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Social Work in Action

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Provision of Transitional Housing: A Socially

Sustainable Solution for Care Leavers in Zimbabwe

Getrude Dadirai Gwenzi

To cite this article: Getrude Dadirai Gwenzi (2022): Provision of Transitional Housing:
A Socially Sustainable Solution for Care Leavers in Zimbabwe, Practice, DOI:
10.1080/09503153.2022.2083100

To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/09503153.2022.2083100

Published online: 11 Jun 2022.

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PRACTICE: SOCIAL WORK IN ACTION, 2022 VOLUME 0 NUMBER 0 (MONTH 2022), 1–18

Provision of Transitional Housing: A

Socially Sustainable Solution for Care
Leavers in Zimbabwe
Getrude Dadirai Gwenzi

Care leaver transitions from care have attracted a great deal of scholarly
attention in the Global North. More recently, scholars from the Global South
have begun documenting care leavers’ experiences, and the evidence suggests
their outcomes are largely negative. In Zimbabwe, institutionalisation is still a
common form of child welfare for young people without family care, yet a
handful of studies exist on the institutional care experiences. This paper
presents findings from a study on care leavers’ (n ¼ 15) experiences of
transitional housing at three institutions in Zimbabwe. Using the social
sustainability conceptual framework, the study found that transitional housing
offers continuity of care, relationships, and a smoother, gradual transition
from care to independence. However, care leavers feared that transitional
housing was temporary and their basic needs were not always met. The study
makes recommendations for aftercare policy and transitional services
provision for care leavers in Zimbabwe.

Keywords: care leavers; transitional housing; transitional services; aftercare;

social sustainability; Zimbabwe

Introduction

The provision of transitional housing for care leavers in Zimbabwe is not well
studied or documented. There is some evidence to suggest care leavers in
Zimbabwe face challenging transitions from care into independence and adult-
hood (Gwenzi 2018). Mhongera and Lombard (2016) described youths who are
leaving care and becoming even more vulnerable. The lack of support after
leaving care has been observed as the biggest challenge for adult care leavers
in sub-Saharan Africa (Van Breda and Frimpong-Manso 2020). Not only is there
a lack of support services, but the policy context is also lacking (Van Breda
and Dickens 2017), which negatively impacts care leaver transitions from care.
This is the case in most African countries, for instance, Ethiopia, where the

# 2022 British Association of Social Workers

https://doi.org/10.1080/09503153.2022.2083100
2 DADIRAI GWENZI

poverty of care leaving policy was attributed to the infancy of care leaving
research (Takele, Kotecho, and Mendes 2021). In contrast, Global North coun-
tries have made significant progress supporting care leavers’ transitions from
care through policy and legislation (Mendes, Baidawi, and Snow, 2014).
Notably, calls for flexible and gradual transitions from care and the provision
of aftercare support for care leavers have been made (Gonzalez, Cameron and
Klendo 2012; Frimpong-Manso 2018; Stein 2006). The provision of continuous
care until the age of twenty-one has been identified as one of the ways in
which to achieve this (Mendes et al. 2014).
A transitional project supporting care leavers in South Africa (Tanur, 2012)
emphasised interventions preventing instant adulthood, a phenomenon where
youths experience hasty transitions into adulthood, with little/no preparation.
One of the concerns noted in the project was a lack of access to housing.
Mendes et al. (2014, p. 410) states: “the provision of safe, secure and afford-
able accommodation is a crucial component in the transition from care to
independent living, and is closely linked to positive outcomes in health, social
connections, education and employment.” This article argues that providing
transitional support through housing is a socially sustainable intervention
which will benefit care leavers and assist them to have smoother transitions
from care. However, in Zimbabwe, transitional services, including accommoda-
tion support, are lacking and there is no policy guideline for transitional sup-
port. The study is significant because care leavers form part of the large
youth population in Zimbabwe (62%) and not much is known about their lives
pre or post-care.

Social Sustainability as a Conceptual Framework

The dominant discourse on sustainability focuses on environmental issues, cli-

mate change, and/or the fight against diseases and poverty while neglecting
the social aspect of sustainability (Bostro€m 2012). This article considers the
usefulness of social sustainability as a conceptual framework in social service
provision for care leavers. Cuthill (2010) developed a social sustainability
framework which focuses on a) social justice and equity, b) social infrastruc-
ture, c) engaged governance, and d) social capital. The relationship between
these factors and care leavers is discussed below.

a. Social justice and equity

Care leavers are a globally marginalised group with poor adulthood out-
comes. They are often stigmatised and experience social exclusion. Social
justice has mostly been examined in relation to care leavers’ access to educa-
tion (e.g. Harvey et al. 2017). Applying the social sustainability framework,
through social sustainability as a provision, implies care leavers can be sup-
ported to have their share of resources, including food, housing, and
 3

education. This article posits that providing a safe and continuous living envir-
onment for care leavers, through transitional housing is socially sustainable.
Care leavers have a right to a safe living environment where their needs are
continuously met.

Social infrastructure

This refers to the physical facilities and spaces where individuals can access
social services. Care leavers often rely on informal support in the absence of
formal aftercare support structures (Refaeli 2020; Frimpong-Manso 2017;
Sulimani-Aidan 2014).

Engaged governance

This is a strategy to promote citizens’ participation in decision making. In

social work, this concept may not be termed engaged governance, however,
care leavers’ participation in the decisions affecting their lives has been
widely studied (see e.g. Ha €ggman-Laitila, Salokekkila
€, and Karki 2020; Liabo
et al. 2017). In general, care leavers need more opportunities to be involved
in decision making. For instance, involvement was found to positively affect
Finnish care leavers’ life satisfaction, school performance, employment and
€, and Ha
social relationships (Kaasinen, Salokekkila €ggman-Laitila 2022).

Social capital

Defined as “the values that people hold and the resources that they can
access, which both result in and are the result of collective and socially nego-
tiated ties and relationships” (Barn 2010, p. 836). Social capital was defined
by Hawkins and Maurer (2012, p. 356) as “the byproduct of social interactions
that are embedded in and accessed via formal and informal social relation-
ships with individuals, communities and institutions”. According to Glynn
(2021), care leavers have reduced social capital as a result of their care
experience. The social sustainability framework helps to explain the provision
of services that can enhance care leavers’ social capital.

Transitional Services for Care Leavers in Transition (CLTs)

The transition from adolescence to adulthood is one of the most challenging

periods of human development (Gonzalez, Cameron and Klendo 2012). Care
leaving literature has shown evidence of challenging transitions from care into
adulthood for care leavers (see e.g. Stein 2008; Johnson et al., 2010; Holt and
Kirwan 2012). Care leavers often lack adequate support nets which can sup-
port them during the transition to independent adulthood (Hiles et al. 2013;
Sulimani-Aidan and Melkman 2018). These challenges include a lack of access
4 DADIRAI GWENZI

to housing (Frimpong-Manso 2018), lack of access to employment opportunities

(Mendes 2019), and lack of biological family support (Sen and Broadhurst
2011; Gwenzi 2020), among others. The Therapeutic Family Model of Care
(TFMC) is a model of care which focuses on care for homeless young people
who come from abusive and neglect backgrounds (Gonzalez, Cameron and
Klendo 2012). It provides a Youth Transition Home Program which promotes a
housing-first approach for youths from the ages of 16 to 21. House parents
oversee the homes and offer a supportive housing environment, life-skills and
social skills training. Offering previously traumatised children and young peo-
ple a safe and consistent physical living environment with positive parental
role models helps them to “(re)build their sense of self, learn new ways of
trusting and relating to others, and develop prosocial skills” (Gonzalez,
Cameron and Klendo 2012, p. 14). Additionally, within the TFMC young people
are supported to be part of the wider community, and ensures the young per-
son feels a sense of belonging (Gonzalez, Cameron and Klendo 2012). While
this evidence is largely from the West, care leavers’ outcomes mirror those in
sub-Saharan Africa, except, they might be worsened by political instability,
higher rates of poverty, and negative cultural factors, including stigma. In sub-
Saharan Africa, the lack of aftercare services and financial resources also com-
pounds the challenges faced by care leavers. According to Ochanda (2016)
care leavers in Kenya also face reintegration challenges because their families
and communities are often not willing to accommodate them. This is due to
the stigma associated with being in care. The lack of transition services can
lead to CLTs resorting to life in the streets and dropping out of school. The
provision of transitional housing is one of the ways to support care leaver tran-
sitions (Ha€ggman-Laitila, Salokekkila€, and Karki 2020). However, these provi-
sions are inconsistent between countries (Gonzalez, Cameron, and Klendo
2012). The provision of transitional programmes largely depends on the policy
context and legislation in the particular country and this varies greatly
between countries (Heerde, Hemphill, and Scholes-Balog 2018). Aftercare pro-
grammes can include several aspects, such as independent living, transitional
housing, educational support, life-skills support. According to Stein (2006),
working on improving the quality of care, providing a flexible and gradual
transition from care, and making after-care support accessible are all essential
elements of successful transitions for young people.

Transitional Services for Care Leavers in Transition (CLTs) in

Sub-Saharan Africa

Zimbabwe, similar to other countries in sub-Saharan Africa, currently does not

have an aftercare policy. On the ground, few residential care facilities cur-
rently provide transitional support to care leavers due to the unavailability of
funds to support the construction of additional housing facilities and provide
 5

day-to-day care. This is the case in South Africa and Ghana as well (Van Breda
and Dickens 2017; Frimpong-Manso 2017). In South Africa, some children’s
homes provide extended care beyond the legal cut-off of age 21, but they rely
on privately-generated funds (Van Breda 2020). Some care leavers receive
access to independent accommodation (without supervision from the institu-
tion) and others semi-independent accommodation (with supervision from sup-
port staff). The latter also includes support to develop independent skills,
such as budgeting and shopping for themselves. In the United Kingdom, semi-
independent living also includes clothing and personal allowance (Connor
2019). In Nigeria, Sekibo (2020) found care leavers in semi-independent
accommodation in the initial stages of their reintegration. In Ghana, care
leavers from SOS Children’s Village were also supported to get temporary
semi-independent accommodation before they left care (Frimpong-Manso
2017). Emergency housing was also available for those who did not have a
place to stay.
In Zimbabwe, independent living for the youth population has become com-
plex because of socioeconomic challenges plaguing the country for several
years, with massive inflation and high unemployment rates. The patrilineal
culture expects men to be household leaders and main breadwinners. The
ability of men to do this alone has been compromised by the economic chal-
lenges in society. Traditionally, the extended family responded to the welfare
needs of family members in the case of parental death or family dysfunction.
However, its capacity greatly declined in the early 2000s because of the HIV/
AIDS pandemic, increasing urbanisation and modernity, and severe economic
challenges. Nuclear households and individuality increased in Zimbabwe.
Independent living, where an individual fends for him/herself without needing
support from the immediate family, has become difficult in this context.
Gainful employment and own accommodation are luxuries afforded to a few.
For care leavers, the situation is worse (Gwenzi 2018). The provision of transi-
tional services, therefore, becomes critical to support care leavers attain
some level of independence.

Residential/Institutional Care Context in Zimbabwe

Residential Care settings include orphanages, children's homes, and institu-

tional or residential care facilities (Roche 2019). In this paper, residential care
is used interchangeably with institutional care. The Zimbabwe National
Orphan Care Policy (1999) and the National Action Plan for Orphans and
Vulnerable Children [NAP for OVC] (2004) outlined the six-tier safety net for
the welfare of vulnerable children in Zimbabwe. The current NAP for OVC
(2016–2020) states institutional care should be the last resort for the care of
children. Despite the global call to deinstitutionalise and create more family-
based forms of care, institutions are being used as a first and not last resort
6 DADIRAI GWENZI

(Williamson and Greenberg 2010). Institutions have been widely criticised in

the literature because they isolate children from their communities (see e.g.
Dziro and Rufurwokuda 2013; Kang’ethe and Makuyana 2014). The pro-deinsti-
tutionalisation school alleges that children should be brought up in an environ-
ment compatible with the social and cultural expectations of their
communities (Dziro et al. 2013). The family-based model of institutional care
or the Western model has been criticised for raising culturally ignorant chil-
dren, trained in Western ideals and values (Dziro et al. 2013). However, the
Western model has provided continuity of care through transitional housing
and support (Gwenzi 2019) as opposed to state dormitory settings.

Transitional Support Services for Care Leavers in Transition (CLTs)

in Zimbabwe

There is a lack of knowledge on the provision of transitional support for youths

leaving care in Zimbabwe. The Department of Social Services under the Ministry
of Labour and Social Welfare which is the key transition service provider in
Zimbabwe (Mhongera and Lombard 2016) currently does not have a database of
which institutions provide temporary care after the age of 18. This makes it dif-
ficult to ascertain the transition services being offered and which institutions
offer them. Furthermore, the Department is currently incapacitated due to a
lack of human and financial resources (Wyatt, Mupedziswa and Rayment 2010).
Mhongera (2012) noted the impact of a lack of transitional services for orphans
and vulnerable children, particularly adolescent girls in Zimbabwe. Dropping out
of school, challenges of poverty, HIV/AIDS, and psychosocial stress due to a lack
of community support were cited as impacts of a lack of transitional services for
youths in transition (Mhongera 2012). Community transition services which will
enable CLTs to complete their education and achieve better outcomes were rec-
ommended. Mhongera and Lombard (2016) also assessed transition programs in
two Zimbabwean institutions, a non-governmental organisation (NGO) run facil-
ity and state-run facility. Having secure accommodation was one of the markers
of successful transitions from the state-run institution. According to Mhongera
and Lombard (2016), both groups of participants viewed the need to achieve sus-
tainable livelihoods through livelihood assets, e.g. human, social, physical,
financial and natural, accessed through the provision of services and support.
One organisation offering transitional services is Kuda Vana Organisation through
their Youth Transition Program. The Youth Transition Program provides a) tem-
porary housing and adult oversight to young people 18 and up b) tuition for high
school, trade school or college until completion or through the age of 23 c)
Income-generating opportunities such as agriculture or livestock cultivation
(Kuda Vana Organisation 2020).
 7

Table 1. Descriptive details of study participants in transitional housing.

Characteristics Frequency (n ¼ 15) Mean
Age 19
Gender
Male 12
Female 3
Highest level of education
Grade 10 and below 5
A’ Level 1
O’ Level 7
Diploma 1 8.6 years
Certificate 1 1 year
Bachelor Degree
Number years in care
Length of stay in transitional home
Occupation status
Employed (incl. self-employed) 4
In school 6
Not in school, education or training (NEET) 5

Methodology

The study utilised a qualitative phenomenological research design to examine

care leavers’ experiences of transitional housing provision in Zimbabwe.
Qualitative methodology allowed for a deeper exploration of care leavers’
experiences. The study forms part of a larger study on care leavers. A purpos-
ive sampling technique was employed to select care leavers (n ¼ 15) living in
formal transitional accommodation from the larger sample (n ¼ 30). The larger
sample included care leavers aged 18–25 based on Arnett’s emerging adulthood
stage. Arnet (2009) described a stage between adolescence and adulthood,
where youths face transitional challenges before becoming full adults. This
age group fits well with the experiences of care leavers who are expected to
leave care facilities at 18 and live independently.
Most care leavers in the sample were not in any form of employment or train-
ing. Ten lived in one transitional facility in Harare, while five lived at two separ-
ate facilities outside of Harare. Transitional facilities were extensions of the
child welfare institutions youths had lived in; two were run by faith-based organ-
isations (five care leavers) and one was a state facility (10 care leavers). Most
participants reported having experienced childhood trauma leading to their
placement in the institutions. Pre-care circumstances included abandonment,
parental separation, orphanhood, physical abuse and child labour. Care leavers
(n ¼ 10) had been in care for more than 10 years (including as a child). The aver-
age length of time in transitional housing was 1 year. One participant had been
there for six months and most had lived there for two years. Ten care leavers
8 DADIRAI GWENZI

were still in school, five had completed school and were seeking employment.
The table below presents further details of the participants (Table 1).

Ethical Considerations

Ethical approval was provided by the researcher’s University Ethics Committee

and the relevant ministry in Zimbabwe. In order to protect the confidentiality
and anonymity of the participants, the real names of the transitional facilities
will not be included in this paper. The transitional homes were run by superin-
tendents who also acted as gatekeepers in the study. In addition, care leavers
provided their informed consent to participate in the study.

Data Collection and Analysis

Data were collected using semi-structured interviews (lasting 30–45 min) in the
local language (Shona) and English, where possible. Data were collected over
a six-month period (July 2017–January 2018. The data are still relevant
because of the dearth of literature on care leavers in Zimbabwe. This know-
ledge is critical because the National Development Strategy (NDS 2015–2025)
and the Sustainable Development Goal theme of leaving no one behind seek to
promote overall youth well-being. Care leavers are a marginalised group
whose life experiences society also needs to take note of.
Data were analysed using a thematic analysis which entailed reading and
rereading the interview transcripts after they were transcribed verbatim. A
further analysis was conducted on the larger data focussing on themes relating
to transitional facility experience through an inductive and iterative process.
The interpretive research design allowed the researcher to construct meanings
through interaction with both the data and the participants.

Building Rapport

Participant observation was conducted on three occasions: during a debriefing

session, a donor event and a facility meeting. During participant observation,
the researcher spent time having informal conversations and building rapport
with youths.

Challenges during Data Collection

There were some issues in accessing child welfare institutions. It took two
months to get state permission to conduct the study. Access to only six
 9

institutions was granted, and only one of them had a transitional facility.
Fortunately, the researcher gained access to two faith-based institutions which
also had transitional youth programs.

Study Findings

The study sought to examine transitional homes as a socially sustainable inter-

vention for care leavers in Zimbabwe. From the study findings, care leavers
were to a large extent, benefitting from the provision of extended accommo-
dation beyond the age of 18. The following findings are divided into broad
themes that describe what care leavers felt were the positive aspects of tran-
sitional housing after leaving child welfare institutions. The findings will also
be discussed in line with the social sustainability framework.

Positive Aspects of Transitional Housing

a. Continuity of a family environment and sense of belonging

Youths stated that being in a transitional facility provided the continuity of
a family environment they had experienced as children. This created a
sense of belonging for them. As one of the youths stated:

… like here, it is also a family because we live together and share everything
together (Tito, aged 19).

The sense of togetherness and sharing things with others helped to foster a
sense of belonging at the transitional facility. This was particularly important
for youths who had lost contact with their birth families or relatives and the
only family they knew was in the transitional facility. As one of the
youths stated:

What happened was some of them we came together from Sunshine1

Children’s Home and moved here, so when you live with someone for seven
years you consider something about that person. They become like brother or
sister (Nesbert, aged 19).

The transitional facility provided a continuity of relationships and care as

opposed to if the young person had been discharged at age 18. Although
youths in transitional facilities were not blood-related, they found “family”
with each other. This is also considering that some youths were abandoned as
infants and the only “family” they knew was the one they grew up with in the
facility. As they shared:
1
Not real name
10 DADIRAI GWENZI

… when I came here I realised that family does not only mean your father and
your mother. Even your friends because the people I live with here, we are
not even related, but it just shows that wherever we go or the different
sessions we do, we are described as one family, and we do all that as a family
(Jabulani, aged 19).

I think we had everything we wanted, I got a chance to go to school. I made

friends when I was there. I had love and care when I was there (Bless, aged 19)

In line with the social sustainability framework, the sense of belonging to a

“family”, even though not based on consanguinity, forms part of youths’ social
capital. The separation of youths from their communities and families contrib-
utes to care leavers’ lack of social capital. The continuity of a transitional
home provided social capital for care leavers in this study.

a. Fostering community connections

Youths in transitional facilities also described how they felt connected to
the community more than they did when they lived in the child welfare
institutions. Care leavers reported being able to visit relatives and foster
parents in the community, as one of them stated:

I see my aunt from my mother’s side, especially on weekends (Luthando,

aged 20).

Most community visits were mostly described as positive because they

allowed them to have a connection with others. Participants also shared how
their relatives were allowed to visit them at the facility. Those who did not
have relatives to visit found a way to connect with the community through
friends and intimate relationships with others who lived outside the facility.
Similar to the continuity of a “family” and a sense of belonging, the commu-
nity connections form part of care leavers’ social capital. Being in a transi-
tional facility increased their social capital through the maintenance of social
relationships in the community. As one of them stated:

I have many friends, from high school, my best friend and her mother. We are
very close, I even visit them sometimes. I also have a boyfriend, I think he is
my other closest person (Hazvi, aged 22).

Continuing to stay in the transitional facility allowed Hazvi to continue with

her social relationships from high school.

Continuing Education

Living in transitional housing provided youths with an opportunity to continue

with formal education and learn some life-skills for independent living. As
Tendai stated:
 11

We do courses like ICDL, bible study and they teach us independent skills to
prepare us to live alone (Tendai, aged 19).

The provision of additional years of support provided an opportunity for

youths to complete their schooling, which may contribute to job opportuni-
ties. Conversely, some youths reported that jobs were difficult to find even
with transitional support which was attributed to the socio-economic environ-
ment in Zimbabwe, as one of them stated:

Things are not good at the moment, in the past they used to look for jobs and
you will only leave when you have found a job, but now we have to make a
plan for ourselves (Pasmore, aged 19).

a. Continuous discipline and structure

Youths also reported that they benefited from the discipline and structure
provided by the facility. Some youths felt that they needed that direction
so that they could focus on their lives. Rules and regulations provide
structure which is beneficial for their development as young people. As
one of them stated:

It is a bit different, we have rules and there in the junior house they can
forgive you for breaking the rules. Here, we are adults, it doesn’t work like
that. Our warden disciplines you properly (Amos, aged 18).

They also described having house duties keeping them busy during the day
and ensured that they were not idle. They were used to the structure and
rules after growing up in the institution. The absence of this meant that
they had to become more responsible. It appears that not all of them were
adequately prepared for adulthood, and they lamented the lack
of discipline.

Negative Aspects of Transitional Housing

The study found some negative aspects of transitional services, however, only
four care leavers shared these notions.

a. The temporal nature of transitional housing

The main disadvantage of the transitional facility reported was that staying
there was temporary. Youths reported that they still needed to find permanent
accommodation which was a source of stress for them, even as adults. As one
of them expressed:

We are supposed to live here for a year then we move on from here. For me it
is hard because I don’t have a family, trying to form relationships with some
12 DADIRAI GWENZI

people from church in the hope that they will take me in when I have to leave
here (Tonderai, aged 22).

a. Challenges in the provision of basic needs

Two care leavers felt the provision they received in the transitional facility
was not as adequate compared to what they might have received if they
had been reunified with their families. One of them stated:

… here if I tell my brother [youth leader] here I need something he can tell
me right now he cannot do that for me. And at home I don’t think it will be
like that (Anathi, aged 22).

He had been separated from his birth mother when she relocated to South
Africa. She never returned as promised and in his mind, he kept an idealised
view of what would have happened if his mother had come back for him.

a. Being treated as adults too early

Some care leavers reported that they were being treated as adults too
soon and that they needed more discipline. As one of them expressed,

There sometimes the superintendent will say just do whatever you want, I
have my own life to lead. But it’s not right because we still need guidance
(Jeremiah, aged 18).

a. Lack of privacy
Female participants were few, however, their experiences are worth
noting. They expressed a lack of privacy in transitional housing. Although
both lived in a semi-independent facility where they were allowed to come
and go as they pleased, they reported feeling limited in terms of privacy.
No outside visitors were allowed in the transitional facility. Since both
participants were adults, they wanted more privacy for their adult
relationships outside of the facility. As one of them stated:

I have a boyfriend, but where I am staying now I cannot even bring him here.
Unfortunately, he also does not have his own place to stay because he does
not have a job. I am grateful to have a roof, but I wish I could be allowed to
invite my friends, and boyfriend over, even for one night a month.

Another female also expressed:

I am grateful and happy I have a roof, somewhere I can live, not in the
streets. But there is no personal space, you always have to report everything
you are doing. Even if I am going out for a walk, I have to say with who … I am
not a child anymore.
 13

Discussion and Conclusions

The article discussed transitional housing as a socially sustainable intervention

for care leavers in Zimbabwe. The study makes a useful contribution to the lit-
erature on aftercare service provisions for care leavers, which is scarce.
Another contribution is the use of social sustainability as a conceptual lens
which has not been well applied in social work. Transitional housing was found
to positively impact care leavers. While there were some negative experien-
ces, most responses were positive, suggesting that continued housing support
beyond 18 years is beneficial for care leavers.
With regards to the conceptual framework, social capital was found to be
most relevant. The provision of transitional housing increased care leavers’
social capital through continuity of care and a family environment beyond
18 years, whereas if they had been discharged to fend for themselves, they
would have lacked in this regard. Studies have linked social capital with care
leavers’ outcomes (see e.g., Arnau-Sabate s and Gilligan 2015; Atwool 2016;
Glynn 2021; van Breda 2020). With regards to engaged governance, in particu-
lar, the involvement of youths in decision-making was not clearly supported by
the findings. Youths reported being made into adults too early which may
mean that they did not feel ready or capable to be responsible for themselves.
This does not imply that they refused consultation on decisions about their
lives. The other two aspects: social infrastructure, and social justice and
equity did not emerge from the perspective of care leavers. The paper argues
the provision of transitional housing can promote care leavers’ access to social
infrastructure and social justice and equity. In Zimbabwe, transitional services
are lacking, with only a few child welfare institutions offering accommodation
and extended services for youths aged 18 and above. Limited studies compare
care leavers receiving transitional services and those who do not. This study,
therefore, provides some knowledge supporting the need for transitional serv-
ices for care leavers.
Previous literature has shown evidence of abrupt and unsupported transi-
tions from care (see e.g. Cleminson, Naoshima and Kumagai 2017; Gwenzi
2018). Stein (2008) argues for more gradual transitions for care leavers. The
provision of continued care after 18 was found to benefit care leavers who
noted the continuity of relationships, community connections and a sense of
belonging as positive. Care leavers also reported the role of discipline and
structure, although some felt they were getting too much independence as
adults, and they would prefer more time to adjust. This highlights the import-
ance of gradual transitions which allow youths to adjust and prepare for life
aftercare. Youths in transitional housing also reported being able to continue
accessing education, including formal education and life-skills. Care leavers
experience negative educational outcomes due to education disruptions
caused by their life circumstances (Harrison 2020). The present study illus-
trates that providing more years in transitional accommodation allows them to
14 DADIRAI GWENZI

complete their education as well as learn skills for independent living. Similar
positive findings were found in South Africa through the South African Youth
Education for Sustainability (SA-YES) programme which pairs youths with men-
tors in the community; youths were mentored to remain in school and some
went on to college or university (Van Breda and Dickens 2016). Such transi-
tional support promotes youth agency and resilience during the transition (Van
Breda 2016). In this study, care leavers’ agency and resilience was not exam-
ined. Instead, the study found that youths struggled to access jobs even with
support from the transitional youth facility, because of high rates of
unemployment in the country.
Although transitional housing was largely positive for care leavers, it
remains temporary and unless resources for independent living are provided,
care leavers continue to experience fear and stress. In this study, youths
reported that after 18 they would stay in the transitional home for another
year to complete their formal education and seek employment Beyond that,
there was not much support provided for them. A study in Ghana (Frimpong-
Manso 2018) documented that care leavers receive housing support through
rental subsidies which avoided homelessness for at least a year. However, after
the first year, care leavers who could not support themselves got kicked out of
their apartments (Frimpong-Manso 2018).
Other negatives included lack of basic needs and being treated as adults too
early. The former can be explained by the economic context in Zimbabwe,
characterised by basic needs shortages. Residential care facilities are similarly
struggling. Mhongera and Lombard (2016) evaluated transition services at two
institutions in Zimbabwe and alluded to the prevailing socio-economic chal-
lenges further complicating youth transitions from care. They noted that insti-
tutions provided accommodation, but they still lacked basic needs such as
transport, clean water, and sanitation. There is room to improve the provision
of transitional services in Zimbabwe. Beyond providing accommodation, social
service practitioners should foster positive social relationships with care leav-
ers and ensure they maintain contact with the community. Care leavers can
form social networks which provide additional support and increases their
social capital. Relational resources act as protective factors promoting care
leavers’ resilience and social support adds meaning to individuals’ lives
(Krause 2007; Lambert et al. 2010). Female care leavers in transitional housing
expressed a lack of privacy that affected their personal relationships. A recent
report by Ogunshakin et al. (2021) noted that sufficient privacy as an essential
concern for care leavers in semi-independent accommodation in the United
Kingdom. This included personal space and staff respecting their need for priv-
acy. Due to the dearth of studies on transitional housing provision in sub-
Saharan Africa, there are no relevant examples in this context. The privacy
concerns of youths in transitional housing is therefore, an area for further
exploration.
 15

Conclusion and Study Implications

The article presented evidence supporting the provision of transitional housing

as a socially sustainable alternative for care leavers in transition. Care leavers
benefit from the continuity of relationships and connections with the commu-
nity, discipline and structure as opposed to discharging them into the streets.
Zimbabwe is currently formulating an aftercare policy and this paper recom-
mends the inclusion of transitional services as mandatory for all institutions.
The study has shown that transitional housing promotes the sustainable devel-
opment of youths in transition by enhancing their social capital. More research
is needed to provide a baseline for care leaver outcomes after transitional
support has been provided. There is a concerning lack of information about
current transitional services being provided in child welfare facilities in
Zimbabwe. Government can commission more research to support the need
for transitional support provision for care leavers. The study findings also have
implications for social policy and social work research on youth transitions
from child welfare institutions into adulthood.

Study Limitations

The study included a small sample of care leavers in transitional facilities.

The findings in this paper can, therefore, not be generalised to the whole
population of care leavers in Zimbabwe. However, the experiences of care
leavers in this study remain valid and have helped shed light on an undocu-
mented issue within social service provision.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.

ORCID

Getrude Dadirai Gwenzi http://orcid.org/0000-0002-3259-8882

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Getrude Dadirai Gwenzi, PhD, is a Lecturer in the Department of Social Work

at the University of Zimbabwe, South Africa. Correspondence to: Getrude
Dadirai Gwenzi, Department of Social Work, University of Zimbabwe, South
Africa. Email: gettygwenzi@yahoo.co.uk