcd ones. Lawrence justi-
fiably laments the paucity of history (and I would add
prehistory) in rnany previous studies dealing with archilecture
and lbc use of space, a concept he develo.p s in full elsewherc
(Lawrence 1982a ; 1985a ; 1987). Although concerned primarily
with Western peoples, Lawrencc's theorem that "the relation-
ship between habitat and resident is dynamic or changeable,
and it includes factors [111 the architcctural design] which may
remain unresolved over a relatively long period of time, " is
equally applicable to non-Western societies. A particularly good
example can be found in Oswald's (1987) descrjptíon of Zulu
hut life-histories. Lawrence's cbaptcr examines variability in thc
frequency of functionally restricted space and partitioned
architccture through time in one Western éulture - the Swiss.
His chapter complements thc more syncbro1úc cross-cultural
study of this variability presented in chapter 9. Through the
critique of selectcd earlier studies, Lawrcnce shows in chapter 6
that liroiting researcb to elucidating the relationship between the
use of space and built environment can be mislcading unless we
also analyze the vaáables influencing tbe relationship through
time. F or Lawrence, this includes " thosc transactions between
lhe spatial, cultural, social, and personal variables implicatcd in
domestic environmenls .through the passage of time" (chapter
6). It is precisely for this reason thal ali of the authors have
gone beyond merely describing the interaction betwccn
architecture and use of space to posit those factors accounting
for thc iuteraction. lt is furthennore the reason why a time
depth is a central concept to most of the chapters thal
follow.
The histoácal perspective is also present in Jamcson's
discussion (chapter 7) of Classical Greek domestic architecture
and use of space. By combining archaeological, cthnohistorical,
and ethnographic data, Jameson is able to provide a vivid
picture of thc relationship between buildings and space
utilization from a diachronic vantage. Using this approach
Jameson demonstrates bis conclusion that architectural history
is inevilably social bistory. This is accompJished by examining
as many of the factors affecting the use of space and the built
environment as possiblc, including economic, social, rcligious,
material, and physical environmentaJ ones.
Also concerned with a diachronic vicw, Donley-Reid
(chapter 8) applies Giddens' thcory of strucluration (not to be
eonfused with tbe theoretica1 orientation of structuralism) to
undcrstand the relationship berwcen tbe use of space and the
built environment. Unlikc otber autbors, she contends thaL
architecture plays an active role in structuring social hicrarchies
and creating power strategies. Donley-Reid presents a l\vist in
tbe conception of people, behavior, and material culture by
maintaining that humans can become material culture when
thcy are passive and powerless objects (cbapter 8). This, then,
becomes hnportant in her undcrstanding of the interaction
between space use and architecture in which social, political,
and economic powcr are the important variables behind
interactions and relationships.
Acculturation and assímilation are proccsses which
occurrcd pre.historicaJly, a lthough they bavc been almost
neglected by most archaeologists studying archilecture and tbc
use of space. Donley-Reid shows how acculturation (used here
to signify contact between cultures, in contrast to assirnilation)
is another variable that directly affects this rclationship.
Althougb probably always present in less pronounced forms in
the past, acculturative forces today ru·e affecting tbe traditionaJ
architecture, use of space, and indigenous culture of groups
over wide geographical arcas. T be spread of Western, Islamic,
and other cultures must be takea into account when viewing
modern or past pcoples. Donley-Reid shows bow the dis-
scmination of Islam results in changes in the use of space and
architecture which are visible in the archacological record. She
is then able to demonstrate how the archaeological data support
her view of native-Arab contact wbich contrasts witb other
5
scholars' view of the dispersa) of Arab traders and their
iateraclion with indigenous African populatious.
A diITerent example of the importance of acknowledging
thc presence of acculturation where appropriate is the need to
question the extent to which acculturation is influencing the
pattems Which Wilk observes (chap ter 4, this volume) among
modero Mayan lndians. Thc necessity to take acculturation into
account need not be a problem for archaeologists. Accultura-
tion usually, though not always, occurs picce-meal, showing up
as aberrations in otherwise consistent patleming. As a result,
what may at first sight appear to be anomaLies might in fact be
explaincd by acculturation (e.g. Kent 1983b). Jf nothing else,
this represents a more accurate way to view the past, since
probably very few if any societies ever Lived in isolation.
In direct contrast Lo Donley-Reíd's discussion, I t ry to
show in cbapter 9 that culture structures behavior in tenns of
the use of space and that the use of space structures cullural
material in terms of the built environment. A model is
presented which describes the architecture-use of space relation-
ship as one influenced by culture, specifically sociopo!itica1
complcxity. Using this model, it is possible ro approacb thc
question of why some groups segment or differentiate tJ1eir
space and built environmeat more than others. A consistent
relationship emerges lhrough the use of a cross-cultural
method: thc greater the amount of sociopolitical complexity
present in a group, the higher the ratio of functionally restricted
to multipurpose activity Joci and the more comparrmentalized
the·architecture (also noted by Rapoport in chapter 2).
Segmentation in various parts of culture, bebavior, and cultural
material increases with the development of sociopolitical com-
plexity. This is consistenL \vith concomitant increases in the
ratio of gender-specific to nongender-spccific acti vity areas as
well as in the ratio of function-restr:icted to multipurpose areas.
Toe model can lead to the begiruúng of a sociopolitical theory
of space and architecture directly relevant to the development
of complex societies.
The resistancc to looking at space in terms of spatial
segregation has been surprising, but it <loes highlighl current
misconceptions concerning the organization of space and
architccture and, therefore, misconceived interpretations and
conclusions. Such problems are cspecially visible on the cross-
cultural level: hence tbeir relevance to Lhis book An in-depth
study of these misconceptions is also warranted here because iL
bighlights the importa:nl need to includc, rather than exclude, a
variety of theoretical orientations wben attempting to examine
the interaction between architecture and tbe use of space from a
holistic perspective.
A particularly good example of the problems which occur
from not taking the approach advocated by the authors in this
book is providcd by Adaras' (1987) review of Anaz,,zing Activícy
Areas (Kcnt 1g84) where tbe proposi tions tested in chapter 9
werc originally formulatcd. Coming from a materialíst
theorel.ica1 orientation, Adams sees archítecture as prímarily
structuring space use, rather than space use as primacily
structuring architecture. Adams writes, "I think tbat the
 Susan Kent
number of monofunctional activity areas is di rectly propor-
tional to the size of the structure and number of occupants. A
sma!l house, like a hagan, must have multiple function areas"
(1987: 106). Cross-cultural studies do not support such a stance.
For example, therc are a number of African societies which use
severa! small huts within a single compound for functionally
discrete activitie-s in contrast to others which use similar-sized
huts for many rypes of fmictions (sce chapter 9). Evcn more
insightful for understandfog Ada.ros' orientation and, tberefore.
his conclusions is his statement: · all occur in tbe wider kitchen area, the activities do not
I take exception lo characterizing Euroamerican homes as necessarily regularly occur at the same locus in a kitchen. Food
having monofunctional rooms Jjke bedrooms and
kitchens. I would guess that not a single monofunctional
bedroom exists in any Euroamerican house. (Por tbat
matter, for real bchavior, no monofunctional room exisls
in any Euroamerican home.) The " typical" bedroom is
used far many activities. A bed is used for reclinin!! one's
body upon but its funetions include providing a pl;ce to
sleep, rest, gct well, die, have sex, procreate, watch TV,
read. nurse babies, wrap presents, lay coats, and serve as
trampoline ... Sorry, toss out monofunctional activity
arca, for in Euroamerican culture it does not cxist and
probably never did, despite Kent's assertion.
(Adams 1987)
This raises an imponant question of the utility of viewing
space in terms of such concepts as functionally restricted,
segmented, multipurpose, gender-specific, and so on. In chapter
9, functionally restricted areas are dcfined as loci at wbicb
relatcd functions are performcd in contrast to multipurpose
areas wbcre disparate activit:ies take place. Gender-specific areas
are Joci used predominantly by one sex in eontrnst to those
used by either. For example, a study of 309 Euroamerican
houscs show that 86 percenl of the tasks associated witb
cleanjng tbe kitcheo and 88 percent of the lasks associated with
meal prcparation are conducted by women (Bcrk 1980: 70).
Euroamerican kitchens are considcred to be gendcr-specilic even sociopolitical complexity, is outlined in cbapter 10 from a more
though they may occasionally be used by males. Women in the
aforement:ioned study conduct 92 pcrcent of the laundry tasks
(ibid.), making a separate laundry room also a geoder-specific
locus. Bcilish use of kitcben space is described as media tino "a
categoric segregation, that between men a.ad women .. . Th;s the
relations of this [kitchen] space articulate in a very strong way
the dom.ination of everyday transactions in the household by
women. The housebold is a 'sociogram' not of a family but of
something much more: of a social system" (Hillier and Hanson
1984: 159). As has been noted by a number of authors dealing
with Euroamerican architecture, " there is a close correlation
between the way houses bave becn designed and socially
sanctioned ideas of sex roles and domesticity" (Rock, Torre,
and WrighL 1980: 93).
Thcre are groups that differentiate space according to
function more than others. The mere fact tbat there are
separate linguislic tenns for specific loci implies this for
Euroamericans -i.e., kitchen, bcdroom, closet, batbroom,
6 Acavity areas and architecture
dini.ng room, family room (generally a multipurpose area),
study/ den, and olhers. In sorne societics, such as the Euro-
american one, these loci are often physically partilioned by
walls. The presence of segregated gender-specific space, again
using Euroamerican society as an example, can be seen in
Saegert's (1985: 293) observation of governmental regulations
for public bousing which slate that "A single mother with a
daughter gets one bedroom; with a son, she gets lwo. " While
food pre_paration and consumplion, and family discussions may
preparation, for instance, usually occurs al thc counler near the
sink or stove. Other aclivities often occur at a multipurpose
locus in the kitchen. This may be a multipurpose alcove v.~thin
the functionally discrele kitchen. In most cases, to a non-
Euroamerican observer, T think the locus would represent a
scparate activity area. Research among Euroamcricans shows
that tbe use of space in tbe kit.chen is consistently functionally
restricted and gender-specific. Euroamerican kitchens sometimes
also have an adjacent multipurpose, nongender-specific activity
area represented by a table (Kent 1984). Such multipurpose loci
are occasionally partially partitioned from the rest of lhe
lcitchen area and al other times are not.
Adams' comments also mise the question of how we are
to characterizc cross-cultural differences if not in terms of
functionally restricted and multipurpose or gender-specific and
nongender-specific areas. How else do we explain tite differences
i.n the use of space between Navajos and Euroamericans
occupying similar three-bedroomed Euroame1ican-style houses
(Kent 1984)? And even if rhese are imperfect concepls in their
ambiguity, once they are recognized and cbaracterized as such
do they not nonelbeless provide information and understandina
that we would otherwise not have? Chapler 9 gives the reader
the opportunity to decide.
An interesting study of prehistoric Peruvian architecture
use of space, and social struclure, particularly .in terms of ' A rather simplistic example of thc applicalion of the
diachronic perspective than that presented in chaptcr 9. Bawden
olfers a model that attempts to elucidale the integrating
mechanisms between the buiJt environment and space utilization
using social structure as a framework. H e is able to show bow
ali three interact with one anotber through time and between
different pre-Hispanic civilizations in Peru. This study delineates
a trend which pcrmits insights inlo whal otherwise may be
erroneously interpreted as an anomaly in the archaeological
record.
Summary and archaeological implications
Despite their varied disciplinary orientations, the authors
ali concentrate on a single issue - the interaction between
domestic architccture and Lhe use of space. The authors brine:
their spccialized knowledge to the examination of tbis - plopped on to tbe Southwestern data. The model of the cross-
interaction and thc investigation of the variables influencing it.
By doing so, they are able to provide insights valuable for botb
syncbronic and diachronic studies lhat cross-cut any single
discipline bul are essential to ali. The cross-fcrtilizalion of ideas
which results from the interaction of thc authors with their
backgrounds in diftcrent disciplines culminates in ten chapters
that have more dcpth and breadtb than any single chapter
would have liad if written in isolation. In this way the
individual cbapters go bcyond the contribution they make in
their own right. They are good demonstrations of the utility of
inlerdisciplinary collab9ration.
The authors do nol prescnl a single view of architecture
and the use of space: to do So would be premature at this point
in our know!edge. In fact, lhere may never be a single view.
However, by studying the narrow issue of the interacti.on
between architcclure and space use and the role of culture in
influencing the interaction from lhe viewpoinl of dilTerent
disciplines, it is possible to examine the issue holistically and
tboroughly. An integrative view is not necessarily a single vicw
and vice versa. We do not need more fragmented studies, but
we do need more inlegrated on.es i nvcstigaling an issue from
different disciplines and from differcnt perspectives. I t certainly
is better to have a divcrsity of oricn tations in the infancy of any
new study. It is premalure at this poinl to say which theoretical
ocieatation(s) will ultimately prove to be most productive for
archaeologists concemed with underslanding past architccturc
and tl1e use of space. Even so, the ideas conlaincd within lhese
chapters can be operationalized by archacologists, from
Rapopon's conception of activities occurring within seuings to
my model of changcs in architecture and the use of spacc
specifically linked to a group's sociopolitical organization. For
examplc, if rny model of the interrelationship bctwccn
sociopolitical organization and thc built environment is valid,
and it is possible to prcdict how architecture and the use of
0
space are organized by knowing a group's sociopolitical
organization, thcn it should be equally possible to predict thc
sociopolitical organization of a group by knowing its arcbitecture
and the use of space.
model to archaeological data can be drawn from the Southwest-
em region of the Unitcd Statcs. Sorne archaeologists have
suggesled lhat prehistoric Southwestem Anasazi Basketmaker
III villages were organized on a band level with little
sociopolitical differentiation (Cordel! 1979, Steward 1937, and
Birkedal 1976). Gillespie (1976) contends that Pueblo I and
later villages were lineagc residence groups (e.g. tribal). Other
archaeologists havc proposed that chiefdoms developed in sorne
arcas (e.g. Chaco Canyon). How can we demonstrate such a
contention using the archaeological record? As noted by
Cordel] ( 1984: 225-230), models of Lhc relationship bctween
social organization and architccture in thc prehistoric Southwest
bave been unsatisfying because their proponents rely on
unfounded assumptions and/or on ethnographic analogy
whereby the Big Man system of New Guinea is u.ncritically
cultural intcrrclationship betwccn sociopolilical organ.izalion,
archilecture, and the use of space predicts that there should be
incrcasing architectural partitioniog and functionaUy restricted
7
aclivity areas at later sites as the sociopolitical system becomes
more hierarchical and segmented or stratified (see chapter 9).
This is precisely what occurs. Anasazi sites tend to develop
from homogeneous camps wi th littlc arcbitectural d.ifferenliation
to sites with increasing heterogcncity a.nd architectural parti-
tioning. This can be sccn by conlrasting Anasazi Baskctmaker
11 sites with later Basketrnaker III, Pueblo II, or Pueblo JIJ
siles. Depending on the site, Mesa Verde Basketmaker II
villages contain pithouses, middens, and occasional storagc pits
whereas latcr Pueblo s.ites cbaracteristically conlain kivas,
storage rooms, habitation rooms, middens, formal storage loci
(pils and granaries), and other special-activity areas etc. (Kent
1984, 1989b; Cordell 1984; and olhers). This observation can
then. be used to support claims of increasing sociopolitical
stratification and hierarchies in the preh.isioric Sotnhwest. The
abovc reprcsents but one simplistic illustration of the application
of lhe proposed model of sociopolitical complcxity,
architccture, and use of spacc to arcbaeological data. The
model can be employed in similar ways in differcnt regions and
al dilTerent time periods. lts utility in the study o[ lhe
development of complcx societies is potcntially greal.
Bawden, D onley-Reid, Jameson, and Sanders all use thc
archacological record, rangiag from tbe Ncw World to t.he Old
World, to operationa)jze concepts outlioed in the more
theoretical chapters. P or example, Donley-Reid dcmonstrates
how archaeologis1s have misunderstood the archaeological
record in relation to indigenous peoples and contact with Arab
traders, particularly with respect to power relarionsh.ips.
Lawrence concurs with Donley-Reid's position of the impon-
anee of pawer relations between groups of people for designing
and maintaining a specific built environment. Kl1s and
Raharijaona show tbe symbolic relationship between houses
and tombs and imply that archaeologists can understa.nd one by
understanding thc othcr. Bawden and Jameson show bow 1t
society's social structure affccts residcntial paUems and how
those then are reOected in tbe archaeological record. Sanders
uses the archaeological record to demonstrate how behavior
and environment interact together to produce the built
environment.
Together the cbapters in this volume present an
integrated, but nota single, view of domcstic architccture and
the use of space. The book represents but a small step in wha1
will, I hope, be a long journey to explore, on culture-specific
and cross-cultural levels, why past and preseot humans u.tilize
space and build dwellings in particular and general ways. The
chapters represent an exciting beginning. I hope readers will, as
a result, be stimulated to embark on their own research relevan!
to the undcrsta.nding of the intcraclion belween past and
present arcbitccture and the use of space from an in1er-
disciplinary perspeclive. Such a perspective wm permit them to
elucidate the factors influencing this interaction and changcs
through time. An interdisciplinary, cross-cultural perspective
will also enhance archaeology's understanding and explanatory
powers, as T hope the following chapters dcmonstrate. I tbink
the reader will discover that the end rcsult of an inter-
Susan Kent
disciplinary approacb is better i.nterpretations, more holistic
explanations, and fullcr undcrstandings of past architecturc and
thc use of spacc.
Acknowledgements
I would like to sinccrely thank the authors in this book who
made editorial commeuts on this chapter, particularly Roderick
Lawrence, Rick Wffk., Amos Rapoport, Micbael Jameson, Garth
Bawdcn, and Donald Sanders. I am also grateful to Todd
Whítelaw for providing constructive criticisms wJúch aidcd in
clarifying specific points. I am solely responsible, however, for
any dcficicncies prcscnt in this chapter. My sincere thanks to
William H. Adarns for taking the initiative to send me a
prepublica.tion copy of his review of A11a/yzing Activiry Areas
which is in Hiswricul Archaeo/ogy (Adams 1987).
8 9
Introduct.ion
This book implicitly makes severa) ratber basic assump-
tions wbjcb need to be iliscussed before l can address tbe
spccific to pie of this chapter : tbe nature of thc relation bctween
culture, as expressed in human bebavior, and tbe built
environmcnt. These implicit assumptions concem, firslly, the
nature of the rclation.ship between culture and built fonn and,
secondly, tliat architccture endoses behavior. After discussing
lhese two assumptions l will proposc a particular conceptual
and theoretical approach to activities and tbc cultural use of
space. Tbis approach has been developcd ovcr a number of
years and has a number of ímpllcations, both for rescarcb and
for design, sorne of whicb will be explored.
Thc approach itself, however, can be summarized in a
vcry [ew major points. The first is tbat tbe notíon of
'' activities" is not at all self-evident and necds clarification both
regarding the relation of activities to culture ru1d also in terms
of four a.spects of activities. These range from (l) instrumental
aspects wrucb are tbe most manifest (the nature of the activities)
Lhrough (2) how activitics are carried out, (3) how they are
associated lnto systems, to (4) tbeir meaning, their most latent
aspect. (See below, "SysLems of activitics and systems of
settings, '' for more detail.) One consequence ofpoint (3) of this
analysis leads Lo tbe second major point, thar one cannot iliscuss
single activities but only syszems of aczi.vitles ; moreover rhe
lhree othcr aspccts of activities also play a role in thc scttings
Chapter 2
Systems of activities and
systems of settings
Amos Rapoport
used. One way in which tbey do js through a major mechanism
wruch links settings with people and their activities - meani11g.
Tbe tbird point is tbat settings also cannol be considcrcd
singly but only as systems, so that systems of activities actually
occur in systems of se11ings. These are organized in varying and
complcx ways, not only in space but in time and in otber ways,
ali related lo cul ture. lt follows lbat wbat happens in onc part
of the system greatly influences what happcus, or does not
happen, elsewhere.
What is proposed is a particular way of addressing an
irnportant question regarding environment- behavior interaction:
Who does whaz, where, when, including or excludi11g wlwm (ami
why). Toe implications of this approacb will be traced for the
study of tbc cullural use of space and for cross-cultural studies
witrun the context of my field of Environmenl-Behavior
Sturnes. 1 Sorne more tenta tive suggestions will also be made
about its possible implicat:ions for otbers concerned wilh
activity-space relations - such as archaeologists.
The relation of culture to buill form
I accept tbe intimate link between culture and bufü forro
and the absolute necessity to study lhe topic cross-culturally.
These sccm almost to be givens. But two issues need to be
clarified regarding this extremely large and complex ropic. This
can be done only briefly since a more detailed discussion would
take us too far aficld (for more detail see Rapopon 1986a).

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