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World War I Centennial: Albanians Capture Skopje,


Massacre at Kochana
By Erik Sass
Aug 12, 2012

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The First World War was an unprecedented catastrophe that killed millions
and set the continent of Europe on the path to further calamity two
decades later. But it didn’t come out of nowhere. With the centennial of the
outbreak of hostilities coming up in 2014, Erik Sass will be looking back at
the lead-up to the war, when seemingly minor moments of friction
accumulated until the situation was ready to explode. He'll be covering
those events 100 years after they occurred. This is the 30th installment in
the series. (See all entries here.)

August 12-14, 1912: Albanians Capture Skopje, Massacre at


Kochana

August was a bad month for the Ottoman Empire, as the Albanian rebellion
reached its climax and ethnic tensions between Bulgarians and Turks
exploded, literally, with a terrorist bomb attack on the marketplace of a
small town named Kochana, which the Turks punished by massacring
around 140 Bulgarians. Bulgaria, in turn, threatened war. Meanwhile Russia
was intensely interested in events in the Ottoman Empire, fanning the
grievances of local ethnic groups in order to persuade the other Great
Powers (Britain, France, Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Italy) to
collectively force a policy of “decentralization” on the Ottoman
administration. This, in turn, would open the door to Russian intervention
and possibly even annexations of Turkish territory.

March on Skopje

The Albanian rebellion, which began in May 1912, had a couple of things
going for it. Local troops deserted the Turkish army and joined the rebels,
while many Turkish troops, already demoralized by the defeat in Libya,
refused to fire on fellow Muslims. They had support from sympathizers in
Europe, who armed and funded the rebels via Montenegro, and they had a
vague assurance of support from the British consul in Skopje. To cap it all
off, the Ottoman government was in a state of collapse. Defeated by the
Italians in Libya, threatened by Russia after the straits incident, and with
the Balkan League (Bulgaria, Serbia, Montenegro and Greece) lining up to
grab Turkish territory, the beleaguered and overwhelmed administration in
Constantinople simply couldn’t handle the Albanian rebellion.

With solid popular and foreign support, the Albanian rebellion proceeded
swiftly. Led by Nexhip bey Draga and Hasan bey Prishtina, the Albanian
rebels liberated the towns of Novi Pazar and Pristina by the end of July.
Meanwhile the resignation of the Minister of War, Mahmud Shevket Pasha,
on July 9, triggered the fall of the Ottoman government, leaving the empire
headless and paralyzed until July 22, when Gazi Ahmed Muhtar Pasha, a
military hero, formed a new cabinet. One of his first goals was ending the
strife in Albania.

Turkish military operations in Albanian were effectively halted on July 24,


and on August 9, sensing they were close to victory, the rebels issued a new
set of demands to the Ottoman government, including self-rule as an
autonomous part of the Ottoman Empire, new schools and infrastructure,
use of Albanian in schools, amnesty for all rebels, and – most controversial
– courts martial for Turkish officers accused of atrocities. While the
Ottomans chewed these over, on August 12-14 a rebel force numbering
15,000-30,000 assembled to seize Skopje (Turkish, Üsküb), capital of the
Turkish province (vilayet) of Kosovo.

The rebellion was effectively over, with the Albanians in possession of most
of Kosovo and the Adriatic coast south of Montenegro. Of course, this put
them on a collision course with their Christian Slavic neighbors in Serbia
and Montenegro, who wanted that territory for themselves.

Massacre at Kochana

The Albanian rebellion was just part of the wider ferment gripping the
entire region, including tensions between Ottoman Christian subjects and
their Muslim rulers. In the first half of August rumors of terrible events
began filtering out of Ottoman Macedonia, followed by brief, sketchy news
reports telling European readers of a terrorist attack and bloody Turkish
reprisals in a small town named Kochana.

A typical Balkan market town, Kochana, located in Macedonia about 75


miles east of Skopje, was a microcosm of tangled Balkan ethnic relations
and antagonisms. With a mixed population of Turks, Bulgarians, Albanians,
and Serbs, some residents of Kochana wanted to join neighboring nations
(indeed, considered it an integral part of their national homelands), some
wanted an independent Macedonia, and some remained loyal to the
Ottoman Empire.

Some of the pro-independence Macedonians were willing to use violence to


pursue their goals. On August 1, a bomb exploded in the marketplace at
Kochana, killing Muslim townsfolk and precipitating a bloody revenge
spree by Turkish troops, who massacred about 140 Bulgarian civilians.
The killing had unmistakable sectarian and ethnic significance, pitting
Muslims against Christians, Turks against Slavs.

The repercussions were immediate and widespread. In Bulgaria, prime


minister Ivan Gueshov met with Tsar Ferdinand about the incident, while
the Macedonian Liberation Movement, claiming to represent “all parties
and classes,” demanded that the Bulgarian government declare war on
Turkey, and newspapers stirred public opinion against the Turks (never a
difficult task).

Bulgaria now had a humanitarian pretext for military intervention and


annexation of Turkish territory in Macedonia. If the timing of the massacre
seems a little too convenient for Bulgaria, that’s because it was: the bomb
was supposedly planted by a Bulgarian guerrilla group, the Internal
Macedonian Revolutionary Organization, as a deliberate provocation.
Essentially IMRO was hoping to provoke Turkish atrocities to escalate the
situation – a classic terrorist tactic.

Indeed, the massacre at Kochana also inflamed European public opinion,


which grew predictably indignant over Muslim mistreatment of Christians.
European public opinion thus conveniently aligned with the aspirations of
the European Great Powers, who were scheming to carve up the Ottoman
Empire on a much grander scale (if they could only agree who would get
what).

On August 13, while Italy and Turkey sat down to discuss peace terms,
Austrian foreign minister Count Berchtold proposed that the Great Powers
come together to force the Ottoman government to implement reforms
granting ethnic minorities, including the Slavs, more autonomy – maybe
even self-rule within the Ottoman Empire. While the representatives of the
Great Powers denied that these reforms were a preamble to military
intervention and division of the Ottoman Empire, that’s the message it sent
to the members of the Balkan League, who interpreted the diplomatic
pressure as a green light for their attack on the Ottoman Empire. Along
with the success of the Albanian rebellion, the prospect of Great Power
intervention forced the Balkan League to hurry its plans, since effective
reforms by the Turks would remove the main justification for its
aggression.

See previous installment, next installment, or all entries.

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