Whiston & Keller 2004 (The Influences of The Family of Origin On Career Development)

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The Influences of the Family of Origin on Career Development: A Review and Analysis
Susan C. Whiston and Briana K. Keller
The Counseling Psychologist 2004 32: 493
DOI: 10.1177/0011000004265660
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10.1177/0011000004265660
THE
Whiston,
COUNSELING
MajorKeller
ARTICLE / INFLUENCES
PSYCHOLOGIST
Contribution OF THE/ July
FAMILY
2004
The Influences of the Family

of Origin on Career Development:
A Review and Analysis
Susan C. Whiston
Briana K. Keller
Indiana University
Based on a developmental contextual perspective advocated by Vondracek, Lerner, and

Schulenberg, this article provides a comprehensive review of the research published
since 1980 related to family of origin influences on career development and occupational
choice. Because individuals are most likely to seek assistance with career decisions from
family members, it is important that counseling psychologists understand how families
can have a positive influence and facilitate career development. Influential family con-
textual factors are identified within four developmental levels (i.e., children, adolescents,
college students/young adults, and adults). Across the lifespan, both family structure
variables (e.g., parents’ occupations) and family process variables (e.g., warmth, sup-
port, attachment, autonomy) were found to influence a host of career constructs; how-
ever, the process by which families influence career development is complex and is
affected by many contextual factors such as race, gender, and age. Based on this
comprehensive review, implications for counseling research and practice are discussed.
Within psychology, the study of career counseling and vocational devel-

opment is intimately tied to the unique identity of counseling psychology
(Gelso & Fretz, 1992; Swanson, 1995). All of the prominent theories within
the area of career or vocational development address, to some extent, the in-
fluence of proximal or contextual factors on career development (D. Brown,
2002; Osipow & Fitzgerald, 1996). Vondracek, Lerner, and Schulenberg
(1986) argued that career and vocational development are best understood
from a relational perspective that focuses on the developing individual in a
changing context. They maintained that since both the individual and the
context are constantly changing, career development can best be viewed
using a dynamic interactional perspective or a developmental contextual
approach. From a developmental contextual perspective, the context does not
simply produce alterations in development but is influenced by the organ-
ism’s (or individual’s) characteristics. Hence, vocational development is an
interactive process where the individual both influences and is influenced by
the social, cultural, and physical features of his or her environment. Further-
more, Vondracek et al. argued that in terms of the proximal or contextual
THE COUNSELING PSYCHOLOGIST, Vol. 32 No. 4, July 2004 493-568
DOI: 10.1177/0011000004265660
© 2004 by the Society of Counseling Psychology.
493

494 THE COUNSELING PSYCHOLOGIST / July 2004
influences on vocational development, determining the influence of the fam-

ily seems critical to understanding the complexities of vocational develop-
ment. As Vondracek et al. indicated, “perhaps the most important way in
which roles and role expectations link the family microsystem and children’s
career development entails the roles children learn in the context of the
family setting” (p. 53).
Other theorists have also speculated about the influence of the family of
origin on individuals’ career development. For example, in the 1950s, Roe
(1956) theorized that parental styles had a significant influence on individu-
als’ career direction. Although research findings have not supported Roe’s
theory related to the effects of parenting styles on occupational direction
(Osipow & Fitzgerald, 1996; Trice, Hughes, Odom, Woods, & McClellan,
1995), theoretical speculation on the family’s influence on career develop-
ment has continued. Recent theoretical perspectives have evolved from fam-
ily systems theory, which proposes that the family operates as a system or
unit, where patterns of interactions evolve and relational aspects of the sys-
tem have a significant influence on individuals’ behavior (Carr, 2000).
Bratcher (1982) was one of the first to assert that career decision making and
selection need to be understood within a systemic perspective. Bratcher theo-
rized that the family establishes certain patterns and principles that attempt to
keep a sense of homeostasis within the family and thus these rules and pat-
terns influence behavior, including career decision-making behavior. This
notion was further extended by Zingaro (1983), who theorized that clients
may have difficulty making career decisions because of a low level of differ-
entiation from the nuclear family and that these clients may not be able to dif-
ferentiate their own career expectations from their parents’ expectations. In
this same vein, Lopez and Andrews (1987) proposed that certain family
interactions facilitate effective career decision making, whereas other family
interactions contribute to career indecision.
Hargrove, Creagh, and Burgess (2002) argued that despite these widely
held theoretical assumptions, the extent to which family contextual variables
are related to the career development process has yet to be thoroughly ana-
lyzed. Their position is shared by a number of researchers who have recently
called for further exploration of the interface between work and relationships
(e.g., Blustein, 2001; Flum, 2001a). For many individuals, relationships with
family members are some of the most potent and significant relational expe-
riences in their lives. Although there are many definitions of family, and the
term has biological, sociological, and psychological connotations, we have
chosen to focus this review on the influence of the family of origin. Typically,
the family of origin refers to one’s natural family or the family into which one
is born or adopted (Nichols, 2003; Sauber, L’Abate, Weeks, & Buchanan,
1993). Given cultural differences and the influences of extended family, we

Whiston, Keller / INFLUENCES OF THE FAMILY 495
have used a broader definition that defines family of origin as the family in
which one spent his or her formative years or the family in which one was
raised. Hence, our definition includes stepparents, grandparents, foster par-
ents, uncles, aunts, and others who have played an active role in the
individual’s development.
Given the rapid changes in society regarding occupations and technolo-
gies, Vondracek (2001) suggested there is a compelling need for knowledge
about vocational development and that counseling and vocational psycholo-
gists are in the unique position of being able to speak authoritatively on all
substantive questions regarding the vocational development of children, ado-
lescents, and adults. Many counseling psychologists, however, may lack
knowledge about the specific ways in which the family influences career
development because although there is voluminous research related to family
influences on career development, little has been done to coalesce these find-
ings or provide an empirically based analysis of familial influences on voca-
tional development. Another reason for a current comprehensive review of
the influence of the family on career development is that the last review was
published in 1984. Schulenberg, Vondracek, and Crouter (1984) examined
how families influence vocational development, with a focus on the family
variables (e.g., demographic variables of the family, family configurations,
and process-oriented features of the family) that have been shown to influ-
ence different aspects of vocational development. Although the Schulenberg
et al. review is often cited as providing insight into the influences of family on
career development (Blustein, Prezioso, & Schultheiss, 1995; Ryan, Solberg,
& Brown, 1996), their review included research conducted at least 20 years
ago. Given the sociocultural changes in the past 2 decades that, in all likeli-
hood, have influenced both family contexts and career development, a cur-
rent review of this research seems particularly warranted. We would further
argue that without analyzing more current research, counseling psycholo-
gists cannot speak authoritatively on one of the more, if not the most,
significant contextual factors influencing individuals’ career development—
that is, the influence of the family.
The purpose of this review is to examine the interface between family of
origin and career development. Throughout the article, unless otherwise
noted, the term family refers to the family of origin. Using Vondracek et al.’s
(1986) developmental contextualism as the basis for our review, we have
summarized the findings from 77 studies related to family of origin influ-
ences on vocational development. Furthermore, our review includes studies
from 29 different journals, representing a wide diversity of disciplines, such
as counseling psychology, vocational psychology, education, family therapy,
and human development.

SCOPE AND LIMITS OF REVIEW
This review was initiated using a developmental contextual lens to view

the influences of family on career development. To be included, a research
study had to be published between 1980 and 2002 and involve the examina-
tion of a family-of-origin factor and a career-related construct. Both family
and career variables were defined broadly; our definition of family of origin
involved any features related to parents, siblings, grandparents, or aunts and
uncles. If, however, the research addressed adults’ current families (i.e.,
spouse and children) and their relationship to work adjustment, the study was
eliminated. In examining family of origin context variables, we included
both structural features (e.g., number of children, education level of parents,
occupational status of parents, family socioeconomic status) and family pro-
cess features (e.g., family interactions, relational factors, parental
expectations).
Concerning career or vocational constructs, our definition was, once
again, broad and was modeled after the definition used by Schulenberg et al.
(1984) that included factors related to the worker role that one engages in
throughout one’s lifetime. Classifying the studies according to the career
constructs was difficult because of the multiplicity of concepts, researchers’
lack of consensus on definitions, and, occasionally, insufficient clarity within
a study. Therefore, we endeavored to label and define the constructs exam-
ined in the studies in a manner consistent with the researchers’ intentions, but
we assisted in the coalescing of findings from multiple studies across disci-
plines. Studies of family influences on educational variables, such as educa-
tional aspirations, grade point averages, educational attainment, and college
student adjustment, were not included. Although educational factors are
closely intertwined with career development and opportunities, these studies
were excluded because of space limitations and to focus comprehensively on
career factors. Furthermore, the influence of family factors on educational
outcomes has been summarized in other empirical reviews (e.g., Goodnow,
1995; Lam, 1997). We chose the publication parameters of 1980 to 2002 so
as not to duplicate Schulenberg et al.’s (1984) earlier review. We set the
beginning date of 1980 because the previous review included few studies
published in the 1980s, and we identified some pertinent studies published
between 1980 and 1984 that were not included in the Schulenberg et al.
review; however, we eliminated any study that was included in their review.
Consistent with the recommendations of Ellis (1991), we used a multi-
pronged approach to identifying pertinent published research studies. As a
starting point, abstracts from the databases of PsycINFO and ERIC were
accessed using several family-related terms (e.g., family, parents) and num-
erous vocational-related terms (e.g., career, vocation, occupation, job, work).

We then examined these abstracts to determine if the articles were empirical

research studies that investigated family of origin influences on any career-
related construct. The second strategy for identifying pertinent studies was to
examine reviews of career research, such as the annual or biennial reviews of
research in the Journal of Career Assessment, Journal of Vocational Behav-
ior, and The Career Development Quarterly. The third strategy was to review
the references of the identified articles to determine if all pertinent studies
were in our database.
In a critical review of research, it is necessary to evaluate the quality of the
research design and methodology (Cooper, 1998; Ellis, 1991). Consistent
with Cooper’s suggestions for research synthesis, we have included evalua-
tion of the quality of the study in our analyses. Using both Cooper (1998) and
Heppner, Kivlighan, and Wampold (1999), each author independently evalu-
ated the quality of each study according to the following criteria: (a) size of
the sample as it relates to study methodology, (b) representativeness of the
sample, (c) psychometric qualities of the career measures, (d) psychometric
qualities of the family measures, and (e) the appropriateness of the statistical
analyses. The evaluation of each study was conducted holistically, with each
author ranking all studies within a topic area in terms of the quality of the
research. When there were differences in rank, we reached consensus on rank
so the review focuses on methodologically sound studies. In evaluating each
study, the methodology was considered. For example, concerning sample
size, two quantitative studies were eliminated because they had samples of
less than 40, but a number of qualitative studies with sample sizes of less than
25 were retained because of the depth of interviews conducted and the sys-
tematic nature of the data analyses. Related to representativeness of the sam-
ple, we eliminated 2 studies because the samples were small and had no racial
diversity, and another study was eliminated because the sample was restric-
tive (e.g., master’s-level counseling students). Furthermore, the psycho-
metric qualities of both the career and the family measures were evaluated.
As reflected in Tables 1 through 4, some of the measures were author con-
structed, and for certain variables (e.g., parental occupational area), we often
had to rely on nonstandardized measures. Four studies, however, were elimi-
nated because the researchers provided little or no information related to the
validity of the measures used. In addition, 2 studies were eliminated because
there was no systematic analysis of the data, such as claiming significant dif-
ferences without statistical analysis or providing limited documentation that
systematic data analysis procedures were undertaken in a qualitative study. In
all, 11 studies were eliminated because of restricted samples, measures with
poor or insufficient information on psychometric qualities, or inappropriate
statistical analyses.

To encapsulate the research into a meaningful overview of family influ-

ences, we have organized the results into the following four developmental
levels: children, adolescents, college students/young adults, and older adults.
The organization reflects the authors’ view that age should be considered
when trying to understand any developmental phenomenon, such as family-
of-origin influences on career development; however, this organizational
structure is not intended to reflect a simplistic lifestage model of career devel-
opment. Organizing this review by chronological age recognizes that the
same parental behaviors may have a very different career outcome with a
second-grade student as compared with a high school senior. B. Carter and
McGoldrick (1999) provided compiling evidence that the life stage of the
family must also be considered when examining family dynamics. While
children’s ages and the stage of the family are important factors when consid-
ering family influences on career development, Schultheiss, Kress, Manzi,
and Glasscock (2001) argued that researchers must attend to additional fac-
tors such as culture, gender, and socioeconomic background to identify the
role relationships play as careers unfold. Throughout our discussion, contex-
tually significant variables such as gender, race, nationality, and socioeco-
nomic level are addressed when such information was included in the studies
(see Tables 1 through 4).
There were some difficulties, however, in attempting to analyze the influ-
ence of race on the association between family and career variables. As
Fouad and Brown (2000) indicated, there is lack of agreement within psy-
chology on a definition of race, but a consensus that merely labeling individ-
uals based on racial group membership (e.g., Asians, Blacks, Hispanics,
Native Americans, or Whites) is simplistic. Frequently, race is a socio-
political designation that is assigned based on perceived skin color, physical
features, and, in some cases, language (R. T. Carter, 2000). Although some
have advocated the use of other terms, such as ethnicity or culture, adopting
these terms has done little to operationally define ethnic groups or provide
conceptual clarity in analyzing the ubiquitous influences of culture (Beutler,
Brown, Crothers, Booker, & Seabrook, 1996). Within the career literature,
particularly among quantitative studies, it is often difficult to tease out the
influence of race because many researchers simply list the racial makeup of
the sample and do not address issues of racial identity or the saliency of race
for the participants. Given the limitations of brief demographic descriptors of
race and the shortcomings of categorical labels, we have attempted to address
issues of racial influence by relying on the information provided in the stud-
ies, which often only consisted of the percentage of the sample from different
racial groups.
(text continues on page 516)

TABLE 1: Studies Conducted With Children
Career
Construct Authors Year N Age Gender Race/Ethnicity Career Measures Family Measures
Interests Barak, Feldman, 1991 113 Preschool Both Not reported Traditionality of Children’s Attitudes toward Women
& Noy Interest (created) Scale (parents),
Traditionality of parents’
occupations
Occupational Trice, McClellan, 1992 576 Kindergarten, Both Not reported Self-report of occupational Self-report of individuals
aspirations & Hughes 2nd, 4th, and choices making occupational
and 6th graders suggestions
expectations Trice, Hughes, 1995 949 Kindergarten, Both 63% Caucasian, Interviews Interviews
Odom, Woods, 2nd, 4th, and 25% African
& McClellan 6th graders American,
8% Hispanic,
3% Asian
American
Trice & Knapp 1992 97 5th graders Both Not reported Self-report of career Parents’ occupation
aspirations
Helwig 1998 208 2nd graders Both 86% Caucasian, Structured interviews Parents’ occupations and
(160, (again in 14% minority education
130) 4th and
6th grade)
Marjoribanks 1984 1,000 11 (again Both Australian Survey questions Survey related to
(470) at 16) parental aspirations,

Instrumental and
affective orientation
499
(continued)
500
TABLE 1: (continued)
Career
Birk & Brimline 1984 323 Kindergarten, Both 48% ethnic Child questionnaire Parent questionnaire
(and 382 3rd, and minority
parents) 5th graders (parents)
Lavine 1982 158 7 to 11 Both Not reported Interview on job preferences Interview on parental
power and job
characteristics
Selkow 1984 142 Kindergarten Both Not reported Vocational Orientation Scale Maternal employment
and 1st graders (created) status and occupation
Career Peterson, 1986 390 5th and 6th Both 70% Caucasian, Questionnaire Checklist
decisions Stivers, & graders (again 29% African
Peters at 17 and 21) American

TABLE 2: Studies Conducted With Adolescents
Career
Career Young, Friesen, 1988 207 Parents of 10- Both Predominately Structured critical incident Structured critical
a
development & Pearson to 18-year-olds middle class interview procedure incident interview
procedure
Young & 1992 207 Parents of 10- to Both Predominately Structured critical incident Structured critical
a
Friesen 18-year-olds middle class interview procedure incident interview
procedure
Young et al. 2001 20 Adolescent- Both 70% Euro- Participation in individualized Monitoring of partici-
parent dyads Canadian, career development project pation in individualized
30% Chinese career development
Canadian program
Trusty, Watts, 1997 11,273 12th graders Both Not reported Eight questions from NELS NELS Parent
& Erdman and a parent Questionnaire
Palmer & 1988 40 10th and Both Not reported Career Development Family Adaptability &
Cochran 11th graders Inventory Cohesion Evaluation
Scale
Career Rosenthal & 1981 555 7th to 9th Both Not reported Vocational Development Maternal employment
maturity Hansen graders Inventory
Dillard & 1981 194 9th to 12th Both 54% African Attitude scale of Career Survey of Work Values
Campbell graders American, Maturity Inventory
29% Anglo,
16% Puerto
Rican
(continued)

501
502
TABLE 2 (continued)
Career
Vocational Kracke 1997 236 M = 15.2 Both German students Six-item scale Steinberg’s measure of
exploration parenting style (five-item
scale)
Vocational Penick & 1992 215 11th graders Both Not reported Vocational Identity Scale Family Functioning
identity Jepsen Scales
Interests Mullis, Mullis, 1998 271 High school Both Predominately Strong Campbell Interest Current occupations of
& Gerwels freshmen Caucasian Inventory parents
S. Turner & 2002 139 Middle school Both 60% Caucasian, Mapping Vocational Perceived parental
Lapan students 15% African Challenges (occupational support questions from
American, interests) Mapping Vocational
9% Asian Challenges
American,
2% Hispanic,
1% Native
American,
13% Other
Lapan, 1999 126 10th to 12th Both 98% Caucasian Mapping Vocational Selecting occupations
Hinkelman, graders Challenges (occupational parents would not
Adams, & interests) support
Turner
Values Lapan et al. 1999 126 10th to 12th Both 98% Caucasian Mapping Vocational Selecting occupations
graders Challenges (values) parents would not
support

Mannheim & 1993 93 11th graders Both Israeli students Measure of work values Adolescent questionnaire
Seger (and 93 and their (created) and interviews of
mothers) mothers mothers
Occupational Rosenthal & 1981 555 7th to 9th Both Not reported Occupational Aspirations Maternal employment
aspirations Hansen graders Scale
and Wall, Covell, 1999 260 15 to 18 Both Canadian (100% Measure of aspiration and Social Support
expectations & MacIntyre (M = 15.37) Caucasian) expectation (created)
Limited Access to Appraisals Scale
Opportunity Scale
Marjoribanks 1987 516 16 (surveyed Both Australian Questions related to Family social class
before at educational and occupational survey of parents’
age 11) aspirations aspirations, encourage-
ment, and interests
Paa & 2000 464 High school Both 88% Caucasian, See family measures on Perceived influences on
McWhirter students 3% Latino, career expectations current career expecta-
3% Asian, tion (created)
2% African Type of influences
American, on current career
2% other expectations (created)
Poole, Langan- 1991 3,000 18 (again at 21 Both Predominately Career Orientation Scale Inventory of Parent &
Fox, Ciavarella, and 27) Caucasian Peer Attachment,
& Omodei Psychological
Separation Inventory
Dillard & 1981 194 9th to 12th Both 54% African Self-report Self-report on parental
Campbell graders American, aspirations
29% Anglo, Survey of Work Values
16% Puerto
Rican

(continued)
503
504
Career
Marjoribanks 1984 470 16 (surveyed Both Australian Survey questions Survey of parents’
before at students aspirations, encourage-
age 11) ment, and interest
Galambos & 1987 112 11 to 17 Both German students Four questions from Berlin Parents’ income loss
Silbereisen (M = 13.65) Youth Longitudinal Study four parent questions
on parents’ pessimism
Career O’Brien & 1993 409 High school Female 81% Caucasian, Career Aspiration Scale, Inventory of Parent &
orientation Fassinger seniors 12% African Career Salience Scale Peer Attachment
American, 4% Relative importance of Two scales from Psycho-
Latina, 2% career/family logical Separation
Asian American, Inventory
1% Native
American
O’Brien 1996 282 High school Female 81% Caucasian, Career Aspiration Scale Inventory of Parent &
seniors 11% African Peer Attachment
American, 5% Psychological
Latina, 1% Asian Separation Inventory
American, 1%
Native American
Rainey & 1997 276 7th and 8th Female 96% Caucasian, Occupational Check List, Inventory of Parent &
Borders graders and 3% African Career Aspiration Scale Peer Attachment

their mothers American, Psychological Separa-
1% other tion Inventory
O’Brien, 2000 207 High school Female 88% Caucasian, Career Aspiration Scale, Inventory of Parent &
Friedman, seniors 6% African Career Confidence Scale Peer Attachment,
Tipton, & Linn (again 5 years American, 2% Psychological Separation
later) Asian American, Inventory
3% Latino
Decision Kotrlik & 1989 3,858 High school Both 61% Caucasian, Author-created measure on Checklist of family
making Harrison seniors 35% African factors important in members
American selecting a career
Penick & Jepsen 1992 215 11th graders Both Not reported Assessment of career Family Functioning
development Scales
O’Brien 1996 282 High school Female 81% Caucasian, Career Confidence Scale Inventory of Parent &
seniors 11% African Peer Attachment,
American, Psychological Separation
5% Latina, Inventory
1% Asian
American,
1% Native
American
Kush & 1993 64 High school Both Canadian Career Decision Scale, Career Partners Program
Cochran seniors and Self-Efficacy Scale participation
parents
Preliminary O’Brien & 1993 409 High school Female 81% Caucasian, Career choice (measures of Inventory of Parent &
occupational Fassinger seniors 12% African congruence, realism, prestige, Peer Attachment
choice American, and traditionality) Psychological Separation
2% Asian American,
1% Native American
(continued)

505
506
Career
O’Brien 1996 282 High school Female 81% Caucasian, Measure of congruence with Inventory of Parent &
seniors 11% African abilities and interest Peer Attachment,
1% Asian
American,
1% Native
American
Morningstar 1997 71 14 to 21 Both 72% Caucasian, Focus groups Focus groups
18% African
American,
8% Hispanic,
1% Asian
Silbereisen, 1997 1,674 13 to 19 German students Interview regarding age of Relocation yes/no,
Vondracek, (M = 16.01) initial choice severity of relocation,
& Berg Thirteen questions about
parental support
behaviors
Later occu- Bell, Allen, 1996 77 14 (again at Both 100% Caucasian Interviews Observations of families
pational Hauser, & 25) (attachment & related-
choice O’Connor ness coding system)
Poole et al. 1991 3,000 18 (again at Both Predominately Professional attainment Parental expectations
21 and 27) Caucasian

Owens 1992 943 10th to 12th Male 100% Caucasian Post–high school group Questions from Youth in
graders (again (work, military, or college) Transition study
5 years later)
NOTE: NELS = National Education Longitudinal Study.

a. This category is more of an indication of socioeconomic status than of race/ethnicity.

507
TABLE 3: Studies Conducted With College Students and Young Adults
Career
Career Young, Friesen, 1991 156 18 to 25 Both Not reported Not applicable Q-sorts (values of career
develop- & Dillabough (and 123 development activities
ment parents) from children and
parents)
Young, Friesen, 1994 50 18 to 25 Both Not reported Interviews Interviews
& Borycki
Sankey & Young 1996 11 Undergraduates Both Canadian Extended Objective Measure Semistructured
of Ego-Identity Status–2 interviews
Fisher & Griggs 1995 20 Undergraduates Both 55% African Semistructured interviews Semistructured
American, interviews
45% Latino
Fisher & 1999 20 Undergraduates Both 55% African Semistructured interviews Semistructured
Padmawidjaja American, interviews
45% Latino
Schultheiss, 2002 13 College students Both 62% Caucasian, Semistructured interviews Interviews
Palma, 38% African
Predragovich, American
& Glasscock
Kenny 1990 159 College seniors Both 90% Caucasian Career Development Inventory Parental Attachment
Questionnaire (created)
Graef, Wells, 1985 200 Undergraduates Both Not reported Career Development Inventory Biographical (life
Hyland, & history) Questionnaire
Muchinsky

508
Vocational Felsman & 1999 147 Undergraduates Both 62% Caucasian, Career Exploration Survey Inventory of Parent &
exploration Blustein (M = 18.61) 12% African Peer Attachment
American,
12% Hispanic,
6% Asian,
6% Other
Ketterson 1997 137 Undergraduates Both 78% Caucasian, Career Exploration Survey Inventory of Parent &
& Blustein (M = 19.6) 7% Latino, Peer Attachment
6% African
American, 4%
Asian American,
1% Native
American,
4% Other
Ryan, Solberg, 1996 220 Community Both 88% Caucasian, Career Search Self-Efficacy Inventory of Parent &
& Brown college 5% Latino, 5% Scale Peer Attachment
students Asian, 1% Family Structure Survey
(M = 22.98) African American,
0.5% other
Schultheiss, 2001 14 Undergraduate Both 50% Caucasian, Semistructured interviews Qualitative interviews
Kress, Manzi, and graduate 36% African
& Glasscock students American, 7%
(M = 26.50) Asian, 7%
Middle Eastern
Vocational Hargrove, Creagh, 2002 210 Undergraduates Both 54% Caucasian, Vocational Identity Scale Family Environment
identity & Burgess (M = 20) 23% African Scale–Form R
American, 6%
Latino American,
6% Asian

American,
4% other
(continued)
509
510
TABLE 3 (continued)
Career
P. Johnson, 1999 230 College students Both 84% Caucasian, My Vocational Situation Family Environment
Buboltz, & (M = 23.15) 2% African Scale–3 subscales
Nichols American, 3%
Latino, 3% Asian
American,
7% other
Hartung, Lewis, 2002 172 Undergraduates Both Predominately Vocational Identity Scale Family Adaptability &
May, & Niles Caucasian Salience Inventory Cohesion Scale–III
Lopez 1989 299 Undergraduates Both Not reported Vocational Identity Scale Psychological Separation
(M = 20) Inventory, Marital
Conflict (created)
Graef et al. 1985 200 Undergraduates Both Not reported My Vocational Situation Biographical (life
history) Questionnaire
Lucas 1997 247 Undergraduates Both 47% Caucasian, Extended Objective Measure Psychological Separation
(M = 20.26) 26% African of Ego Identity Status– Inventory
American, 19% Moratorium
Asian, 5%
Hispanic,
2% other
Career- Hall, Kelly, 1996 99 Undergraduates Both Not reported Self-Directed Search (SDS)– Parents’ completing SDS
related Hansen, & (and 48 (M = 20.6) Competencies & Self- as applied to child
abilities Gutwein parents) Estimate Scales

Career O’Brien, 2000 207 M = 22.22 Female 88% Caucasian, Career Aspiration Scale Inventory of Parent &
orientation, Friedman, 6% African Peer Attachment,
aspirations, Tipton, & American, 2% Psychological Separation
and Linn Asian American, Inventory
expectations 3% Latino
Hackett, 1989 107 College seniors Female 87% Caucasian, Career Salience Scale Role Model Influence
Esposito, & (M = 25) 5% Latino, 5% Scale
O’Halloran Native American
Hoffman, 1992 260 Business Both Not reported Questions related to reasonable Questions related to
Goldsmith, students hours to work and expected parents’ current salary
& Hofacker (M = 23.8) salary and work hours
Decision Larson & 1998 1,006 College students Both Not reported Career Decision Diagnostic Personal Authority in
making Wilson (M = 19) Assessment Family System
Questionnaire
O’Neil et al. 1980 1,436 Undergraduate Both Not reported Career Factor Checklist Career Factor Checklist–
and graduate Parental scale
students (some
high school)
Blustein, 1991 101 Undergraduates Both Not reported Career Decision-Making Inventory of Parent &
Walbridge, and 178 (M = 21.07; Self-Efficacy Scale, Career Peer Attachment,
Friedlander, M = 18.30) Decision Scale, Tendency to Psychological Separation
& Palladino Foreclose Scale, Vocational Inventory
Exploration & Commitment
Scale
Scott & Church 2001 287 Undergraduates Both Not reported Commitment to Career Choices Psychological Separation
(M = 20.5) Scale, Tendency to Foreclose Inventory, Parental
Scale, six-item career decided- Attachment Question-
ness scale, seven items on naire, Multigenerational
financial press Interconnectedness

Scale
(continued)
511
512
TABLE 3 (continued)
Career
Felsman & 1999 147 Undergraduates Both 62% Caucasian, Vocational Exploration & Inventory of Parent &
Blustein (M = 18.62) 12% African Commitment Scale Peer Attachment,
American, 12% Measures of Psychosocial
Hispanic, 6% Development
Asian, 6% other
Graef, Wells, 1985 200 Undergraduates Both Not reported Career Decision Scale Biographical (life
Hyland, & history) Questionnaire
Muchinsky
Kinnier, 1990 604 Undergraduate Both 89% Caucasian Career Decision Scale Personal Authority in
Brigman, & and graduate Family System
Noble students Questionnaire
Whiston 1996 214 Undergraduates Both 79% Caucasian, Career Decision Scale Family Environment
(M = 20.10) 6% Asian, 4% Career Decision-Making Scale–Form R
African Self-Efficacy Scale
American,
3% Hispanic
O’Brien et al. 2000 207 M = 22.22 Female 88% Caucasian, Career Decision-Making Inventory of Parent &
6% African Self-Efficacy Scale Peer Attachment,
2% Asian Inventory
American,
3% Latino
Lucas 1997 247 Undergraduates Both 47% Caucasian, Career Decision-Making Psychological Separation

(M = 20.26) 26% African Self-Efficacy Scale Inventory
American,
19% Asian,
5% Hispanic,
2% other
Hargrove et al. 2002 210 Undergraduates Both 54% Caucasian, Career Decision-Making Self- Family Environment
(M = 20) 3% African Efficacy Scale Scale–Form R
American, 6%
Latino American,
6% Asian
American,
4% other
Tang, Fouad, & 1999 187 College students Both 100% Asian Confidence Inventory Measure of family
Smith (M = 22.6) Americans involvement
Family socioeconomic
status
Occupational Hackett et al. 1989 107 College seniors Female 87% Caucasian, Traditionality of career choice Role Model Influence
selection (M = 25) 5% Latino, Scale
5% Native
American
Houser & 1983 470 Vocational Female 73% Caucasian, Enrollment status in traditional Questionnaire on family
Garvey training students 12% Hispanic, versus nontraditional support and background
(M = 20) 4% African programs (created)
American, 2%
Asian, 10% other
Weishaar, Green, 1981 787 College Both Not reported Educational Planning Survey Educational Planning
& Craighead freshmen and college major Survey and interview
Zuckerman 1981 763 Technical and Both 100% Caucasian Categorization of traditionality Questions on family
university of career choice background
students One question regarding
(M = 21) career commitment
(continued)

513
514
TABLE 3 (continued)
Career
Steele & Barling 1996 152 Undergraduates Female Not reported Traditionality of career plans Sex-Role Ideology Scale
(& 288 (M = 18.7) (both student and
parents) parent), parental role
satisfaction, eight items on
identification with
parents
Tang et al. 1999 187 College students Both 100% Asian Prestige index, representation Measure of family
(M = 22.6) Americans index involvement, family
socioeconomic status

TABLE 4: Studies Conducted With Adults
Career
Career Gomez et al. 2001 20 34 to 60 Female 100% Latina Semistructured interviews Semistructured
development interviews
Juntunen et al. 2001 18 21 to 59 Both 100% Native Semistructured interviews Semistructured
American interviews
Pearson & 2001 14 M = 40 Female 100% African Semistructured interviews Semistructured
Bieschke American interviews
Chung, Baskin, 1999 6 25 to 57 Male 100% African Unstructured interviews Unstructured
& Case American interviews
Phillips, 2001 58 18 to 29 Both 62% Caucasian, Semistructured interviews Semistructured
Christopher-Sisk, (M = 22.2) 26% African interviews
& Gravino American, 5%
Hispanic, 2%
Native American,
2% other
Occupational Trice, 1991 620 M = 46.4 Both Not reported Interviews Interviews
choice R. C. Johnson et al. 1983 1,269 M = 45.99 Both 62% Caucasian, Items from Hawaii Family Items from Hawaii
38% Asian Study of Cognition Family Study of
American Cognition
Lunneborg 1982 142 College Female Not reported Nontraditional employment or Influence of Role Model
graduates graduate program Scale
Nontraditional career survey

515
COMMENT ON PREVIOUS RESEARCH
Before discussing research published after 1980, we believe it is valuable

to provide a foundation based on previous research. Because the Schulenberg
et al. (1984) article is the only existing review of the literature, their article
will serve as the template for this brief overview of the research published
before 1980. Because of space limitations, this section will briefly describe
noticeable themes and patterns among the findings from older studies, com-
ment on research gaps within the constructs studied, and compare the previ-
ous body of literature to the more current empirical trends.
In Schulenberg et al.’s (1984) review, studies were organized around the
following three themes: (a) location of family in the broader social context,
(b) structural features of the family context, and (c) process-oriented features
of the family. When considering the influence of the family within the
broader social context, Schulenberg et al. concluded that the socioeconomic
status of the family and the individual’s ethnicity exerted a significant influ-
ence on individuals’ vocational choices and level of occupational status. In
general, they concluded that individuals from lower socioeconomic levels
and from non-Caucasian backgrounds tended to enter lower paying, lower
status occupations. Our analysis of the research published before 1980 shows
that a number of studies focused on socioeconomic levels, particularly in
terms of the effects of socioeconomic status on children’s occupational
aspirations and expectations (e.g., Krippner, 1963; Mowsesian, Heath, &
Rothney, 1966; R. H. Turner; 1962). Blau and Duncan’s (1967) classic analy-
sis found that family socioeconomic status had a significant influence on
occupational status attainment; however, McClendon (1976) concluded that
family background characteristics had only a small direct influence on the
occupational status attainment of males and females in the workforce.
Although the past 20 years have seen a decline in the amount of research
related to the degree to which socioeconomic status interacts with family
variables and influences individuals’ career development, some studies pro-
vide further insights.
Schulenberg et al. (1984) also contended, based on the literature they
reviewed, that a family’s race has a significant influence on career or voca-
tional outcomes. In contrast to socioeconomic status, race continues to be a
contextual variable that is attended to in varying degrees in current research.
In our review, 20% of the studies included predominately Caucasian samples
(as defined by 85% or greater representation), 35% racially diverse samples,
and 13% international samples (i.e., Australian, Canadian, German, and
Israeli participants); however, in 32% of the studies, information was insuffi-
cient to determine racial makeup of the sample (see Tables 1 to 4). Hence, dis-

cerning the potential effect of racial variables on the association among fam-
ily factors and career development continues to be problematic.
In addition, Schulenberg et al. (1984) concluded that gender differences
must also be considered in analyzing the research in this area. Particularly in
the 1970s, a number of studies examined the effects of parental occupational
variables as they influenced women’s career development. Some researchers
(e.g., Almquist & Angrist, 1971; Siegel & Curtis, 1963) found that maternal
employment influenced the career orientation of women, whereas other stud-
ies (e.g., Baruch, 1972) found that not to be the case. Schulenberg et al.
(1984) concluded that if a daughter’s mother is employed outside the home,
there is greater possibility that the daughter will also work outside the home.
Gender influences, however, need to considered within other family context
variables; for example, Krippner (1963) found that the vocational aspirations
of female junior high students were associated with both parents’ occupa-
tional levels, whereas the vocational aspirations of male students were asso-
ciated with only the fathers’ occupational level. Furthermore, Sinclair,
Crouch, and Miller (1977) found that gender interacted with social class and
parental factors in determining choice of occupation; they found girls from
lower socioeconomic backgrounds tended to select occupations requiring
less education than girls from higher socioeconomic backgrounds.
Schulenberg et al. (1984) found that only a few family structure variables
(i.e., family configuration and single parenthood) influenced career con-
structs. In terms of family configuration, their findings indicated that most of
the studies focused on family size and birth order. They found that males
from larger families tended to have lower educational expectations, attained
less education, and subsequently achieved lower occupational status. Inter-
estingly, despite the significant findings regarding family size in the previous
literature, we identified very few studies that included the variable of family
size within the more recent empirical analyses. Schulenberg et al. also noted
that birth order had been a popular issue but concluded that methodological
deficiencies limited definitive conclusions. Once again, we found very few
studies published after 1980 that examined the influence of birth order on
career measures.
In terms of family process factors, the previous review (Schulenberg et al.,
1984) indicated that the father-child relationship influenced vocational
outcomes, but this influence was highly interdependent with fathers’ employ-
ment. Early research in this area often focused on the tendency of sons to pur-
sue an occupational area similar to their fathers’. Kohn (1969, 1977) con-
cluded that this occupational transmission may be related to differences in
the value orientation of working-class as compared to middle-class individu-
als and that fathers may reinforce those same values in their child-rearing

practices. More specifically, Kohn found that middle-class workers tended to

value self-direction, whereas lower-class workers tended to value conformity
and posited that these values would influence child-rearing practices (e.g.,
lower-class children being punished more often for lack of conformity).
Hence, the occupational transmission of entering a similar occupation was
shown to be more complex than simple exposure. Mortimer’s (1974, 1976)
research supported Kohn’s reasoning regarding occupational transmission,
and she found that college males had a strong tendency to select their fathers’
occupation. When students did not choose their fathers’ occupation, they
selected one with similar levels of autonomy, reward structure, and work
activities. Mortimer, however, found that the father-son relationship medi-
ated the degree of occupational transmission and that occupational transmis-
sion was highest when the sons reported a close father-son relationship.
Crites (1962) also found that males who identified primarily with their father
had different vocational interest patterns than males who identified with their
mother or with both parents. Additionally, intensity of males’ identification
with either or both of their parents directly influenced the traditionality of
their vocational interest patterns.
As compared with the studies on occupational transmission that mainly
focused on males, a substantial amount of research was conducted in the
1970s regarding possible associations between family process variables and
women’s career development. Much of this research focused on identifying
family characteristics of women who had entered nontraditional careers.
Overall, these descriptive studies suggested that women who pursued nontra-
ditional careers tended to perceive themselves as being similar to their father
(Tangri, 1972), felt supported by their mother (Standley & Soule, 1974), and
came from families that value educational and occupational pursuits
(Standley & Soule, 1974; Trigg & Perlman, 1976).
Schulenberg et al. (1984) contended that before 1980, except for the work
of Roe (1956), family-interaction-pattern influences on career development
had virtually been ignored. In contrast to the research published before 1980,
a substantial number of recent research studies have examined family
dynamics and provide increasing insights into the effects of family interac-
tion patterns on career constructs. In particular, recent research has examined
family interactions such as attachment, psychological separation, conflict,
and enmeshment.
In conclusion, the research conducted prior to 1980 suggested that certain
family variables influence career development; however, a review of more
current literature in this area is needed for several reasons. First, this body of
research is characterized by significant gaps regarding the populations,
career constructs, and family variables examined, and these gaps prevent

counseling psychologists from fully understanding the family’s influence on

the career development of individuals across the lifespan. Furthermore,
many of the older studies used simple statistical procedures such as means
and percentages to test their hypotheses, as compared with some newer and
more sophisticated statistical analyses (e.g., path analysis and hierarchical
linear modeling) that have the capacity to examine the interrelationship of
complex constructs. Finally, various aspects of the social milieu, such as the
world of work and the family institution, have changed over the past 20 years;
therefore, it is likely that families influence career development in fundamen-
tally different ways than they did 20 to 30 years ago.
CHILDREN
From a developmental contextual perspective, interactions between the

organism and the context begin at birth, and, therefore, career development
would also begin in the early stages of a child’s development. In human
development, there has been extensive study of parents’ role in facilitating
cognitive, social, and emotional development (Stright, Neitzel, Sears, &
Hoke-Sinex, 2001); surprisingly, however, relatively few studies have been
conducted on the influence of parents on children’s career development. In
examining research published since 1980, we identified only 10 studies that
investigated family influences on children’s career development and met our
inclusion requirements.
Vocational Interests
Vocational interests have been a cornerstone of career counseling since
the early 1900s and are thought to play a major role in children’s career devel-
opment (Betsworth & Fouad, 1997). Although there is still debate about
the etiology and development of vocational interests, for several decades
researchers have contended that vocational interests develop, in part, as a
result of interactions and identifications with significant others (H. D. Carter,
1940; Super, 1949). Several studies have suggested that genetic factors influ-
ence the development of vocational interests (Betsworth et al., 1994; Lykken,
Bouchard, McGue, & Tellegen, 1993; Moloney, Bouchard, & Segal, 1991).
In terms of our review, one study (Barak, Feldman, & Noy, 1991) examined
family influences on the traditionality of preschool children’s interests. Inter-
estingly, Barak et al. found that only the gender traditionality of a mother’s
occupation was related to the children’s vocational interests, in that children
had less stereotypical interests if their mothers were employed in nontradi-

tional careers. In contrast, Barak et al. found that other family variables, such
as parents’ attitudes toward women, parental employment status, and pater-
nal occupation, did not significantly affect the traditionality of boys’ or girls’
vocational interests.
Occupational Aspirations and Expectations

As individuals progress through the career development process, they
begin to consider different occupations and judge whether these occupations
are worthy of further exploration (Super et al., 1957). Occupational aspira-
tions are the occupations individuals would ideally like to pursue, whereas
occupational expectations are the occupations an individual believes he or
she will most likely enter. Children’s occupational choices are influenced by
their aspirations, and if aspirations are low, then the breadth of occupational
choices is often constricted. We identified eight studies that examined the
effect of family variables on the occupational aspirations and expectations of
children. Five of these studies examined the family’s general influence on
occupational plans, while the other three studies specifically examined the
family’s influence on the gender traditionality of children’s career plans.
The work of Trice and his associates has contributed to our understanding
of childhood family influences on occupational aspirations. Trice, McClellan,
and Hughes (1992) found that elementary school children are influenced by
direct suggestions related to occupational direction and that they are most
likely to cite their parents as making occupational suggestions to them.
Although children did cite grandparents and siblings as occasionally pro-
viding occupational suggestions, they predominately indicated their parents
had provided occupational possibilities. Using a large sample and a cross-
sectional design, Trice et al. (1995) examined the effect of parental occupa-
tions and family configurations on the career plans of elementary-aged chil-
dren. Based on brief interviews with children at various grade levels, they
found that children living in family situations other than two-parent homes
(e.g., in single-parent households, with extended family, in foster care) were
substantially more likely to express no occupational aspirations than were
children in two-parent homes. Both Trice et al. (1995) and Trice and Knapp
(1992) found that children’s early aspirations seemed to be more similar to
their mothers’ occupations than their fathers’. Identification with parents’
work, however, seemed to weaken somewhat by sixth grade. Trice and
Knapp also found gender differences, where the status of the mother’s and
father’s occupations had no effect on girls’occupational aspirations, but boys
were more likely to aspire to their mothers’ occupation if the mothers’ and
fathers’ occupations were of equal status or the mother’s job was of higher
status.

Another two studies were particularly noteworthy as the researchers

examined the family of origin’s influence on individuals’ occupational aspi-
rations and expectations longitudinally beginning in childhood. Helwig
(1998) examined the influence of parental expectations on the development
of occupational aspirations and expectations during elementary school.
Gathering information when the children were in second, fourth, and sixth
grade, he compared children’s report of their own occupational goals with
their perception of their parents’ occupational expectations for them.
Helwig’s results suggested that children early in elementary school tended to
aspire to occupations within the same occupational category (e.g., technical,
clerical, and service) as their parents’ expectations of them; however, as chil-
dren progressed through the elementary grades, they increasingly reported
their own aspirations rather than the aspirations their parents had for them.
Marjoribanks (1984) found that family circumstances and the family envi-
ronment of Australian children at age 11 were moderately related to career
aspirations at age 16. Although Marjoribanks found adolescents’perceptions
of current family environments were more highly related to their occupa-
tional aspirations than the children’s perceptions at age 11, family environ-
ments during childhood still seemed to influence later occupational aspira-
tions. Marjoribanks also found some ethnic differences among these
Australian families (i.e., Greek, Anglo-Australian, and Southern Italian),
where childhood family environment had more of an influence for Anglo-
Australian and Greek Australian students than for those whose families were
from Southern Italy.
In the past 20 years, there has been increasing interest in factors that influ-
ence individuals’ choice of gender-traditional versus nontraditional occupa-
tions (Betz & Fitzgerald, 1987), and this interest is reflected in the research
on family influences on the preliminary occupational choices of children. For
example, Birk and Brimline (1984) asked children enrolled in kindergarten,
thirrd grade, or fifth grade what they wanted to be when they grew up and
then asked the students’ parents to rank the five jobs they would most like
their child to enter. In this racially diverse sample, both children and their par-
ents selected social and realistic occupations most frequently than other
occupational areas. Although 24% of the mothers and 29% of the fathers pre-
ferred an investigative career for their child, only 10% of the children
selected investigative occupations. Furthermore, the researchers found that
mothers tended to rank themselves as having the most influence on their chil-
dren’s career exploration and fathers also ranked themselves as being most
influential. Birk and Brimline also found that parents who talked to their chil-
dren about their occupational goals had children who aspired toward more
gender-traditional occupations.

Two additional studies found that maternal variables may have an influ-
ence on children’s—particularly girls’—traditionality of occupational direc-
tion. Lavine (1982) asked children ages 7 to 11 years (a) what they wanted to
be when they grew up; (b) whether boys, girls, or both could have certain
jobs; and (c) which parent made the decisions in their homes. Although there
were no significant correlations for boys, the results suggested that girls who
viewed their mother as having significant power within the family per-
ceived more careers as being open to both men and women and aspired to less
feminine-stereotyped careers compared with girls who viewed their mother
as having little power. The influence of maternal variables was also sup-
ported by Selkow (1984), who assessed the occupational aspirations of kin-
dergarten and first-grade students and found two significant results. First,
boys and girls whose mothers were currently employed outside the home
chose a greater number of occupations and more masculine-oriented occupa-
tions than did children of unemployed mothers. Second, girls whose mothers
worked in less feminine fields tended to aspire to less feminine careers.
Career Assistance
In summarizing the research on resources individuals use related to career
development, Herr, Cramer, and Niles (2004) indicated most people seek
career advice from friends or relatives. In another longitudinal study with
children, Peterson, Stivers, and Peters (1986) examined from whom low-
income Caucasian and African American individuals sought assistance in
making career decisions. Their results suggested that the degree to which the
participants sought assistance from their families varied depending on the
developmental level of the individual. More specifically, individuals indi-
cated that their mothers and fathers were the biggest influence on their career
plans when they were in the fifth and sixth grades and then, once again, in
early adulthood. They did not, however, consider their parents as the major
influence in late adolescence and cited other influences during that period.
Although these researchers expected that the rural African American partici-
pants would frequently say that extended family members assisted them with
career issues, extended family members were rarely cited by African Ameri-
can or Caucasian participants.
Conclusions on Children
Given the degree to which young children are influenced by their family,
particularly their parents, it is surprising that so few studies examined family
influences on the career development of young children. Despite the relative
dearth of studies, counseling psychologists can draw some conclusions

regarding early family influences on career development. Most notably,

parental variables seem to have the most influence during the early elemen-
tary years, with the influence waning in the later elementary years. The initial
influence of parents includes both their occupations and their occupational
expectations for their children. There is also some indication that children
whose mothers are employed are likely to consider a greater number of occu-
pations, including nontraditional occupations, than children whose mothers
are not employed. Additionally, there is some evidence that children from
non-two-parent homes are more likely to have limited occupational aspira-
tions than children in two-parent homes.
The research regarding family influences on children’s career develop-
ment has some notable limitations; however, there are a few encouraging
trends. For example, several studies involved large samples. Five of the 10
studies had samples of more than 300 children, and three studies were longi-
tudinal and examined career development over a period of years. Neverthe-
less, there were also some notable limitations in this research, such as insuffi-
cient information on the sample and lack of diversity in participants (e.g.,
Helwig, 1998). As Table 1 reflects, the majority of studies did not include
sufficient information to report the racial makeup of the sample. There were
also problems associated with many of the measures, and we found little evi-
dence of consistently used measures in either the career or family realms. In
conclusion, given the number of career theories (e.g., Super’s lifespan career
development theory and social cognitive career theory) that suggest that
childhood lays the foundation for career attitudes, directions, and choices, it
is disappointing that so few researchers have examined family influences on
children’s career development when, theoretically, that influence may be
especially strong.
ADOLESCENTS
Compared with the literature regarding family influences on young chil-

dren, the research concerning family influences on adolescents’career devel-
opment is more substantial. For purposes of this review, adolescents are con-
sidered either students in middle or high school or individuals between the
ages of 13 and 21. We identified 28 studies of adolescents (compared with
only 10 regarding children). Furthermore, the literature for adolescents cov-
ers multiple career constructs, such as career development and maturity,
vocational exploration, vocational identity development, occupational aspi-
rations and expectations, career decision making, and preliminary occupa-
tional choices.

Career Development and Maturity
In counseling psychology, there is general consensus that career choice is

not a single event but a series of developmental steps and that adolescence is a
critical period in career development (Savickas, 2002). We found five studies
that addressed how the family influenced adolescents’ career development.
Using diverse methodologies, Young and others have provided some rich
descriptions of how family members—particularly parents—influence the
career development of their adolescent offspring.
In the initial study, Young, Friesen, and Pearson (1988), using a semi-
structured critical incident interview procedure, asked parents to recall spe-
cific instances when they attempted to facilitate their adolescent’s career
development. Although most of the participants were parents of adolescents,
the children’s ages in this study varied from age 10 to 18. Parents cited both
activities they initiated on the child’s behalf and interpersonal relations that
characterized their efforts to facilitate their children’s career development.
Structuring the environment, providing instrumental support, and observing
the adolescent were the most frequently reported individual parent activities,
whereas showing interest and giving information, advice, suggestions, and
feedback were among the most frequently reported joint parental activities.
In terms of interpersonal interactions, parents reported helping and protect-
ing, watching and managing, and affirming and understanding as being criti-
cal in facilitating career development. Another finding from this study was
that parents often interacted with their sons and daughters differently, usually
favoring the sons. For example, they provided boys with more information
about careers, showed more interest in boys’ activities, and were more con-
cerned with their sons’ career development than their daughters’ career
development. Using the same sample of predominantly middle-class parents,
Young and Friesen (1992) further analyzed parents’ intentions and identified
10 specific categories of parental intentions to facilitate their adolescents’
career development. Nine of the 10 categories addressed intentions specifi-
cally aimed at benefiting the child: (a) skill acquisition, (b) acquisition of spe-
cific values or beliefs, (c) protection from unwanted experiences, (d) increas-
ing independent thinking or action, (e) decreasing sex-role stereotyping, (f)
moderation of parent-child relationships, (g) facilitation of human relation-
ships, (h) enhancement of character development, and (i) development of
personal responsibility. The final category referred to intentions primarily
concerned with the parents’ interests: achievement of parents’ personal
goals. Although these results provide some indications of how parents intend
to positively influence their adolescents’ career development, it should be
noted that the findings do not reveal the outcome of those attempts.

In a third study, Young and his colleagues examined family influences on

the overall career-development process of adolescents by examining the pro-
cess by which parents and their adolescents interacted with one another in
career-related activities. Young et al. (2001) monitored 20 Euro-Canadian
and Chinese Canadian parents and their high school age children as they par-
ticipated in an individualized family career-development project over a 6-
month period. The adolescent and parent determined the projects, which ini-
tially involved goals related to exploring career options and avenues, dis-
covering interests, enhancing personal development, improving parent-
adolescent communication, or implementing a specific career path. The
researchers found that five factors enhanced the success of the projects. The
career conversations were more effective when the parents and adolescents
shared goals, openly communicated, and identified methods to accomplish
their goals that were actually congruent with their goals. In addition, more
successful projects were associated with the adolescents being individuated
from their parents and the parents taking a leadership role in the projects.
However, Young et al.’s (2001) findings indicated that these projects occurred
within a complex hierarchy of family goals and behaviors, particularly related
to relationships, identity, parenting practices, and culture. In particular, this
study involved a number of Chinese Canadian families and found an interac-
tion among Chinese traditions and family influences and autonomy in career
planning.
Given the assumption that parental involvement in career development
can have a positive influence on adolescents’ career development, Trusty,
Watts, and Erdman (1997) attempted to identify factors predictive of parental
involvement. These researchers used parent questionnaire data (N = 11,273)
from the National Education Longitudinal Study (NELS) of 1988 to identify
family variables that may predict parental involvement in adolescents’ career
development. Interestingly, socioeconomic status, although statistically sig-
nificant, accounted for less than 1% of the explained variance. Although
there is speculation that parents of lower socioeconomic status spend less
time than middle-class parents in career development activities, the study did
not find consistent evidence of this. The amount of time parents lived with
their teen also explained a small but significant portion of variance. None of
the other family variables (e.g., family composition, family size, parents’
educational level) were found to be of either statistical or practical signifi-
cance. In contrast to the results of Young et al. (1988), the results of this study
showed that parents were more involved in the career development of their
daughters than their sons. The difference in results could be the result of the
different methodologies used in the two studies or the limited number of
criteria used by Trusty et al. (1997).

In one of few experimental studies within this body of literature, Palmer

and Cochran (1988) explored specific parental influences on adolescents’
career development by testing the effectiveness of The Partners Program, a
self-administered program aimed at helping parents learn to aid their adoles-
cents in career planning. The results indicated that the self-administered pro-
gram increased both cohesion and adaptability within the family and
increased the career maturity of 10th- and 11th-grade children. Although this
study indicated that training parents is an effective method of enhancing their
children’s career development, the credibility of The Partners Program
would be strengthened if the effectiveness of the program were tested with a
larger sample including individuals of diverse ages and racial backgrounds.
Closely associated with the construct of career development is the theoret-
ical concept of career maturity. Career maturity has come to denote a readi-
ness for accomplishing relevant vocational tasks at appropriate life stages
(Super, Savickas, & Super, 1996). As career maturity is a psychosocial con-
struct (Super et al., 1996), it seems particularly important to examine the
influence of the family; however, it should be noted that there have been some
concerns about the concept of career maturity and whether it is applicable
from a cross-cultural perspective (Fouad & Brown, 2000; Leong & Brown,
1995). R. T. Carter and Cook (1992), for example, concluded that discrimina-
tion and poverty play an important role in the career development of individ-
uals from many ethnic backgrounds. In our review, we identified only two
studies that examined the family’s influence on the career maturity of adoles-
cents. Using a sample of more than 500 junior high students, Rosenthal and
Hansen (1981) studied the relationship between maternal employment and
career maturity. They found that students whose mothers worked outside the
home did not have significantly different levels of vocational maturity than
students with homemaking mothers. With a smaller sample but a more com-
monly used measure of career maturity, Dillard and Campbell (1981) found
that neither parental career values nor parental aspirations were significantly
related to career-choice attitude maturity among high school students from
diverse racial backgrounds.
Although there is debate about definitions of career development and
whether career maturity has relevance in current society, this review does
provide some insights into family influences on adolescents’ career develop-
ment. Young and colleagues’ qualitative studies indicate that parents attempt
to influence their adolescent children’s career development in various and
complex ways. Similar to other career constructs, these results also suggest
that psychological variables such as support and expectations may influence
adolescents’ career development to a greater degree than demographic vari-
ables. There are also indications that providing career development informa-
tion to their parents can increase adolescents’ career maturity.

Vocational Exploration
A fundamental aspect of the career development process is exploring dif-

ferent options and vocational areas. Often, adolescence is a time of voca-
tional exploration when individuals begin to gather occupational information
so they can begin to consider which vocations may be possibilities for them.
Blustein (1997) contended that factors such as individual differences and
social learning factors have been found to explain only modest amounts of
variance in exploratory behavior. He further argued that differences in career
exploration can best be understood from a context-rich perspective, where a
variety of factors, including family variables, are considered. Given the sig-
nificance of Blustein’s review, it is troubling that only one study, conducted
with a German population, has examined family influences on vocational
exploration. Kracke (1997) found that parental attitudes such as authorita-
tiveness, openness to adolescents’ issues, and concern with promoting career
exploration correlated significantly positively with the career exploration of
German ninth graders. The results also revealed that the degree of individua-
tion in the adolescent-parent relationship related significantly positively to
vocational exploration. Although the findings from this study seem to contra-
dict each other, studies related to other career variables will also indicate that
children’s career development is enhanced when parents strike a balance
between encouraging openness and exploration and, at the same time,
actively monitoring and controlling certain adolescent behaviors.
Vocational Identity Development
Another area of research related to family influences on adolescents’

career development is vocational identity, which is the degree to which one
has a clear sense of his or her interests, goals, and values as they pertain to
career planning (Lopez, 1989). The process by which an individual develops
his or her vocational identity involves exploration of self and the world of
work. We will first discuss the research related to vocational identity in gen-
eral and then further dissect the development of identity by discussing ado-
lescents’ development of interests and work values. In terms of general voca-
tional identity, we located only one study concerning family influences.
Penick and Jepsen (1992) found that perceptions held by 215 rural 11th grad-
ers and their parents regarding family functioning were significant predictors
of the adolescents’ vocational identity. Both system maintenance dimensions
(i.e., democratic family styles, authoritarian family styles, and enmeshment) and
relationship dimensions (i.e., expressiveness and conflict) contributed to the pre-
diction of vocational identity; however, the system maintenance dimension was
found to be the most influential. Penick and Jepsen’s results supported the

contention that children from more enmeshed families have more difficulty
in accomplishing career-related tasks. Furthermore, they found that family
members’ perceptions of functioning explained significantly more variance
in vocational identity than gender, socioeconomic status, and educational
achievement.
Development of vocational interests. The three studies related to parental

influences on adolescents’ vocational interests have somewhat contradictory
findings that are worthy of further exploration. Mullis, Mullis, and Gerwels
(1998) found a relationship between parental occupation (i.e., professional,
unskilled, or skilled) and the vocational interests of predominantly Cauca-
sian high school freshmen. More specifically, the researchers found that stu-
dents with parents in unskilled occupations scored higher on the realistic
theme than students with parents in professional and skilled occupations,
who had more interests in artistic, social, and conventional careers. Adoles-
cents with parents in professional and skilled occupations tended to have
broader interests, compared with adolescents whose parents worked in
unskilled occupations, indicating that the children of parents in unskilled
occupations may prematurely foreclose many career options.
S. Turner and Lapan (2002) found, with a sample of middle school stu-
dents, that anticipated parental support for certain career areas significantly
predicted young adolescents’ self-efficacy for those specific careers but did
not directly predict their career interests across Holland themes. Lapan,
Hinkelman, Adams, and Turner (1999), on the other hand, found that family
variables did exert influence on the vocational interests of high school stu-
dents. In their study, based on data from predominantly Caucasian 10th
through 12th graders, anticipated parental support was positively related to
students’ interest in and self-efficacy for realistic, investigative, artistic, and
conventional careers. These results indicate that more research is needed to
clarify the role of parental support in adolescents’ interest development.
Development of work values. The crystallization of values is also consid-

ered a part of the emergence of vocational identity. D. Brown (1996), in fact,
argued that an individual’s values have the most significant influence on
career development and choice. Values concern what an individual perceives
as important and the priorities one establishes that influence daily activities
and general lifestyle. We found two studies that examined family influences
on adolescents’ work values, and both suggested that family factors were
related to work values. Lapan et al. (1999) found the degree to which high
school students anticipated parental support for certain careers was posi-
tively associated with the degree to which the students valued those careers.
Second, in a study with 93 Israeli 11th-grade students, Mannheim and Seger

(1993) found a significant relationship between mothers’ and children’s

work values; however, girls had more similarities with their mothers in terms
of values than boys. Interestingly, other maternal characteristics, such as
socioeconomic status, education, occupation, and sex role orientation, were
not related to the work values of either males or females. Thus, with both ado-
lescents from the United States and Israel, the development of work values
seems to be influenced by relational factors.
In summary, although we found surprisingly few studies related to family
influences on vocational identity, certain family variables appear to exert an
influence on adolescents’ vocational identity and the development of both
vocational interests and work values. Psychological family variables such as
parental attitudes and expectations, identification with parents, and parenting
styles, appear to be more salient than demographic variables such as maternal
employment and education. These conclusions, however, are more applica-
ble to high school students than younger adolescents, and more research on
younger adolescents (e.g., middle school students) is needed.
Occupational Aspirations and Expectations

As adolescents explore the world of work and develop their vocational
identities, their occupational aspirations and expectations further evolve. As
indicated in the previous section on childhood, aspirations are what individu-
als want to pursue, whereas expectations concern what they anticipate
accomplishing. In terms of adolescents’ general occupational aspirations,
much of the research has focused on parental attitudes and relationships. One
exception to this trend was a study by Rosenthal and Hansen (1981), which
examined the significance of maternal employment on a large sample (N =
555) of middle school students and found there were no differences between
the occupational aspirations of children whose mothers worked and those
whose mothers did not work outside the home.
Although a number of studies indicate parental attitudes influence both
adolescents’ occupational aspirations and expectations, a recent study indi-
cates the effects may be complex and indirect. Wall, Covell, and MacIntyre
(1999) tested a model linking perceived social supports, perceived opportu-
nities, educational aspirations and expectations, and career aspirations and
expectations of Canadian adolescents ranging in age from 15 to 18 years.
They found that for both males and females, the path from family factors to
career plans was from family support, to perception of opportunities, to edu-
cational expectations, and finally, to occupational expectations. There were,
however, some gender differences. For females, peer, family, and teacher
supports were predictive of perceived opportunities, whereas for males, fam-
ily support was the sole predictor of perceived opportunities. Marjoribanks

(1987) also found gender differences in the degree to which parental aspira-
tion and family social class influence Australian adolescents’ occupational
aspirations. Marjoribanks found that parental aspirations affect female ado-
lescents’ educational aspiration but not their occupational aspiration. Con-
cerning males, parents’ aspirations were associated only with the occupa-
tional aspirations, but only for males from working-class families.
Two additional studies indicated the importance of family support in the
development of adolescents’ occupational aspirations and expectations. A
descriptive study by Paa and McWhirter (2000) revealed that 1st- and 2nd-
year high school students were most likely to report that compared with other
influences, their same-sex parent had the most effect on their career expecta-
tions. Hence, consistent with previous research, adolescent girls reported
their mothers were influential, and girls were more likely than boys to report
that their mothers provided positive feedback, supported their autonomy, and
were open to discussions about their career decisions. The adolescent males,
however, reported that after their fathers, their mothers were the second most
important influence. In Paa and McWhirter’s study, both high school girls
and boys reported that peers had less influence on their career expectations
than their parents. Poole, Langan-Fox, Ciavarella, and Omodei (1991)
revealed similar findings with a sample of more than 3,000 18-year-olds from
Australia; they found that student-perceived parental expectations and sup-
port served as the initial influence on student occupational status expecta-
tions, especially for males. Furthermore, parental expectations had more of
an effect on occupational status expectations than other background and
socialization factors.
In terms of parental attitudes and their effects on occupational aspirations,
we found that demographic factors such as race, nationality, and socioeco-
nomic status can affect the way in which family and career variables inter-
play. Interestingly, with a sample of 194 high school students, Dillard and
Campbell (1981) found that parental aspirations and work values were
related to the occupational plans of African American adolescents, whereas
only parental aspirations were significant for Puerto Rican adolescents’
career expectations. On the other hand, neither parental aspirations nor work
values were significantly related to the occupational aspirations or expecta-
tions of Anglo adolescents. This study indicated that parental aspirations
have more influence for students of color than for Anglo adolescents.
Marjoribanks (1984) also found differences among ethnic groups in Austra-
lia. He collected data from 16-year-old adolescents from three different
groups (i.e., Greek, Anglo-Australian, and Southern Italian) regarding their
career aspirations and expectations and their perceptions of their parents’
interest, encouragement, and aspirations for them. For all ethnic groups, the
adolescents’ current perceptions of their parents’ aspirations for, encourage-

ment toward, and interest in their future were positively related to the adoles-
cents’ aspirations and expectations. In particular, parent encouragement
seemed to be robust in all groups. However, social status and the degree to
which the family focused on teaching-learning situations were moderately
related to occupational aspirations only among the Anglo-Australian stu-
dents. The final study related to racial or cultural factors had a slightly differ-
ent focus than the other studies. In an interesting study that attempted to
examine the interaction among family variables and income change,
Galambos and Silbereisen (1987) examined family influences on German
adolescents’ expectations for job success, rather than on their specific career
aspirations. Using path analysis, they found that income loss was associated
with a more pessimistic life outlook for both fathers and mothers. Moreover,
the father’s pessimism was highly related to the mother’s pessimism, which
then had an influence on lowering the daughter’s expectancy of job success.
Career orientation. In the past 20 years, there has been an increasing

interest in understanding women’s career development, and we identified
three studies that examined the relationship between family of origin issues
and adolescent girls’ career orientation. Career orientation, a construct simi-
lar to aspirations and expectations, is the degree to which individuals plan to
pursue career-related goals and/or family-related goals. O’Brien and
Fassinger (1993) expanded Fassinger’s (1990) model of female career devel-
opment and included measures of relationship with mother in their analyses.
Fassinger’s (1990) model of females’ career development proposed that a
complex set of relationships among agency, ability, and gender role attitudes
influence women’s career orientation and choice. O’Brien and Fassinger
found that relationship with the mother contributed to the model, and their
model reflected that a combination of attachment to the mother and a healthy
movement toward individuation contributes to adolescent girls’ career orien-
tation. Furthermore, O’Brien (1996) found a modest relationship between
moderate levels of attachment to and independence from their mothers and
the degree to which female high school seniors valued their career pursuits.
Using a combination of measures of career orientation, realism, and self-
efficacy, O’Brien found that psychological separation and attachment
accounted for only 14.33% of the variance in these career constructs. Specifi-
cally, she found that career confidence, commitment to career achievement,
and moderate realism in choice were associated with similar attitudes to the
mother, reliance on the mother, conflictual feelings toward the mother, and
emotional independence from the father. Readers should note, however, that
the sample in both of these studies was comprised predominantly of Cauca-
sian, upper-middle-class students enrolled in a private parochial school.

Using similar independent measures, Rainey and Borders (1997) found

that the degree to which the mother-daughter relationship affected middle
school girls’ career orientation or aspirations depended on the measure being
used. Using an occupational checklist measure, the adolescents’ agentic
characteristics were consistently better predictors of career orientation than
any of the maternal characteristics. However, when the measure of career ori-
entation was used by O’Brien, the mother-daughter relationship and agentic
characteristics contributed to the adolescents’ career aspirations. In conclu-
sion, these researchers (O’Brien, 1996; O’Brien & Fassinger, 1993; Rainey
& Borders, 1997) contended that the career orientation of adolescent females
is influenced by a complex interplay of their abilities, agentic characteristics,
gender role attitudes, and relationship with their mothers. This interactional
influence of attachment on agentic characteristic and career orientation was
also supported by O’Brien, Friedman, Tipton, and Linn (2000), who con-
ducted a longitudinal study with the sample of female high school seniors
used in O’Brien (1996) and found that attachment to the mother during high
school contributed to the career aspirations of these women 5 years later but
only through the variable of career self-efficacy.
In conclusion, the results of studies investigating family influences on the
career aspirations and expectations of adolescents indicate that various fam-
ily variables have an influence. Adolescents often report that their parents
influenced their aspirations and expectations, and relational factors, particu-
larly parental support, seem to have a positive influence on adolescents’
career aspirations. The finding that parental support influences occupational
aspirations also applies to adolescents in Canada, Germany, and Australia,
where a number of these studies were conducted. A number of studies exam-
ined the career orientation of adolescent girls and indicate that family factors
influence career orientation in conjunction with abilities, agentic characteris-
tics, and gender role attitudes. In particular, the relationship with the mother
is salient; however, this relationship is a combination of attachment with a
degree of independence and possibly some conflictual feelings. We found
surprisingly few studies of the influence of racial or ethnic background on
adolescents’ occupational aspirations. Nonetheless, Dillard and Campbell
(1981) found that parental aspirations significantly influenced the occupa-
tional aspirations of African American and Puerto Rican adolescents but
were not as significant in the development of the occupational aspirations of
Anglo adolescents.
Career Decision Making

Additional factors to consider in the career-development of adolescents
are whether they have made a career decision and the process of decision-

making. Examining the broad area of decision making, we found research

examining family influences on levels of career decidedness, career commit-
ment, and career decision-making self-efficacy. Career decidedness refers to
the degree to which an individual has decided on a career choice, whereas
career commitment is the level of commitment one feels to the selected
career. The third area, career decision-making self-efficacy, refers to how
confident an individual feels in his or her ability to make career decisions.
Kotrlik and Harrison (1989) found that family members appear to have a
significant influence on adolescents’ career decision-making. They asked a
large sample of high school seniors who had influenced their career decision-
making process; 69% listed their mother; 59% their father; 45% a grandpar-
ent, aunt, uncle, or other relative; and 38% a sibling. Other studies in this area
have focused on whether dynamics within the family influence the career
decision-making process. With rural high school students, Penick and Jepsen
(1992) examined the association between family members’ perceptions of
family functioning and adolescents’ involvement in systematic career decision-
making activities. They found students’perceptions, fathers’perceptions, and
a combined family perspective all predicted involvement in career planning,
but mothers’ perceptions of family functioning were not significant predic-
tors. From the students’ perspective, system maintenance predictors (i.e.,
locus-of-control, democratic family style, enmeshment) were predictive of
involvement in career decision-making activities, whereas from the fathers’
perspective, the relationship dimensions (expressiveness, sociability, and
disengagement) were more predictive of parental involvement in the adoles-
cents’ career decision-making. Interestingly, these family functioning vari-
ables were more predictive than achievement and socioeconomic status of
involvement in systematic career decision-making.
Consistent with other findings in this review, attachment to mother was
also found to be salient to adolescents’ career decision making. O’Brien
(1996) found that a host of additional family relationship variables were
important for female high school seniors. She concluded that
high school women who experienced a moderate degree of attachment to their

mothers, relied on their mothers to assist in managing their personal affairs, felt
emotionally close to their mothers, and shared similar beliefs and attitudes
with their mothers and fathers evidenced very strong career self-efficacy
beliefs. (p. 269)
There is also evidence that clinicians can intervene and assist parents in posi-
tively influencing their children’s career decision-making. Kush and
Cochran (1993) used a pretest-posttest control group design involving 64 fam-
ilies to test the effectiveness of The Partners Program, a self-administered

workbook- based program designed to help parents facilitate the career

development of their children. They specifically tested the program’s influ-
ence on high school seniors’ career certainty, indecision, and self-efficacy.
The authors found that students in the experimental group (whose parents
were actively involved with them in the program) reported a significant
decrease in career indecision and a significant increase in career certainty
compared with the waitlist control group.
In conclusion, an expanding research base indicates that family variables
such as attachment, family relations, and direct parent involvement influence
various aspects of the career decision-making process for adolescents, such
as career certainty, indecision, and self-efficacy. However, many of these
studies were conducted with high school seniors, so the results cannot neces-
sarily be generalized to younger adolescents.
Preliminary Occupational Choice
In the area of career decision-making, some researchers have also investi-

gated familial influences on adolescents’ selection of an occupation, with the
understanding that in adolescence, an occupational choice is preliminary.
O’Brien and Fassinger (1993) used path analysis to predict the career choice
of high school women. The career choice variable was a combination of mea-
sures of congruence, realism, occupational prestige, and traditionality of
choice. They found that adolescent females’career choices were predicted by
a number of variables, such as ability measures and agentic characteristics
(e.g., confidence in math, instrumentality, career confidence), and that the fit
of the path was increased when relationship to the mother was included in the
model. However, relationship with the mother was not directly related to
career choice but contributed in an indirect manner to the prediction of career
choice. Building on this earlier study, O’Brien (1996) found that neither
attachment nor separation variables were related to congruence of career
choice for these female high school seniors. Surprisingly, little research has
been conducted related to family influences, such as parental behaviors, and
the congruence of adolescents’ preliminary choice with their interests or
abilities.
Using a qualitative research design involving focus groups, Morningstar
(1997) also found that family background can affect the occupational choices
of adolescents with disabilities. More specifically, Morningstar found that
secondary students with a wide variety of disabilities were particularly prone
to selecting careers identical to the careers of immediate or extended family
members. Moreover, Morningstar found that participants decided on their
careers with a surprising informality and that their choices seemed to be more

related to what was familiar, versus a well-reasoned approach to decision-

making.
Silbereisen, Vondracek, and Berg (1997) found that parental attitudes
interact with other variables and have an influence on adolescents’ prelimi-
nary occupational choices. After interviewing German adolescents on a
number of issues, including their experiences of family relocation, their per-
ceptions of their parents’ support behaviors during childhood, and their ini-
tial occupational choice, the researchers concluded that parental expecta-
tions, location, family environment, and stressful life events all affected the
adolescents’ preliminary occupational choices. More specifically, adoles-
cents previously from East Germany who relocated before the age of nine
reported making an initial vocational choice at a significantly earlier age than
those who had not relocated. Additionally, for both the East and West Ger-
many samples, frequent participation in family activities and parents’
involvement in school during childhood corresponded to making vocational
choices earlier, whereas making vocational choices later was associated with
having parents who had high expectations.
Later Occupational Choice

We also identified three longitudinal studies that examined the effect of
family dynamics during adolescence on occupational choice. In a study of 77
individuals, Bell, Allen, Hauser, and O’Connor (1996) observed participants
with their families at age 14 and then assessed educational and occupational
outcomes at age 25. They found that parents’socioeconomic status and mari-
tal dynamics influenced occupational prestige. Bell et al. found adolescents
entered more prestigious careers when the parental relationship was charac-
terized by a balance of autonomy and relatedness. They also found that the
undermining of autonomy within a family had a deleterious effect. They
found that adolescents who undermined their parents’ autonomy during ado-
lescence were employed in jobs with lower prestige. Furthermore, lower
prestige was associated with fathers undermining the autonomy of either the
adolescent or the mother.
With a large sample of Australian adolescents, Poole et al. (1991) exam-
ined a model of professional attainment at age 27 based on motivational, con-
textual, and demographic variables measured during adolescence. They
found that adolescent-perceived parental expectation had a stronger influ-
ence than socioeconomic status, but the influence was indirect through the
variable of student occupational expectations. Hence, parental expectation
influenced student expectation, which, in turn, affected professional attain-
ment. Furthermore, parental expectation seemed to have a more significant
effect on the professional attainment of males than of females.

Using data gathered primarily in the early 1970s from the Youth in Transi-
tion Study, Owens (1992) found differences in family background character-
istics among high school males who later entered the workforce, the military,
or college. In general, students planning to enter either the workforce or the
military came from large families in the lower socioeconomic strata, but
parental expectations were a mediating factor. Those planning to enter the
workforce after high school believed from an early age that their parents
wanted them to enter the workforce. On the other hand, those entering the
military were typically not from higher socioeconomic levels or farming
backgrounds and believed their parents would be happy if they entered the
military. Males who selected college came from the highest socioeconomic
background and the smallest families; however, contrary to prediction, being
college-bound was not associated with being the first-born child.
Conclusions on Adolescents
Because there is more research with adolescents, more definitive conclu-
sions about family influences on career development can be reached regard-
ing this population, as compared with younger children, The programmatic
research of Young and his associates found that parents often attempt to help
their adolescent children in career planning and that parental influences are,
indeed, potent. There are some indications that family structural variables,
such as socioeconomic status and parental achievement, influence adoles-
cents’ career direction, specifically in terms of their aspirations and expecta-
tions. However, more recent research indicates that the effects of the family
on occupational aspirations may be more complex and indirect than indi-
cated in Schulenberg et al.’s (1984) review. In addition, recent research indi-
cates that family process variables may influence adolescents’ occupational
aspirations and expectations to a greater extent than structural variables. Our
review indicates that higher occupational expectations are associated with a
family environment that is supportive and where parents have high expecta-
tions for the adolescents. Family support and parental expectations also
influence females’ career orientation. Parental support for a certain occupa-
tional area or career direction (e.g., entering the military) seems to have an
influence, particularly on older adolescents’ interests and preliminary career
direction. The mother-daughter relationship may be significant in adolescent
girls’ developing a career orientation and may play a pertinent role in their
feeling efficacious about career decision-making. Parental expectations dur-
ing adolescence also seem to have an influence on later occupational attain-
ment; however, the primary findings in this area are based on a sample from
Australia. In addition, two studies found that providing parents with training

on how to assist their adolescent was beneficial to the career development of

the child.
Although our review identified some trends related to the family’s influ-
ence on the career development of adolescents, these results should be inter-
preted cautiously because few of these findings are based on systematic pro-
grams of research. There is substantial need for additional studies that will
further expand our understanding of adolescent career development and the
influence of the interaction among family structure and process variables.
First, more research is needed with diverse groups in terms of race and age.
Very few studies were conducted with younger adolescents, and the racial
makeup of the samples was predominantly Caucasian. Second, several career
variables need more empirical attention, and researchers need to take greater
care in specifically defining the career constructs they investigate. Given that
adolescence is a time commonly associated with vocational exploration and
vocational identity development, it is surprising that there is not more
research related to how parents can facilitate these activities. Similarly, given
that there is increasing pressure for adolescents to make preliminary career
choices (e.g., the School to Work Opportunities Act of 1994), it is disappoint-
ing that so few studies have examined the family’s influence on the career
decision-making process of adolescents. In conclusion, if counseling psy-
chologists are going to represent themselves as experts in human develop-
ment, particularly vocational development, we argue that more research
needs to be conducted with adolescents to examine the processes by which
families influence the career development progression.
COLLEGE STUDENTS AND YOUNG ADULTS
Consistent with other areas within counseling psychology, research

related to family influences on career choice and development has often
involved college student samples. Of the 77 studies we identified that exam-
ined family-of-origin influences on career development throughout the life-
span, 32 involved samples with college students or young adults (ages 18 to
25). In 29 of those cases, we were able to ascertain that the sample was com-
posed entirely of college students. In three studies (O’Brien et al., 2000;
Young, Friesen, & Borycki, 1994; Young, Friesen, & Dillabough, 1991),
however, we were not able to determine the percentage of the sample that
might be enrolled in college. Although it is recognized that the career issues
of young adults enrolled in college may differ from those not enrolled, given
the limited number of studies regarding noncollege populations and the fact
that many of the participants in these three studies may have been in college,

we have chosen to discuss all studies regarding family-of-origin influences

on college students and young adults in this section. Although this section
almost exclusively discusses college students, it should be noted that there is
diversity within the college population; hence, important differences among
samples are noted (see Table 3).
Career Development and Maturity
Young and his colleagues, who provided rich descriptions of how parents
influence their adolescents’ career development, have extended this line of
inquiry by exploring family influences on college students and young adults.
In an initial study with this population, Young et al. (1991) explored the
socially constructed and interactional domain of parental influence on chil-
dren’s career development. Using a Q-sort, they had young adults and their
parents identify experiences that facilitated career development. Concerning
factors that facilitate career development, both the young adults and their par-
ents felt the process of parental influence should include open communica-
tion between parents and children, support, encouragement, and guidance.
Related to parental influence, the participants rated the outcomes of becom-
ing more responsible and autonomous as being more important than more
career-specific outcomes, such as gaining employment
Another study in this area interviewed only the young people, not their
parents, to examine the ways in which families influence the career develop-
ment of college students or young adults. Young et al. (1994) examined
global parental influences on overall career development and identified five
diverse ways in which parents influenced, both positively and negatively, the
career development of their children. These fives types were (a) progressive
narrative with a dramatic turning point, (b) progressive narrative within a
positive evaluation frame, (c) progressive narrative with negatively evaluated
stages, (d) anticipated regressive narrative, and (e) the sad narrative. In the
first group, respondents indicated that poor parenting in childhood had often
undermined their inherent hopes and expectations but that a dramatic turning
point had occurred that helped them identify goals and become more self-
reliant. The second group described positive parental influences; because
they felt their parents had their best interests at heart, the respondents adhered
to parental perspectives. The third group reported making progress in their
career but did not feel their family had contributed to this positive outcome.
The fourth narrative was characterized by a sense of doomed failure, in which
there may have been some initial success, but ultimately the participants felt
their fate was to fail and not be able to live up to their parents’ expectations.
The final group recalled a continuously negative decline in terms of goals,

hope, sense of control, and self-esteem, resulting, in part, from a perceived

lack of parental assistance.
Similar narrative types were found by Sankey and Young (1996), who
conducted a study to assess the relationship between ego-identity status and
the experience of parental influence on career development. Sankey and
Young identified three narrative types versus the five identified by Young et
al. (1994). All three of these types were variants of the progressive type—that
is, all participants viewed their parents as instrumental in their movement
toward career goals. The results, however, suggested that college students at
varying stages of identity formation viewed parental influences differently.
In general, individuals in the identity achieved or moratorium stages tended
to report they had realized a valued career despite past struggles and conflicts
with their parents. Participants in the moratorium stage had a slightly differ-
ent narrative; they reported their career progression had been altered by a dra-
matic turning point with their parents. Conversely, individuals in the identity
diffuse stage reported they made progress toward their goals by being
accommodating to parental influences.
A few studies have attempted to understand the career development of
college students of color. Fisher and Griggs (1995) conducted retrospective
interviews with African American and Latino/Latina undergraduates to iden-
tify factors that influenced their career development. Although the partici-
pants identified a number of influential factors, they unanimously indicated
that parental support was a major factor in their career development. Specifi-
cally, they identified reinforcing the desire to learn, providing opportunities
for career interests to develop, maintaining high expectations, and demon-
strating that anything is achievable as the most beneficial parenting behav-
iors. Other relatives, such as siblings and extended family members, also
influenced their career development in similar but less prominent ways.
Interestingly, these results did not vary by race. Using the same sample,
Fisher and Padmawidjaja (1999) explored parental factors that influenced
African American and Latino/Latina students’ career development. Females
were twice as likely as males to indicate parental support was influential in
their career development. These students of color frequently cited parental
encouragement, which included availability, guidance and advice, accep-
tance of career choices, and supporting autonomy. The participants also indi-
cated that parental expectations and critical events in their parents’ lives had
contributed to their desire to succeed. For example, 60% of African Ameri-
can and Latino/Latina participants reported their parents had worked any job
to “make ends meet,” which had influenced the children’s career direction
toward more professional occupations.
While the previous studies suggested that parental support and encour-
agement influenced the career development process of college students, the

results of another study indicated that sibling support also is influential

(Schultheiss, Palma, Predragovich, & Glasscock, 2002). Using an empiri-
cally based semistructured interview, Schultheiss et al. (2002) found siblings
had positively influenced college students’ career development by providing
multidimensional social support. They found that sibling support was com-
plex and included an emotional component; however, students also reported
siblings provided assistance in social integration, esteem support, and infor-
mational support that had a positive influence, particularly during periods of
career or educational transitions. The students often cited an older sibling as
having the most influence on their career development and reported siblings
had served as both positive and negative role models.
Like Fisher and Padmawidjaja (1999), Kenny (1990) found gender differ-
ences in the parental factors that influenced college seniors’ career-planning
maturity. For men, the amount of emotional support received from parents
was significant, whereas for females, the degree to which parents had fos-
tered the students’ autonomy significantly predicted career-planning matu-
rity. Graef, Wells, Hyland, and Muchinsky (1985) also found gender differ-
ences in terms of how family psychological variables influence career
maturity. Although no family variables predicted the career maturity of
males, sibling friction and warmth of paternal relationship were related to the
career maturity of female college students. Although the findings varied
somewhat according to the specific aspect of career maturity being exam-
ined, the results tended to suggest that sibling friction was negatively related
to career maturity and that warmth within the father-daughter relationship
was positively related to females’ career maturity.
In summary, the results of both qualitative and quantitative investigations
reveal that the career development and maturity of college students and
young adults are influenced by the family of origin, especially by parental
emotional support, autonomy support, encouragement, and warmth. Addi-
tionally, other family members, particularly siblings, have been found to be
influential. The association between family variables and career develop-
ment, however, may be mediated by variables such as student and parent gen-
der as well as degree of identity development. For example, there are some
indications that females’career development may be facilitated when there is
a balance of family support that also encourages autonomy. Furthermore,
parental support appears to be particularly important in the career develop-
ment of African American and Latino/Latina college students.
Vocational Exploration
Although we identified only one study that examined family influences on

the vocational exploration of adolescents, we identified four studies that

examined family influences on college students (see Table 3). Ketterson and
Blustein (1997) and Felsman and Blustein (1999) both found that parental
attachment was positively associated with vocational exploration. Felsman
and Blustein, however, found that attachment to the mother was more salient
than attachment to the father and that attachment variables influenced envi-
ronmental exploration more than self-exploration. Like Felsman and
Blustein, Ryan et al. (1996) found that maternal attachment was more salient
than paternal attachment; however, Ryan et al. used a measure of students’
efficacy about vocational exploration tasks rather than actual exploration.
Ryan et al. also found gender differences, in that parental attachment and
family dysfunction accounted for 17% of the variance in women’s career
search self-efficacy, whereas only attachment to mother was significant for
men and accounted for 9% of the variance. The results of these studies all
suggested that attachment between college students and their parents seems
to encourage or facilitate vocational exploration. Although attachment is not
the sole predictor of vocational exploration in college students, its role in the
process is confirmed by the quality of these studies that used sound measures
and sophisticated data analysis procedures.
Using a qualitative methodology, Schultheiss et al. (2001) examined fam-
ily influences on both vocational exploration and career decision-making.
The majority of young adult participants felt their mothers, fathers, and sib-
lings had played a positive role in their career exploration by indirect means
such as providing emotional esteem and informational support and by more
tangible means such as providing educational materials. Furthermore, 36%
of participants indicated that their mother was the most influential person in
their career exploration process, and 21% indicated this was true of their
father. Schultheiss et al.’s (2001) findings clearly indicated that relational
support contributes to vocational exploration and decision-making; however,
support was found to be multidimensional, including emotional support,
social integration activities, esteem encouragement, information, and tangi-
ble assistance. Furthermore, Schultheiss et al. (2001) found that the support
dimension extended beyond the parent-child dyad, as important relational
influences included siblings, extended family members, friends, and others.
As indicated, vocational exploration seems to be associated with the rela-
tionships college students have with their mothers, fathers, and siblings;
however, maternal variables may be the most influential family variables.
Attachment seems to be especially salient, but the influence of family rela-
tionship variables on college students’ vocational exploration is multidimen-
sional, and future research on other family variables is needed.

Vocational Identity Development
As discussed earlier, the development of a vocational identity is a critical

component of career development. Significantly more studies have exam-
ined family influences on the vocational identity of college students than that
of adolescents. The research related to vocational identity is further strength-
ened because a number of psychometrically sound measures have been
developed. In examining a number of family process variables, Hargrove et
al. (2002) found that vocational identity was predicted only by an achieve-
ment orientation within the family. Their results indicated that a stronger
sense of vocational identity was associated with families that emphasized
academic and occupational achievements. A study by P. Johnson, Buboltz,
and Nichols (1999), using a similar but less comprehensive measure of fam-
ily environment, contradicted Hargrove et al.’s (2002) finding that vocational
identity was related to an achievement orientation within the family. P. John-
son et al. (1999) found that vocational identity was associated negatively
with family conflict and positively with family cohesion and expressiveness.
Hartung, Lewis, May, and Niles (2002) found no relationship between the
cohesion or family adaptability and vocational identity. On the other hand,
with the largest sample size of these studies (N = 299), Lopez (1989) found
that for both males and females, conflictual independence (freedom from
guilt, resentment, and anger) from the opposite-sex parent was a positive pre-
dictor of vocational identity. Additionally, for males, parents’marital conflict
was negatively related to vocational identity, and conflictual independence
from their father was positively related to vocational identity. The influence
of the opposite-sex parent was also found by Graef et al. (1985) but only for
females. They found that warmth within the father-daughter relationship,
among other factors, predicted higher vocational identity among females.
Graef et al., however, did not find any family variables that predicted
vocational identity for males, which was predicted by factors such as age,
extroversion, interest, and social adjustment.
Lucas (1997) examined the association between the dependent variable of
identity exploration—a concept similar to vocational identity—and the
degree of psychological separation between college students and their par-
ents. For female students, the degree to which they were psychologically sep-
arated from their parents did not significantly predict their identity explora-
tion. For males, however, one component of psychological separation,
conflictual independence, significantly predicted self-exploration; males
with higher levels of conflictual independence from their parents engaged in
more self-exploration than those with lower levels.
In terms of methodological rigor, many studies that have investigated fam-
ily influences on the vocational identity of college students represent a

“green spot” in the landscape of this research. The results, however, are
equivocal and sometimes contradictory. Studies that used more psycho-
metrically sound measures found that a stronger sense of vocational identity
is associated with students achieving conflictual independence from their
parents and with families that have an achievement orientation. Other pat-
terns of family dynamics, such as cohesion, adaptability, and conflict, were
inconsistently found to influence vocational identity.
Career-Related Abilities
Somewhat related to issues of college students’ vocational identity is an
ability to assess one’s strengths and limitations in an accurate and autono-
mous manner. Hall, Kelly, Hansen, and Gutwein (1996) examined the rela-
tionship between parents’ ratings of their children’s competencies and col-
lege students’ self-perceived abilities and competencies. Parents’ ratings
accounted for a significant amount of their children’s assessment of their own
career-related competencies; however, there were gender differences across
interest areas. Parent ratings of abilities were strongly related to female self-
assessments in the areas of investigative and artistic abilities, moderately
related in the realistic and conventional areas, and unrelated to abilities in
social and enterprising areas. Conversely, parents’ ratings were consistent
with male students’ self-assessments in all six of the interest areas.
Career Orientation, Aspirations, and Expectations

In contrast to the 12 studies that examined family influences on the career
orientation, aspirations, and expectations of adolescents, only 3 studies
examined this phenomenon among college students. O’Brien et al. (2000)
found that compared with adolescence, when attachment to mother was more
powerful in influencing career aspiration, relationship with father was more
related to career aspiration when the sample of females was age 22; however,
the influence was through the variable of career self-efficacy. Using a smaller
sample of college seniors, Hackett, Esposito, and O’Halloran (1989) found
that parents and siblings appeared to exert little influence on women’s career-
related aspirations, whereas other adults, especially other adult males,
appeared to have an influence on these women’s career aspirations. With a
sample of business majors, Hoffman, Goldsmith, and Hofacker (1992) found
that fathers’ salary and work hours significantly predicted the salary and
work-hour expectations of male and female business students, but maternal
variables were not significant. The lack of research in this area is in stark con-
trast to research with adolescents, particularly with adolescent women,
where a number of studies indicated attachment with the mother influences

career aspirations. Because this line of research has not continued with col-
lege women, the pertinent question is whether maternal attachment affects
career orientation only in adolescence or whether that bond continues to exert
some influence during young adulthood.
Career Decision Making

We found a substantial number of studies that examined family influences
on the career decision-making process of college students. Although the
majority of the studies involved measures of commitment, indecision, and
self-efficacy, two studies with large sample sizes examined family influences
on the process of making career decisions. Larson and Wilson (1998) used
path analysis to examine how family intimidation, fusion, and triangulation
may influence anxiety, which may, in turn, influence career decision-making
problems. They found that the degree to which male and female college stu-
dents experienced intimidation in their families (i.e., felt compelled to meet
their parents’ expectations) directly predicted the number of problems they
encountered in the career decision-making process. In addition, they found
that intimidation and fusion (i.e., enmeshment) indirectly predicted career
decision-making problems through the variable of trait anxiety. Triangula-
tion is a process where a third party (e.g., the college student) becomes the
focus of tension between another dyad within the family (e.g., the parents).
Larson and Wilson did not find that triangulation within the family contrib-
uted to problems in career decision-making. Also using a large sample,
O’Neil et al. (1980) found that 50% of young adults felt their family had
somewhat or greatly affected their career decision-making process. Family
influences were endorsed more than societal, socioeconomic, situational,
and psychosocial-emotional factors; however, the students indicated that
“individual factors” had the most influence on their career decision-making.
In contrast, 37% of the participants felt their family had little or no influence
on their career decision-making process.
Four studies indicated that family factors, especially parent and sibling
relationships, affect the career commitment and decidedness of college stu-
dents. Consistent with other career constructs, Blustein, Walbridge, Fried-
lander, and Palladino (1991) found that student gender needed to be consid-
ered in examining family influences on career decision-making. Blustein
et al. (1991) conducted two separate studies to analyze the contribution of
psychological separation and parental attachment to decision making.
Although they found no significant relationship in the first study that
involved measures of decidedness and decision-making self-efficacy, in the
second study, they found significant results related to tendency to foreclose
and commitment. In the second study, Blustein et al. (1991) found that for

female college students, attachment to and conflictual independence from

both parents were positively related to career commitment and negatively
related to the tendency to foreclose, but for males, attachment to, attitudinal
dependence on, and conflictual independence from father were predictive.
Scott and Church’s (2001) findings also suggested that attachment and
conflictual independence are related to career commitment for both males
and females. Using both standardized and nonstandardized career and family
measures, Scott and Church concluded that attachment and conflictual inde-
pendence, as well as financial press (feeling the need to become financially
self-sufficient), were positively associated with career commitment, espe-
cially among college students with recently divorced parents. In addition,
they found family stability to be important, as students from intact families
exhibited more career decidedness than students from divorced families.
Consistent with Scott and Church, Felsman and Blustein (1999) did not find
gender differences and found that attachment to mother was positively asso-
ciated with committing to a career choice but to a lesser degree than attach-
ment to peers and capacity to experience intimate relationships. Attachment
to the father, however, was not significantly related to career commitment.
Finally, in addition to parental relationships, sibling relationships may influ-
ence college students’ career decidedness. Graef et al. (1985) found that high
levels of career decidedness were associated with low levels of sibling fric-
tion, but only for women. In contrast, parental variables such as socioeco-
nomic status, parenting style, and warmth were not found to be significant
predictors of career decidedness for either males or females.
Based on the research that indicates certain family factors, such as attach-
ment and conflictual independence, seem to contribute to career commitment
and decidedness, counseling psychologists might expect that family dys-
function or the absence of these positive familial characteristics might con-
tribute to career indecision. Currently, the research regarding career indeci-
sion is somewhat ambiguous, and there are no conclusive findings that
indecision is influenced by family variables to the same degree as the career
constructs of commitment and decidedness. Blustein et al. (1991) found that
psychological separation was not related to career indecision for either men
or women. Similarly, Kinnier, Brigman, and Noble (1990) found with a large
sample of undergraduate and graduate students that enmeshment and trian-
gulation were only weakly related to career indecision and accounted for
only 11% of the variance. Finally, Whiston (1996) found that for women, low
levels of career indecision were associated with families that tended to be
highly organized and controlling. Whiston, however, suggested that future
research needed to explore the effects of highly organized and controlling
family environments as they may be unduly influencing women to make
premature career decisions.

With the increasing interest in social cognitive career theory in the past 10
years, there also has been increased interest in family influences on career
decision-making self-efficacy. O’Brien et al. (2000) found a weak connec-
tion between family factors and self-efficacy with their sample of females
ages 21 to 22 years. They found that while attachment to the father exerted a
direct influence on self-efficacy, neither attachment to the mother nor psy-
chological separation was significant. The latter result was supported by both
Blustein et al. (1991) and Lucas (1997), who found college students’ career
decision-making self-efficacy to be unrelated to their psychological separa-
tion from their parents. A recent study in this area indicates that family vari-
ables are important. Hargrove et al. (2002) found that various family process
variables accounted for significant variance in career decision-making self-
efficacy scores. In particular, family conflict was often negatively associated
with aspects of career decision-making self-efficacy, whereas career decision-
making self-efficacy seemed to be enhanced when the family had an achieve-
ment orientation and encouraged freedom of expression. Using the same
measures, however, Whiston (1996) found that another measure of family en-
vironment, intellectual-cultural orientation, was the only predictor of career
decision-making self-efficacy. She found that families with an intellectual-
cultural orientation tended to have children in college who felt more effica-
cious in using occupational information. Paradoxically, low efficacy in using
occupational information was also associated with families that encouraged
independence and an achievement orientation. In the last study related to col-
lege students’ career decision-making self-efficacy, Tang, Fouad, and Smith
(1999) found with a sample of Asian American students that socioeconomic
status and family involvement in career planning were unrelated to career
self-efficacy; however, acculturation was related to career self-efficacy.
As reflected in Table 3, 12 studies addressed family influences on the
career decision-making process of college students, and there are some con-
sistencies in the findings. In particular, attachment and conflictual independ-
ence seem to be especially salient in influencing career commitment and
decidedness. In addition, these variables seem to be more influential than
overall psychological separation on commitment and decidedness. In terms
of predicting indecision and difficulties with career decision making, we did
not identify any consistent results; however, there are some weak findings
that overly controlling, organized, and enmeshed families may contribute to
problems with decision making. Once again, we found that psychological
separation did not contribute to career decision-making self-efficacy, but
there has been little research investigating whether attachment with parents
may influence career decision-making self-efficacy. Furthermore, with the
exception of one study with Asian American students, little research has
examined racial differences in decision making and how families from

different racial backgrounds may either contribute to or impede effective

decision making.
Occupational Selection
Although we identified six studies that analyzed the family’s influence on

the occupational selections of college students, all but one of these studies
concerned gender traditionality of occupational choice. Hackett et al. (1989)
found in a study of female college seniors that positive paternal role models
were highly predictive of college women’s stated nontraditional occupa-
tional choices but that maternal variables were not predictive of their career
plans. Hackett et al., however, found that nontraditional occupational choice
was not determined solely by paternal role modeling but that self-esteem,
career salience, and educational aspirations were also influential. Houser and
Garvey (1983) collected data from females enrolled in various vocational
training programs to investigate whether support, encouragement, and dis-
couragement from family and friends differed for women enrolled in a male-
dominated training program compared with those enrolled in a female-domi-
nated program. They found that women enrolled in gender-nontraditional
programs differed significantly from those in gender-traditional programs in
terms of the support they had received from their mothers, fathers, brothers,
and sisters. However, women enrolled in a female-dominated program who
had strongly considered a nontraditional career but decided against it differed
from those in a male-dominated program only in terms of the level of support
received from their fathers and brothers, not their mothers and sisters. Houser
and Garvey also found that as women mature, the attitudes of male family
members carried “more weight” than the attitudes of female family members
in terms of seeking a nontraditional career path. Weishaar, Green, and
Craighead (1981) also found that most students, regardless of gender, cited
their fathers as having the most influence on their choice of major. Further
substantiating the importance of male influence, Weishaar et al. found that
females in nontraditional college majors were significantly more likely to
have been influenced by males as compared with those in traditional majors
who indicated a propensity to have been influenced by females. Moreover,
fathers were the most frequently cited primary influencers among females in
nontraditional majors but were the least frequently cited by those in tradi-
tional majors.
While the previous studies indicated that paternal variables were related to
the occupational selection of college students, two other studies found that
maternal occupations and attitudes had a significant influence on the
traditionality of college students’ occupational direction. Zuckerman (1981)
examined the sex role–related goals of a large sample of students from tech-

nical colleges, public universities, and private institutions. For females, non-
traditional career plans were modestly correlated with mothers’ nontradi-
tional careers, whereas males were more likely to enter a traditional career if
they were not firstborn children and their parents had higher levels of educa-
tion. The influence of maternal variables among female college students was
also supported by Steele and Barling (1996). While Zuckerman’s (1981)
results revealed the importance of the traditionality of maternal occupations,
Steele and Barling (1996) found that the traditionality of maternal attitudes
was particularly salient in influencing women’s vocational choice. Consis-
tent with their proposed model, Steele and Barling found that maternal role
satisfaction and gender role ideology indirectly influenced the traditionality
of daughters’ career choices by influencing the daughters’ own gender role
beliefs. Steele and Barling, however, found that identification with the
mother was an important intervening variable; when the daughter’s identifi-
cation with the mother was low, the mother’s role satisfaction and gender role
ideology had little influence on the daughter. Moreover, contrary to other
studies, the path regarding paternal influences was not significant.
The last study in the area concerned family influences on the occupational
selection of specifically Asian American students. Tang et al. (1999) coded
Asian American college students’ career choices according to how represen-
tative they were for Asian Americans. They found that lower levels of accul-
turation and family involvement directly influenced the degree to which the
students’ occupational choices were typical for Asian Americans. In con-
trast, the researchers found that the influence of family socioeconomic status
was less direct and had a mixed effect on Asian American students’ career
choices.
Conclusions on College Students

The 32 studies related to family influences on the career development of
college students allow us to identify some empirical trends over a broad spec-
trum of career variables. These studies indicate the family of origin influ-
ences college students’ career development and maturity, occupational
exploration, vocational identity, assessment of career-related abilities, career
commitment or decidedness, and occupational selection. On the other hand,
our review tends to indicate that families have a less direct influence on col-
lege students’ career decision-making self-efficacy and career indecision.
Although these trends are somewhat tentative, the family variables that seem
most influential are family attitudinal and relational factors. Regarding fam-
ily dynamic variables, attachment, emotional support, autonomy support,
encouragement, and boundaries seem to be more important than other
dynamic variables such as psychological separation. For example, college

students’ career development seems to be enhanced by parental emotional

support, autonomy support, encouragement, and warmth. Students who have
higher levels of career commitment tend to have higher levels of parental
attachment and fewer conflicts with their families. Furthermore, the influ-
ence of family variables on various career constructs varies depending on the
gender of college students or young adults and the gender of the parent. For
example, in terms of vocational exploration, maternal attachment seems to
have more influence than paternal variables. On the other hand, paternal
relationship variables seem to be more influential in terms of females
entering a nontraditional career field.
There were also some notable gaps and limitations in the research con-
cerning family influences on college students’ and young adults’ career
development. Compared with the research on adolescents, there were few
studies regarding career orientation, aspirations, and expectations. This may
be because some researchers believe that aspirations and expectations are set
in adolescence and are not particularly viable constructs during the young
adult years. It was also surprising that there were so few studies on career
maturity and the development of interests and values. The third noticeable
gap is the dearth of information on young adults not enrolled in college.
Researchers have all but neglected this population. Within this body of
research, there were also surprisingly few longitudinal studies. As late ado-
lescence and young adulthood are typically important times for career deci-
sions and development, longitudinal studies examining family changes and
their effects on students’ career issues from childhood through college may
be particularly enlightening. Another limitation of many of the studies in this
area is the homogeneity of the samples in terms of race and the predominance
of Caucasian samples. Finally, with the exception of a focus on general career
development, there have been few qualitative examinations of family influ-
ences on specific career issues of college students and young adults. As the
existing qualitative studies (Schultheiss et al., 2002; Young et al., 1991, 1994)
have provided rich descriptions of the specific ways in which families influ-
ence the overall process of career development for this population, it seems
logical that additional qualitative work on specific career constructs would
provide important insight into this phenomenon.
ADULTS
Although we found that most studies concerning family influences on

career development variables have focused on high school and college popu-
lations, family influences do not cease when one enters adulthood. Further-
more, studies with adults have the advantage of possibly examining family

influences from a longitudinal or historical perspective in which the process

of career development from the prechoice stage through the implementation,
establishment, and, possibly, career advancement stages can be examined.
As indicated earlier, this section does not address the manner in which adults’
spouses or children influence career or work issues but rather addresses how
the family of origin continues to influence the career choices and directions
of adults even though they may no longer be living with those family
members.
Career Development and Prechoice Influences
We identified five studies that engaged adults in retrospective interviews

to examine family of origin influences on the career-development process.
Unlike most of the research in other developmental areas, the research on
adults has explicitly examined issues related to race and ethnicity. The first
study suggested that family factors are pertinent in the career development of
Latinas. Gomez et al. (2001) concluded that the career-life path of 20 notable
Latinas, ages 34 to 60, could best be described “as an implementation of the
Self within an Immediate Context, such that both have been influenced by
Culture and Family Background and Sociopolitical Conditions” (p. 297).
These Latina women indicated the following aspects of their families had
significantly influenced their career directions: (a) familism, in which there
is a strong reliance on family members for support and communication; (b) a
gender role socialization process that included gender-traditional expecta-
tions but gender-nontraditional female role models; and (c) familial aspira-
tions that included positive but somewhat restrictive messages regarding
educational and occupational pursuits. Because family is so central in the
Latino/Latina culture, these high-achieving Latina women reported that even
though they relied heavily on their families for support, they also felt con-
strained and conflicted when forced to choose between their families and
career opportunities.
A similar study in this area reflected that family influences may also be
important among Native Americans. Juntunen et al. (2001) conducted inter-
views with 18 Northern Plains American Indians, ages 21 to 59, to examine
the meaning of careers among this population and found that the influence of
the family on the career development process of American Indians differed
according to the individuals’ educational level. Among individuals with
postsecondary education, the family was considered a significant influence
in the career journey. In these cases, parents and extended family members
had helped them to make the decision to enter college or pursue a particular
area of work. Among participants who did not have any postsecondary train-
ing, however, the family was considered an obstacle in the individual’s career

journey, as these participants indicated that a lack of support from significant

others had discouraged them from working or pursuing a postsecondary
education.
The final two studies on the overall career development process suggested
that family variables may also be salient among African Americans. Pearson
and Bieschke (2001) found that family factors were important among Afri-
can American females. These researchers conducted semistructured inter-
views with 14 African American women to learn what factors had helped
them succeed in their educational and occupational pursuits. Among the vari-
ables related to the participants’ career development were their families’
emphasis on education, family relationships, esteem support, resources, gen-
der role socialization, and work values. In terms of family relationships,
many of the participants noted not only supportive relationships among the
nuclear family but also influential relationships among their extended family.
The family resources described by the participants included both the social
and economic; for example, the family’s social connections provided expo-
sure to a variety of occupations and the opportunity to develop social skills.
While Pearson and Bieschke (2001) found family variables were influential
among African American females, Chung, Baskin, and Case (1999) found
this to be true for African American males as well. Using personal inter-
views, they investigated factors that influenced the career development of six
African American males working in a variety of fields and found two major
themes relevant to the family of origin. First, financial support and role mod-
eling from their father seemed to influence the career development of these
participants. Second, parental support for achieving educational and career
goals also emerged as a significant factor for many of these African
American males.
Whereas the previous four studies concerned the overarching career-
development process, Phillips, Christopher-Sisk, and Gravino (2001) stud-
ied adults who had recently made the transition from school to work and
examined the role of relationships in their career decision-making. These
adults cited many individuals as being involved in their career decision-
making, but parents were the most frequently mentioned. Phillips et al., how-
ever, found that involving others was not a conforming or dependent
approach to decision-making, but conversely, these inexperienced decision
makers often sought out needed assistance from others. Phillips et al. identi-
fied 18 different categories in which other individuals became involved in the
decision-making process, were invoked by the decider, or were excluded
from his or her deliberations. The researchers suggested that when clinicians
consider the relational context of adults making career decisions, they should
consider these relationships complexly rather than as a unidimensional con-
cept that varies from very supportive to a lack of support.

Occupational Choice
Unlike research discussed thus far that has focused primarily on prechoice
variables and influences on career plans, the following section briefly ana-
lyzes the research related to family of origin influences on actual career
choice variables. In examining this literature, we found three studies regard-
ing parental achievement and relational variables. With a large sample of
employed adults, Trice (1991) retrospectively examined early career aspira-
tions and the possible influence of parental occupations. Trice found that
40% of childhood aspirations matched their father’s occupational area,
whereas only 23% of adolescent aspirations matched their father’s occupa-
tion. Interestingly, adults whose childhood career aspirations were within the
same Holland category as their fathers’ occupations were more likely to be
employed in jobs within the same category, compared with those whose early
career aspirations were different from their fathers’ occupations. This could
be because the father is able to assist children entering the same profession
but may not be able to provide as much guidance if the child is pursuing a dif-
ferent area. In another study examining demographic factors, R. C. Johnson
et al. (1983) found that both father and mother’s educational background
were moderately correlated (i.e., coefficients around .16) to individuals’
actual occupational attainment at age 45. These researchers also found that
the father’s occupational status was moderately correlated with the child’s
occupational attainment in adulthood.
In examining women who have entered nontraditional careers (engineer-
ing, natural science, and architecture), Lunneborg (1982) found that rela-
tional and attitudinal variables may affect the gender traditionality of adults’
occupational choices. Her results, which are consistent with much of the
research regarding traditionality of college students’ occupational choices, indi-
cated that parental factors related to women pursuing gender-nontraditional
careers included providing a general sense of encouragement, being occupa-
tional role models, and providing support for gender-nontraditional behav-
iors. Furthermore, Lunneborg’s study indicated that entering a nontraditional
career was fostered by identification with and support from both parents
rather than primarily the mother or father, which extended throughout these
women’s educational experiences and into graduate school.
Longitudinal Studies
In this review, we have discussed longitudinal studies that assessed family

characteristics in childhood or adolescence and followed up by examining
career outcomes in adulthood. In a brief review, Peterson et al. (1986) found
that mothers and fathers were the most influential sources regarding career

plans when children were in fifth and sixth grades and then, once again, in
early adulthood (see Table 1). Regarding adolescent family factors and adult
career development, we identified four longitudinal studies (see Table 2).
Both Owens (1992) and Poole et al. (1991) found that parental expectations
during adolescence influenced later career direction. Bell et al. (1996) found
that parental socioeconomic status and marital dynamics influenced later
occupational prestige. A parent’s marriage characterized by a balance of
autonomy and relatedness was associated with more prestigious occupations
for the children in adulthood. For women, O’Brien et al. (2000) found that
attachment to both mother and father during adolescence contributed to later
career aspirations but through the variable of career self-efficacy.
Conclusions on Adults
At this point, counseling psychologists can tentatively conclude that both
family demographic and family dynamic variables influence adults’ career
development. In terms of adults of color, many were particularly likely to cite
family influences as being significant. The career development of these
adults from diverse racial backgrounds (i.e., African American, Latina,
Native American) appears to be influenced by relational and attitudinal vari-
ables such as role modeling, emotional support, autonomy support, and aspi-
rations. Although many of these findings are consistent with many of the
studies cited in this review, one subtle difference was the degree to which
these adults from diverse racial backgrounds indicated that parental empha-
sis on education had a significant effect on their occupational choices and
attainment. On a more pragmatic note, these adults also indicated their par-
ents provided financial assistance and educational or occupational
information that also contributed to their career development.
The dearth of studies using adult samples in examining family of origin
influences was disappointing given the retrospective view adults can furnish.
Although there are problems with using recollections, more research with
this approach could provide additional insight into the long-term influences
of the family of origin. What is particularly needed is longitudinal research
that examines family variables during childhood and adolescence and later
examines individuals’ career development through adulthood. The five lon-
gitudinal studies that were identified, although contributing some insights
into family influences, did not include thorough analysis of family dynamics
or systematic monitoring of career development. There is a substantial need
for a detailed longitudinal study that closely and systematically analyzes
family dynamics throughout childhood and adolescence, while simulta-
neously and continually gathering information on career development
throughout the lifespan.

CONCLUSIONS
Although it is difficult to draw definitive conclusions from this vast body

of research, there are some empirical trends that suggest that families do
influence individuals’ career development in specific and predictable ways.
In this review of research, we found that career development was influenced
by two interdependent family contextual factors (i.e., family structure vari-
ables and family process factors). Consistent with Vondracek et al.’s (1986)
contention that the influence of these relational factors can be understood
only within the context of the changing nature of the developing individual,
we categorized research findings according to chronological age (e.g., chil-
dren, adolescents, college students/young adults, adults). This pragmatic
approach is not an endorsement of a stages approach to human development
nor is it meant to imply that career development is a distinct or separate aspect
of human development. Richardson (2001) argued that work and relation-
ships are primary contexts for human development. Hence, rather than view-
ing careers as developing, Richardson contended that individuals develop
through their work and relationships. This expanded view of the role of work
and relationships in human development is particularly applicable to this
review and the interpretation of the results.
To summarize the results on family structure variables, children seem to
strongly identify with their parents’ occupational area, but this proclivity
seems to attenuate as they age. On the other hand, there are consistent find-
ings that parents’educational level continues to influence individuals’aspira-
tions and expectations through childhood and adolescence. Much of the
research related to structure factors concerned traditionality of career choice,
with some indications that mothers’ employment may influence both the
traditionality of daughters’ occupational choices and the number of occupa-
tions considered by both males and females. Interestingly, very few family
structure factors were found that directly influenced other career variables
(e.g., career maturity, career commitment, vocational identity); however, we
found several studies that indicated career outcomes are influenced by an
interaction among family structure variables and family process variables.
In examining family influences on career development, this review clearly
indicates that family process variables influence career-related factors in
both positive and negative ways. Even in adolescence when peers often are
influential, a number of studies (Dillard & Campbell, 1981; Kotrlik & Harri-
son, 1989) found that family members had more influence than peers on
career decision-making. Furthermore, our review indicates that parents often
interact with their children and adolescents about career and work issues.
Accurately understanding the influence of family process variables on career
development, however, is somewhat difficult because of definitional difficul-

ties and the lack of agreement on many of the family process terms, such as
enmeshment and family dynamics. We attempted throughout this review to
represent family dimensions in accordance with how the researchers of the
studies defined the constructs rather than relying on nonspecific definitions
of family variables. Another difficulty in summarizing the effects of family
dynamics on career variables is the uneven attention to the study of family
patterns across the lifespan. For example, little research has been conducted
with elementary age students; thus, at this point, it is not possible to identify
family dynamics or parental behaviors in childhood that have a positive or
negative influence on individuals’ later career development.
In identifying consistent findings related to family process variables,
much of the research has been with older adolescents and college students,
with some students reporting that their family of origin has undermined their
career development and others reporting more favorable influences. College
students consistently report that an environment that facilitates career devel-
opment involves an open and supportive interaction pattern with their par-
ents, where there is mutual respect and encouraged autonomy. Whereas unre-
alistic parental expectations seem to have a negative influence on college
students, parental expectations seem to play a positive role in children’s and
adolescents’ career development, particularly regarding occupational aspira-
tions and expectations. A number of studies reflected that parental expecta-
tions in regard to education had a concomitant influence on career develop-
ment (Wall et al., 1999). Furthermore, Dillard and Campbell (1981) found
that parental expectations may be particularly salient in terms of the occupa-
tional aspirations of adolescents of color.
Relational factors, particularly between parents and their children, seem
to have a particularly significant influence on career-related outcomes. In
general, parental attachment and specific components of psychological sepa-
ration, such as conflictual independence, seem to have more of an influence
than overall psychological separation on career development. Attachment
consistently was found to influence college students’ degree of vocational
exploration (Felsman & Blustein, 1999; Ketterson & Blustein, 1997; Ryan et
al., 1996) and career decidedness or commitment to a career (Blustein et al.
1991; Scott & Church, 2001). Nevertheless, Schultheiss et al. (2001) and
Phillips et al.’s (2001) findings indicate that relational contexts are multidi-
mensional and do not merely range from supportive to nonsupportive.
In drawing conclusions related to family influences on career develop-
ment, findings continually indicate that family factors cannot be examined in
isolation and that other contextual factors, such as gender, socioeconomic
status, and race, need to be considered to understand the complexities of
career development and choice. For example, our review indicates that the
child’s gender and the parent’s gender often need to be considered in inter-

preting family process variables. For instance, for males, the amount of emo-
tional support received from parents is positively associated with career
maturity; whereas for females, the degree to which parents foster autonomy
has more of an influence on career maturity. In several studies, participants
indicated their mothers, as compared to their fathers, had the most significant
influence on their career direction and choice. For both adolescents and col-
lege students, career decision-making appears to be enhanced when the
maternal relationship, particularly for daughters, is characterized by moder-
ate attachment, openness, and support. Concerning women specifically, the
relationship college students have with their fathers seems to affect career
maturity, vocational identity, and occupational choice.
In examining the interaction among socioeconomic status and family
influences on career development, Bell et al. (1996) found that the socioeco-
nomic status of the family during adolescence accounted for a significant
amount of variance in later occupational attainment; however, Poole et al.
(1991) found that adolescent-perceived parental expectations, as opposed to
socioeconomic status, had a stronger influence on professional attainment.
Furthermore, Trusty et al. (1997) found socioeconomic status accounted for
less than 1% of the variance in predicting the degree to which parents were
involved in their children’s career development, thus indicating that parental
involvement is not class-related.
Another contextual factor that needs to be considered in examining the
influence of family process factors on career constructs is race. For example,
there are some preliminary findings that parental support may play an even
more critical role in the career development of African American and Latino/
Latina adolescents and young adults than it does in Caucasian or European
Americans’ career development. In addition to familial support, adult Afri-
can Americans also reported that financial support and a family emphasis on
education were conducive to their career development and advancement.
Fisher and Padmawidjaja (1999) found that African American and Latino/
Latina college students were often motivated to succeed in college as a result
of observing their parents in difficult occupational and personal circum-
stances. Furthermore, issues of race and culture extend beyond the United
States, and 13% of the studies in this review were conducted with populations
outside of the United States, indicating that family influences on career
development are of global interest.
In a review of empirical literature, it is important to consider the theoreti-
cal underpinnings of the studies. Although many of the studies lacked a theo-
retical foundation, we identified a number of studies grounded in social cog-
nitive career theory (e.g., Lapan et al., 1999, O’Brien et al., 2000). Parental
influences on self-efficacy are complex and appear to vary depending on the
age and gender of the child. Furthermore, our review indicates that various

career outcomes, particularly for women, are influenced by the interaction

among family factors (e.g., mother-daughter relationship) and agentic char-
acteristics of the individual (O’Brien, 1996; O’Brien & Fassinger, 1993;
Rainey & Borders, 1997). Concerning theories related to family influences
on career constructs, there is research that supports elements of Lopez and
Andrews’s (1987) theoretical supposition that family interactions can facili-
tate effective career decision-making; in general, attachment and conflictual
independence seem to facilitate college students’ career decision-making.
Our review, however, did not find research that supported their further theo-
retical speculation that there are also family dynamics that contribute to
career indecision. Fewer studies could be identified that examined Bratcher’s
(1982) theory that the family establishes certain patterns and principles that
attempt to keep a sense of homeostasis within the family, and thus, these rules
and patterns influence career development. However, some researchers have
found that the degree to which college students felt compelled to meet family
expectations and experienced family friction negatively affected the career
decision-making process. Although we based this review on the develop-
mental contextual perspective espoused by Vondracek et al. (1986), a signifi-
cant limitation of this body of research is the lack of a theoretical foundation
that clearly defines how families positively or negatively influence career
development.
Implications for Practice

Because many parents report a desire to assist their children and adoles-
cents in career exploration and planning (Young & Friesen, 1992), we believe
counseling psychologists can provide a needed developmental perspective
and, based on this review, provide suggestions to parents about parental
behaviors and intentions that produce more favorable career outcomes in
their children. In general, our findings indicate career development is facili-
tated when parents provide support and information and encourage open
communication (Young et al., 1991). Counseling psychologists can not only
serve as psychoeducational consultants with parents, suggesting the impor-
tance of relational factors, but they can also develop direct intervention pro-
grams for parents to facilitate their children’s career development. Both Kush
and Cochran (1993) and Palmer and Cochran (1988) found that workshops
designed to teach parents how to help their children with career issues
produced positive results.
We believe the findings from this review, in addition to their consulting
implications for parents, also have clinical implications for counseling both
individuals and families. Recent qualitative studies clearly suggest that fami-
lies can have a positive or negative influence on an individual’s career choices

and decisions (Schultheiss et al., 2001). Hence, exploring perceptions of

family influences seems appropriate for many career counseling situations.
Particularly with college students, counseling psychologists should explore
their clients’ relationships with their parents and ascertain the degree of con-
flict therein, as our review indicates there is a significant relationship
between conflictual independence and the ability to make a career decision.
Although an awareness of relational influences is important in career coun-
seling, clinicians also should be aware of the tendency to view relational
influences unidimensionally or simplistically and of the need to understand
the complexities and multifaceted aspects of relationships (Flum, 2001b).
In family counseling, the interpersonal relationships among family mem-
bers often can be strained as a result of difficulties the family is experiencing.
This review provides a rationale for the therapeutic goal of improving rela-
tionships among family members because attachment has a positive influ-
ence on career development and decision making. Our review indicates that
family therapy that addresses conflictual issues may have not only short-term
benefits for how the family interacts but also long-term vocational benefits
for family members. Given that improved family relations may influence
vocational outcomes, we argue that family therapy researchers may want to
consider vocational outcomes when examining the effectiveness of family
interventions.
Although the research related to family socioeconomic factor influences
on career development has decreased since 1980, there is some evidence that
individuals of lower socioeconomic status have restricted occupational aspi-
rations and expectations. In our view, counseling psychologists have a moral
responsibility to identify interventions to address this tendency to restrict
occupational aspirations and expectations. Given the substantial evidence in
this review that family expectations have a significant and direct influence on
occupational aspirations and expectations, it seems interventions with par-
ents should address the pervasive influence of their expectations. As this con-
cept is typically not stressed in current family therapeutic approaches or par-
ent education programs, counseling psychologists may need to inform other
helping professions of the importance of considering career development
and the effect of parental expectations.
A number of recent qualitative studies (Fisher & Griggs, 1995; Fisher &
Padmawidjaja, 1999; Gomez et al., 2001; Juntunen et al., 2001) indicate that
family influences are especially potent for African American, Latino/Latina,
and Native American individuals. In particular, individuals from these
groups are more likely to enter professional occupations if they have parental
encouragement and support. In some situations, a client’s family, for various
reasons, may be able to provide only limited support, and the counseling pro-
cess might involve developing other types of support systems. This is consis-

tent with S. D. Brown and Ryan Krane’s (2000) finding that a critical aspect
of effective career counseling is attention to building support from others for
the career decision.
This review also supports the notions that clients’ lives are complex and
that career and personal issues should not be viewed as distinct and disparate
constructs. Consistent with others (Blustein & Spengler, 1995; Richards,
1996; Swanson, 2002), we suggest that counseling psychologists provide an
integrative approach to psychotherapy or counseling that understands the
interface among personal/relational and career issues. Our results clearly
indicate that career and relational issues are inextricably and remarkably
associated. These findings have implications related to Hackett’s (1993)
notion that clinicians frequently perceive a false dichotomy between career
counseling and psychotherapy that may result in clients’ receiving less than
optimum assistance. For example, a vocational-oriented clinician may not
explore the family dynamics that could be affecting the client’s career deci-
sion-making, whereas a family-oriented clinician may not examine how
career issues may be affecting the dynamics within the family.
A consistent theme throughout this review is that warm, supportive rela-
tionships with one’s parents, and, in some cases, one’s siblings, facilitate a
more secure sense of identity, higher levels of aspirations and expectations,
increased career self-efficacy, and a sense of commitment to one’s career
choice. Blustein et al. (1995) argued that these findings on the benefits of
security felt in family relationships are applicable to the client-counselor
relationship, in that warm, safe relationships provide a sense of security that
encourages exploration and progress in career development. Therefore, a
good therapeutic alliance between the client and counselor also would facili-
tate many of these same agentic career behaviors. Thus, in career counseling,
counseling psychologists should consider the quality of their therapeutic alli-
ances and whether they are providing a feeling of support and a sense of
attachment that encourages vocational exploration and growth.
Future Directions for Research

As indicated earlier, a significant limitation of this body of research is the
lack of a theoretical foundation that clearly defines how families positively or
negatively influence career development. Although we found that families
often are cited as the most significant influence on career development con-
structs, the lack of a theoretical base impedes our understanding of how this
influence occurs. It seems ironic that counseling psychologists claim to be
“experts” in vocational development, yet there are limited theoretical expla-
nations of what is often considered the most influential force on career
direction and choice: the family.

Although we identified some notable trends regarding family of origin

influences on career development, there are some significant gaps in this
body of research. In particular, the field of counseling psychology and the
practice of career counseling could benefit from additional longitudinal
research in regard to family influences on the career development of individ-
uals across the lifespan. In particular, additional empirical inquiry is needed
on the association between family dynamics in childhood and adult work fac-
tors. It is disappointing that the period when individuals are probably most
influenced by their parents (i.e., elementary school age) has been the least
studied by researchers interested in the family’s influence on career develop-
ment. We know very little about the sequential influences of families across
the lifespan, unlike other areas in development, and the lack of longitudinal
research severely inhibits counseling psychologists’ abilities to understand
the process of career development. Hence, similar to Super’s landmark study
following the career development of ninth-grade boys, a longitudinal exami-
nation of family influences on career development would be a significant
contribution to the field of counseling psychology.
In addition to research with children, further research is needed with other
age groups, as a significant portion of the research has been conducted with
older adolescents and college students. Blustein’s (2001) argument applies to
this area of research—that is, the field of vocational psychology has focused
on the work lives of a small proportion of individuals who are college edu-
cated and relatively affluent while neglecting the work lives of the rest of the
world where individuals work primarily to fulfill their basic needs. Even
within our Western culture, we know very little about the interaction among
family influences and career development of the poor and disenfranchised.
We also agree with Richardson (2001), who suggested that more attention
should focus on investigating the interaction among work and relationships
from a cross-cultural perspective. Our review included several studies with
samples from outside the United States, and this global perspective is neces-
sary in understanding the multifaceted influence of contextual factors on
career development. Nevertheless, examining family influences on career
development in cultures with a greater degree of interconnectedness may
provide additional insights into the interface of these domains.
We found surprisingly little current research on family structure variables
such as divorce, single-parent households, or socioeconomic status. Our
analysis of research published before 1980 revealed more interest in these
structure variables, but much of this research has limited applicability in
today’s environment. Hence, we suggest that researchers, to some extent,
return to an examination of structure variables. However, even more critical
is the examination of specific parental behaviors and the effect of those
behaviors across the career lifespan. Currently, there is very little research

regarding the specific behaviors of parents that have a positive influence.

With counseling psychology’s focus on prevention and the facilitation of
positive development, researchers need to identify parental behaviors that
facilitate career development as well as those that impede vocational
progress.
Greater insight into family influences on career development could be
provided by methodologically rigorous studies that employ psychometri-
cally sound measures of both family process and career constructs. Particu-
larly in the area of family process measures, few instruments were theoreti-
cally based and psychometrically sound. Although the majority of the studies
we reviewed were quantitative, pertinent future research could involve
diverse methodologies. Consistent with other researchers (Flum & Blustein,
2000; Richardson, 2001), we contend that answering the range of questions
in the area of work and relationships requires a wide array of research meth-
odologies, and we encourage diverse methods of inquiry.
The need for additional research notwithstanding, this review of the
empirical research regarding family influences on career development indi-
cates that families influence individuals’ career development in identifiable
and predictable ways. Furthermore, family influences on career development
begin in childhood and continue into adulthood. Although family influences
are significant for individuals of both genders, there is often a differential
effect depending on the family construct and the developmental level of the
individual. There is also variation among racial groups indicating that for
some groups, family support and encouragement may play a particularly
salient role in the career-development process. In conclusion, family influ-
ences on career-development are multidimensional and interactional, which
requires clinicians and researchers to view these interwoven constructs from
a progressively expanding perspective.
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The Influences of the Family

Based on a developmental contextual perspective advocated by Vondracek, Lerner, and

Within psychology, the study of career counseling and vocational devel-

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influences on vocational development, determining the influence of the fam-

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SCOPE AND LIMITS OF REVIEW

This review was initiated using a developmental contextual lens to view

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We then examined these abstracts to determine if the articles were empirical

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To encapsulate the research into a meaningful overview of family influ-

(text continues on page 516)

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NOTE: NELS = National Education Longitudinal Study.

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COMMENT ON PREVIOUS RESEARCH

Before discussing research published after 1980, we believe it is valuable

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practices. More specifically, Kohn found that middle-class workers tended to

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counseling psychologists from fully understanding the family’s influence on

From a developmental contextual perspective, interactions between the

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Occupational Aspirations and Expectations

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Another two studies were particularly noteworthy as the researchers

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regarding early family influences on career development. Most notably,

Compared with the literature regarding family influences on young chil-

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Career Development and Maturity

In counseling psychology, there is general consensus that career choice is

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In a third study, Young and his colleagues examined family influences on

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In one of few experimental studies within this body of literature, Palmer

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A fundamental aspect of the career development process is exploring dif-