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Food and History

Author(s): John C. Super


Source: Journal of Social History, Vol. 36, No. 1 (Autumn, 2002), pp. 165-178
Published by: Oxford University Press
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3790571
Accessed: 11-09-2016 01:27 UTC

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REVIEW ESSAY:

FOOD AND HISTORY

By John C. Super West Virginia University

Historians of food usually find it necessary to explain the sign


subject. Lest the uninitiated think that food is simply planted,
cessed, transported, sold, and consumed, readers are alerted t
complex roles that food plays in human society. For the most e
is the ideal cultural symbol that allows the historian to uncove
meaning in social relationships and arrive at new understanding
experience. The tug of cultural anthropology and sociology is
underscores food as symbol and metaphor, a cultural numerato
human equation.
The transformation of food from a marginal subject of interest
tural historians to one recognized for its potential for exploring
ofthe past is now almost complete. A generation ago, propelled
new direction for the discipline, the Annoles.E. S. C. published a
on food and nutrition, many of them concentrating on diets an
evidence, that staked out the new terrain.1 Much of this work
and direction from still earlier studies, most long since forgot
point food studies began to gather strength and momentum, pu
occasional best seller that drew an immediate and widespread
as Aifred Crosby's The Columbian Exchange.3 These early effo
framework for food history, and a growing recognition of its leg
of study.
As the field has grown, it has become more specific and particular, and at
the same time more general and comprehensive. Research criss-crosses time and
space, race and class, society and culture, all with the aim of explaining and
interpreting the not always clear meaning of food. This gives the field energy,
but makes it difficult to summarize. Instead of an attempt at summarization, the
following essay first discusses selected recent publications on food, concentrating
on those that can serve as examples ofthe range of scholarship. It then describes
the types of evidence and the themes and problems common to most of the
research, emphasizing those that have the most promise for future research. It
concludes with some generalizations on the present state of food and historical
studies.

Three recent and very ambitious publications go a long way toward summariz-
ing the current state of scholarship. All three are significant in their own right,
and will long serve the scholarly community. They are indispensable for those
interested in the history of food.

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166 journal of social history fall 2002
Food. A Culinary History from Antiquity to the Present
of a work first published in French under the directio
and Massimo Montanari in 1996.4 Albert Sonnenfe
the English translation and imposing a uniformly sm
result is an achievement of some forty essays, beginn
carry ing forward into the twentieth century. Taken toge
sense of the rhythms of food history through time, la
Montanari's introductions to each section of the book.
Humanization of Eating Behaviors," "Food Systems and
and "Romans, Barbarians, Christians: The Dawn of
they give a direction and contextual richness to studies
manners, social structure, food diffusion, production a
more. One difficulty with this approach is that some
that they lack introductions and conclusions, and fai
their themes. Others lack balance, and in a few cases r
foods. Furthermore, the book almost ignores the Ame
Two other publications aim at more comprehensive
vidson's The Oxford Companion to Food and Kenneth
Cornee Ornelas' The Cambridge World History ofFood s
are products of different traditions and will ultimately f
Alan Davidson, writing as he hopes in the tradition of
Dictionnaire de Cuisine, has created a work of scope,
2,650 entries, starting with aardvark and ending with z
descriptions to long botanical and historical discussion
For the historian The Oxford Companion to Food has
gives precise, usually accurate (some mistakes are bou
of this magnitude, such as the assertion that beer wa
Mexico in the nineteenth century, or that the Arabs
seventh century) descriptions ofthe development of fo
example, the entry "Culinary Mythology" debunks th
used to camouflage the taste of rancid meat (the same p
"Spice Trade"), a widely disseminated bit of misinform
short in comparison to Flandrin's carefully constructed
in Food. A Culinary History from Antiquity to the Presen
of the same conclusions. The longer articles give mor
of historical change, and do demonstrate the many d
that enrich the human tradition with studies of "Byza
Greece," Classical Rome, "Inca Food," and the like.
Second, are the hundreds of quick references to foo
expected entries on basic food stuffs, readers can fin
cheeses, oatcakes, culinary terminology, and just about
to food. Fermented and distilled beverages are exceptio
beer and wine (they do not appear in the general inde
most ofthe world's alcoholic beverages?despite Davids
does not drink wine?are inexcusable in a work of this
suggests, beer might have preceded bread making, and
first step in the rise of ancient civilizations. So much of
wine, and distilled beverages that readers will be disapp

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REVIEW ESSAY 167

The Cambridge World


that I have contribute
breadth and depth. Th
dimensions ofthe past,
History of Human Dis
the diffusion of food t
foodways. This in turn
figure into the essays.
appears in none of our
of every chapter that f
The comprehensivenes
food. Part I, "Determi
explorations of the die
emphasizing that hun
cultures that followed
medical knowledge of
of the liquids importa
Weisburger and James
a discussion of the bot
the history of tea drink
of the world. They fol
and health, and then c
the food researcher, l
of vitamins, other nut
most of the articles pr
of their subjects. Heat
summarizes the class,
concludes that "the st
girl's disease is increas
approach the history o
nutritional and medica
of nutrition and mortal
such as food taboos and
contributions on the b
daily allowances. Final
balanced entries on th
to synonyms for their
for 152 pages. The resu
and the human experi
Though more modest
serves mention along w
the individual authors
search for broader pat
and Its Significance in
discussions of labor div
Warren Belasco's "Food
gues that countercuisin
of "hegemonic" relatio

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168 journal of social history fall 2002
the abilities of Grew and his own carefully stated framew
of food, the success of these essays is not surprising.9
More focused in time and space are works such as M
Toomre's Food in Russian History and Culture, a collec
nections between food and artistic and spiritual life,
Joel T Rosenthal's Food and Eating in Medieval Europe,
England and France with a concentration on interpre
production and consumption of food.10 The dozens of
offer much that is new and revealing about food.
Most single-author works have difficulty matching t
works, but not Phyllis Pray Bober's Art, Culture, and
dieval Gastronomy. She believes that every time peri
modes and manners that give it a unique identity, an
sine offers a good opportunity for understanding this
from art, archaeology, and written records, she tries "to
of meaning as possible, using various methods approp
in my diachronic approach."11 She moves from the s
arguing that "environmental degradation, loss of biolo
lems of feeding the world's expanding population ma
long run by wider dissemination of the story of hum
creativity in uniting the body's nutritional demands wi
table."12 Bober's book reflects her understanding of ear
the kitchen, and her concern for the future of the pl
eiegant book by a scholar who has an eye for both de
that combines sound scholarship, recipes, and a coffe
appealing to look at and fiin to read.
Most recent studies are more focused in the question
they often range widely across time and space. For a g
the most out of limited evidence, read Peter Garnsey's
Society in Classical Antiquity that attempts to use "the u
and eating as a way of clarifying the distinctive nature
and culture."13 Alongside of monographs such as Garn
scholarly audience, there are expanding efforts to wri
of food. Two examples will suffice. Andrew Dalby tel
it well?ofDangerous Tastes. The Story ofSpices, a hist
the ways in which spices gradually became parts of g
Spivey takes a different approach in The Peppers, Crac
Cookbook, a search for political and cultural meaning
to correct the "insensitivity and blatant misinformati
African cuisines.15 Works such as these try to straddl
interests of the academic community and the genera
tough under the best of circumstances.

II

The imaginative use of evidence and new questions ab


to the analysis of deeply rooted social habits that are rela
to food. Four themes in particular seem to embrace m

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REVIEW ESSAY 169

diffusion, "other," cu
patterns of behavior
interpreting the archi
it is worthwhile to gi
evidence.
Evidence. Constance
preting recipes and th
that medieval English
was actually a type of
transcription and tran
through time.16 The
provide another exam
Laurioux says in his
cookbooks correctly,
separate the various l
in the context of hou
England the Acton m
one year in the early
social guests, but mem
the church. "The daily
dependency; food was
Literature and painti
ities of food, histori
ences of Chaucer's pi
Tales. Thus the Monk
fowl, exhibits sloth,
Sins. At a more gene
vegetable diet with f
ment," in contrast to
how food was a "meta
tween the sexes, the
elements of Russian
the imagery of Dosto
use metaphors to illu
timents. Among the
by Vasili Perov, "Te
a corpulent prelate st
dressed in rags plead
Russia.21
Diffusion. The evidence for studying the diffusion of food and foodways is
generally less direct. For early history, the enduring questions are the transition
from hunting and gathering to agriculture, the rise of grain-based diets, the emer?
gence of cooking, and the complex of social relationships associated with food.
Despite the scarcity of sources for interpreting these problems, students of the
Neolithic period can state that eating "gradually became a key element of group
structure, a mark of identity, and a symbolic means of expressing thought."22
By the time of the Second Dynasty in Egypt it is possible to talk about types
of food, methods of preparation, banquets, dining rooms, kitchen help, and the

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170 journal of social history fall 2002
relationship between social groups and food.23 Here a
food that will preoccupy the historians of all time peri
Interpetations such as that by Yves Pehaut in "The In
push diffusion in a new direction.24 While invasion is t
does a fine job explaining how the Industrial Revol
creases changed the energy needs of Europe. As tradi
to satisfy the new hunger of industry and people, Eur
conuts, and peanuts imported from their colonial posse
continued until the 1960s, when the newly independen
compete with the increasing availability of soybean oil
Most of the diffusion literature concentrates on Eu
or on the spices and aromatics that link Europe, th
Studies of sub-Saharan Africa are few, and for the mo
ing of Flandrin and Montanari who believe that "it is
the African diet was like before the introduction of A
without manioc, peanuts, and red pepper."25 Spivey c
tation in her study of the diffusion of African foods a
"there is compelling evidence that during the most r
Africans made transatlantic voyages to the Americas
and exploration. Some records of pre-Columbian Afri
have survived and shed light on the advanced and rich
ished on Africa's west coast."26 There is no need to q
"remote periods" were, but it would be nice to see the
on trans-Atlantic and trans-Pacific migrations has not
sert that "migration and trade between the Americas a
exchange and transplanting of foodstuffs between the
verifiable evidence?7
Studies of diffusion now emphasize methods of pre
tion in addition to food. Claude Fischler uses McDo
the homogenization of eating practices that have swe
generation. According to Fischler, "in efficient Amer
pragmatism, the purpose of eating is above all to aid in
power with virtually no interruption of the productive
too far, as Fischler himself recognizes, and has to be te
of the recent rise and success of boutique food enterp
from beer and coffee to cheese and artisan bread emp
over convenience and price. Despite this reaction, t
commercialization of food have eroded traditional food
studies of France have made clear, the entry of women in
geographical dispersal of families, and the growing nu
families have all threatened the family meal and the
depended on it.29 In such an environment the fast food
obstacles, and McDonald's, with its successful combina
ment and effective use of nutritional universals easily
the words of Fischler, "The softness of hamburgers an
and the sweet-and-sour ketchup reproduce the taste s
kind of regression coupled with transgression."30
"Other." Whether Big Macs in the United States, ch

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REVIEW ESSAY 171

teenth-century Spain,
ways produced a cul
the thinking about h
divides and unifies.31
arated groups, disting
those beyond. Garnse
types contrasted the
of Herodotus and the
meat and drank milk
illustrates an extreme
of life that they have
plants and the half-ra
between their thighs
Societies also used th
markers. Stated anoth
between food and soc
Hellenistic period cal
for this type of interp
like modern ones, use
of the past makes sen
Food taboos are an ex
quently discussed tabo
famous restrictions f
hooves and did not ch
other dietary restrict
tribes into a unified g
the reasons for the d
tion and hygiene?are
interpretations by arg
God's creation plan.
man was forbidden fr
preparing meat in a r
Cuisine. The most su
one part ofa historica
the historian is to cap
that requires moving
complete discussion o
here do this, best rep
the evening that follo
elite for entertainme
convivium had a differ
class of Rome perpetu
banquet was differen
through celebrations
food and drink to cre
A similar approach an
ships that revolve aro
takes center stage as

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172 journal of social history fall 2002
in the economic and political realities of the time. T
ciated with the emerging monarchies of the sixteenth
power by the food that they ate, and the way that th
century, bourgeois pretensions challenged the exclus
ways, and led to different table manners. Prohibition
gers would remain in force, but others such as using
gradually lose their influence. Out of this tradition gr
led to the central role of the woman of the household
through the meal to insure the strength of the family.
When foodways are interpreted in an extended c
Bober does, interesting opportunities arise for explor
ities. Some of the continuities are striking, such as th
offul, a flavored bean dish commonly eaten for breakf
ofthe search for comparisons and continuities is the
in suggesting that on the latifundia of ancient Rome,
very different from that on pre-Civil War plantatio
diet as least was comparable."36
Despite the need for caution in taking the long view
much. In "From Dietetics to Gastronomy. The Lib
Jean-Louis Flandrin explains the shift from a cuisin
dietetics to one based on taste. The transition in Fran
the seventeenth century, and by the early eighteenth
itself from the confines of medical tradition to become
and beauty. Food preparation itself became an art, a
emergence of gastronomy in the early nineteenth cen
diffusion of the concept of taste and the culinary arts
world, but could emerge at the forefront of the next
The individual is usually lost in these interpretations
ture. An important exception is Taillevent, the much
Viandier and the chef to Phillipe VI, Charles V, and
century France.38 Taillevent rose from an enfant de cui
who spent his days scrubbing and plucking, to superv
the royal household. He died a squire sporting a coat
kitchen pots. Taillevent's life work speaks to the kit
structure of food in the tumultuous years of the fourte
Nutrition. The best food studies continue to ask ba
availability and nutrition. For the Greco-Roman worl
food shortages were common, but at the same time r
of trying to "demonstrate that malnutrition was the
numbers of people in antiquity."39 The problem as u
and the emphasis placed on selected aspects of what is
systems. The assertion that small producers had more co
than for maximizing production, with the consequenc
and scarcity, lacks the evidence necessary to use as a
does recognition that the lack of state regulation of p
might put urban residents at a disadvantage, forcing th
(the largess ofthe wealthy) to get through the hard tim
comes from Galen's discussion of famine foods, and f

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REVIEW ESSAY 173

demonstrate that adul


quotes Galen later on
though they have hard
digest it, it gives a lot
for shortages, he shou
Efforts to say someth
be, usually make contr
ception. He states that
so often used by nutri
ranean peoples, is too
of the regime as well,
more careful definition
trophic, causing wides
the same extent as fam
Christopher Dyer ask
Borrowing from Peter
Really Starve in Medie
to be made between ri
those with access to ot
their plot of land. For
in the availability of f
apparently restricted to
Famine of 1315-1318. F
ofthe peasantry, and b
considerably, to the poi
aristocracy. Portions o
inroads on the traditi
moved beyond the rus
era of cheap and plent
Martha Carlin's, "Fast
argues that even for th
meats, vegetables, tarts
resources to cook.43 J
and the Agrarian Econ
tional evidence, though
in the fourteenth centu
Massimo Montanari p
lar conclusion that th
that was certainly mor
after ... "45 A balanced
cial and economic syst
eleventh century when
to a heavier reiiance on
In other parts of the
was a stark indicator o
upwards of 52 percent
overseers who only ha
since it also reflected

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174 journal of social history fall 2002

Differences in diets had broader philosophical and mo


Grieco demonstrates how the medieval world clung
Being" that proceeded from the lowest, the earth, upwa
fire.46 The foods represented in different levels of th
appropriate for different social groups. The lowest fo
were onions and garlics, suitable for the poor, while the
the aristocracy. Here the natural world reinforced the
that was easy to explain and defend.
The lack of quantifiable data usually weakens concl
about the quantities of food and drink consumed. Gall
tunately, direct evidence of consumption levels, whic
such assumptions, is scarce, often ambiguous and usual
probably atypical sections of society."47 Attempts to
ing them to "chief nutritional systems" is one solutio
the diversity within systems and the ways that they
time.48
The rise of the nation state and the growth of bureaucracies would soon gen-
erate types of evidence that make quantification possible. The evidence is un-
mistakable that bread and other grain foods became staples ofthe European diet,
and that the dependency on grain increased vulnerability to changes in weather
and crop diseases. Grain shortages led to hunger and in some cases famine, all
now measurable in different ways. Evidence suggests a general decline in the
nutritional well-being of Europeans as the dependence on grain increased. Jean-
Louis Flandrin demonstrates that "over the course of the eighteenth century,
the average height of Hapsburg army recruits apparently decreased, as did that
of Swedish conscripts. Moreover, the average height of London adolescents ap?
pears to have decreased in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries,
while that of Germans in the early nineteenth century was significantly less than
it had been in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries."49
Nutritional questions usually loop back to questions about diffusion, the other,
and cuisine. Together, the answers to these questions help to understand how
societies have faced the fundamental problems of the production, distribution,
and consumption of food.

III

In conclusion, several observations may be useful in understanding the present


state of food studies. First, as previously suggested, these studies and questions
take food beyond the realm of agricultural and economic history and give it the
fuller meaning that it deserves. Many do so by leaning toward cultural expla?
nations, concentrating on the symbolic importance of food items, the cultural
patterns that they underscore, and their influence on human behavior.
Second, chronological approaches reminiscent of Braudel's longue duree that
search for persistent patterns that transcend the events and passions of the day
are particularly valuable. Here the old idea of prehistory, that time "before hu?
man beings could record their present or their past" has no useful purpose.50
Foodways change but not always according to traditional concepts and peri-
odization schemes used by historians. Nevertheless, it is still important to be

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REVIEW ESSAY 175

attentive to mainstream
from an overemphasis
since many students ag
woven with just about e
from other types of hi
history, the emphasis o
and economic problems
lem. If food studies too
the insignificance of th
be different.
Third, students of food in the past are defining their field in ever more am?
bitious ways. Ellen Messer, et. al., offer a definition of what they call culinary
history. "Culinary history studies the origins and development ofthe foodstuffs,
equipment, and techniques of cookery, the presentation and eating of meals,
and the meanings of these activities to the societies that produce them."51 Grew
offers another definition: "The history of food can be thought of as beginning
with biology and the hard realities of climate, soil, property, and labor; but it con-
tinues through social structure, economic exchange, and technology to embrace
culture and include a history of collective and individual preferences."52
Fourth, with definitions as encompassing as these, the food historian has much
to do. Much to do but no clearly defined or widely accepted way to do it. There
are no archetypes or colligate concepts that provide unity to the diversity that is
food, and that is the way that it should be. Future research on food will benefit
from the richness of the works mentioned above, but in all likelihood will go
far beyond them in ways that are difficult to predict. My own sense is that the
biological and ecological dimensions of food and human behavior represent areas
of research that offer great promise when combined with more traditional social
and economic approaches.
Fifth, the momentum that is evident in food studies will likely continue. Food
magazines, cookbooks, culinary schools, and television chefs are only the most
popular manifestations of an interest in the historical and cultural significance
of food. Gastronomica. The Journal of Food and Culture by the University of
California Press represents the most recent effort to combine the popular and
the scholarly interest in food. Public policy at the national and international
level aimed at problems of nutrition and food distribution recognizes now more
than in the past the value of an historical approach. Historians of food, if they so
desired, could inform policy on programs ranging from agricultural production
in the Sahel to school lunch programs in Appalachia. With this momentum it
should not be long before survey texts in history give food the attention that it
deserves.
Food historians have a well-founded enthusiasm for their subject. They con-
vey a sense of freshness and excitement associated with new fields of inquiry,
and at the same time a maturity and sophistication born of thinking across tra?
ditional disciplinary boundaries. There is little doubt that their future research
will continue to enrich the study and teaching of history.

Department of History
Morgantown, WV 26506-6303

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176 journal of social history fall 2002
ENDNOTES
I wish to thank Peter N. Stearns and several anonymous reviewers for their h
comments on this essay.

1. Dutch, Swedish, Russian, English, and French soldiers and sailors were amon
many groups analyzed in the Annafes.E. S. C. in the 1960s.

2. Earl J. Hamilton's "Wages and Subsistence on Spanish Treasure Ships," Journ


Political Economy, 37 (1929), 430-450, provided one ofthe earliest models for thi
of research. For a discussion see John C. Super, "Spanish Diet in the Atlantic Cross
the 1570s," Terra lncognitae, 16 (1984), 57-70.

3. Alfred W. Crosby, Jr., The Columbian Exchange (Westport, 1972).

4. Jean-Louis Flandrin and Massimo Montanari (dirs.), ed. by Albert Sonnenfeld,


A Culinary History from Antiquity to the Present (New York, 1999). A comparabl
that concentrates on Latin America (with many articles devoted to Mexico) app
the same year. Janet Long, coord., Conquista y Comida: Consequencias del Encuentr
Dos Mundos (Mexico City, 1996).

5. Alan Davidson, The Oxford Companion to Food (Oxford, 1999); Kenneth F


and Kriemhild Conee Ornelas, The Cambridge World History ofFood, 2 vols. (Camb
2000). The dust jackets of The Cambridge World History of Food and Food. A Cu
History demonstrate the enthusiasm for the art of Giuseppe Arcimboldo; the form
"L*Automne"and "Vertumnus" for the insets on the jackets of volumes I and II, wh
latter has "L'Ete" for its jacket.

6. Kiple and Ornelas, Cambridge World History ofFood, Vol. 1,1.

7. Heather Monroe Prescott, "Anorexia Nervosa," in Kiple and Ornelas, Camb


World History ofFood, Vol. 1,1006.

8. Alex Mclntosh, "The Family Meal and Its Significance in Global Times," in
mond Grew (ed.), Food in Global History (Boulder, CO, 1999), 217-239, and W
Belasco, "Food and the Counterculture: A Story of Bread and Politics," 273-292.

9. Raymond Grew, "Food and Global History," in Food in Gkbal History, 1-29.

10. Musya Glants and Joyce Toomre (eds.), Food in Russian History and Culture (Bl
ington, 1997), and Martha Carlin and Joel T. Rosenthal (eds.), Food and Eatingin M
Europe, (London, 1998).

11. Phyllis Pray Bober, Art, Culture, and Cuisine: Ancient and Medieval Gastro
(Chicago, 1999), 4.

12. Ibid., 11.

13. Peter Garnsey, Food and Sockty in Classical Antiquity (Cambridge, 1999), xii.

14- Andrew Daiby, Dangerous Tastes. The Story of Spkes (Berkeley and Los An
2000). Works that concentrate on a single food generally have tne most succ
combining scholarship with narrative appeal. As examples, see Martin Gonzalez
Vera, Historia del chocolate en Mexko (Mexico City, 1992), Nikita Harwich, Histo
Chocolat (Paris, 1992),

15. Diane M. Spivey, The Peppers, Cracklings, and Knots ofWool Cookbook. The
Migration of African Cuisine (Albany, 1999), 1.

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REVIEW ESSAY 177

16. Constance B. Hieatt,


But Much More to Do," i
101-116.

17. Bruno Laurioux, "Medieval Cooking," in Flandrin and Montanari, Food. A Culinary
History, 297.

18. ffiona Swabey, "The Household of Alice de Bryene, 1412-13," in Carlin and Rosen?
thal, Food and Eating in Medieval Europe, 144.

19. Elizabeth M. Biebel, "Pilgrims to Table: Food Consumption in Chaucer's Canterbury


Tales," in Carlin and Rosenthal, Food and Eating in Medieval Europe, 23.

20. Ronald D. LeBlanc, "An Appetite for Power: Predators, Carnivores, and Cannibals
in Dostoevsky's Fiction," in Glants and Toomre, Food in Russian History and Culture, 125.

21. Musya Glants, "Food as Art: Painting in Late Soviet Russia," in Glants and Toomre,
Food in Russian History and Culture, 218.

22. Catherine Perles, "Feeding Strategies in Prehistoric Ttmes," in Flandrin and Mon?
tanari, Food. A Culinary History, 29.

23. Edda Bresciani, "Food Culture in Ancient Egypt,"in Flandrin and Montanari, Food.
A Culinary History, 38-45.

24. Yves Pehaut, "The Invasion of Foreign Foods," in Flandrin and Montanari, Food. A
Culinary History, 457-470.

25. Jean-Louis Flandrin and Massimo Montanari, "Introduction. The Early Modern
Period," in Flandrin and Montanari, Food. A Culinary History, 358.

26. Spivey, The Peppers, Cracklings, and Knots ofWool Cookbook, 93.

27. Spivey, The Peppers, Cracklings, and Knots ofWool Cookbook, 87.

28. Claude Fischler, "The 'McDonaldization' of Culture," in Flandrin and Montanari,


Food. A Culinary History, 539.

29. Claudine Mareno, Manieres de table, modeks de moeurs.l7eme-2(fme siecle (Paris,


1992).

30. Fischler, "The 'McDonaldization' of Culture," in Flandrin and Montanari, Food. A


Culinary History, 546.

31. Massimo Montanari, "Food Systems and Models of Civilization," in Flandrin and
Montanari, Food. A Culinary History, 69-78.

32. Quoted in Garnsey, Food and Society in Classical Antiquity, 68.

33. Jean Soler, "Biblical Reasons: The Dietary Rules of the Ancient Hebrews," in Flan?
drin and Montanari, Food. A Cidinary History, 46-54.

34. Massimo Vetta, "The Culture of the Symposium," in Flandrin and Montanari, Food.
A Culinary History, 96-105; Garnsey, 138.

35. Marenco, Manieres de table.

36. Bober, Art, Culture, and Cuisine, 181.

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37. Jean-Louis Flandrin, "From Dietetics to Gastronomy:
met," in Handrin and Montanari, Food. A Culinary History

38. Alan S. Weber, "Queu du Roi, Roi des Queux: Taille


Medieval Cooking," in Carlin and Rosenthal, Food and Eat
157.

39. Garnsey, Food and Society in Classical Antiquity, 3.

40. Ibid., 52.

41. Ibid., 83.

42. Christopher Dyer, "Did the Peasants Realy Starve in Medieval England?," in Carlin
and Rosenthal, Food and Eating in Medieval Europe, 70.

43. Martha Carlin, "Fast Food and Urban Living Standards in Medieval England," in
Carlin and Rosenthal, Food and Eating in Medieval Europe, 27-51.

44. James A. Galloway, "Driven by Drink? Ale Consumption and the Agrarian Economy
of the London Region, c. 1300-1400," in Carlin and Rosenthal, Food and Eating in
Medieval Europe, 87-100.

45. Massimo Montanari, "Production Structures and Food Systems in the Early Middle
Ages," in Flandrin and Montanari, Food. A Culinary History, 169.

46. Allen J. Grieco, "Food and Social Classes in Late Medieval and Renaissance Italy,"
in Flandrin and Montanari, Food. A Culinary History, 302-312.

47. James A. Galloway, "Driven by Drink? Ale Consumption and the Agrarian Economy
of the London Region, c. 1300-1400," in Carlin and Rosenthal, Food and Eating in
Medieval Europe, 94.

48. Antoni Riera-Melis, "Society, Food, and Feudalism," in Handrin and Montanari,
Food. A Culinary History, 258.

49. Jean-Lous Flandrin, "Introduction. The Early Modern Period," in Handrin and Mon?
tanari, Food. A Culinary History, 351.

50. Bober, Art, Culture, and Cuisine, 15.

51. Ellen Messer, et.al., "Culinary History," Kiple and Ornelas, The Cambridge World
History ofFood, Vol. 2, 1367.

52. Raymond Grew, "Food and Global History," in Grew, Food in Global History, 6.

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