A Reappraisal of Shaker Furniture and Society

Author(s): Mary Lyn Ray

Source: Winterthur Portfolio, Vol. 8 (1973), pp. 107-132
Published by: University of Chicago Press on behalf of the Henry Francis du Pont Winterthur
Museum, Inc.
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 A Reappraisalof ShakerFurniture
and Society
MaryLynRay
T as a
HE Shakershave been celebrated
peculiar people separate from the world
around them.Their furnitureis cited as a
testimonyof theirseparateness.A reappraisal of
Shaker habit may, however,confute this asser-
tion. Shaker separation was a psychic exercise;
the believer sublimated himself in a religious
scheme and so transcendedthe temporal. The
familiarenvironmentwas translatedinto a spirit-
ual conceit.Instructedby a vision of a heavenly
sphere, the Shakers pared the superficialfrom
the temporal and discoveredan inner reality,a
divine simplicity,in which they should live.
However, although the premisesof their belief
circumscribedtheir habit, defectionamong the
believerspreventedthe accomplishmentof com-
plete orthodoxy.The Shakers' rejection of the
world was not so strictas reputed. Their furni-
ture registerstheir disposition and so serves as
an index of theirattentionto the mysticvision.
Analysisof the furnitureshould facilitateassess-
ment of the society'sexperimentin separation
and sobriety.
The Shaker persuasion-that Christhad made
his second appearing and so accomplished the
millennium-was firstpreached among a group
of religious enthusiastsin Manchester,England.
In 1774 Ann Lee Standerin,endorsed as "the
female Christ," led seven of the believers to
America. During the early years their energies
were engaged in survival and apocalyptic pre-
dictions. Although they had attractedsufficient
convertsby 1790 to establisha society,the Shak-
ers had little formalprogramuntil about 1815.
About thistimean attemptwas made to describe
the doctrine and the temporal order of the so-
ciety.In 18o8 Benjamin S. Youngs published The
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Testimonyof Christ'sSecond Appearing.In 1818
John Dunlavy produced The Manifesto.In 1823
Calvin Green and Seth Young Wells compiled
A Summary View of the Millennial Church.'
The movement toward a statementof Shaker
identityis reflectedin the furnitureassigned to
this period. By 1815 it is probable that the con-
ventions describingShaker joinery came to be
generally adopted. These conventions-adapta-
tion to use (the addition of drop leaves or writ-
ing tablets to tables, stands, and casepieces),
provision of storage space (the generous distri-
bution of drawersand cupboards in casepieces),
rejection of worldliness (simplicityof detail, as
in plain turnedlegs withoutterminaldefinition)
-were the expression of religious conviction
coupled with a proven solution of a temporal
need. At the same time the furnitureindustry
became betterestablished. Isaac Youngs, in his
church history,recorded the progressin furni-
tureproduction.
There was no essentialimprovements in thisline (of
carpenterand joiner work), in a generalsense for
some years,the people were-poor at first, inexperi-
enced,and unable to put up costlyand well built
houses:theirtools and conveniences forworkwere
indifferent . . . But aftertheyear1813
and inferior.
therewere some importantimprovements, particu-
forstreighteningand
larlythebuz sawwasintroduced
slittingstuff-alsomatchingworkscame in use: this
1Youngs, The Testimony of Christ's Second Appearing
(4th ed.; Albany: Packard and van Benthuysen, 1856);
Dunlavy, The Manifesto or A Declaration of the Doctrine
and Practice of the Church of Christ (1818, reprint ed.;
New York: E. O. Jenkins,1847); Green and Wells, eds., A
Summary View of the Millennial Church, or United So-
ciety of Believers (Albany: Packard and van Benthuysen,
1823) .
io8 Portfolio8
Winterthur

greatlyrelievedthe workmenof much hard labor.

Planing machineswere introducedsince 18- for
planingtimberand boards,whichhas been of very
greatutility.Besidestherehas been a greatincrease
in the numberand qualityof tools,and variousma-
chines,as mortising,

and boringmachines,etc. by
whichworkcan be done easier,quickerand better.
In 1813 "a building was erected for a Joiners'
and Coopers'shop" at New Lebanon.2
Shaker furnitureof this period has been de-
scribed as folk art. But, although some of the
believers preached a vigorous separation from
the world,the societywas not, as a result,a folk
culture nor was its furniturea folk art. Because
the Shakers rejected worldly amusements and
fleshlyindulgence, they did not produce some
furnitureformspopular among the world, such
as tea tables, card tables, daybeds, upholstered
chairs and sofas.But the stylisticborrowingthat
may be observedin furnitureattributedto them
acknowledgescontemporaryfashionand suggests
that conditionswere not "favorableto the devel-
opmentof a truefolkart" or folkculture.3Shaker
furniturewas not a distinctstylebut a paring
down of familiarformsfrom which applied or
inlaid ornamentwas stripped.
Because the believer "put his hands to work
and heart to God," this furniturehas also been
termed"religion in wood." For some, manufac-
ture of furniturewas no longer an ordinaryas-
signmentof makinga table or a case of drawers
but became an act of worship.Thomas Merton
suggestedthat "the peculiar grace of a Shaker
chair" was due to the factit was made by some-
one "capable of believing that an angel might
come and sit on it" (Fig. 1) .4 Instructed by a
mysticvision, the believer translatedthe object
of his labor into a token of the craftsman'sfeel-
ing for his work and a means of realizing the
spiritualworld to whichhe had been transported.
In joining a table, as in illuminating a spirit
2 Isaac N. Youngs, "A Concise View of the Church of
God," pp. 236, 455, SA 76o, Edward Deming Andrews
Memorial Collection, Winterthur Museum Libraries,
Winterthur,Del. (hereafterAndrews Collection).
3Edward Deming Andrews and Faith Andrews, Shaker
Furniture (1937, reprint ed.; New York: Dover Publica-
tions, 1964), p. 4. Folk art may be definedas a traditional
art, often peculiar to a group of people, that does not
acknowledge the fashionable or contemporary.
4 Edward Deming Andrews and Faith Andrews,Religion
in Wood, with an introduction by Thomas Merton
(Bloomington: Indiana UniversityPress, 1966), p. xiii.
Att ;
*m
14j!)tof
4MAL/
FIG.I. "An Emblemof the HeavenlySphere,"spirit
drawing,detail. 1854. Ink and watercolor;H. 23q", W.
I8 ". (ShakerCommunity,
Inc.,Hancock,Mass.)
drawing or stepping a dance, the Shaker at-
temptedto describea physicalrealitythat would
correspondto thepsychicrealityofhisvision.
But not all of the furniturecalled Shaker is
religion in wood. Nor were all of the people
called Shakers believers. From the beginning
some persons admitted into the societydid not
subscribe to the millennial scheme. Association
with the Shakers meant only a roof over their
heads. Before the Civil War when membership
grew to approximately6,000 persons in 1850,5
the greaterpercentageof membersbelieved that
in fact theylived in the millenium.Correspond-
ingly,much of the furniturefromthis period is
an abstractionof theirconviction.Following the
Civil War, the percentageof believersdecreased.
The consequentloss of mysticimpulse provoked
a disregardfor orthodoxy.Comparisonof furni-
ture used among the Shakersbeforeand afterthe
war articulatesthe alteredcharacterof thesociety.
This visual statementis significantlyamplified
by a considerationof the premisesof orthodoxy
and the repudiation of them in the years after
1850.
5Edward Deming Andrews, The People Called Shakers
(enl. ed.; New York: Dover Publications, 1963), p. 224-

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ShakerFurnitureand Society
Shaker orthodoxyrequired allegiance to celi-
bacy, separation from the world, and common
propertyholdings.Believerswere taughtto exer-
cise simplicity,economy,and order. "Old ortho-
dox Christians"questioned theirbelief and rou-
tine.
Is it necessary
thatyoushouldnotmarry?
And can'twe be savedand live theold way?
Whatcan be themeaningof all yourconvening,
And joiningyourinterest in one solidband,
And livingtogether,like sisterand brother,
And whollyneglecting the firstgreatcommand?6
The meaning of "all the conveningand joining
interestin one solid band" was to reduce society
to its elementalrelationships.Simplicitywas sen-
sitivityto God. The Shaker mustpare the super-
ficial from himself and his environment.The
"superfluous"would distractfrom "gospel real-
ity." Marriage and individual possessionwould
preventideal community.
The temporalorder of the millennial church
braced the testimonyagainst the world and the
flesh.Believerswerepersuadedthat"to constitute
a true churchof Christ,"theremustbe "a union
of faith,of motives and of interest"in all the
memberswho composed the society.7Those per-
sons chargedwith the governmentof the society
recognizedthatorderwas betterenforcedby laws
exercisedinternallythan by an abstractpolitical
scheme externallyimposed. "This form of the
Covenant,is not the Covenantitself.The internal
spiritand substanceof the Covenantis more than
ever was, or ever will be writtenwith paper and
ink."8 "The Millennial Laws, or Gospel Statutes
and Ordinances adapted to the Day of Christ's
Second Appearing,"codifiedat New Lebanon in
1845, described the governmentof the Shaker
society.But theselaws werenot officially
recorded
formore than fifty yearsafter"gospel order" was
established from fear that general distribution
would make them "'less sacred.'"9 Government
was dispensed by persons purportedto be "the
Holy Annointed." Mysticismand a cult of the
ministry enforcedtheirauthority.
The individual consciencewas trained to be
6 Seth Youngs Wells, comp., Millennial Praises, Contain-
ing a Collection of Gospel Hymns, in four Parts (Hancock:
Josiah Tallcott, Junior, 1813), pp. 97-98.
7Green and Wells, Millennial Church,p. 51.
8 Youngs, Christ's Second Appearing, 449.
p.
9Andrews, People Called Shakers, p. 244-
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o109
an internalizationof the rules of order. Obedi-
ence to the elderswas obedience to God. Gospel
orderrequired"union in all things,both spiritual
and temporal."0 Members were instructed to
labor to make the way of God theirown, to let
it be their inheritance,their occupation, their
daily calling." Some personscould not or would
not creditthe "appointed Lead." If not checked
by the religiosityof believers,their suspicions
weakened the society.However,in the years be-
fore 1850, many in the millennial church sub-
scribedto the Shakerschemewitha sinceritythat
gave the Holy Laws their authorityand caused
the membersto respond with the requisite com-
pliance.
Furnitureused among the believersbeforethe
Civil War illustratesa correspondentsingleness
within the Shaker community.Regularity de-
scribedthedwelling-house.
On eitherside (of thecorridors)are retiring
rooms,
all exactlytwenty feetsquare,nine feethigh,and of
identicalfurniture and finish,
renderingit difficult
to
determine, but by the number,one room froman-
other.
The dwellingroomsare strictly furnished according
to the followingrules: plain chairs,bottomedwith
rattanor rush,and lightso as to be easilyportable;
one rockingchair is admissablein each room,but
such a luxuryis unencouraged; one or two writing
tables or desks; one looking glass, not exceeding
eighteeninchesin length,set in a plain mahogany
frame;an elegantbut plain stove;two lamps; one
candlestick..... bedsteadspainted green; coverlets
of a mixedcolor,blue and white;carpetsmanufac-
turedby themselves, and each containingbut three
colors.12
Charles Dickens on a visit to New Lebanon in
1842 also noted thisregularity.
We walkedintoa grimroom,whereseveralgrimhats
werehangingon grimpegs,and the timewas grimly
toldby a grimclock,whichutteredeverytickwitha
kind of struggle,
as if it brokethe grimsilencere-
and underprotest.
luctantly, Rangedagainstthewall
were six or eightstiffhigh-backedchairs,and they
partookso stronglyof thegeneralgrimness, thatone
10 Green and Wells, Millennial Church, p. 51.
"1Rufus Bishop, comp., Testimonies of the Life, Charac-
ter,Revelations and Doctrines of our Ever Blessed Mother
Ann Lee, and the Elders with Her, rev. by Seth Y. Wells
(Hancock, Mass.: J. Tallcott and J. Deming, Junrs.,1816),
p. 327-
12Hervey Elkins, Fifteen Years in the Senior Order of
Shakers (Hanover, N.H.: Dartmouth Press, 1853), pp. 39-
40, 25.
110 Winterthur
Portfolio8

would much ratherhave sat on the floorthan in- them as in what theylay out for themselves."'16
curredthesmallest
obligationto anyof them.13 The integrityof Shaker craftsmanship depended
The sparseness,strictness,utility-the grimness on the integrity of the craftsman. The taskof the
to whichDickens did not wish to incur the small- poet required to write in sonnet formis analo-
est obligation-reflected the Shaker belief in gous. The hack poem-makersimplyturnsout the
order and use and simplicity."True gospel sim- requisite lines conformingto the rules of the
plicity" required "a godly sincerity and a real sonnet.What mighthave been a creditableidea
singleness of heart" in all conversation and con- is discreditedby flabbyexpression.The reader is
duct. aware only of a contrived meter and rhyme
scheme.In contrast,the poet wields the require-
This virtueis theoperationof holinessand goodness,
and producesin thesoul a perfect onenessof charac- mentsof the sonnetas chiselsto sculpt his state-
ter in all things;its thoughts, wordsand worksare ment. He bringsmind to formand will not be
plain and simple, and wholly directedto the honor indiscriminatelysatisfiedwith whatever results
and gloryof God. . . . It is withoutostentation,pa- from adhering to the prescribedrules. Conse-
rade,or anyvain show,and naturally leads to plain-
nessin all things.In all theobjectsof its pursuit,in quentlyrhymeschemeand meterdo not obtrude,
all the exerciseof its powers,in all its communica- and the reader is aware only of what the poem
tionsof good to others,it is governedsolelyby the says.Among Shakerjoiners were both hacks and
will of God,and showsforthits peculiarsingleness of artists.The hack adhered to the restrictionsof
heartand mindin all things.14 the Millennial Laws but only turnedout distaste-
Restrictionimposed by the Millennial Laws ful and uninspiredsimple forms.He could not
and internalized propriety prompted the dis- transcendthe restrictions to realize the beautyof
covery of Shaker design. The Millennial Laws simplicity expressed by the artist.The contrast
enumerated: of conception and execution may be observedby
comparing several Shaker stands (Figs. 2, 3)-
Odd or fancifulstylesof architecture may not be Each of these standsis made up of simple parts
used amongtheBelievers, neithershouldanydeviate
and is simplyconstructed. But the standsin figure
widelyfromthecommonstylesof buildingamongthe
Believers, withouttheunionof theMinistry. 2 are lumpish, whereas the stand in figure3 has
Beadings,moldings and which
cornices, are merely been reduced to its essential design. In paring
forfancymay not be made by Believers. down a piece of furnitureto express its funda-
Varnish,if used in dwellinghouses, may be applied mental form,the Shaker abstractedform. The
only to the moveablestherein,as the following viz., believer transcendedthe task, and the art be-
Tables, stands,bureaus,cases of drawers,writing
desks,or boxes,drawerfaces,chests,chairs,etc.etc. came an unconscious art. "Work itself was a
Fancyarticlesof any kind,or articleswhichare prayer,"a "communionwith the inmostspiritual
superfluously finished,trimmedor ornamented, are realityof thingsand so with God."17In laboring
not suitablefor Believers,and may not be used or to make the way of God his own, his occupation,
purchased. and his daily calling, the Shaker exercisedthat
The followingarticlesare also deemedimproper,
viz. Superfluously finished,or flowerypaintedclocks, singleness whichcould "attainto perfection."
Bureaus,and lookingglasses.15 Because the believerwas instructednot to date
Restrictionchallengesthe artistto create a solu- or to initial his work,'spieces attributedto the
tion. Furnitureproduced by the believersillus- Shakers cannot be arrangedin chronologicalse-
tratesthat individuals "can be identifiedas well quence and so checked more closelyagainst the
in obedience as out of it and employ all their of
degree orthodoxywithin the society.Further-
more, a revival of conscienceduring the 1840s
faculties,judgement,reason, art, ingenuityand
may have altered what is now assumed to be
skill,as fullyin doing what some one lays out for

13Dickens, American Notes for General Circulation, 2
vols. (3rd ed.; London: Chapman and Hall, 1842), 2:214-
15.
14 Green and
Wells, Millennial Church, pp. 248-49.
15"Millennial Laws, or Gospel Statutes and Ordinances
Adapted to the Day of Christ's Second Appearing," 1845,
pp. 11, 114, 104, SA 757, Andrews Collection.
18Harvey L. Eades, Expression of Faith (Orange, N.J.:
Chronicle Book and Job Printing Office,1875), p.
13.
17 Thomas Merton, in Andrews and Andrews, Religion
in Wood, p. xi.
18 "Millennial Laws, or
Gospel Statutes and Ordinances
Adapted to the Day of Christ's Second Appearing," 1845,
p. 77, SA 757, Andrews Collection.

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ShakerFurnitureand Society 111

RO"

.: ::::t -wit'i

FIo. 2. Stands,before1850. Plate 12 fromEdwardDeming

Andrewsand Faith Andrews,ShakerFurniture (I937, re-
printed.; New York: Dover Publications,1964). Maple,
pine. (Photo,W. F. Winter.)

rn

FIG. 3. Stand,before1850.Plate 13 fromEdwardDeming

Andrewsand Faith Andrews,ShakerFurniture (1937, re-
printed.; New York: Dover Publications,1964). Cherry,
pine. (Photo,W. F. Winter.)
?~a_:
??~
- ?

"i"'-p~~~?-- ??:--~-

:2

--

~;?~

~al
":"- ;~?~
-?-"~
~~ ~~a

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112
Shaker furniture. Edward Deming Andrews
quoted a New Lebanon journal that reportedin
1841 thatDavid Rowleyhad been " 'employedfor
forseveraldays in takingout Brass knobs'" and
" 'putting in theirstead wood knobs or buttons
(on furniture)'" because brass ones were " 'con-
sidered superfluous,thro spiritual communica-
tion.'"19It is possible that furnituretoo worldly
to be acceptable among believerswas discarded
during the revival period and that this disposal
of less severeformshas distortedour conception
of Shaker furniture.Nevertheless,the premise
that there was a furnitureindustryamong the
Shakersand thatit was mostactivebetween1815
and 1850 is confirmedby manuscriptsand by sur-
vivingfurniture.
The manufactureof furniturewas initiatedto
equip the domesticneeds of the society.Mechan-
ics,joiners,and carpentersattractedto the church
as readilyput theirhands to workas theirhearts
to God.20 In his historyof the society,Isaac
Youngs reported that "carpenter and joiner
work" were among the industries introduced
within the firstthree years of organization.His
statementis corroboratedby the inventoriesof
estates contributedby convertsand by the bills
of tools that accompanied dischargepapers. In-
cluded in the "Movebel Estate of Gideon Turner
Brote in to the Church" at New Lebanon, New
York, in 1788 were "i set carpenterstools and 1
set joiners tools . . . the whole partlywore." A
recordbook kept at Hancock, listingthe persons
who came into the societyand the goods they
broughtwith them,noted thaton April 26, 1789,
"Stephen Slosson came to live in this familyand
brought his joiner's tools." Daniel Hilt's dis-
charge in 1789 catalogued his tools, which in-
cluded "19 molden tools, 18 bits and 1 Stok, 9
joiner chiselsand gouges,4 saws, i Nail hammer
and Shave, a bench dog and ScrewDriver,i Iron
Square and 2 pr Cumpases." In ShakerFurniture
Andrews listed those joiner's tools returned to
Benjamin Goodrich when he left the societyin
1796. The factof a communityfurniture industry
is furthersubstantiatedby the instructionto be-
19"New Lebanon Ministry Sisters Journal," quoted in
Andrews,Shaker Furniture,p. 19.
20Thomas Brown, An Account of the People Called
Shakers (Troy, N.Y.: Parker and Bliss, 1812), p. 333; Wil-
liam J. Haskett, Shakerism Unmasked (Pittsfield,Mass.:
by the author, 1828), p. 132.
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Winterthur
Portfolio8
lievers in the Millennial Laws that theyshould
"not employ the world" to make "any tables,
stands,chests,drawers,cupboardsor chairsto be
used in any habitation of the Church, save at
the Outer Court"21 (the trustee'sofficeand other
areas of the communityfromwhich the world's
people werenotexcluded).
Because the believershad covenantedto "bring
into operationeveryindividual talentforthegen-
eral good of the whole body,"22membersof the
societywere required to participatein the com-
munityindustries."Carpenterand joiner work"
were introduced early, but the craft was not
formallydirectedduringthe firstyearsof gather-
ing into theorder.23When theurgencyof securing
a roofover theirheads could be relaxed,workwas
better programmed.The mechanical arts were
taughtby an apprenticeshipsystem,in whichthe
memberworkedunder the superintendenceof a
skilled believer until he became sufficientlyfa-
miliar with technique and the properties of
materials.Childrenapprenticedto thesocietysup-
plementedthe labor force.Individuals were spe-
cially trainedin one or two industries,but their
occupations were varied. Job rotation was in-
tended to distributeresponsibility,to increase
pleasure in work,and to educate the community
for an industrial reserve. The believers were
usually responsible for individual projects but
were occasionallyassigned to group production.
When a particular need in the communityre-
quired concertedenergy,the elders or trustees
could shift members from their customaryoc-
cupations. In "His History in Verse," Isaac
Youngsrhymed:
I've alwaysfoundenoughto do
Some pleasanttimes,somegrievoustoo
Of variouskindsof workI've had
21 "A Concise View of the Church of God," p. 197, SA
76o; "Memmo of Movebel Estate of Gideon Turner," 1796,
SA 813, Andrews Collection; Hancock Record Book, 1789-
18oi, 9758/10.804, Emma B. King Library MSS, The
Shaker Museum, Old Chatham, New York (hereafterKing
Library MSS); "An Inventory of Daniel Hilt's Tools,"
1789, SA 874-43, Andrews Collection; Andrews, Shaker
Furniture,p. 42; "An Extract fromthe Holy Orders of the
Church: Written by Father Joseph, to the Elders of the
Church at New Lebanon," New Lebanon, Feb. 18, 1841,
p. 30o,SA 765, AndrewsCollection.
22Green and Wells, Millennial Church,
p. 51.
23Isaac N. Youngs, "A Concise View of the Church of
God," p. 235, SA 76o, AndrewsCollection.
ShakerFurnitureand Society
Enoughto makeme souror sad.
Of tay'loring,
join'ring,farmingtoo,
Almostall kindsthatare to do,
Blacksmithing,Tinkering, Masonwork,
WhencouldI finda timeto shirk?
Clockwork,Jennywork,keepingschool
Enoughto puzzleanyfool!
An endlesslistof chores8cnotions,
To keepme in perpetualmotion.24
The uniformity characterizing Shakerfurniture
was based in the gospel convictionthat "nothing
short of union in all things. . . [could] con-
stitute a true church."25This uniformitywas
practicallyreinforcedby the systemof apprentice-
ship and rotationin labor. Regularityfacilitated
productionand economyand yet permittedthe
exerciseof individuality.The basic uniformity of
design and construction among the scatteredcom-
munities of believerswas influencedby several
general factors.In each societyjoiners and car-
pentersemployedsimilar tools and applied com-
parable skillsto meetsimilarrequirements. Under
the apprenticeshipsystem,novitiateswere trained
to the approximateproportionand patternestab-
lished in the craft.Furthermore,craftsmenwere
frequentlytraded betweenfamiliesand societies.
A successfulsolution in one communitywould
be adopted by another.26 A communitymightcon-
centrateon a particularformand distributeit to
other believers. For example, the South and
Church familiesat New Lebanon became centers
of the chair industry.Furnitureparts were also
producedin quantityfordistribution.27
It has been suggestedthat by 18oo "distinct
conventionsin workmanshiphad been adopted"
by Shaker joiners.28 But it is doubtful that the
believers,pressed to equip the communitywith
essential furniture,had by 18oo realized what is
celebratedas orthodoxShaker design. It is more
probable thatjoinersand carpenterscontinuedto
work in those conventionsfamiliarto them,re-
ducing form to correspondto a persuasion to-
ward simplicityand to facilitaterapid reproduc-
tion.What is called theorthodoxstylewas turned
24Isaac N. Youngs, "His
History in Verse," 1837, p. 8,
SA 818, AndrewsCollection.
25Green and Wells, Millennial
Church, p. 51.
26Henry C. Blinn, "Hannah Goodrich," The Shaker
Manifesto 12, no. 8 (Aug. 1882): 173.
27John Lockwood to Stephen Munson, Nov. 30, 1829, SA
1231.4,Andrews Collection.
28Andrews and Andrews,Shaker
Furniture,p. 4.
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113
out for a comparativelybrief period within the
extendedhistoryof the society,1815 to the Civil
War. In the early gatheringof the church,the
believers equipped the communitywith goods
fromthe world. The dwellinghouses were fitted
out with furniturecontributedby converts.A
record book kept at Hancock between 1789 and
18ol listed those personswho came into the so-
ciety"togetherwithwhat theybroughtwiththem
individualey."
of Joshuaand Louis Burch
15 January1791g-recvd
forye supportof the Churchthe followingarticles:
fourchairs,one table,one stand.
31stOctober1793- (Susana Draper) broughtwith
herfivechairsand sundreys old furniture.
JosiahTallcot the aged cameye 2nd day (of the
gatheringof the Famelyatt the east House-October
and broughtwithhim clock,Sundreyarticles
1793)
householdFurniture.29
The "Memorandum of Things Carried to the
North House by Samuel and Elizabeth Johnson
in the Year 1793 for the Use of the Famaly" at
New Lebanon credited:one Case of Draws,Two
old Chery-Tables,A New Chest. In August 1792
Abel Shattuckat New Lebanon withdrewfrom
the society,and the furniturehe had contributed
to the churchwas returnedto him: "1 High Case
of Draws, 1 Teatable, 1 Chistwitha Draw in it."30
Between 18oo--1815the societygrewsubstantially.
The furnitureneeds of the communitycould no
longerbe adequately filledby contributionsfrom
converts,and a furniture industrywas established.
The furniturethat the believersturnedout was
simple but was not dissimilarin formto manu-
facturesamongtheworld.
A surveyof countryand Shaker furnitureob-
servesin both a paring down of the fashionable.
But the simplicityof Shaker manufacturesis not
the simplicityof countryjoinery. The country
craftsmanwas promptedby an economicmotive.
His customerwanted a cheap but modish form.
The more skill and sense of design the craftsman
possessed,the more closelyhis waresimitatedthe
high style.If the customerwould pay for it, he
turned out an elaborate, and frequentlygaudy
29 Hancock Record Book, 1789-1801, 20, 51,
King Library MSS.
9758/10o.804,
30"A Memorandum of Things Carried to the North
House by Samuel and Elizabeth Johnson," 1803, SA 814,
Andrews Collection; "Account of all the Property that I,
Abel Shattuck Brought to the Church at DifferentTimes,"
1792, SA 874.21, Andrews Collection.
114 Winterthur
Portfolio8

m /ii~c?_:
:
~~Ba~9

?~as~~rrr~so~
~ ~ ~ ~~ii ~:-

- -:- _?_ :I? __-! -:q!,-:

::-*.;:'::J~i~
-B~?~:?

_.o:~::,
"r:,~,v
x?-
-!:-::i-
.: ; !. -bS3~~~:

beforeI850. Plate15fromEdwardDemingAndrews
FIG. 4. Sewingstands, Shaker
and FaithAndrews, Furniture
(I937,
ed.; NewYork:DoverPublications,
reprint 1964).Maple,pine.(Photo,W. F. Winter.)

piece. A simple formwas a cheap formto be im-
provedon; ornamenthelped. The appeal of coun-
tryfurnitureis in its resultantquirks,the waysin
which the makerdressedup a basic formto con-
vey a fashionable effectwith the minimum ex-
pense of moneyand labor. The Shakeralso pared
down the fashionable,not primarilyto spare ex-
pense but to abstract form. He discarded the
superfluousto discovera fundamentalforwhich
he was taught to labor in all his habits. Orna-
ment detracted.Instructedin "gospel simplicity"
and restrictedby the Millennial Laws, the be-
liever framedsimple furnitureas an exercisein
perfection.
Furniture recognizably Shaker is furniture
adapted to communityliving. Specialized Shaker
formsinclude: a trestledining table measuring
twelve feet with the brace placed high to allow
knee-room,built-in drawers in partition walls
that could be opened alternatelyfromeither of
the abutted retiringrooms, and ironing tables
supported on movable sawhorse bases contain-
ing a drawer for each person stationed at the
table. But only when their peculiar routine re-
quired an accommodationof formdid theShakers
alter contemporary,vernacular furniturestyles.
As a summaryillustration,the legs of tables,
stands,and beds serveto index the visual similar-
ity between furnituremade by believersand by
the worldlybetween 18oo and 1850. The tripod
bases of Shaker sewing stands (Fig. 4) are a
standard translationof the high styleof the pre-
revolutionaryperiod into the colloquial. The
same formremainedpopular in Americanmanu-
factureswell into the nineteenthcentury.In a
portraitof a Connecticutfamilydated 1836, a
table of this old-fashionedtypeis displayedin a
parlor fittedout with furnishingsof a newer

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ShakerFurnitureand Society 115

taste.31Federal outline and proportion (Fig. 5) i

are suggestedby a Shaker stand (Fig. 3) that re-
duces the tripodformto a play of simplegeomet-
ric shapes and so abstractsthe neoclassical idea.
BorrowingfromDutch formsfamiliarin the Al-
bany area also occurs in Shaker furniture.Ac-
quaintance with one "Dutch" turnedleg defined
by neck rings and terminatingin pad feet (Fig.
6) is observedin the leg of a cot bed at Hancock
(Fig. 7). A variation of this turned leg was
common throughoutNew England and Pennsyl-
vania. Shakermodifications are illustratedin other
examples at Hancock (Figs. 8, 9). The furniture
leg most frequently used among the Shakersde-
rived fromthe Louis XVI or "French" taste.The
legs of a washstand (Fig. to) are turned to sug-
gest in wood the brass terminalsof the Lannuier
prototype (Fig. 11). Representative of other
Frenchderivedlegs is a Shakertable leg, showing
the characteristicbulge below a ringedneck (Fig.
12). In the world thisleg became a stockstylein
the nineteenthcentury.The portraitof the Til-
ton familyof New Hampshire,dated 1837, fea-
turesa table withlike-turned legs.32
Following the Civil War a decreasein member-
ship eliminatedthe need for a communityfurni-
tureindustryamong the Shakers.Domestic furni-
ture was more economicallypurchased fromthe
world.In 186oIsaac Youngs admitted:"For many
years (carpenterand joiner) work was all done
withinthe Chh. Of late years,however,fromne-
cessitytherehas been muchhiringin of theworld,
to do jobs of wood work." On a visitto the Shir-
ley, Massachusetts,communityin 1884, William
Dean Howells noted that there were no longer
carpenters,blacksmiths,and shoemakersamong FIG. 5. Stand,probably Connecticut,
1785-1810.
Cherry
the Shakers because their work could be "more andmahogany; H. 28'". (Winterthur
M57.I3.)
cheaply performedby the world-outside"; the
shops"once devotedto thesetrades"stoodempty.33
Howells's observationis confirmedby a journal
kept at New Lebanon that listed furniturepur-

31 Edgar William Garbisch, izo Masterpieces of Ameri-

can Primitive Painting from the Collection of Edgar Wil-
liam and Bernice Chrysler Garbisch (New York: The
American Federation of Arts, 1962), pl. 57.
32Marshall B. Davidson, ed., The American Heritage
History of American Antiques from the Revolution to the
Civil War (New York: American Heritage Publishing Co.,
1968), fig. 247.
33"A Concise View of the Church of God," p. 235, SA
760, Andrews Collection; Howells, Three Villages (Boston:
James R. Osgood and Company, 1884), p. xo6.

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xx6 Winterthur
Portfolio8

-~~-~~~
~~s~-??,;l~~

iP3
:
~i?-_i?

::

"'i

t8~~"~?~?-?*~r-~:*-~?~-S-?-
~~-:::,:-?:-- : : -

FIG. 6. Side chair, New York, 1720-1800. Maple, oak, and

cherry;H. 391", W. 22Ip", D. 20'". (Winterthur58.1020. 1.)

FIG. 7. Cot bed, before1850o.Pine and maple; H. 35%",

W. 29", L. 65". (Shaker Community,Inc., Hancock,
Mass.)

FIG. 8. Cot bed, before1850o.Maple; H. 241"', W. 33",

L. 731-".(ShakerCommunity, Inc., Hancock, Mass.)

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ShakerFurnitureand Society 117

?
March 1877,F i6-We have long anticipatedour
i
~ ~~~~~~,
_ti..
i
? .. ....i~i
!: iii
ii!iiii i i
? fitout of Marbletablesin theDiningRoom-Today
:i~ ii~ii~i
iii::
?-?l'
3ii theyare erectedand 8 in number,seatingif we had
them64 people;as it is theyare not filledat thefirst
11 wantingof Br and 8 Sisters.34
sitting,
In laterperiod the grimregularitydescribedby
Dickens disintegrated.Domestic arrangements in-
ii
..
.. Diii
iiiiii
!ii reflected and individual and
creasingly fancy taste,
Shakerorthodoxywas correspondingly diluted.
Although nineteenth-century observersand re-
cent historianshave creditedthe Shakerswith a
strictseparationfromcontemporary society,their
accountshave frequentlybeen exaggeratedby the
outsiders'fascinationwith the noveltyof the mil-
lennial experiment.Convertscovenantedto "war
against the world, flesh,and devil," but God's
army had no formal strategyduring its early
gathering.Despite the attemptof earlyleaders to
marshal the soldiers into ranks and so confront
theenemyin strictformation, thearmybrokerank
and could not be disciplined.Separationbecame
increasinglymore rhetoricaland less literal. The
Covenant permittedbelieversin the novitiateor-
der to live among the world and to enjoy asso-
ciation with the Shakers as with any other
noncommunal group.35The church's economic
base in industryand trade required contactwith
FIG. 9. Cot bed, before1850. Pine and maple; H. 32", the non-Shaker.Although the communitieswere
W. 33", L. 734". (Shaker Community,Inc., Hancock, the believersdid not object
Mass.)
largelyself-sufficient,
to purchasinggoods fromthe world if to do so
were economical or efficient. Charles Wingate re-
ported: "The Shakers are a people; and
progressive
are alwaysexperimenting withnew devices.When
the farmersin the vicinitywant to buy new im-
plementsor machinerytheyusually call and see
what the Shakersare using,and what theythink
chased by the Church Familyaftera firein 1875. will servebest forthe purpose."36The Millennial
is now beingpaid to Laws seem to impose a strictdivision fromthe
January1877,T --Attention
gettingthe rooms ready. B.G. left this morningwith world,but theywerenot alwayssuccessfulin con-
a hiredmanforAlbanyto get theNew Bedsteads. fining the believers within the "gloomy silent
January1877, Th 11-Tho New Bedsteads25 in commonwealth"that Dickens described. For a
No. arrive.12 of themare lentto Sisters,as theseare law to exist is not forthe situationprescribedto
all measuredto Brethren.
January1877,Sat 27-More chairscome;nearlyall
we expect.We have nowreceived62 chairs.
February1877,F 9-A weeksincetheCases forBr
use beingbuiltat Pittsfield
commenced to be brought 34Anna Dodgson,"A DomesticJournalKept by Order
home.6 havearrivedand Brethren are graduallymov- of Deaconesses in the Family," 1873-79, pp. 186-94,
9758/10.462,King Library MSS.
ingin! 35Brown, Account of the People Called Shakers, p. 2o;
March 1877,F 2-The last of the cases arrive.17 Calvin Green and Seth Y. Wells, A Brief Exposition of the
are in use amongtheBr. beingtheNo. of Brethren Established Principles and Regulations of the United So-
nowin theHouse. 13 are amongtheSisters. ciety of Believers Called Shakers (New York: Edward O.
March 1877, Th 8-The springsfor [the short] Jenkins,
1851), pp. 0-16.
Bed steadscome in. We have now received25 long 36"Shaker Sanitation," Manifesto 19, no. 5 (May 1889):
ones 61/2
feetand 19 6 feet-inall 44. 114-

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118 Winterthur
Portfolio8

- 8:f i_'
~ea!rn~~~~~~~
-v-~-_
~:~-_,
_:----
--~?;-_~-,-?-:-~-,,
i i: :? ?-: Ll~~i~
'

::`";
--i:--1--:-I-.--"~-
.i -~a ---~i----
- --
;lr

?u"'8a2g!z. ::

*s";-~
;. --

r~i~~~s

.- ~---~ ??-r-
_i: -_- i --:i-i
?I.-?a_:_
I i: I
-? - i :

~??~u:
:?-:?SL~:.~ao~~:-????-?-~`-~-.:~;

FIG. 10. Washstand, before 1850. Pine; H. 31", W. 26",

D. 15". (ShakerCommunity,
Inc., Hancock, Mass.)

FIo. II. CharlesHonore Lannuier,pier table. New York

City, 1805-1810. Mahogany; H. 364", W. 37", D. i4A'.
6
(Winterthur1.1693.)

Si

--
R~~~-~-d

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 ShakerFurnitureand Society 119

exist. Rules are commonlyframed because the

contraryprevails.Manuscriptsconcede that total
orthodoxywas neversustainedwithinthesociety."'
The inattentionof the covenanterswas tempora-
rilycheckedin the fortiesby a flamboyantrevival.
It was during this period (1840-1850) that the
believerswere most separate fromthe world be-
cause theymost effectively transcendedthe tem-
poral. The Millennial Laws were officiallyre-
cordedin 1845in an attemptto securethe afflatus
of the recentrevival. But aftermid-centurythe
churchof the millenniumwas marked by an in-
creasing complacency.God's army was neither
equipped nor inclined to war fiercelyagainst the
world.By 1969,one of the remainingsisterscould
complain: "People are curious about us. They
come and talk and talk and thenask us questions
as ifwe weredifferent fromeveryoneelse."38
The disintegrationof the societywas dramati-
cally registeredin a failure to attractnew mem-
bers. In 1875 Charles Nordhoffcatalogued the
deteriorationof the Shaker vision,describingin-
ternalchange and tabulatingthe decline in mem-
bership.In each communitya patternwas repro-
duced: membershiphad dropped fiftypercent
since 185o; women outnumberedmen 2 to i; few
childrenremainedwith the Shakers;few persons
FIG. 12. Table, before 1850. Maple and cherry; H. 27",
applied for membership,and of those who ap- W. D. (ShakerCommunity,
Inc., Hancock,
plied "not more than one in ten '[made] a good 34",
Mass.) 36,".
Shaker.'" When William Hinds publishedAmer-
ican Communitiesin 1878,he creditedthe society
with twenty-four hundred believers. When the
revised text was issued in 1902, membershipin
the societywas estimatedat one thousand."39At
this date there are fourteensurvivingShakers:
five sistersat Canterbury,New Hampshire, and
nine at SabbathdayLake, Maine.
A photograph of the North Family at New
Lebanon (Fig. 13) illustratesthe dilemma that lowing the Civil War, the Shakers failed to at-
underminedthe millennial church.The group is tractmale converts.The believerswere forcedto
hire laborers from the world to carry on the
composed only of old men, elderlywomen,and a
few girls; there are no boys or young men. Fol- operationsof the communityand to manage the
land, which they continued to buy. This intru-
sion of the world destroyedthe union of "'one
body and one bread,'"40 and the lack of singleness
37Giles B. Avery, Autobiography, by Elder Giles B.
promoted collapse. The rhetoric of separation
Avery (East Canterbury,N.H.: n.p., 1891), p. 7. fromthe world and fromworldlinessbecame an-
38 Interviewwith Shaker Sister,Canterbury,N.H., Shaker tique. In 1897 Elder Henry C. Blinn advertised
Community,1969. with pride that the Shakerswere "verymuch like
39Nordhoff,The Communistic Societies of the United
States (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1875), p. 181;
Hinds, American Communities (Oneida: Office of the
American Socialist, 1878), p. 81; (rev. ed.; Chicago: C. H.
Kerr & Co., 1902), p. 26. 40 Green and Wells, Millennial Church, p. 51.

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I o
FIG. 13. NorthFamily,New Lebanon, N.Y., ca. 1890-1900. Photograph.(SA 149a, AndrewsCollection,Winterthur
Libraries.)
the inhabitants of the section of the country
wheretheyreside."'41
The instabilityof thesocietywas furtherunder-
mined by financialdebts and unfortunatebusi-
ness deals resultingfromirresponsibilityor nai-
vet..42Nor was remedial authorityexercised by
the Lead (the elder or committeeappointed to
head the society). Rather than displaying the
unitedpurposeof the earlyministry, thosenamed
to counselwereunable to agreeon the role of the
society.Their quarrels encouraged disbelief in
mysticism.Albert Lomas, editor of the Shaker
newspaper,alleged that "the stringency"of the
society's rules could be attributed to Joseph
Meacham, an early elder, "in many of which he
41
Blinn, "The Shakers,Items of Domestic Arrangement,"
The Manifesto 27, no. 5 (May 1897): 68.
42Nordhoff,The Communistic Societies of the United
States, p. 214; Thomas S. Smith to Robert Valentine,
1886-1904,SA 1239.1-.7o,AndrewsCollection.
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Winterthur
Portfolio8
-;'"
-d-----~
:; ???I
T/:i -~:?i'?
~ 3;i~-~i?,-::??.i_?i?~?c~?
~
::1
fairlycopied the blue laws of Connecticut."43If
the Millennial Laws duplicated the laws of Con-
necticut,they could not be the holy laws "writ
bythefingerof God."
The completedisintegrationof the millennial
persuasionwas describedby Anna Goepper in a
journal kept at Watervliet in 1912-1913. Scattered
entriesnoting the automobile and the telephone
confirmedthat the Shakers had become "very
much like the inhabitantsof the section of the
countrywheretheyresided."But moresignificant
than thisimitationof theworldwas the deteriora-
tion of gospel singleness,the admission that the
Shakerno longerlabored to make theway of God
his own, his inheritance,his daily calling. After
the Civil War, the societywas pressuredto admit
less desirable converts,personswho did not exer-
cise a union of faith,motive,and interest.Perfec-
43Hinds, American Communities (rev. ed.), p. 42.
ShakerFurniture
andSociety
tion was an antique notion, upheld by the few
firmand sincerebelieversleftin the societybut
forthe mostpart incomprehensibleto the people
called Shakers.Doctrinebecamelargelyirrelevant.
At Waterylietmeetingsfor worship were infre-
quent and unattended.In 1912Anna Goepper re-
ported that the "Ministrygave out new gift,no
more marching in meeting"; everyone"seemed
united in doing away with the marching."Irrele-
vance of doctrineand traditionpointed up the
loss of afflatus.Giftsfrom"the heavenlyParents"
could not satisfythe "children"; the membersat-
temptedto compensatewiththe world'sgewgaws.
Anna Goepper admitteddespondence."At pres-
ent we have 2 piano's, 4 organs,a VictorVictrola,
and an accordian on the premises,now if they
should be made to all strikeup at once, it would
help to break the monotonyfor once I reckon."
On another occasion the group at Watervliet
"aftersupper . . . had the Victrola"and listened
to four new pieces, "A Visit to West Point, ...
ArtfulAnnie's Two-Step" and "two comic Uncle
Josh pieces."" The playing of "ArtfulAnnie's
Two-Step" is patheticallyludicrous in its disre-
gard for the earlier prohibitionof instrumental
music as superfluousand distracting.Similarly
disobeyedwas the warningthat believersshould
not "go into Museums [or] Theatres," or "to at-
tend Caravans or shows, to gratifycuriossity."45
Several timesAnna Goepper enteredin her jour-
nal: "We done some shoppingand went to Proc-
tor's Theatre to spend the P.M." In addition to
these instancesof departurefromorthodoxy,the
journal more broadly admitted disintegration.
Gospel love had deterioratedinto pettytensions
and bickering.Many of the group were old and
in poor health; several died during the space of
the journal entries.The urgent need for labor
forcedthemembersto takeon unsuitablepersons.
Hired men were undependable and the Lead ir-
responsible.Isaac, an elder,was continuallydrink-
ing:
Eld. Isaac to Albany,comehomesadlyout of repair
at suppertime.Had a verybad queerspellon.
Eld. Isaac generallyhas a queer spell once a week.
One on handsnow.
ElderIsaac has anotherqueer spell,too muchof the
"O, be joyful."
"44Anna Goepper, "South Family Events," 1912-13, pp.
22-23, 147, 66, SA 836, Andrews Collection.
45"Millennial Laws, or Gospel Statutes and Ordinances
Adapted to the Day of Christ's Second Appearing," 1845,
p. 84, SA 757, AndrewsCollection.
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121
Despite his "queer spells,"Isaac could not be dis-
missed because the communityneeded a man.
"Eldress Annie feelsdreadfulthe way Eld. Isaac
conductshimselfand in factso do all, but what
can be done. Nothing only to bear it.""6At Wa-
tervlietgospel singlenessdisintegrated.The be-
lieversfailed to transcendthe temporaland so no
longersaw millennially.
Photographsand stereoscopicviews illustrate
the departurefromorthodoxy.In the libraryat
New Lebanon (Fig. 14), a piano dares theinjunc-
tion againstinstrumental music;a vulgarly-turned
table obtrudesin the foreground;the clockshelf
and desk are "superfluouslywrought"; pictures,
once strictlyforbidden,spot the wall; flowersare
arranged for decoration; the flooris covered in
patternedlinoleum.A sittingroom at New Leba-
non (Fig. 15) shows a desk with draperiedglass
doorsand a standardVictoriantable coveredwith
a fringedcloth. In an Enfield,New Hampshire,
dwelling (Fig. 16), the hulk of a modish bed
bullies the rules describing"FurnitureSuitable
forRetiringRooms." The schoolroomat Canter-
bury (Fig. 17) also exhibitsworldlytaste. The
stern figureof a Shaker sister posed against a
bizarrestudioset ( (Fig. 18) articulatestheincom-
patabilitybetweengospel strictness and the "vain
pomps of this world." It would seem that the so-
ciety's adoption of fashion and fancyflagrantly
abused Millennial Law. "Ye shall in no wise buy
nor cause to be bought,nor bringinto the Church
nor cause to be broughtin, within the borders,
any new fashionedthingthat has not been form-
erly, and generally used . . . without the full
union, consentand approbation of the Ministry
and Elders."47A stereoscopicslide of Elder Henry
C. Blinn in the ministry'sdwelling at Enfield,
New Hampshire (Fig. 19), admits that the "odd
and fanciful"styleswere used by the Lead and so
were legitimated.Disregard for orthodoxy be-
came general.In the meetingroomof the Church
Familyat New Lebanon (Fig. 2o), theout-moded
bencheswere discarded,and the "mostholysanc-
tuary" was litteredwith sofas that mock gospel
simplicity.
Although the communitywas in the postwar
46"South Family Events," 1912-13, pp. 6, 172, 134, 78,
173, SA 836, Andrews Collection.
47"The Holy Orders of the Church," section 2, SA 750,
Andrews Collection.
122 Winterthur
Portfolio8

p
j;

J-

--

51-3-1

FIG.14. Library, (SA 144,Andrews

NewLebanon,N.Y., ca. I890. Photograph. Winterthur
Collection, Libraries.)

FIG.15. Sitting
room,NewLebanon,N.Y.,ca. I890. Photograph.
(SA i3. , Andrews Winterthur
Collection, Libraries.)

no~ri
?~?B;~~-~~
?-~ei:f~~

..s- -

::?:~~F~ld

3~~sil-I~?-_~"'

~~i~:~

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ShakerFurnitureand Society 123

FIG.16. Retiringroom,Enfield,N.H., ca. 1875. Stereo-

scopicview. (New HampshireHistoricalSociety.)

FIG. 18. Shaker sister,ca. I9oo. Photograph.(SA 117,

AndrewsCollection,Winterthur Libraries.)

FIG. 17. Schoolroom,Canterbury,N.H., ca. 1890. Photo-

graph. (King Library 4398, The Shaker Museum, Old FIG. 19. Elder Henry C. Blinn,Ministry'sdwelling,En-
Chatham,N.Y.) field,N.H., I888. Photograph.(King Library4385, The
ShakerMuseum,Old Chatham,N.Y.)

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124 Winterthur
Portfolio8

~L ~C
:iE7i
~?
i?-:-
?i`I
4?
??--:

C?

?4: ?:?

8~11

(King Library12525, The Shaker

Meetingroom,ChurchFamily,NewLebanon,N.Y.,ca. 1890. Photograph.
FIG. 20.
Museum,Old Chatham,
N.Y.)

yearsprimarilyequipped by "store-bought" wares, ture cannot be faulted simplyfor admittingac-

some furniturewas produced by individual join-
ers within the society. But furnituremade by
believers was no longer an abstractionof the
premisesoforthodoxy.A superficialcomparisonof
earlierformsand of the tastymanufacturesof the
postwaryearswould suggestthat,by acknowledg-
ing the Victorian,the Shakernessof Shakerfurni-
turewas contradicted.From the beginningShaker
furniturehad not been a strictand peculiar style
separate fromthe formand taste of the world.
Stylisticchange was introduced by convertsac-
quainted with new conventionsand by exposure
to market wares. Following the Civil War, the
Shakers began to participatein trade fairs that
ably acquainted themwithworldlystylistictrends.
Coupled witha loss of millennialcommissionand
the leniencyof trusteesand elders,thiscommuni-
cation with the world encouragedthe believerto
adopt non-Shakerstyles.But the postwarfurni-
quaintance with the fashionable.What is called
orthodoxdesign is basically a reductionof mod-
ish forms.The contrastbetween earlier joinery
and thelatermanufactures is morethanvisual.
Furniture produced after the decade of the
185os rejected gospel simplicity. Admittedly,
ShakerVictorianis a minimalVictorian.A table
attributedto Thomas Fisher fromEnfield,Con-
necticut (Fig. 21), is describedby an octagonal
top and fourexaggeratedcabriolelegs that termi-
nate in modifiedhooves. Cutouts are applied to
the lower sectionof each leg. An almostidentical
table,attributedto Fisher,is also illustrated(Fig.
2)2. Trained to see simply,the believerreduced
theVictorianto its essentialidea. But the simplic-
ity of postwarfurnitureis not the simplicityof
earlierforms.The contraryimpulse that had dis-
tinguishedShaker joineryfromvernacularfurni-
turein the yearsbefore 1850 was no longer exer-

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ShakerFurnitureand Society 125

FIG. 21. Thomas Fisher,table. Enfield,Conn., after1850.

Oak; H. 27",W. oftop 26". (ShakerVillage, Inc., Canter-
bury,N.H.)

FIG. 22. Thomas Fisher,table and chair. Enfield,Conn.,

afterI850. Oak; H. of table 27", H. ofchair 33!", W. of
tabletop40"", W. of chair I7", D. ofchair I6". (Shaker
Village, Inc., Canterbury,N.H.)

~?:?
,
: i~~?-~:s?~
;.?-?
%
i

^^

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 126 Winterthur
Portfolio8

cised among the believers.Instead of paringdown

the fashionable to get at the fundamental,the
Shakermaskedthe fundamental.He attemptedto
effectstyleby applyingVictorianmotifsto a sim-
ple form.Elaboration abrogatedabstraction.The
societywas conscious of a stylisticchange. The
furniturethat is called orthodoxwas referredto
as "old-fashioned."48
Whetherembarrassedby their
"old-fashioned"furnishings or jealous for "tasty"
forms,the Shakerspreferredthat theirfurniture
should consciouslyimitatetheworldly.
As in the period before1850-1860,the integrity
of a piece of furnituredepended on whetherit
was made by a hack or by an artist.Beforethewar
some among the Shakerjoiners could not realize
the potentialforbeautyin gospel simplicity.The
furniturethey turned out did, however,comply
with Millennial Law. Superfluousornamentwas
stripped,and "odd or fanciful"styleswere not in-
troduced.Following the Civil War, many of the
Millennial Laws describingtemporalorder were : ~::
discarded as antique. Consequentlythe believer
was not challengedby thoserestrictionsthat had
discovered the orthodox design. Unguided, the
hack producedincongruousapproximationsof the ~,?,??~~~?~--:;~i_''"F
Victorian.The craftsman comprehendedformand :
:
turnedout some decentlyconceived,though un-
orthodox, furniture.The contrast between the
hack and the artistis illustratedby twodesks.The
desk-on-framemade by Elder Delmer Wilson
about 1890 (Fig. 23) ludicrouslycombinesa dis-
proportionatelysimple case with naYve jigsaw
whimsies and stock Victorian turnings. The FIG. 23. ElderDelmerWilson,desk-on-frame.
Sabbath-
framedconstructionevidencesan elementaryap- dayLake,Me.,ca. 1890. (TheShakerMuseum,Sabbath-
proach to cabinetmaking;the case is refinedonly dayLake,Me.)
by the lamb's-tongueson the frontcorners.The
desk-and-bookcase made by Elder Henry Greene
in 188o (Fig. 24) exhibits a more sophisticated
constructionand definitionof form.The piece is "beadings, moldings and cornices" which were
"merelyfor fancy"should "not be made by Be-
governedby a sense of proportion;the facade is lievers."The splash of porcelain knobs discounts
nicelyfinished;the bands of moldingset up a sur- the instructionthatpulls otherthan wooden pegs
face rhythmthat helps to reduce the bulk of the
were" 'consideredsuperfluous, throspiritualcom-
case.
munication.' 49 A washstand (Fig. 26) suggests
A desk made by Elder Henry C. Blinn (Fig. an acquaintance with fashion in its backboard,
25) blatantly disregards Millennial Law that but otherwisethe formis little articulated.The
pulls are standardcheap hardwareof the period.
A writingdesk made by Elder Delmer Wilson in
48 Henry C. Blinn, "Notes by the Way, while on a
Jour-
ney to the State of Kentuckyin the Year 1873," p. 40, King
Library MSS; Centennial Illustrated Catalogue and Price
List of the Shakers' Chairs (Albany: Weed, Parsons and 49"New Lebanon Ministry Sisters Journal," quoted in
Co., 1876). Andrewsand Andrews,Shaker Furniture,p. 19.

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ShakerFurnitureand Society 127

Al-
FIG. 24. Elder Henry C. Greene,desk-and-bookcase.
fred,Me., 188o. (The ShakerMuseum,SabbathdayLake,
Me.)

FIG. 25. Elder HenryC. Blinn,sewingdesk. Canterbury,

N.H., after 1850. Butternut;H. 42 29",W. 29k", D.
22W".(The ShakerMuseum,Old Chatham,N.Y.)

FIG. 26. Washstand,after1850. Oak; H. W. 481",

D. 22". (The ShakerMuseum,Sabbathday 351",
Lake, Me.)

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128 WinterthurPortfolio 8

-
i,?f

44a
s=
7?
N " p -

FIG. 27. Elder DelmerWilson,writingdesk.SabbathdayLake, Me., 1896. Plate 39 fromHandsto WorkandHeartstoGod

(Brunswick, Me.: BowdoinCollegeMuseumofArt,1969). Pine and Maple; H. 43",W. i6", D. 29". (Reproducedbyper-
missionofBowdoinCollege: Photo,JohnMcKee.)

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ShakerFurnitureand Society
1896 (Fig. 27) is a simplisticcasepiece"improved"
with turnedfeetand an amusing thoughnot un-
attractivecrest. Constructionis elementary;the
pulls are stockhardware.A deskmade forEldress
Augusta Stone "after Big fire at Lebanon N.Y.
1875 by Elder Joseph Slingerland" (Fig. 28) is
visuallyindistinguishablefromwritingdesksused
among the worldly.The legs are ringedwith typi-
cal turnings;the writingsurfaceis coveredwith
patterned oilcloth; the pulls are glass. A stock
Victorianchair withtiltersin theback posts (Fig.
22) has been attributedto Thomas Fisher. This
chair may have been purchasedin the world and
fittedout with tiltersby the Shakers.Whetherit
was made by Fisheror by a non-Shakermanufac-
tureris less significantthan the fact that it was
permittedin thesociety.
Coincident with the decline in the believers'
productionfor communityuse was an expansion
of chair manufacturing fora marketin the world.
This enterprisewas promotedby theappeal of the
novel Shakerdesigncoupled witha wilysensefor
business among the believers.The development
of the chairindustryis ably discussedby Andrews
in The CommunityIndustriesof the Shakersand
in ShakerFurniture.Andrewssuggestedthatlarge-
scale manufacturebegan about 1852,at New Leba-
non, when GeorgeO. Donnell, in associationwith
D. C. Brainard and RobertWagon, secureda gov-
ernmentpatentfora chairequipped witha metal-
lic ball-and-sockettiltingdevice,but few of these
tilting chairs were produced commercially.50 It
is more probable that the Shakers began whole-
saling wares to citydealers around 1865 to 1870,
a date thatwould coincidewithothermanuscript
evidence. On a visit to New Lebanon in 1873,
Henry Blinn remarkedthat until recentlythe be-
lievershad operated "a small businessin making
and selling chairs" but had not consideredit "of
much importancetill it passed into the hands of
[Robert Wagon]." Wagon "enlarged the business
and the demand [had] increased correspond-
ingly."51In March 1863 the South Family, in
which Wagon resided, had separated from the
Second Family and had become "an independent
5oAndrews, The Community Industries of the Shakers
(Albany:The University
of theStateof New York,1932),
P. 239-
by the Way,While on a Journeyto the State
51,"Notes
of Kentuckyin the Year 1873," p. 41, King Library MSS.
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129
FIG. 28. Elder Joseph Slingerland,writingdesk. New
Lebanon,N.Y., after1875.Cherryand maple;H. 281",
W. 281", D. 18-". (ShakerCommunity,
Inc., Hancock,
Mass.)
organization"with "exclusive rightsto the chair
business."Included in a lot of chairsreceiptedin
1863 were "arm chairs with rockers,easy chairs
[with]broad seat,rockers,diningchairswitharms,
... and Children'srevolvers(revolvingstools).",52
Dated the same year was Wagon's inventoryof
machinery.Six years later Wagon reportedthat
in 1869theShakerchairfactory"turnedout about
6oo chairsfinished";he noted thatthe factoryhad
been in operation "about 9 months."53 In 1872 a
new factorywas built. The expanded enterprise
was describedbyBlinn:
The buildingerectedlast yearand themachinery in
it has costsome$25000. ... Sometenhandsare em-
ployed,and it is expectedthattheywill finishtwo
doz chairsper day.They are theold fashionedchairs
of one hundredyearsago. Abouttwothirdsare made
withrockers.The largechairswithcushionssell for
$18.oo,withoutcushionsfor$9.oo. The small chairs
with cushionssell for $13.00,withoutcushionsfor
$7.00.Only twosizesare made. They are all stained
in a hotlog wooddyewhichforcesthecolorintothe
wood. When varnishedtheyare brightred. Already
theyhaveordersformorethantheycan furnish. The
plushforcushionsis madein thissamebuilding.54
52Andrews, Community Industries, p. 241; "No. of
Chairsand thePricesof theSame Leftat the 2nd Family
to be Disposedof as per Agreement
at the Time of the
Division, March 24th, 1863," SA looo.1, Andrews Collec-
tion.
53Copy of Census Return for Shaker Chair Factory,
1869, SA 1002.3,Andrews Collection.
54"Notesby theWayWhileon a Journey to theStateof
Kentuckyin the Year 1873," pp. 40-41, King Library MSS.
130
AfterWagon died in 1883,Elder William Ander-
son supervisedthe industry.He was succeededby
Eldress Sarah Collins and Lillian Barlow, who
continuedto turnout chairsuntil around 1935.55
Though instructednot "to supply the whole
world with the thingsof this life" nor to "satisfy
theirvain desireswith curiosities,""6the Shakers
were remarkablyknowledgeablein merchandis-
ing. Goods were distributedby consignmentto
agencies; by the plying of regular trade routes;
by retailingat the church store; by wholesaling
to urban warehouses;and by barteror exchange.57
William Haskettrecognizedthe believers'market
sense. "In trading,they are close and cautious,
and very exorbitantin their prices. Their mer-
chandizeis of theneatestkind,and commandsthe
best of prices."JamesS. Buckinghamconcurred:
"Over all the United States, the seeds, plants,
fruits,grain, cattle, and manufatures,furnished
by any settlementof Shakers,bears a premium,in
the market,above the ordinaryprice of similar
articles from other establishments.'"58 Though
warned to "be not anxious to have your name
sounded abroad in the world" by "frequently
[applying]to them,""59 the Shakersbegan increas-
ingly to advertise their manufactures.In 1876
Robert Wagon was granteddisplay space at the
Philadelphia Centennial Exposition. Under his
supervisionthe ShakersfromMount Lebanon ex-
hibitedfurniture, plush floorrugs,and fancyarti-
cles. In another booth Nicholas A. Briggs from
Enfield, New Hampshire, displayed the Shaker
washingmachine.60
A furniturecatalogue distributedat the Cen-
tennial included a sketchof the historyand doc-
trineof the societyand so pretendedto "dispense
the gospel" but in fact promoted sales. Albert
Lomas congratulatedWagon's shrewdness."Will
not all other Trustees be as anxious to dispense
the gospel? We doubt not, that while he thus
Andrews,CommunityIndustries,p. 244.
5sd
"A General Statement of the Holy Laws of Zion,"
1840, p. 127, SA 749, Andrews Collection.
5 Andrews,
CommunityIndustries,p. 48.
mHaskett, Shakerism Unmasked,
p. 223; Buckingham,
America: Historical, Statistic,and Descriptive,3 vols. (Lon-
don: Fisher, Son, and Co., 1841), 2:305.
59"An Extract from the Holy Orders of the Church:
Written by Father Joseph, to the Elders of the Church at
New Lebanon," p. 9, SA 765, Andrews Collection.
6oUnited States Centennial Commission, International
Exposition 1876: Official Catalogue (rev. ed.; Philadel-
phia: John R. Nagle and Company, 1876), part 2, pp. II1,
122, 128; part 5, p. 31.
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Winterthur
Portfolio8
magnanimouslycirculatessuch valuable informa-
tion,he will also sell manyof his chairs."61Wagon
had recognized the appeal of the Shaker chair
and attemped to secure the profitby stamping
his productswith a gilt trademark.The listingof
the Shaker goods in the officialCentennial cata-
logue indicates a jealousy for the Shaker label.
"Wagon, R. M., Mount Lebanon N.Y.-The
Shakers' web-seatedchairs,also with web backs,
or withplush cushions,and foot-benches to match.
The only manufacturerof the 'Genuine Shakers'
Chairs."62Though "patent money [savored] of
monopoly,the opposite of the Golden Rule,"63
the Shakerscould not extend the notion of com-
munityto include marketcompetition.Objecting
to the exploitationof the society'stradename by
imitatorsof their manufactures,Albert Lomas
complained: "What are goods worth,unless they
are fullofgenuinereligion?"64
In the contextof a breakdownof orthodoxy
among the believers and the loss of millennial
impulse, Lomas's complaint against imitation
takes on a broadersignificance.The greaterper-
centage of furnitureproduced by the societybe-
fore the Civil War visually articulatesthat "no
external exercisecan be anythingmore than an
outwardexpressionof an inward spiritualsensa-
tion of love and obedience to God."6sThe patent
Shakerchairwas a shamof this"religionin wood."
The factoryproductsdid not transcendthe task;
mass-cutparts were simplyassembledformarket
distribution(Figs. 29, 30, 31). The earlieruncon-
scious art became a deliberatesimplicitythat ac-
knowledgedthesales appeal of an "old-fashioned"
style.Caliper marks,uniformfinish,and loss of
subtletyin formadmit a lowerstandardof crafts-
manship in the furnitureturnedout by Wagon.
The plush upholsteredchair and imitationebony
finishdisregardedMillennialLaw.
My law does also enjoin that,in everyplace...
whereyou may have considerableto vend in the
61 "Society Record," Shaker and Shakeress6, no. 5 (May
1876) : 40.
62United States Centennial Commission,
Official Cata-
logue, part 2, p. iI1.
63Anna White and Leila S. Taylor, Shakerism: Its
Meaning and Message (Columbus, Ohio: Press of Fred J.
Heer, 1905) , p. 310.
64 "What Shall We Call the Practice," The Shaker 2, no.
11 (Nov. 1872): 83.
65Youngs, Christ's Second Appearing (Lebanon, Ohio:
Officeof the Western Star, 1818), p. 581.
ShakerFurnitureand Society
-mom,
not I'd
41
FIG. 29. NewLebanon,N.Y.,after1875.Photograph.
ViewofShakerChairFactory,
(New York State HistoryCollection:Photo, King Library12,637-13,The Shaker
Museum,Old Chatham,
N.Y.)
publickmarkets, thatit be plain and simple,and of
the good and substantialqualitywhichbecomesyour
callingand profession,unembellished by any super-
whichadd nothingto its goodnessor dura-
fluities,
bility.This mygospeldoes forbid;and no gain that
ye mayget in thisway,can everbe blessedor sancti-
fiedto mypeople,saiththeLord.66
Consecratedindustrybecame a profitoperation
thatexploitedthe name of the society.The "gen-
uine Shaker" chairswere in factimitations.They
could not reproducethat "peculiar grace" result-
ing from the conviction that "an angel might
come and sit on" them.When a trademarkbe-
came necessaryto guaranteethat a Shaker article
was "full of genuine religion,"identityhad been
lost. Except by the gilt label, the believer could
notbe distinguishedfromtheworld.
Admission of the repudiation of orthodoxy
amongtheShakersis preliminaryto extrapolation
of why the societydissolved aftermore than a
hundredyears.In the yearsbefore1850-186o,the
tenets of the believers were palatable because
theycorroboratedthe revivalexpectationsof the
earlynineteenthcentury.Furthermore, the major-
66 "A General Statementof The Holy Laws of Zion," pp.
31-32, SA 749, Andrews Collection.
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131
CAP
WFIt
AR
ity of convertswere farmers,mechanics,and the
poor who recognizedin the Shaker experimenta
ready means to gain a living with the bonus of
the millenniumincluded in the package. Their
united effort reinforcedand acceleratedthe enter-
prise that otherwise would have been an individ-
ual risk.Any dissatisfactionwas subordinatedto
the rewardsof the Shaker system.Following the
Civil War, factoriesand westernlands answered
those economicneeds that the Shakerreligio-eco-
nomic orderhad originallymet. Orphanagesand
settlementhouses assumed another role the so-
ciety had formerlyfilled.A general loss of reli-
gious consciousnessdid not dispose Americansto
adopt disagreeableecclesiasticaltenetssimplyto
securea roofover theirheads and a salvationthat
seemed old-fashioned and superfluous. Why
should the individual commithimselfto celibacy,
separation,and commonpropertywhen he could
fulfillhis energiesand ambitionsin the factoryor
on the westernlands, which seemed to promise
independence and immediate and unrestricted
success?
Other protestantgroupshave readilyseparated
religionfromdailylifeand so professedorthodoxy
while in fact changing with the times. But the
identityof the Shakercorrespondeddirectlyto his
132
Chairposts,SouthFamily,NewLebanon,N.Y.,
FIG. 30.
(TheShakerMuseum,Old Chat-
after1875.Photograph.
ham,N.Y.)
orthodoxy.Because he could not separatereligion
fromdaily life and maintain the millennial com-
munity,he could not cant orthodoxyand change
with the mood of time.The historyof the Shaker
church is a curious juggle of flexibilityand ob-
stinacy,of ideality and practical reality.Millen-
nial Law recognizedthe necessityfor flexibility
and provided for some change. The Shakers
adapted theirsuperfluoustenetsto the mood of
historyand to the developmentof the society,but
they did not alter the core doctrineof celibacy.
If thebelievershad discardedthe celibaterequire-
ment,theymighthave attracteda sufficient num-
ber of convertsto maintain the society.But if
celibacy had been disallowed,the Shaker church
would have been ravished.The tragicirony ap-
peared to be suicide or deicide. Because the Shak-
ers revised everyother article of persuasionbut
celibacy,it is probable that the celibate provision
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Winterthur
Portfolio8
FIG. 31. Chair clamp,ChurchFamily,New Lebanon,
(TheShakerMuseum,Old
N.Y., after1875. Photograph.
Chatham, N.Y.)
would have been deleted if it had not answered
a social need.
A generationgap, whichcomprehendedthecon-
flictover celibacy,separation,and property,was
the more basic cause of the disintegrationof the
millennialscheme.It is significant thatfewof the
childrenraised by the societyremainedwith the
Shakers.Nor were young people fromthe world
attracted to the communityafter the war. Be-
lieversof earlierperiodshad embracedthe Shaker
experimentas an escape from the superficiality
and arbitrarinessof society.But theirnotion of
heaven lost its validityfora generationjealous of
the world's gewgaws and embarrassedby a felt
(if not actual) old-fashionedness within the so-
ciety.The "enforcedplacidity"that denied con-
temporaryreality frustratedthe adolescent en-
ergies and material ambitionsof the dissuaded.
Educated to simplicity,the postwar generation
wanted ornament; protected from risk, they
wantedthe thrillof risk.That culturalexperience
fromwhich earlier believershad withdrawnwas
the experienceyoungpeople raised by the society
coveted. Some Shakers continued to recite doc-
trineand to exercisethe conventionsof tradition,
and many were sincere. But the majority re-
spondedwiththedissatisfaction of thedisbelievers
who would cash in theirbirthrightfora mess of
pottage.Following the Civil War the loss of the
formermysticvision encouraged a disregardfor
orthodoxy.A generationgap colluded withthein-
fluenceof more frequentcontactwith the world
and an increased percentage of nonbelievers
within the society.The consequence was disin-
tegration.