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Abstract
This article reviews the achievements and recent research programs in the field
of cognitive lexical semantics, which has become a full-fledged field since the
early 1980s, when important research findings in cognitive psychology concerning
the internal structure of categories (prototype structure and family resemblance
structure) were adopted to analyze lexical categories (Taylor et al. 2003). Cognitive
linguists have since changed their conceptions about the nature of word meanings,
and the interplay between words and their contexts. The traditional dividing lines
between lexicon and grammar, and linguistic knowledge and encyclopedic
knowledge have been largely blurred, and meaning is seen as a manifestation of
conceptual structure, which is embodied and entrenched in the schematic network
of structures and is extended on the basis of language usage events.
Introduction
Cognitive semantics is to some extent a revolution against formal
approaches to meaning construction (e.g. the truth-conditional model and
generative grammar). Meaning is described in terms of the human construal
of reality rather than the objective reflection of the real world. Words are
not ‘containers’ of their meaning, but are points of access to encyclopedic
knowledge. Cognitive semantics takes a usage-based view of language and
defines language as a fixed inventory of conventional linguistic units. The
lexicon, morphology, and grammar form a gradation without arbitrary
boundaries posited within. And the separation between linguistic and
encyclopedic knowledge, the distinction between lexicon and grammar,
and the boundaries of lexical categories are largely blurred (cf. Langacker
1987, 1990, 1991, 1999).
The past two decades have witnessed the rapid developments of cognitive
lexical semantics. Topics that are traditionally treated as peripheral figurative
instruments, like metaphors and idioms have received special attention in
cognitive linguistic studies. Cognitive linguists have explored the internal
structure of lexical categories, the polysemous nature of lexical items,
their systematic relations and underlying motivating mechanisms, as well
as larger conceptual structures like frames or scenarios (Taylor et al. 2003).
New advances have been made with regard to the nature of lexical
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Cognitive Approaches to Lexical Semantics 315
beak, feathers, two wings and two legs, and lays eggs is a bird. However,
the rigid view of attributes and categorization cannot hold because people
could respond differently to questions like whether a robin is a bird,
whether an ostrich is a bird, or whether a one-legged robin is a bird, etc.
Similar problems arise in semantic feature analysis, in which a word
like bachelor is analyzed as a combination of the semantic features of
[+HUMAN], [+MALE], [+ADULT], and [−MARRIED]. Nevertheless,
the nature of ‘bachelorhood’ is hard to decide when it comes to divorced
men or popes who meet all the conditions but are not supposed to be a
bachelor (Fillmore 1982).
The first major crack in the classical theory is generally acknowledged
to have been noticed by Wittgenstein (Wittgenstein 1953:1 : 66–71, in
Lakoff 1987). With his famous analysis of game, Wittgenstein proposes the
notion of family resemblance as the principle that underlies category
membership.
Rosch (Rosch 1973, 1975, 1978) studied categories of physical objects
like ‘furniture’, ‘bird’, ‘vehicle’, etc. and proposed the Prototype Model
of categorization, dealing a deadly blow to the classical categorization
theory within experimental psychology. They developed for the first time
the experimental paradigms of prototype identification including Direct
Rating, Reaction Time, and Production of Examples, etc.
The basic idea is that there are no necessary and sufficient properties
shared by all category members. The membership of a category follows a
gradience from prototypical members (good examples) to peripheral ones
(bad examples). Figure 3 demonstrates the goodness-of-example (GOE)
rating of the BIRD category (in Britain).
Subjects show gradience in the judgment over the membership of the
BIRD category with robin as the best example, and dove the least typical one.
Fig. 3. Goodness-of-example rating of the Bird category (Rosch 1975, cited in Ungerer and
Schmid 1996: 13)
prototype theory to the study of word meaning brings order into an area
where before there was only chaos’. He studies there constructions and con-
cludes that they can be analyzed as forming a natural category with the central
deictic as the prototype. For instance, (1) a is a better example than (1) b:
Climb in (2a) means both ‘motion upward’ and ‘the use of hands to
grasp onto the thing climbed’; (2b) involves the motion upward, with ‘the
uses of hands’ understood metaphorically (i.e. the railway track as hands);
(2c) only involves metaphorical upward motion; (2d) involves downward
rather than upward motion. Therefore, the word climb forms a category
including central senses and peripheral senses with motivated links like
metaphor, metonymy, or image schemas.
Aitchison (1992) demonstrates the importance of cultural factors on
lexical prototype identification. Yuan (1995) modifies the traditional
definition of Chinese grammatical categories by family resemblance. Lee
(2001) applies the radial model in the analysis of the process of language
change, the structure of noun and verb categories, and the concept of
agency. Liao (2005) discusses subcategorization with regard to the semantic
system of a polysemous word, in which meanings split or shift from the
prototype and their variants may constitute a subcategory and thus form a
knowledge network.
Langacker (2006:138) illustrates the ‘subsquish’ between the categories
of adjective and preposition:
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318 Shu Dingfang
Both categories have prototypes and thus include both central and
peripheral members. Peripheral members of two categories are often
more similar than their prototypes, which tend to be maximally distinct.
For instance, proud in (3a) and beside in (3e) are typical examples of
adjectives and prepositions respectively, while opposite in (3b) and near in
(3c) are analyzed as having both adjectival and prepositional variants
(Langacker 2006).
The concept of Prototype has become a cornerstone of cognitive theories
such as the Prototype Model (Rosch 1975), the Radial Model (Lakoff
1987), and the Schematic Network Model (Langacker 1987, 1990, 2006).
In these models, central cases are acknowledged as prototypes on the basis
of which extensions and sanctions could be made. Linguistic constructions
other than words are also analyzed in light of the prototype theory. For
instance, in ‘A constructional network in appositive space’, Farina (2006)
claims that appositive space is structured both via a network of family
resemblances and via the centrality of one specific construction, the
prototype.
2.1 MOTIVATION
‘In the simplest cases, lexical items are pairings of phonological forms
with individual concepts. But such simple cases are rare exceptions.
Polysemy is the norm. Most words have a number of systematically related
meanings’ (Lakoff and Johnson 1999:499).
Among the polysemous senses of an expression, some are more proto-
typical relative to others or more schematic relative to others (Langacker
2007b:3). Meaning extension from prototypical to less prototypical senses
is usually motivated by related image schemas, metaphor, metonymy
(Lakoff 1987), and or conceptual integrations.
‘Image schemas refer to the schematic and imagistic concepts which are
abstracted from pre-conceptual bodily experience, function as constituents
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Cognitive Approaches to Lexical Semantics 319
(4) a. The railway goes all the way from the east to the west
b. Tamen bei shang nan xia, zou bian le zhongguo.
They northward go up southward go down travel all over China.
They went up to the north and down to the south, traveling all over
China.
The first example from English and the second one from Chinese
involve fictive and factive (see Talmy 2000a:100 for details) dynamic and
static motion events, but they both share one commonality, namely, the
image schema of ‘source–path–goal’.
Most scholars agree that many areas of experience are metaphorically
structured by means of a rather small number of image schemas. Johnson
(1987) investigates about 20 image schemas such as CONTAINER, BAL-
ANCE, COMPULSION, RESTRAINT REMOVAL, ENABLEMENT,
ATTRACTION, BLOCKAGE, CONTACT, etc.
Johnson and Lakoff (2002) suggest that these image schemas might be
so deeply grounded in common human experience that they constitute,
as it were, universal pre-linguistic cognitive structures. Many of the schemas
clearly derive from the most immediate of all our experiences, particularly
our experience of the human body (Taylor 2003).
The theory of image schemas has been widely applied in the field of
meaning extension and sense relations, particularly in the study of
polysemy, and polysemous prepositions (Lakoff 1987; Taylor 2003). It has
been found that meaning extensions can be explained by image schemas
and image schema transformations on which polysemous senses are built
up (e.g. Langacker 1999).
2.3 METAPHOR
(5) a. There are always obstacles and detours on the way to our career success in
life.
b. Wo xian zai chu zai ren sheng de cha lu kou.
I now stand at life’s crossroads.
‘I am now at the crossroads of my life’.
It is obvious that the above metaphorical expressions are based on the
conceptualization of Life as a journey, which is not just used for talking
about life, but for reasoning about it as well. We take words from the
source domain to talk about those in the target domain, and there is a
correspondence between their internal structures as shown in Table 1:
Lakoff (1993) proposes Conceptual Metaphor Theory and claims that
‘metaphors are conventional cross-domain mappings in the conceptual
system’. For example, CLASSICAL CATEGORIES ARE CONTAIN-
ERS is a conceptual metaphor. In other words, classical categories are
understood metaphorically in terms of bounded regions, or ‘containers’,
as in the classical syllogism:
(6) Socrates is a man.
All men are mortal.
Therefore, Socrates is mortal.
which is of the form:
If X is in category A and category A is in category B, then X is in
category B.
Another metaphorical semantic concept is the concept of quantity,
which involves metaphors like the well-known LINEAR SCALES ARE
PATHS. We can easily find examples from languages like English or
Chinese as in (7):
(7) a. He is way ahead of me in intelligence.
b. Ta bi wo zhishang gao de duo.
He compared with me intelligence higher much more.
‘His intelligence is much higher than mine’.
As a phenomenon in which one conceptual domain is systematically
structured in terms of another, one important feature of metaphor is
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Cognitive Approaches to Lexical Semantics 321
Fig. 5. Typical schema of over as in try our magic carpet over the desert (adapted from Lakoff
1987: 425)
Fig. 6. Throw up a hamburger all over his instrument (adapted from Lakoff 1987: 421)
meaning extension. That is, metaphor gives rise to new meanings (Evans
and Green 2006). The study of prepositions has provided strong evidence
against traditional views of categorization and in favor of the prototype
approach. Brugman (1988) made a detailed studies of over and became the
first to explicitly propose the idea that lexical items are natural categories
of senses. As the extension from Brugman’s exploration of sense relations,
Lakoff (1987) shows the precise relations among spatial senses and
describes metaphorical extensions of the spatial senses based on the more
detailed investigation of over.
Take some sentences with the word over as examples (from BNC simple
search http://sara.natcorp.ox.ac.uk/cgi-bin/saraWeb?qy=over):
(8) try our magic carpet over the desert
(9) throw up a hamburger all over his instrument
(10) John Henry was retired in July after a racing career over eight seasons.
(11) They have no legitimate power over me.
The central meaning of over is the static spatial relation of one being
ABOVE the other as in (8) (see Figure 5 in which the trajector is directly
above the landmark).
A slight extension from the schema of ABOVE to ABOVE AND
ACROSS could be made in over’s polysemous network. Just as in Figure 6,
the hamburger (the trajector) is moving long the path (represented by the
arrow) above and across the landmark.
In example (10), there is a metaphorical extension from the spatial to
the temporal domain. Sentence (11) is motivated by the metaphor UP IS
CONTROL, so a person with power above is supposed to be in control.
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322 Shu Dingfang
2.4 METONYMY
Metonymy is also one of the major mechanisms motivating the relation-
ships between different senses of lexical items. ‘In contrast to metaphor
which is defined as the cross-domain mappings, a definition of metonymy
that has gained some popularity in cognitive linguistics contrasts meto-
nymical semantic shifts within a domain or domain matrix’ (Peirsman and
Geeraerts 2006:269):
The essence of metonymy resides in the possibility of establishing connections
between entities which co-occur within a given conceptual structure. This
characterization suggests a rather broader understanding of metonymy than that
given by traditional rhetoric. The entities need not be contiguous, in any spatial
sense. Neither is metonymy restricted to the act of reference. On this broader view,
metonymy turns out to be one of the most fundamental processes of meaning
extension, more basic, perhaps, even than metaphor (Taylor 2003:325).
Metonymy is one of the basic characteristics of cognition. It is extremely
common for people to take one well-understood or easy-to-perceive
aspect of something and use it to stand either for something as a whole
or for some other aspect or part of it. The most famous example of
metonymy is as in (12) when the waitress uses the food name to refer to
the customer who orders it (Lakoff 1987):
(12) The ham sandwich just spilled beer all over himself.
Metonymic concepts allow us to conceptualize one thing by means of
its relation to something else (Lakoff and Johnson 1980). The relation
could be phonological, conceptual or morphosyntactic. The most repre-
sentative relations include (i) the part for the whole; (ii) producer for
product; (iii) object used for user; (iv) controller for controlled; (v) institution
for people responsible; and (vi) the place for people responsible (Lakoff
and Johnson 1980:38).
One domain or domain matrix contains various parts, and which one
we choose is determined by what aspect we wish to focus on. For
instance, we can use both ‘new faces’ and ‘good heads’ to refer to their
possessor as in (13) and (14):
(13) We need some new faces here.
(14) We need some good heads here.
The point is not just that we use parts to stand for the whole, but we
pick out a particular characteristic that is the most salient. When new
members join a group, the first impression usually comes from the faces;
if a person is thought to be intelligent, it is usually attributed to his/her
head. This is why (13) means new members while (14) means intelligent
people.
The cognitive theory of metaphor and metonymy is at the ‘crossroads’
which will frame future research in the field for a number of years,
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Cognitive Approaches to Lexical Semantics 323
Table 2. Mappings for SURGEON IS A BUTCHER (Evans and Green 2006: 402)
BUTCHER SURGEON
CLEAVER SCALPEL
ANIMAL CARCASSES HUMAN PATIENTS
DISMEMBERING OPERATING
Fig. 7. The basic four-space integration network (Fauconnier and Turner 2002: 46)
(Brandt and Brandt 2005). It is the contradiction between the helping and
the healing as the surgeon’s presumable goal, and butchery as the means
being named that results in the emergent content of incompetence (Grady
et al. 1999:103–106).
BT is believed to be complementary to, rather than competing with,
CMT (see Grady et al. 1999 for the argument), each addressing certain
phenomena not accounted for by the other theory. On the one hand, the
practical application of CMT does not concern the analysis of what
metaphors mean but concerns the uncovering of underlying conceptual
metaphors in metaphoric discourse (Brandt and Brandt 2005); on the
other hand, Grady et al. (1999) observe that in spite of the fact that both
CMT and BT put great emphasis on inferential structure between conceptual
domains and are in a sense complementary, only BT allows for the pos-
sibility of an emergent structure containing elements that do not appear
in either of the inputs (Grygiel 2004).
Slingerland (2005) goes a step further by arguing that blending the two
inputs is not only used to help the recipient of the blend to better
apprehend the situation intellectually, but also help him/her to know how
to feel about it.
With the advent of BT, much improvement has been made in online
meaning construction. Evans and Green (2006:437–439) explicate the two
important contributions made by BT to the understanding of conceptual
metaphor, i.e. its account of emergent structure and its account of the
derivation of compound metaphors. Croft and Cruise (2004:203–204),
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The right interpretation of these safe examples depends not only on their
profiled concept of ‘out of danger’, but also on the relevant encyclopedic
background situation referred to. Thus, a safe driver is the person who can
drive safely, and a safe beach is possibly a beach without robberies or a
beach with no sharks.
The importance of encyclopedic knowledge has been recognized by
linguists from different linguistic camps (Conceptual Semantics [ Jackendoff
2002]; Qualia Model [Pustejovsky 1995]; Encyclopedic Semantics [Wierz-
bicka 1984, 1995], etc.).
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Fillmore (1982) uses frame for the structured way in which the scene is
represented or remembered, and proposes that words evoke frames, and
the frame structures the word-meanings. One frequently quoted example
is the seemingly synonymous pair of ground versus land. The concepts
appear to denote the same thing in the world but profile it against a
different frame. ‘Land’ describes the dry surface of the earth in contrast
with ‘sea’; ‘ground’ describes the dry surface of the earth in contrast with
‘air’. So a bird that spends its life on ‘land’ does not go in the water and
a bird that spends its life on ‘ground’ does not fly (Lee 2001). The two
words land and ground, then, differ not so much in what it is that they can
be used to identify, but in how they situate that thing in a larger frame.
Langacker (1987) holds a similar position by arguing that a word’s
scope of predication involves a profile and a base. A profile is the entity
designated and a base is the cognitive structure against which the desig-
natum of a semantic structure is profiled. For instance, the word hypotenuse
profiles a straight line, with a right-angled triangle as the base against which
hypotenuse is understood. On the other hand, lexical entities provide access
to domains of large encyclopedic network knowledge. All linguistic units
are considered as context-dependent to some degree.
Barlow and Kemmer (2000) point out three key characteristics of Lan-
gacker’s usage-based model: it is maximalist, non-reductive, and bottom
up. In this view, grammar is massively and highly redundant, rather than
stripped down and economical; there is no need to choose between the
general patterns and their instantiations since the specific and the general
are mutually linked through the usage.
The fully usage-based thesis is what makes Goldberg’s model (1995)
depart from early versions of construction grammar (Fillmore et al. 1988,
Fillmore and Kay 1993, etc.). Both cognitive grammar (Langacker 1987,
1990, 1991, 1999, etc.) and construction grammar (Goldberg 1995, 2002, etc.)
are developed in light of the symbolic and the usage-based assumptions
and ‘both types of approach view the grammar as an inventory of symbolic
units rather than a system of rules or principles’ (Evans and Green 2006).
With regard to the nature of lexicon-grammar relations, these two
cognitive frameworks share a number of basic ideas that constructions (not
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330 Shu Dingfang
rules) are the primary objects of description; that lexicon and grammar are
not distinct, but a continuum of constructions (form-meaning parings); and
that constructions are linked in networks of inheritance (or categorization)
(Langacker 2007a: 421–422). On the other hand, besides the differences
in theoretical devices and descriptive constructs, cognitive grammar and
construction grammar differ in their research focuses. Langacker’s
approach attempts to model the cognitive mechanisms and principles that
motivate and license the formation and use of symbolic units of varying
degrees of complexity. Goldberg’s approach focuses on the argument
structure of sentence-level constructions such as the English ditransitive
construction (e.g. Lily knitted George a jumper) and the English resultative
construction (e.g. Lily drank herself stupid.) (Evans and Green 2006: 666).
The constructional approach, especially Goldberg’s construction grammar,
solves the debates on the roles of words in sentence meaning construction.
It preserves compositionality in a weakened form and argues that words
contribute meaning to sentences, but not all the meaning. Sentence-level
constructions have their own conventional schematic meaning independent
of the verbs and other lexical items that are embedded in them (Evans
and Green 2006: 671).
This schematic network model has been widely applied in linguistic
study (e.g. Bybee 1988, 1994, 1995; Tomasello 1992, 2000; Lamb 1998;
Croft and Cruse 2004, etc.). The important consequences of this view
include the built-in advantage of the lower-level schemas in the competition
with respect to higher-level schemas, the crucial functions of contexts and
usage events in meaning construction, and the role of the token/type
frequency and actual usage data like corpora.
priority, in that the construction may ‘coerce’ the meanings of its constit-
uents (Taylor et al. 2003). Apart from searching for mechanisms underlying
word formation and word relations, researchers have also begun to look
for mechanisms that guide construction formation, and the roles of the
lexicon in constructions and relations between constructions.
The dynamic usage-based thesis of lexical semantics has been widely
applied to language use, language acquisition and language change (see
Langacker 1987; Barlow and Kemmer 2000; Bybee and Hopper 2001,
cited in Croft and Cruse 2004). It could provide more plausible explanations
to the following issues:
(i) The distinction between ‘polysemy’ and ‘homonymy’, and that between
‘ambiguity’ and ‘vagueness’. Structural, collocational, or pragmatic
contexts play an important role in the entrenchment of the different
senses of a word, which further give rise to the two distinctions.
(ii) Language acquisition. Mutual support has been proven by studies on
language acquisition (Tomasello 2000; Cameron-Faulkner and Kidd
2007).
(iii) Data-based research. This also represents the current trends of related
study, namely, the application of usage-based models with reference
to corpora data (Gries 2006; Gries, Hample, and Schonefeld 2005,
etc.)
(iv) The nature of words and constructions. The usage-based model offers
new perspectives on the role of words, constructions, grammar, and
their relationships. It emphasizes the importance of specific instances
and lower-level regularities, with higher-level generalizations emerging
only as a special case (Langacker 2006). Meaning is taken as a property
of situated usage-events, rather than words. It is not a function of
language per se, but arises from language use (Evans 2006).
There are still debates on the extent to which linguistic evidence can
warrant conclusions about the mental representations underlying linguistic
meanings (Gibbs and Matlock 1999; Jackendoff 1999; Meira 2001), the
necessity of embodiment philosophy ( Johnson and Lakoff 2002; Krzes-
zowski 2002; Rakova 2002), the polysemous nature of words and con-
structions (Allwood 2003; Zlatev 2003; Dunbar 2001; Tuggy 1993), and
the validity of corpus frequency within the usage-based framework (Gries,
Hample, and Schonefeld 2005), etc.
Acknowledgments
I am grateful to Tang Shuhua, my doctoral student, for her invaluable help
with the collection of the relevant material and the first draft of this
article. I also wish to thank Ken Turner, for inviting me to write this
article, and my other students, Huang Jie and Tian Zhen, for their con-
tributions to the final completion of this project.
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334 Shu Dingfang
Short Biography
Dr. Shu Dingfang is Professor of linguistics at Shanghai International
Studies University (SHISU). His research interests include semantics,
metaphor, and language teaching theories.
Note
* Correspondence address: Shu Dingfang, Institute of Linguistic Studies, Shanghai International
Studies University, Shanghai 200083, China. E-mail: shudfk@yahoo.com.
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