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extend access to New Literary History
To Bernard Cerquiglini,
Ancien Directeur des Ecoles,
Supporter of the Classics,
and yet friend of theory
For some time now a useful convention of cultural history has bee
to have the epoch of the Enlightenment begin with the thresh
event, the Querelle des Anciens et des Modernes-a debate which wa
carried on in the Acadimie Frangaise and its intellectual milieu durin
the latter years of the reign of Louis XIV, and which questioned f
the first time since the end of the Middle Ages the normative sta
granted exclusively to the art and literature of the ancients. Here
find the development of the earliest horizon of forms of historica
thought, already remarkably well differentiated and extending fr
the schema of teleological progression to the consequence of histor
cal relativization.6 Although it has been correctly claimed that pro
lems of literary evaluation were the original context of histori
thought, this new intellectual climate had, in comparison with oth
aspects of the French Enlightenment, very little effect on literary p
duction and reception, and the poetology (Poetologie) that accompa
nied them.7 Of course we can note even here, from the retrospect
of a "history of historical thought," symptoms of a first questioning
the normative effect of ancient culture and of its modern canon. But
it would be a sign of "historiographical impatience" if one should
attempt for that reason to push into the background the epoch-mak-
ing fact that literature and art were seen by the French Enlighten-
ment against the horizon of the traditional canon structure.
The most impressive and diverse documentation of this is Vol-
taire's Temple du gofst, first published in 1733 and reprinted in 1784
with minor modifications. This is a bagatelle of scarcely a thousand
lines, written in varying verse forms with prose insertions, originat-
ing, as the author himself explains in the foreword of 1784, from a
plaisanterie de socitet.8 Now the recollection of such a situation in itself
scarcely suits the seriousness of the temple metaphor. One can there-
fore ask whether it is not true that this connection with the connota-
tion of earlier literary and artistic canon horizons (far removed from
all the significant questions associated in the preceding centuries with
the images of such temples of fame as well as with scenes of "other-
worldly literary criticism")9 gives the title of the little work the prag-
CLASSIQUE, adj. (Gramm.) Ce mot ne se dit que des auteurs que l'on expli-
que dans les colleges; les mots & les fagons de parler de ces auteurs servent de
modele auxjeunes gens. On donne particulierement ce nom aux auteurs qui
ont vecu du tem[p]s de la republique, & ceux qui ont 6te contemporains ou
presque contemporains d'Auguste; tels sont Terence, Cesar, Cornelius
N6pos, Cic6ron, Salluste, Virgile, Horace, Phedre, Tite-Live, Ovide, Valere
Maxime, Velleius-Paterculus, Quinte-Curce, Juv6nal, Martial, & Frontin;
auxquels on ajofite Tacite, qui vivoit dans le second siecle, aussi bien que
Pline le jeune, Florus, Suitone, & Justin. ...
Les critiques dont un tel ouvrage doit etre l'objet sont faciles i pr6voir
[The criticisms of such a work are easy to foresee. Or rather, it is the genre
itself of this work that may incur censure more than the manner in which it is
written. For such writing should be judged as a dream, and if good taste were
always guarding the ivory gate of dreams, to force them to take the accepted
form, they would rarely capture the imagination. However, the Faust play is
certainly not a good model for others. Whether it be considered as the prod-
uct of the delirium of the spirit or the satiety of reason, such a work should
not be repeated. But when a genius such as that of Goethe frees itself from all
fetters, it has such a multitude of thoughts that they pass and overturn the
boundaries of art in all directions.]
Mme. de Stael deserves our admiration for the accuracy of her ob-
servations and the ability to understand highly complex interdepen-
dencies. It is therefore all the more significant that she sees the con-
trasting concepts of literature in France and Germany (appearing like
leitmotifs in her book) as a concretization of a difference in "genies
nationaux." She traces these "genies" back to different original states
of the national cultures, oriented on France's reception of antiquity
and Germany's closeness to the spiritual world of the Christian Mid-
dle Ages. To be sure, we may assume that she was able, with a very
good conscience, to reject the Police Minister's accusation that her
cultural comparison (which clearly did not reflect an urge to evaluate
or prejudge) had the ultimate intent of suggesting that French litera-
ture should imitate the German. But her outlook did not include
what is self-evident to us as an explanation of the contrasting liter
concepts-the linking of these different approaches to literatur
the "before" and "after" of a profound historical change.
Why this change took place later in France than in Germany is
rather baffling question, since German culture of that time was
backward, both politically and sociologically. I shall content my
here with mentioning a conceivable solution to this self-posed pro
lem. The tendency toward individualization or, better, toward
isolation and self-direction of the individual, seems to have develo
What had happened between 1790 and 1810? Or to state the ques-
tion with less artificial innocence: Do the sociohistorical change
the revolutionary years and the Empire explain the shift in this pe
ods' relationship to literature?22 Michel Foucault identifies this as t
period in which the "classical ?pisteme" was replaced by the 6pisteme
the nineteenth and twentieth century (the "Science de l'homme"), an
he mentions as the prerequisites of this process "the temporalizati
of experience" and the "crisis of representation." To be sure, both
the factors cited by Foucault help us to understand the dissolution
the canon that had been part of the old ?pistem`; but on the ot
hand it is clear that referring to the framework requirements for
dissolution of the canon cannot of itself solve the question of the
quirements for elevation of the "classic."
This brings us to a discussion of the self-image of the French Rev
lution, an image which is usually taken much too seriously as a "pi
ture of historical reality." The Revolution had sought to present its
as the fulfillment of the promises and desires of the Enlightenme
This characterization was-and still is- of considerable value for
purposes of legitimation, but at the same time it exposed-and s
exposes-the modern state to a very specific burden of expectat
and a potential for criticism on the part of its citizens. Thus, after
occurrences of only the first year of the Revolution, there was alre
a tension developing between the self-image of the state and the c
zens' everyday experience of its shortcomings, between the sens vo
and the sens vecu,23 between the level of official perception and t
contents of very divergent experiences corresponding to a multit
of new social situations and modes of existence. Instead of the ideolo-
gies of differing social classes, there was now one image of a "new
society" that determined the locus of social self-reference. To be sure,
this shift was by no means the result of a process of reduced differen-
tiation. On the contrary, even the transformation of the society's self-
NOTES
1 See, e.g., Aleida and Jan Assmann, "Kanon und Zensur," in Kanon und Z
Aleida and Jan Assmann (Munich, 1987), pp. 7-27.
2 Special aspects of this extremely complex process are traced in my essa
einer Literaturgeschichte der Franzosischen Revolution," in Die europdische A
III, ed. Jiurgen Stackelberg, Vol. 13 of Neues Handbuch der Literaturwissenschaft
den, 1980), pp. 269-328; "Chants r6volutionnaires, maitrise de l'avenir et
sens collectif," Revue d'histoire moderne et contemporaine, 30 (1983), 235-56;
6toil6 d'or.' Empire als Stilepoche / Epochenstil / Stil / Epoche?" in Zum Pro
Geschichtlichkeit iisthetischer Normen. Die Antike im Wandel des Urteils des 19. Jahr
(Berlin, 1987), pp. 296-94; and (with special attention to the classic/canon
" 'Klassik ist Klassik, eine bewundernswerte Sicherheit des Nichts'? oder: Funktionen
der franz6sischen Literatur des siebsehnten Jahrhunderts nach Siebzehnhundert," in
Franzisische Klassik: Theorie, Literatur, Malerei, ed. Fritz Nies and Karlheinz Stierle (Mu-
nich, 1985), pp. 441-94. The following pages refer to these studies, even when not
specifically indicated.
3 Relevant symptoms of this historical situation are the neologisms "classicisme" and
the German equivalent "Klassik" ("Klassizismus"). See M. Fontius, "'Classique' im 18.
Jahrhundert," in Beitrage zur franzosischen Aufkldrung und zur spanischen Literatur. Fest-
gabe fiur Werner Krauss zum 70. Geburtstag, ed. Werner Bahner (Berlin, 1971), pp.
87-120.
9 See, e.g., the Chaucer documentation in Aleida and Jan Assmann's "Leitdifferen-
zen." Karl Maurer provides profound typological and historical insights into this the-
matic horizon in "Jenseitige Literaturkritik in Dantes Divina Commedia und anderweit,"
in Literatur in der Gesellschaft des Sptitmittelalters, ed. Hans Ulrich Gumbrecht, Vol. 1 of
Begleitreihe zum Grundriss der romanischen Literaturen des Mittelalters (Heidelberg,
1980), pp. 205-52.