Guatemala

Tour guide and travel agency operations (TGTA)
Country Travel Geography and Research
Selected Country: GUATEMALA
Submitted by:
Kazi Mohammed Nafees Shahrear
Roll number: 02
Batch: 115/2022
Submitted to:
Senior Training Officer

MD. SABBIR BHUIYA
Date of submission:
9th May,2022
Letter Of Transmittal
S M Mujahidul Alam
Head of the department (Deputy Manager), Travel & Tourism Department
Bangladesh Parjatan Corporation
Dhaka, Bangladesh
Dear Sir,
As I was tasked,I am submitting my research report paper on GUATEMALA, as a part of my
Introduction to Travel Geography and research.I am very thankful to you for giving me the
opportunity to put together this report and also giving us guidance and encouragement
throughout the report to do our best. We hope this report is satisfying.
Sincerely,
Kazi Mohammed Nafees Shahrear
2
GUATEMALA
3
Table of Contents
1.INTRODUCTION................................................................................................................... 5
2. Guatemala history .............................................................................................................. 7
3.International conventions
ratification/accession................................................................................................. 19
4.Inter-American
conventions................................................................................................................ 21
5.Mayan civilization .................................................................................................. 22
6.Preclassic Maya……...................................... 24
7.The Classic Maya ............................................................................................................. 25
8.Mayan Decline……………………………………………………………………………..26
9.Why should you visit Guatemala ?............................................................................. 31
10.Requirements and procedures needed for
visiting............................................................................................................... 32
11. Activities ................................................................................... 34
12.Adventure tours ................................................... 35
13.Cultural tours ....................................................................................................... 35
14.Educational tours ................................................................ 36
15.Leisure tours .............................................................................................................. 36
16.Marine tours......................................................................................................... 37
17.Nature tours ...................................................................................................................... 37
18.Food and Festivals ............................................................................................. 38
19.My personal Advising
........................................................................................................................ 40
20.Annexes .............................................................................................................. 43
21.Referenses .............................................................. 46
4
Introduction
Occupying a total land area of 108,889 km2, the Republic of Guatemala lies in the heart of
Central America and is bordered by Mexico and Belize to the north, the Atlantic Ocean to the
east, and El Salvador, Honduras, and the Pacific Ocean to the south. Two-thirds of the country
are mountainous and dominated by a string of volcanic ranges running northwest to
southwest.Guatemala means “land of forests”. The culture of Guatemala reflects strongly upon
Mayan and Spanish influences and continues to be defined as a contrast between villagers and
highlanders.
Guatemala’s climate varies according to its diverse topography, ranging from cool highlands,
tropical semi-dry savannah, tropical jungle in the northern lowlands, and humid coastal areas.
Guatemala’s patterns of precipitation and temperature are affected by fluctuations in the
temperature of the surrounding oceans, the interaction of the atmospheric circulation with the
Sierra Madre volcanic mountain ranges, El Niño/La Niña cycles, and intensification of the
Inter-Tropical Convergence Zone (ITCZ) and Pacific Decadal Oscillation (PDO). The El Niño
phenomenon in magnifies vulnerability in the region, in particular, causing frequent severe
droughts in the eastern portion of Guatemala.
The average annual temperature for the coast ranges from 25°C to 30°C; for the central
highlands the average temperature is 20°C, and drops to 15°C for the higher mountains.9
5
Overall, daytime temperatures reach their maximum before the onset of the rainy season and
decrease toward January, while minimum temperatures reach maximum values in July when
cloudiness associated with the rainy season reduces nighttime radiative cooling.10 The rainy
season in Guatemala extends from May to October in the inland areas and from May to
December along the coast, while the dry season extends from either November or January to
April. Rainfall fluctuates between 1000 and 1200 mm annually in most of the country, whereas
the Atlantic coastal area receives about 4000 mm annually. In almost all the country, the
monthly values of evapotranspiration have little variation, ranging from 1300 mm/year to 1800
mm/year.The landscape here varies greatly and includes everything from jungles to volcanoes
to mangroves. The elevation also fluctuates significantly from one part of the country to another
— you can start your day at sea level and end up at over 14,000 feet (4,200 m) by the
afternoon.
Guatemala’s landscape inspired Maya legends, and it continues to make an indelible

impression. You’ll see why when you visit Lake Atitlán, coffee plantations, and volcanoes.
Rainforests here contain the remains of powerful Maya cities, as well as lively populations of
monkeys and exotic birds. Guatemalans have been tested by numerous political upheavals, but
they maintain a welcoming culture as well Maya religious practices and festivals.
Guatemala history
Guatemala is often recognized in three stages, Mayan Empire, Spanish rule and last but not
least the Modern Republic. Every single one of the stages have had a great influence on the
food in Guatemala.
The ancient civilization of the Mayan lasted for over six – hundred years before it collapsed in
900 A.D.Mayan city-states were once scattered across the country, and many of their structures
have survived. From the massive temples at Tikal to the intricately carved stelae at Quiriguá, it
6
feels like you can’t go more than a few miles without running into a thousand-year-old ruin. For
this reason, Guatemala is a popular destination among amateur archeologists and history
buffs.Guatemala also has a great deal of tradition alive today — many towns still hold onto the
beliefs and practices of their ancestors. This is most evident in the towns along the shores of
Lake Atitlán and Lake Petén Itzá and in places like Todos Santos Cuchumatán. Usually Spanish
dishes like tamales, enchiladas, Guacamole, and tortillas consist of the Guatemalan diet.
Guatemala doesn’t have a national dish but there are many dishes that have become more of
an everyday dish. Over many years tourism, exports of textiles nontraditional agriculture, such
as vegetables that don’t produce very well in the winter time and cut flowers have been greatly
purchased, and apparel to continue to represent the exports market. After Ubico's overthrow in
1944 by the ?October Revolutionaries,? a group of left-leaning students and professionals,
liberal-democratic coalitions led by Juan Jos Arvalo (1945?1951) and Jacobo Arbenz Guzmn
(1951?1954) instituted social and political reforms that strengthened the peasantry and urban
workers at the expense of the military and big landowners, like the U.S.-owned United Fruit
Company. With covert U.S. backing, Col. Carlos Castillo Armas led a coup in 1954, and Arbenz
took refuge in Mexico. A series of repressive regimes followed, and by 1960 the country was
plunged into a civil war between military governments, right-wing vigilante groups, and leftist
rebels that would last 36 years, the longest civil war in Latin American history. Death squads
murdered an estimated 50,000 leftists and political opponents during the 1970s. In 1977, the
U.S. cut off military aid to the country because of its egregious human rights abuses. The
indigenous Mayan Indians were singled out for special brutality by the right-wing death squads.
By the end of the war, 200,000 citizens were dead.
A succession of military juntas dominated during the civil war, until a new constitution was
passed and civilian Marco Vinicio Cerezo Arvalo was elected and took office in 1986. He was
followed by Jorge Serrano Elas in 1991. In 1993, Serrano moved to dissolve Congress and the
supreme court and suspend constitutional rights, but the military deposed Serrano and allowed
the inauguration of Ramiro de Leon Carpio, the former attorney general for human rights. A
peace agreement was finally signed in Dec. 1996 by President lvaro Arz Irigoyen.
Nowhere is there more at stake regarding the consumption of cultural assets through tourism, or
7
greater need for performative resistance to globalization, than in Indigenous communities.
Indeed, a large body of writing has unfolded since the 1970s to analyze tourism and Indigenous
peoples with an emphasis on cultural impacts, cultural commodification, and Indigenous
control—
or lack of—in tourism development (for an overview, see Whitford & Ruhanen, 2016), yet
the study of justice in Indigenous Tourism has seen little momentum. In the 2016 special issue
of Journal of Sustainable Tourism on “Sustainable Tourism and Indigenous Peoples,” the term
“justice” itself was mentioned only in passing in the otherwise outstanding contributions. A few
studies in the context of Indigenous tourism can be identified, such as Schellhorn (2010) on
social justice, Whyte (2010) on environmental justice, and Jamal and Camargo (2014) on justice
related in issues among the Maya in Quitana Roo, Mexico. Given a lengthy history of
marginalization
and endangerment of Indigenous communities through irresponsible forms of tourism
(Coria & Calfucura, 2012; Johnston, 2006; van den Berghe, 1994), and the ongoing loss of
cultural
diversity underway worldwide (Gorenflo et al., 2012), much greater research attention is needed
CONTACT Carter A. Hunt cahunt@psu.edu Department of Recreation, Park and Tourism
Management, The
Pennsylvania State University, State College, PA, USA.
2020 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group
JOURNAL OF SUSTAINABLE TOURISM
https://doi.org/10.1080/09669582.2020.1770771
to understands how Indigenous peoples negotiate the tourism in ways that facilitate just and
fair outcomes for them.
This paper undertakes this task through ethnographic study of a geographically constrained
Indigenous group in highland Guatemala. Composed of just 60,000 members, the Tz’utujil Maya
are restricted to the town of Santiago Atitlan and the two smaller neighboring villages of San
Pedro La Laguna and San Juan la Laguna. These communities are located on the shores of
Lake
Atitlan, one of the Guatemala’s primary attractions for international tourists. We take a situated
approach to our ethnographic study in Santiago Atitlan, attempting as much as possible to
ensure our approach was guided by decolonizing methodologies (Smith, 2012, 2nd edition).
While familiar with western notions such as of procedural and distributive justice, our
participatory,
facilitative approach strove to understand the emic views of key participants in cultural
tourism in this community. Our findings, while mixed in some instances, collectively provide
strong indications that tourism offers an important vehicle for the Tz’utujil people to negotiate
their cultural identity and well-being within the changing context of broader Guatemalan society
and forces of globalization. We argue that tourism provides a valuable tool to the Tz’utujil people
for ensuring their agency, autonomy, and rights to shape their cultural tourism offering and
their cultural heritage. These are performative endeavors facilitated, too, by direct participation
in controlling and managing cultural tourism. In doing so, we provide a much-needed
contribution
8
to the literature to facilitate thinking on cultural justice in the context of tourism and
Indigenous People.
Indigenous tourism and justice research
Challenges to indigenous survival in a globalized world
Historical forms of colonial and neocolonial challenges have greatly endangered cultural survival
of native populations, and globalization and tourism mobilities continue to exacerbate the
problem.
Many find themselves struggling to maintain or reconcile their indigenous identity. A strong
critique of tourism arises here as facilitating dependency and neo-colonialism through tourism
(see Sharpley & Telfer, 2015).1 As they negotiate external forces of globalization that perpetuate
colonial and neocolonial power structures, native populations find themselves struggling to
maintain or reconcile their Indigenous identity when tourism arrives to subject them to the
tourist gaze (Hollinshead, 1992). Both material culture, such as language and clothing (Whitney-
Squire, 2016), as well as immaterial culture (Ruhanen & Whitford, 2019), become salient yet
susceptible
expressions of Indigenous identity. The demonstration effect introduces and reifies the
perception that non-Western modes of consumption (e.g., Indigenous dress, food, language,
etc.)
are a proxy for poverty (de Kadt, 1979). Indigenous people typically serve as the basis for the
imaginaries used to promote tourism (Salazar, 2012). Through visual imagery that includes, but
is
not limited to, archeological ruins and colorful ethnic clothing, Indigenous tourism encourages
travelers from around the world to seek out windows into the way the “exotic other” lives
(Butler & Hinch, 2007; Johnston, 2006; van den Berghe, 1994; Zeppel, 2006).
In the context of Indigenous tourism, many have been excluded from fair and equitable
economic
benefits and may suffer appropriation of their traditional knowledge, traditional medicines
and healing practices to serve touristic interests (e.g., Johnston, 2006; Salazar, 2012).
Examples
abound in tourism studies of appropriation of land and exclusionary practices, such as the
exclusion
of nomadic tribes from newly formed protected areas (Charnley, 2005) or disregard and
disrespect
of sacred lands (Figueroa & Waitt, 2010; White et al., 2013). In such instances, historical
and economic exploitation and exclusionary practices are exacerbated by tourism in a way that
can contribute cumulatively to cultural disintegration, political disenfranchisement, discontent,
increased violence, and conflict in Indigenous communities (Johnston, 2006).
2 L. C. HARBOR AND C. A. HUNT
Challenges related to indigenous tourism
The UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples make an explicit link to justice that had
always been inherent, if less explicitly addressed, in the writings on tourism in Indigenous
communities
(e.g., Greenwood, 1977; Ritchie & Zins, 1978; Swain, 1977; Whitford & Ruhanen, 2016).
Rapid loss of cultural diversity at the global scale (Gorenflo et al., 2012) makes research into the
9
effects of tourism development on Indigenous communities, and their ability to obtain just
outcomes,
particularly urgent. Regrettably, the scholarly record—too large to fully cite here—is clear
that tourism often causes disruption, exacerbation of inequalities, exploitation, and conflict in
Indigenous communities (e.g., Coria & Calfucura, 2012; Johnston, 2006; Stronza, 2008; Zeppel,
2006). Colonial histories often leave complex power dynamics in place within local and regional
tourism industries (Nepal & Saarinen, 2016; Pereiro, 2016). Social inequities can flare up at the
local level, leading to local competition and rivalry for access to tourism resources (Belsky,
2009;
Carlsen, 1993). Wealth redistribution associated with rapid and often inequitable economic
change can result in social destabilization as dominant local elites work with foreign interests to
accumulate capital and resources at the expense of local populations and disadvantaged,
minority
groups (Belsky, 2009; Chan et al., 2016). Unequal power relations affect the ability of
indigenous
peoples to exert their agency in management decisions related to tourism; thus, despite
acknowledged potential for alternative forms of tourism, such as ecotourism, to improve
indigenous
livelihood possibilities in certain circumstances (e.g., (Stronza, 2007)), in practice the distribution
of economic benefits are often uneven and tend to favor community elites (Coria &
Calfucura, 2012).
A key challenge that arises here is the weakening of communality and a sense of community
and the corresponding changes in informal cultural institutions. Communities are founded in
social settings that extend beyond one’s own life, resulting in a form of social control reinforced
by ongoing relationships and the need to take responsibility for one’s actions (Goodsell et al.,
2014). In traditional rural communities, these social settings were established and reinforced by
spatial proximity; however, changes in global connectivity and communication technology have
“‘melted down’ the various institutions that provided stable contexts and frames of reference” as
well as those that have helped to maintain social equity (Goodsell et al., 2014, p. 633).
Macrolevel
processes such as urbanization, industrialization, and centralization of bureaucratic power
can weaken the autonomy of once-isolated rural and indigenous communities, aligning them
more with the needs and decisions of mass society. This “institutionalized individualism” means
that people, especially members of indigenous groups, are forced to adapt to changing life
conditions
without the support formerly supplied by family, religion, class, and culture, bringing in
new elements of risk and destabilizing community trust (Goodsell et al., 2014).
Despite the negative socio-cultural processes and outcomes resulting from tourism
development
identified in the preceding section, scholars have identified other situations where tourism
has provided empowering opportunities for the preservation—and even the revitalization—of
Indigenous identity, knowledge, and tradition (e.g. Butler & Hinch, 2007; Chan et al., 2016;
Higgins-Desbiolles, 2016; Holmes et al., 2016; Medina, 2003; Stronza, 2008; Zeppel, 2006). As
is
10
true with the conservation value of tourism (Stronza et al., 2019), the positive effects of tourism
on culture are likely be come into sharper relief when we consider how Indigenous communities
would have otherwise faired in tourism’s absence. In any case, individuals are often differentially
exposed to processes of cultural reinforcement and revitalization as a function of differential
access to capital, markets, training, and/or other capabilities. Bunten (2010) contends that, with
careful planning, tourism can be a powerful tool for peace and prosperity within Indigenous
communities—not only for supporting preservation of knowledge and cultural values, but also
for bridging cultural boundaries. She points out that value judgments made by (expert)
researchers
such as “cultural commodification” have to be carefully scrutinized. They arise in relation to
particular, situated practices in place, and assessing what they mean requires understanding
local
JOURNAL OF SUSTAINABLE TOURISM 3
perspectives, how for both individuals as well as collectively within the place and space of the
community (Bunten, 2010).
The promise of tourism and “justice” through tourism
As seen above, an increasingly interconnected global environment creates numerous threats to
the cultural, linguistic, and traditional ecological heritage of indigenous peoples (Gorenflo et al.,
2012). International tourism development has led to improved economic conditions ( Wunder,
2000; Stronza, 2007) and strengthened cultural identity (Stronza, 2007; Zeppel, 2006) for
indigenous
communities, but has also resulted in numerous adverse impacts such as commodification
of culture and dispossession from traditional lands (Coria & Calfucura, 2012; Johnston, 2006).
Tourism is frequently promoted as a viable strategy for addressing some of the challenges noted
above, and achieving some or all of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), in which
issues
of inclusion, justice, and strong institutions (e.g., SDG16) feature prominently (UNWTO, 2017).
Sustainability must consider not only the promotion and perpetuation the local biophysical
environments,
but also conservation of their local commons and maintenance of their cultural relationships
to those environments. Costs and benefits (e.g. environmental, social, financial, and
cultural) ought to be distributed fairly such that environments, culture, and relationships can be
maintained over time and across generations, avoiding “colonization” and dependencies. It must
facilitate agency and autonomy, and as well as respect for those involved in developing and
selling
their environmental and social-cultural goods (Hollinshead, 1992; Whyte, 2010). A key principle
to ensure such equitable and fair outcomes is that the products and experiences being
developed for tourist consumption must be negotiated by those whose ecological and
social-cultural
goods and relationships, and their identity and well-being, stand to be most impacted by the
commodification of their ecological and cultural goods. Discussions of justice have been slow to
arise in tourism and Indigenous Tourism contexts, but this important norm is being addressed in
discussions of environmental justice (e.g., Mohai et al., 2009) and in the context of
environmental
11
justice as related to environmental tourism in Indigenous communities (Whyte, 2010).
Theoretical notions of justice span a range of approaches including distributive justice,
procedural
justice, recognition justice, and environmental justice (see, for example, Johnston, 2006; Rawls,
1997). Scholars of tourism are beginning to explore these from a destination perspective (e.g.,
Jamal & Camargo, 2014), while others examine diverse ethical perspectives that offer justice
insights (e.g., Hunt & Stronza, 2011, Smith & Duffy, 2003). Forms of justice tourism at the
destination
level have arisen (e.g., Scheyvens, 2002) with related discussions of the influence of
globalization
(Higgins-Desbiolles, 2008). The broad questions these raise, such as of fairness and equity
in the use and distribution of societal goods, as well as fair participation for due legal recourse,
recognition of political status as a cultural group, offer a valuable guide to approaching the
study of justice in tourism (see Whyte, 2010). So far, however, very little has been done to
specifically
examine notions of cultural justice in tourism from an emic perspective, i.e., from a local,
place-based perspective of cultural participants in developing cultural tourism. How they
negotiate
sharing what they wish to of their cultural practices and cultural good to provide what they
perceive to fair and equitable outcomes for themselves and their community? How do tourism
researchers ensure that their approaches are fair and attentive to the well-being of the cultural
group, their cultural heritage, and their intangible as well as tangible cultural goods? These are
among the questions taken up in the present study. Given that it is impossible to separate
ourselves
from our theoretical influences means that we approached this study with care and
thoughtfulness, attentive to approaches to justice widely and in the Indigenous context (see
below), implementing decolonizing methodologies and situated, place-based approaches in
Indigenous Tourism that facilitate local, emic views to participate fairly in dialogue and
discussion
(e.g., Smith, 2012; Tuck & McKenzie, 2015).
4 L. C. HARBOR AND C. A. HUNT
Study setting: the Tz’utujil people of Santiago Atitlan, Guatemala
In the five centuries since their conquest by the Spanish in the 1500s, the Indigenous population
of highland Guatemala “has been repeatedly victimized” (Verrillo & Earle, 1993, p. 226). More
recently, the nation’s brutal 36-year Civil War bore an immense toll, resulting in the genocide of
over 200,000 people, 83% of whom were Indigenous descendants of the Maya (de Onis &
Yates,
2011; Devine, 2016). Fueled by structural racism, this violent conflict resulted in the militarization
of rural areas (Carlsen, 1993) and the appropriation of Indigenous land ( de Onis & Yates, 2011;
Carlsen, 1993). More than two decades after the United Nations-facilitated Peace Accords of
1996, Indigenous Guatemalans continue to negotiate injustices relating to identity, land tenure,
and livelihoods (Devine, 2016).
The multicultural discourse used by the government in tourism promotion today comes in
sharp contrast to decades of discrimination and state-sponsored acts of genocide against
12
Guatemala’s Indigenous population. Since the late 1990s, Guatemala has joined Honduras, El
Salvador, Belize, and Mexico in the Mundo Maya project, a large-scale promotion supported by
the World Tourism Organization (Brown, 1999; Devine, 2016; Magnoni et al., 2007). This effort
recharacterizes Guatemalan national identity in an attempt to capitalize on the “Maya culture” as
a source of competitive advantage on the global tourism stage (Brown, 1999; Devine, 2016;
Little, 2004). International campaigns that promote Guatemala as a cultural tourism destination
also present the state’s Indigenous communities with opportunities for economic and cultural
revitalization.
Around Lake Atitlan in particular, over 95% of the population self-identifies as belonging to
one of three Indigenous ethnic groups of Maya descent: the Tz’utujil, Quiche & Kaqchikel
peoples
(INE, 2002). This geographic concentration of indigenous population is a relic of the Spanish
conquest of the 1500s, during which indigenous people of Guatemala were pushed from their
central and coastal lowland homes into the highlands (Carlsen, 2011). Coupled with the highly
aesthetic landscape, the modern culture of the local Kakchiquel, Ki’che’, and Tz’utujil people is a
primary pull factor bringing over 300,000 international and domestic visitors to the Lake Atitlan
region each year (Centro de Salud Santiago Atitlan, 2011).
As the capital of the Tz’utujil people, Santiago Atitlan is the largest of three villages where
the Tz’utujil reside and is a pueblo rich with the “living culture” that attracts visitors to the lake
region. The municipality of the same name encompasses 136 square kilometers, comprised of
the urban center and small satellite settlements located within expansive rural surroundings that
are a mix of forest and agricultural production (Carlsen, 2011). The town is growing at a notable
rate, close to 3% annually, and projections put the 2018 population of the urban center alone
over 37,000 (Centro de Salud Santiago Atitlan, 2011). Much of the economy is based on farming
and the production of artisan goods. Individual families manage small plots of farmland, or
milpas,
on the volcanoes’ slopes, where they grow coffee, avocados, corn, beans, and other produce
for subsistence use, sale in the local market, and – when yield permits – widespread distribution
through large corporations (Carlsen, 2011).
The town is known for its quality handmade woven fabrics, clothing, and glass beads, which
are sold to locals, national and international tourists, and Indigenous peoples from other regions
of Guatemala. Santiago also holds a wide variety of lesser-known attractions of the type that
tourists
travel the world to seek, including both religious and nature-based attractions. Mirroring
steady growth on an international scale—from 25 million tourist arrivals in 1950 to over 1.3
billion
in 2017 (UNWTO, 2018), tourism to Guatemala, and thus tourism to the Lake Atitlan basin,
has grown dramatically in recent decades. There is a body of anthropological writing on distinct
Maya ethno-linguistic groups engaging in tourism in other regions of Guatemala, (e.g., Little,
2004, and numerous writings by Walter Little about tourism in the colonial city of Antigua), yet
there remains limited fine-grain data on tourism-related outcomes within the Tz’utujil or the two
other Maya Indigenous groups (Quiche & Kaqchikel) residing on Atitlan’s shores, despite the
lake
13
being among Guatemala’s most visited tourist destinations (Figures 1 and 2).
Methodology
This study undertook qualitative work grounded in the emic perspectives of those involved—
and those to whom the cultures and environments belong. Ethnographic methods and an
exploratory and inductive approach provide a platform for participants to share their emic views
(Bernard, 2017; Harris, 1976). Given that 98% of Atitecos self-identity as Tz’utujil (Centro de
Salud
Santiago Atitlan, 2011), an ethnic group whose involvement in tourism is unique and relatively
undocumented, this emic perspective is not one that can be easily found within existing
literature
or by using quantitative, deductive approaches (Creswell, 2013). While the history of virtually
all social science methodologies is subject to much warranted critique, the ethnographic
approach taken here is situated at the more humanist and interpretivist end of the social science
spectrum, providing more in the way a “decolonizing methodology” than more positivist,
surveybased
approaches that characterize much of tourism research. The ethnography conducted here
sought to facilitate fair and equitable participation of residents and communities in developing
and enacting the research prosses, discussing the findings, and participating in how the results
were to be shared, and how they could contribute towards communal well-being and culturally
just tourism.
Both authors are white North Americans who speak Spanish fluently as a second language.
The second author engaged in ethnographic work in ethnographic work in this region in 2003,
returning briefly in 2005. Relationships with Santiago community members established during
the 2003 fieldwork, as well as with anthropologists with longer-term presence in this region,
facilitated re-immersion into Santiago daily life and access to community leaders (e.g.,
Santiago’s
Tz’utujil mayor), facilitating collaborative engagement and research design on the present
research being undertaken in Santiago. Both authors collaborated with local participants on the
current research design. The first author resided in the community of Santiago Atitlan to oversee
new data collection during a period of 10 weeks in 2017.
14
Data collection and analysis
Ethnographic methods that facilitated storytelling and rich, joint discussions were employed to
capture emic views of tourism and its influence on justice. Data collection activities fall into two
categories. Existing archival data, in the form of relevant scientific and academic research, local
government planning documents, external reports, and social media posts of those involved in
tourism were sought and compiled from various local and online sources. Ethnographic data
were
generated through (i) daily participant observations (ii) structured interviews based on typical
case
sampling of tourism-related business owners or employees (n¼34) in the shops, cafes,
restaurants,
and stores along the Calle Real (primary tourism street) in Santiago, and (iii) semi-structured
key
informant interviews (n¼15) that were conducted with individuals purposively sampled for
expertise
in tourism. In an effort to capture a diverse range of perspectives from community members
involved in tourism, these key informants were sought within the following strata: local tourism
business owners, tour guides, hotel owners or employees, Municipal Government employees,
members
of Santiago’s original Tourism Self-Management Committee (CAT) formed in 2004, members
of Santiago’s recently-appointed CAT formed in 2016, and members of other local committees.
Some interview subjects belong to two or more categories. Of these 15 key informants, 6
self-identified
15
entirely with the indigenous Tz’utujil race. One informant identified as a mix of Tz’utujil and
Ki’che’, while another informant identified as Kakchiquel. As is common within the tourism
industry,
one informant – a hotel owner – was an expatriate American citizen.
Both structured and semi-structured interview themes explored how participants experienced
and negotiated tourism development and their interactions with tourists, Tz’utujil identity and
heritage, the impacts of tourism in Santiago, factors influencing quality of life for local residents,
and a census of local institutions related to tourism. These efforts resulted in interviews ranging
from 25 to 92 minutes in length. Informal interviews addressed similarly themes, though also
diverged into other topics depending on the expertise of the informants encountered. With one
exception, all interviews except were conducted in Spanish, a second language for the
researchers
as well as the informants (Tz’utujil being the primary language). Repetition and summary
feedback were frequently employed as they were particularly useful to facilitate further
discussion
and storytelling, expanding on insights as they arose (Musante & DeWalt, 2011).
Figure 2. Lake Atitlan map with relief.
All data sources described above were converted into a text format prior to analysis.
Audiorecorded
key informant interviews conducted in Spanish were transcribed directly into English
by the first author, prioritizing preservation of the interpreted meaning of the conversation over
a strict word-for-word conversion. The transcriptions from the recorded interviews, along with
field notes documenting participant observation and archival data constituted the knowledge
base from which we engaged with further analysis. We were able to further understand the
emergent trends by thinking through how they might inform notions of justice, but our focus
here was not to peg them to specific etic terms or concepts like distributive or procedural or
environmental justice. Rather, we sought to identify broad ethical and moral principles of justice
that might comport with the emergent themes, e.g., fairness, equity, as well as key values that
were important for Indigenous well-being (e.g., agency, autonomy, reciprocity). While not
consistent
with a traditional definition of “grounded theory” that indicates the development of new
theory, the authors’ process nonetheless adheres to more liberal and interpretivist approaches
to
this method (e.g. Bernard et al., 2016).
Study findings of indigenous cultural tourism in Santiago Atitlan

The sale of culturally-based commodities and services is central to tourist encounters in
Santiago. This section presents examples of the complex ways in which Tz’utujil culture is
commodified
in the name of tourism. The data presented here show how the influence of tourism—
both positive and negative—on social processes indeed leads to the commodification of
nonmaterial
(e.g., language, knowledge) and material (e.g., clothing) aspects of culture. Yet, the study
16
participants also see tourism as invoking a corresponding re-arrangement and re-negotiation of
a complex Indigenous identity in ways that preserve threatened Tz’utujil culture.
Market opportunities for cultural flourishing
Indigeneity across Guatemala is characterized by place-based identities, something that is
particularly
notable around Lake Atitlan (Carlsen, 2011). Through the use of specific colors, design
patterns, and objects depicted, clothing is used as a signal not just of one’s ethnicity, but of
one’s village (Little, 2004). While many Atitecos, especially women, continue to dress in traje
(traditional Mayan vestments), globalization has resulted in a blurring of this visual signal of
indigeneity.
As Carlsen (2011) writes, tourism demand influences the amount of social control
Tz’utujil weavers have to experiment with wider color palates and creative new designs. At the
same time, access to wider markets mean that more people are buying clothing based on other
characteristics—like preference, quality, and price (van den Berghe, 1994).
Santiago Atitlan’s reputation for high quality handwoven and hand embroidered clothing, in
combination with relaxed social norms around traje (Figure 3), has enabled Atitecos to expand
their market to Indigenous people from all over Guatemala, as demonstrated in the following
participant observation vignette:
Below are important international, inter-American, and national laws in force in Guatemala:
17
INTERNATIONAL CONVENTIONS
RATIFICATION/ACCESSION
Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court 2 April 2012

Protocol against the Smuggling of Migrants by Land, Sea and Air,
supplementing the United Nations Convention against Transnational
Organized Crime
1 April 2004
Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially

Women and Children, supplementing the United Nations Convention against
Transnational Organized Crime Preamble, supplementing the United Nations
Convention against Transnational Organized Crime
1 April 2004
United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime 25 September 2003

Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and
Members of Their Families
14 March 2003
Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination

against Women
9 May 2002
Convention concerning the Prohibition and Immediate Action for the

Elimination of the Worst Forms of Child Labour
11 October 2001
Convention relating to the Status of Stateless Persons 28 November 2000

Optional Protocol to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights 28 November 2000
International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights 5 May 1992
Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading

Treatment or Punishment
18
5 January 1990
Convention on the Rights of the Child 6 June 1990

Convention relating to the Status of Refugees 22 September 1983
Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees 22 September 1983
International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial
Discrimination
18 January 1983
Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against

Women
12 August 1982
Freedom of Association and Protection of the Right to Organise Convention 13 October 1952
Right to Organise and Collective Bargaining Convention 13 October 1952
INTER-AMERICAN CONVENTIONS
Additional Protocol to the American Convention on Human Rights in the

Area of Economic, Social and Cultural Rights " Protocol of San Salvador”
(Protocolo Adicional a la Convención Americana sobre Derechos Humanos
en Materia de Derechos Económicos, Sociales y Culturales)
30 May 2000
InterAmerican Convention on Forced Disappearance of Persons (Convención

Interamericana sobre desaparición forzada de personas)
27 July 1999
InterAmerican Convention on the Prevention, Punishment and Eradication of

Violence against Women "Convention of Belem do Para” (Convención
4 January 1995
19
Guatemala, the most populous Central American country, with a population of 16.3 million, has
been consolidating its transition to democracy since the 1980s. Guatemala has a long history of
internal conflict, including a 36-year civil war (1960-1996) during which the Guatemalan military
held power and over 200,000 people were killed or disappeared. A democratic constitution was
adopted in 1985, and a democratically elected government was inaugurated in 1986.
Guatemala’s history is plagued with civil wars, foreign conquests, and government coups. It was
once home to powerful Mayan city-states, but since then its history has been largely a series of
land grabs and internal conflicts. While some of this still exists today, Guatemala is undoubtedly
moving in a peaceful direction.
The cultures you’ll encounter will largely depend on what part of the country you visit. The
Spanish invaded Guatemala in the 16th century and their influence continues to dominate much
of Guatemalan culture. Along the Caribbean Coast you’ll meet the Afro-Caribbean Garífuna,
while along the shores of Lake Petén Itzá you’ll see traditional Mayan communities.
20
★Mayan civilization
● Preclassic Maya
The Preclassic Maya period spanned from 1,800 B.C. to 250 A.D. During this
period, the Mayans developed additional agricultural and artistic skills. It’s
thought that the Mayans were influenced by the Olmec culture in Mexico, a
culture that’s often referred to as the “mother culture” of Mesoamerica. The
Olmec built pyramidal structures and large stone heads, two objects that were
important aspects of Mayan culture. Other artistic, religious and political
influences were passed along to the Mayans too, including a writing system
and the use of a calendar known as the “Long Count.”
Increasingly, the Mayans became better farmers. Terrace farming, drainage

ditches, and even the development of fertilizers were used. Better food
production meant more food; more food meant more time for people to
specialize in other occupations, including writing, architecture, math, and
astronomy.
During the Middle Preclassic period (1,000–300 B.C.), the Mayan population
continued to increase. By 500 B.C., the Petén site of Nakbé had become one
of the first real Mayan cities. At this time other settlements – including Tikal,
21
Cival, and El Mirador – were building their first ceremonial and astronomical
structures. A shared language and belief system is also thought to have
existed throughout the region at this time—this would have provided the
necessary social glue for further development.
The Late Preclassic period lasted from around 300 B.C. to 250 A.D. and saw
the continued growth of Nakbé, until around 100 B.C. when the focus shifted
to the town of El Mirador, which was 7.5 miles (12 km) north. El Mirador
would become a large city, with a population of around 100,000.
Mayan society was quite stratified at this time. Rulers and shamanic priests
held religious ceremonies based upon astronomical and calendrical events.
Other specialty occupations also flourished, including scribes, architects,
farmers, and tradesmen. Agriculture continued to intensify as irrigation –
using large reservoirs and canal networks – developed.
Near the end of the Preclassic period, environmental disasters and warfare
afflicted the region. El Mirador was abandoned in 150 A.D. after drought
reduced the agricultural production of the region. The eruption of the
Ilopango Volcano in El Salvador also played a role—a large part of the region
was covered in ash, which led to the abandonment of Kaminaljuyú around
250 A.D. Trade between the Mayans and Mexico was disrupted and re-routed
to cities in the northern lowlands.
22
● The Classic Maya
This period, which lasted from around 250 to 909 A.D., marks the greatest
Mayan achievements—primarily, the adoption of the Long Calendar and a
uniquely Mayan form of writing. During the Classical period, all of the cities,
temples and palaces that are now in ruins were built.
Much of the knowledge we have about this period comes from stelae, large
carved monuments that recorded the lives of rulers and the historical events
that occurred during their lifetime.
Teotihuacán, a city-state in Central Mexico with a population of 250,000, was

highly influential during the Classical period. Although not technically a part
of the Mayan culture, Teotihuacán nonetheless sent out armed merchants, or
pochteca, to spread its authority to places like Yucatán and Petén. New
dynasties were established in Tikal and Copán in 378 A.D. and 426 A.D.,
which ushered in new religious beliefs and architectural styles.
During the 6th century A.D., Teotihuacán’s influence began to wane. About
this time Tikal and Calakmul were regionally dominant and began a
tug-of-war for power. Calakmul ultimately won by forming an alliance with
Caracol (in modern-day Belize) and defeated Tikal in 562 A.D. The victory
put all construction in Tikal on hold for the next 130 years.
23
Tikal would, however, return to reassert its dominance by defeating Calakmul
in 695 A.D. and taking control of regional cities Waká and Río Azul. Several
monuments and temples were built in Tikal during this time—including six
of the great temples found in the center of the city, which were reconstructed
between 670 and 810 A.D.
During the Late Classic period, Mayan art, architecture and astronomy soared
to new levels unequalled by other pre-Columbian societies. Trade grew, as
did the Mayan population—by the end of the Classical period, there were an
estimated 10 million Mayans.
● Mayan Decline
By 750 A.D. Mayan civilization was in decline. Things began to change in

the political and social realms, as trade links and alliances deteriorated—this
led to increased warfare among city-states. Even so, the Mayan decline is
usually thought to have been the result of several factors.
Environmental issues may have been at the forefront. By the end of the 9th
century A.D., the Mayan lowlands were heavily deforested, which may have
spawned a severe drought in the region. With drought came decreased food
production; farmers were unable to meet the dietary demands of dense
population centers. It’s also thought that a peasant revolt and widespread
warfare among city-states – perhaps a result of diminishing resources –
contributed to the decline. Almost all of the main Mayan cities were
abandoned.
24
As the dispersal continued from the Mayan heartland near modern-day Petén,
people headed for neighboring areas like the Yucatán, Belize, and southern
Guatemala. These places were formerly marginal regions with little
development, but they now held the last remnants of Mayan civilization. The
Guatemala highlands also supported some small tribal settlements that
sustained themselves through irrigation and terraced farming.
Despite a growing economy, there is a significant wealth gap in Guatemala.

Many of the Guatemalan elite are direct descendants of Spanish colonial-era
families, while some of the poorest Guatemalans are indigenous people.
Indeed, race and social standing are intimately linked in Guatemala.
Guatemala has the largest economy in Central America. Since the peace
accords of 1996, the Guatemalan economy has enjoyed a steady upswing.
Moderate development has accompanied this growth, largely due to tourism.
Tourism has played a big role in the Guatemalan economy, and currently
employs around 35 percent of the population. The money from tourism often
stays in communities and continues to help with local development projects.
Guatemala’s environmental resources are balanced precariously in the

equation between development and sustainability. Guatemala’s population is
increasing and putting more pressure on the environment. Unfortunately,
development is taking precedence at the moment — it’s still common to clear
25
forests with slash-and-burn agriculture to make way for big construction
projects. There is a fledgling environmental movement in Guatemala, but it
has a ways to go before it can efficiently protect the country’s vast resources.
After experiencing the Mayan ruins of Guatemala's past, rejoin the present as
you explore a different kind of metropolis—this time, set amongst the
concrete jungles of urban cities. Indulge in the trappings of modernity and
enjoy colorful marketplaces, and compare the evolution of Guatemalan
architecture. There are a variety of interesting cities awaiting you throughout
the country
Violence is a problem in areas near the border with Mexico where

transnational gangs and other criminal organizations exist. The violence is
typically not targeted at tourists, but even so, travelers are advised to stay
away from these places.
26
Recent times Guatemala overview,
People
Population: 16.91 million (2017, WB) Life expectancy:

men, 70 years; women, 74 years (CIA) Ethnic groups:
Mixed and European (60.1%); Indigenous Maya (39.3%);
other (0.6%) (CIA) Literacy: men, 87.4%; women, 76.3%
(CIA) Poverty: 59.3% (2014)
Economy
GDP: $75.62 billion (2017, WB) GNI per capita: $4,060

(2017, WB) GDP composition by sector: agriculture,
13.3%; industry, 23.4%; services, 63.2% (2017 estimates,
CIA)
27
Trade
Key export partners: United States (33.8%), El Salvador

(11.1%), Honduras (8.8%) (2017, CIA) Top exports to the
United States (2016): edible fruit and nuts, citrus fruit, or
melon peel; apparel articles and accessories; coffee, tea,
mate, spices (GTA) Key import partners: United States
(39.8%), China (10.7%), Mexico (10.7%) (2017, CIA) Top
imports from the United States: mineral fuel, oil; electric
machinery, sound and television equipment; nuclear
reactors, boilers, machinery parts (GTA)
Leadership
President Jimmy Morales (the president is both chief of

state and head of government) Sources: CIA World
Factbook (CIA), Global Trade Atlas (GTA), World Bank
(WB)
28
Why should you visit Guatemala ?
➢ Entering Guatemala
For traveling to Guatemala from Bangladesh there are not frequent option
open for your traveling but the most reliable and smooth way of traveling
there is by air; get a visa instantly with the required requirements and take a
good look before booking your tickets to observe if there is any slight
chances to start travel restrictions any travel restrictions in that country
clashing with you target travel date; avoid travel restrictions in case of tourist
visits,either you shift your date forward or plan you vacation after it removes
their travel restrictions for tourists.
29
La Aurora
International Airport,
the primary airport of
Guatemala
If you're willing to travel to any country near Guatemala, then there are
mostly all kinds of ways to get around Guatemala. The options vary
depending on your budget, timeframe, and expected level of comfort.
Domestic flights are virtually non-existent, but there are many good shuttles
that can transport travelers between popular destinations. Rental cars are
widely available and in some places (like Lake Atitlán) the easiest way to get
around is by boat. Public buses go virtually everywhere in Guatemala, and
offer a cheap and authentic (albeit crowded) option.
30
● Requirements and procedures needed for visiting
To reach Guatemala, the first thing you'll have to do is meet Guatemala's

entry requirements. For most travelers, this will be little more than a passport
good for six (6) months past your intended date of stay, and proof of onward.
When you reach Guatemala, the first thing you'll have to do is meet
Guatemala's entry requirements. For most travelers, this will be little more
than a passport good for six (6) months past your intended date of stay, and
proof of onward or return travel.
You can visit this tropical nation any time of year, but weather patterns do
vary. The "best time to visit Guatemala," unsurprisingly, is its dry season,
which ranges from November until early May. However, the rainy season is
still quite pleasant, and can be more affordable. Keep this in mind as you
make your travel arrangements. Guatemala doesn’t have the best domestic
airline service. In fact, the only domestic flight service currently scheduled
connects Guatemala City and Flores. Domestic carriers that fly out of
Guatemala City operate from the La Aurora International Airport (GUA).
The only airline operating domestic flights is TACA.
Ongoing improvements are being made to many smaller airports across

Guatemala, and it’s possible that the country will be well connected by
domestic flights in the coming years. New domestic airports are being
constructed in Quetzaltenango, Huehuetenango, Coatepeque, San Marcos,
31
and Puerto San José. Other airports may soon be built at Puerto Barrios and
Retalhuleu
ACTIVITIES :
32
Guatemala isn’t just ruins and rainforests, although there is a good
amount of both those things here. It’s a country of huge lakes, Mayan
villages, fuming stratovolcanoes, and colorful marketplaces. There are
an incalculable number of things to do in Guatemala, with tour options
to fit every type of traveler. If you’re into nature, you can explore
jungles or go bird watching. If culture is your cup of tea, you’ll visit
Mayan villages and ancient temples. And if you’d prefer to simply
relax, there are tranquil places to breathe deep and unwind.
Adventure Tours
Adventure tours are ideal for travelers who enjoy excitement and the
outdoors. These tours include zip lining, rafting, and horseback riding.
The activities are safe and suitable for people of all ages and abilities.
Professional guides lead the tours and work hard to provide travelers
with an unforgettable experience.
Cultural Tours
Guatemala’s thriving culture celebrates both the past and present.

These tours explore Guatemala’s cultural makeup — you’ll visit Mayan
ruins, coffee plantations, archeological museums, traditional
33
marketplaces, and more. They are a great way to fully appreciate the
history, customs, and lifestyle of Guatemalans.
Educational Tours
It’s our belief that to really appreciate a country, you must first
understand it. Educational tours help travelers do just this. These
tours expose travelers to the various cultural, environmental, and
agricultural influences in Guatemala. You might take a Spanish
language course along the shores of Lake Petén Itzá, or be guided
through the Mayan ruins of Copán. You can learn about nocturnal
creatures during a night hike or watch sea turtles nest along the
Pacific coast. No matter what the tour is, you’ll walk away with a fuller
understanding of the forces that shape Guatemala.
Leisure Tours
While traveling in a foreign country, it can be nice to slow down and

pamper yourself. These tours will help you both relax and enjoy
Guatemala’s beautiful surroundings. You can visit a spa and indulge in
a massage or pedicure. Other leisure tours help you explore
Guatemala in an unhurried pace — you might take a safari float along
a river and search for animals along the banks.
Marine Tours
34
Guatemala is bordered by both the Pacific Ocean and Caribbean Sea.
Marine tours include snorkeling, scuba diving, sea kayaking, deep-sea
fishing, and marine mammal observation. You’ll enjoy access to the
country’s beautiful coastal areas and have the opportunity to spot all
kinds of marine animals — including fish, dolphins, whales, and manta
rays.
Nature Tours
The Guatemalan landscape is composed of huge forests, active

volcanoes, and alpine lakes. What's more, the Guatemalan plant and
animal life is off the charts. These tours bring travelers to some of the
country’s best outdoor areas. The tours include bird watching, hiking
with naturalist guides, and marine mammal observation.
35
Food And Festivals
36
Guatemalan food is filling and full of flavor. Like other countries in Central
America, traditional meals rely heavily on corn, beans, meat, and tortillas.
There are all kinds of local fruit drinks, coffee, and alcoholic beverages
(especially beer and rum) to sample.
The people of Guatemala have fused their culture into their cuisine, and are
proud to rely on their own agricultural bounty. Guatemalan food is largely
based on corn, which has been a staple crop here for centuries. The corn is
ground and then used to make the tortillas that most Guatemalans consume
daily. Tortillas are delivered from local tortillerías or made in-house at the
front of a restaurant.
In the cities, there are a variety of good food choices, including restaurants,
cafés, and fast-food options. European influence has resulted in an array of
culinary styles, especially in places like Guatemala City and Antigua. You
can find French cafés, sushi spots, and Italian restaurants. There is also fusion
food that combines local and international flavors.
In local establishments you’ll have less choice. Meals are often simple and
involve fried or grilled meat, beans, eggs, and tortillas. These ingredients can
be reformulated into breakfast, lunch, and dinner.
Tamales are a traditional Guatemalan dish made from corn meal, turkey,
pork, tomato sauce, and olives, which are boiled and wrapped up in a banana
leaf. Patches are a potato-based alternative to tamales. Tacos are also eaten in
Guatemala — these usually involve a corn tortilla that’s filled with meat and
then rolled, fried, and spread with tomato sauce and cheese.
Regional stews also play a large part of the Guatemalan diet. These stews are
spicy and often filled with meat. They include pollo en pepián (chicken and
pumpkin-tomato seed sauce) and pollo en jacón (chicken in tomatillo-cilantro
sauce). Tapado is a seafood stew made with coconut milk and plantains that’s
most found along the Caribbean coast.
37
In coastal areas, ceviche (raw fish covered in lime juice) is popular, as is fried
fish and camarones (shrimp). At local restaurants, vegetarians can get by on
rice, beans and eggs. In more touristy areas, vegetarians won't have any
problems finding a wider array of suitable meals.
Traditional events and festivals
The vibrant and diverse cultural heritage of Guatemala makes for some
incredible and colorful holidays and festivals. This is further fueled by
Guatemala's religious practices, which are actually a combination of several
beliefs and their traditions.
38
Guatemala’s Independence Day is celebrated on September 15. This holiday
is celebrated like others in Guatemala — with dancing, music, parades, food,
and fireworks.
All Saints Day
(Día de Todos los Santos) is celebrated on November 1st throughout

Guatemala. The town of Todos Santos Cuchumatán has one of the best
festivals, during which local men hold a wild (and drunken) horse race. You
can also enjoy fiambre during All Saints Day — this is a Guatemalan dish
that is typically only eaten during this festival.
The Day of the Dead
(Día de Los Muertos) also takes place immediately after All Saints Day and
is celebrated across Guatemala. On this day, families head to the local
cemetery to mark the gravestones of departed relatives with candles and
flowers.
Burning of The Devil
On December 7, Guatemala celebrates one of its more unique holidays —

Burning of the Devil. All over Guatemala families take burnable items —
including waste paper, old magazines, and trash — and light them on fire in
the street. This ritual is meant to cleanse the households as they prepare for
the holy week surrounding Christmas.
Fiesta de Santo Tomás
The Fiesta de Santo Tomás takes place in Chichicastenango from December

14–21. This is a fun, colorful festival that revolves around the town’s church,
which dates back to 1540. There is dancing, fireworks, and drinking. The
39
celebration culminates with firecrackers and the palo volador ritual, during
which men swing from ropes that are attached to a tall central pole.
My personal advising tip
Guatemala is a wonderful but complicated country. It hosts the world’s best

Mayan ruins and has some of the largest tracts of rainforest on the planet. Its
culture is vibrant and its history is fascinating. There are, however, parts of
the country that still show the scars of a troubling past — including crime,
violence, and poverty. These are complex social and economic issues, and
one hopes that as Guatemala continues its ascent towards stability and
equality, things will continue to improve.
As a foreign visitor, there are certain areas you should avoid and certain
habits that you should practice. Having a keen awareness of your
surroundings and using preventative strategies will help you stay safe while
traveling here. Guatemala is a fantastic and unique country, and it would be a
shame to miss it. As a smart and savvy traveler, you can experience the
absolute best that Guatemala has to offer.
40
Annexes
41
42
43
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59
Before traveling anywhere around the world
1. Do your research,never be dependent

2. Don’t draw attention
3. Make copies of important documents,for personal safety
4. Keep your friends and family updated
5. Be wary of public Wi-Fi
6. Safeguard your hotel room
7. Be aware of your surroundings
60
Thank -
You
61
62

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Tour guide and travel agency operations (TGTA)

Country Travel Geography and Research

Selected Country: GUATEMALA

Kazi Mohammed Nafees Shahrear

Senior Training Officer

Kazi Mohammed Nafees Shahrear

Guatemala’s landscape inspired Maya legends, and it continues to make an indelible

Study findings of indigenous cultural tourism in Santiago Atitlan

Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court 2 April 2012

Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially

United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime 25 September 2003

Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination

Convention concerning the Prohibition and Immediate Action for the

Convention relating to the Status of Stateless Persons 28 November 2000

Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading

Convention on the Rights of the Child 6 June 1990

Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against

Additional Protocol to the American Convention on Human Rights in the

InterAmerican Convention on Forced Disappearance of Persons (Convención

InterAmerican Convention on the Prevention, Punishment and Eradication of

Increasingly, the Mayans became better farmers. Terrace farming, drainage

Teotihuacán, a city-state in Central Mexico with a population of 250,000, was

By 750 A.D. Mayan civilization was in decline. Things began to change in

Despite a growing economy, there is a significant wealth gap in Guatemala.

Guatemala’s environmental resources are balanced precariously in the

Violence is a problem in areas near the border with Mexico where

Population: 16.91 million (2017, WB) Life expectancy:

GDP: $75.62 billion (2017, WB) GNI per capita: $4,060

Key export partners: United States (33.8%), El Salvador

President Jimmy Morales (the president is both chief of

To reach Guatemala, the first thing you'll have to do is meet Guatemala's

Ongoing improvements are being made to many smaller airports across

Guatemala’s thriving culture celebrates both the past and present.

While traveling in a foreign country, it can be nice to slow down and

The Guatemalan landscape is composed of huge forests, active

Traditional events and festivals

All Saints Day

(Día de Todos los Santos) is celebrated on November 1st throughout

The Day of the Dead

Burning of The Devil

On December 7, Guatemala celebrates one of its more unique holidays —

Fiesta de Santo Tomás

The Fiesta de Santo Tomás takes place in Chichicastenango from December

My personal advising tip

Guatemala is a wonderful but complicated country. It hosts the world’s best

1. Do your research,never be dependent

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