LEUENBERGER, Sabrina L.

PS 172 – SEG
2018-46159 Prof. Tuazon
FINAL EXAM
POLITICAL SCIENCE 172 SEG
29 May – 5 June 2022

1. Germany today is called a “federal parliamentary government”.

a. Similar to the United States, Germany is a federal system. This entails the
division of powers among states or Landes, as manifested by institutions
in Berlin that possess particular Federal powers surpassing regional
boundaries (Expatrio, n.d.). Germany’s federal character is found in the
independence of the 16 states (Länder) such as in areas of local security,
disaster control, the law, and culture (Facts about Germany, n.d.). Each
Landes is afforded a Parliament (Landtag), and a Minister-President
governed constitution. This federal characteristic is further emphasized by
granted autonomy over their respective security affairs, education, social
benefits, and the like (de Saulce et.al, 2021). On the federal level, the
Bundesrat or Federal Council functions as a representative of Germany’s
independent states.

The ‘parliamentary’ aspect of Germany’s republic is evidenced by the

presence of a Chancellor that exercises power or influence over the
legislative body if their political party occupies the majority of the seats in
the Bundestag (Buswell, 2022). However, Germany’s National Parliament
(Bundestag), or lower house is also indicative of democracy through its
electoral process. The Bundestag acquires its members partially through a
first-past-the-post system directly elected from 299 constituencies, while
the other half is elected from the parties’ lists. The latter is established in
an effort to achieve proportional representation for the Bundestag as a
whole. This hybrid system of parliament gives a platform to the agendas of
political parties, represented both by their members and their own party-
list groups present in the Bundestag.

Lastly, the German federal parliamentary democracy promotes the power

of the people by enabling them to “exercise government power in
elections” and “have the last word” in monitoring the performance of key
institutions (Press and Information Office of the Federal Government,
n.d.). Contextualizing democracy in German’s federal character highlights
the strength of political parties, independence of the judiciary, and power
wielded by the regional and local governments (Expatrio, n.d.). The
purpose of which is to thwart any opportunities for power to accumulate in
the center and therefore protect German democracy. Furthermore, the
LEUENBERGER, Sabrina L. PS 172 – SEG
2018-46159 Prof. Tuazon
German people’s freedoms are guaranteed by the Basic Law
(Grundgesetz), a framework that ensures the right to property ownership,
freedom of expression, equality before the law, etc (Elkins et.al, 2022).
Democracy is similarly manifested by the right to vote which enables
German citizens to choose the people to represent them in the Bundestag.

b. After a prolonged transition to democracy and despite the absence of any

democratic tradition, Germany has successfully established its own model
of independence. East Germany in particular, exhibited the national
tendency to prioritize the protection of democracy over basic values and
beliefs (Rasmussen & Moses, 1994)

A German model of democracy is manifested by a) proportional

representation, b) political party strengths, c) proactive measures towards
democracy, and d) downplayed defense.

First, proportional representation is conducive to multiparty coalition

governments, resulting in consensus and compromise (Szabo, 2011).
Given that power is divided among parties in federal and state coalitions,
even inclusive of the opposition, centrism is promoted. Put differently, the
separation of powers fosters centrism because political parties must work
together to form a government.

Second, the proportional representation and party-list electoral system

give more importance to political parties than it does to individual
concerns. This is aimed at strengthening a direct connection between the
German people and the political party, as well as keeping the government
accountable (Szabo, 2011).

Third, Germany’s historical struggle for democracy has resulted in

numerous efforts toward its protection and improvement. This is
evidenced by restrictions on German social media that condemn the
spread of anti-democratic disinformation (Szabo, 2011).

Lastly, Germany has arrived at a model of democracy that minimizes the

role of the military and national security forces. This has proven to work in
the favor of freedom, because of its implication of trust in the people
without the need for brute force and maximizing independence instead of
militarized police.
LEUENBERGER, Sabrina L. PS 172 – SEG
2018-46159 Prof. Tuazon
2. Last year, the German chancellorship turned over from Angela Merkel (CDU-
CSU) to Olaf Scholz (Social Democratic Party).

a. The SPD and the CDU-CSU differ both in principles and supporter base.
First, both political parties have contrasting visions for an ideal market
structure. The SPD advocates for a free market “wherever free
competition exists” (Rasmussen & Moses, 1994). This advocacy is
rationalized by viewing free-market competition as a necessity in the
establishment of a social-democratic economy policy. Affording lower-
scale enterprises the opportunity and capability to compete with larger
industries. The latter, CDU-CSU, promotes a different kind of market
economy, one that is guided by social conscience (Rasmussen & Moses,
1994). In this type of market structure, conditions are more conducive to
widespread ownership of enterprises rather than to free competition.
A second difference lies in the SPD’s aim for market competition and the
CDU-CSU’s vision for the nationalization of basic industries. For the social
democrats, “the concentration of economic power, even in the hands of
the states” posed threats to the survival of the economy. Furthermore,
positioning government ownership of enterprises as the last resort if
completely necessary (Rasmussen & Moses, 1994). The CDU-CSU, on
the other hand, advocates for the nationalization of industries. In doing so,
the government would acquire private enterprises, especially in industrial
areas, and place these under state ownership.
Lastly, the SPD and the CDU-CSU exhibit differences in their supporter
base. Primarily contrasting between Protestant blue-collar workers and
Catholic white-collar workers. The SPD traditionally appeals to the working
classes and trade unions, a major population of the German electorate.
The CDU-CSU, by contrast, has built an electoral base of the elderly,
churchgoers, and residents of rural areas (Deutsche Welle, n.d.).
Furthermore, gaining popularity among small business owners and people
with lower levels of educational attainment.
b. Given his extensive experience working alongside Angela Merkel and
envisioning a continued embodiment of her leadership style, Olaf Scholz
has a high possibility of sustaining his leadership like his predecessor.
Gaining experience as Germany’s former vice-chancellor and finance
minister, Scholz has accumulated a wealth of experience to try his hand at
leading a coalition composed of “center-left Social Democrats, the
environmentalist Greens, and the pro-business Free Democrats”
(Moulson, 2021).
LEUENBERGER, Sabrina L. PS 172 – SEG
2018-46159 Prof. Tuazon

In multiple news articles reporting Scholz’s recent victory, the former vice-
chancellor is frequently quoted on his sentiments of sticking with Angela
Merkel’s “northeastern German mentality” that is known to be more even-
tempered than their southern counterpart. Reasserting his intentions for
continuing Merkel’s legacy, Scholz has emphasized a similar leadership
style of subtle pragmatism (Gehrke, 2021).
The former vice-chancellor and finance minister may be just as successful
as his predecessor because of his pragmatism and experience as a
negotiator who worked on disputed labour market reforms and advocated
against social welfare cuts (Nienaber, 2021).

3. Thirty years following the fall of the USSR, the Russian Federation has achieved
a level of stability or is essentially non-conflicted.

a. Despite the tumultuous past of Russia, the Russian Federation has

achieved stability at the hands of Vladimir Putin. This is also
supplemented by the historical conditions that left the Russian people
yearning for a strong president that could secure their country’s survival
and stimulate progress.
A catalyst of the strong-man desire was the mass attitudes during the
1990s that yearned to “restore and maintain order and stability” after the
collapse of the USSR (Matovski, 2018). It was from these ashes of a post-
Communist decline that the people began to reject Boris Yeltsin for his
failure to protect the Russian economy and turned to Vladimir Putin. A
“savior” that restored the country and worked towards its recovery in the
2000s (Matovski, 2018). Moreover, depending on a strong president like
Putin to reverse the detrimental effects of a post-Communist decline and
efficiently protect the country from any foreign threats.
Given the people’s yearning for restoration and growing public support,
Vladimir Putin did not face much hardship in establishing reforms.
Reforms that would lead to the strengthening of Russia.
The Russian president aimed to formulate well-thought-out reforms that
would “muscle up” the country in its accommodation for change (Partlett,
2016). Putin was against sudden changes in the system yet enacted
numerous reforms once he assumed the presidential seat.
LEUENBERGER, Sabrina L. PS 172 – SEG
2018-46159 Prof. Tuazon
Political reforms contributed to Russian stability due to Putin’s efforts to
abolish remnants of the Yeltsin Presidency. In doing so, shadowy checks
and balances, connivance and permissiveness, and anti-communist
sentiment were expulsed from the presidency (Shevtsova, 2022). The
absence of which provided a clean slate for Putin to execute reforms
towards stability. Unlike his predecessor, the president was not keen on
enacting frequent changes and thus created conditions that would keep
policies consistent and improve political stability; efforts that were greatly
appreciated by the Russian people (McCauley et.al, 2022).
Reforms were also enacted through constitutional amendments. Most
notably, the codification of the State Council. An advisory body that would
guide the president in his decisions and “set the direction of Russia’s
foreign and domestic policy” (Shi, 2020). This allows for a more inclusive
decision-making process that bodes well for stability.
Apart from political and constitutional reforms, Putin largely focused on
reviving the Russian economy. Assertive of the belief that the economy’s
survival relied on structural reforms. As president, tax systems were
simplified in order to entice ordinary citizens and business people alike to
quickly and diligently pay their taxes (McCauley et.al, 2022). This also
functioned to make taxpaying and tax collection a more efficient process.
As a result, tax collection increased and Russia was even able to pay off
some of its external debt (McCauley et.al, 2022).
Overall, Putin’s reforms successfully expulsed the detrimental practices of
the Yeltsin presidency and ultimately contributed to Russia’s political
stability.
b. Among the three branches in the Russian Federation, the executive wields
the most power. This is because of the need for a strong president/cy, the
consequential powers of the president, and additional reforms that
centralized power.
The executive branch centralizes power to the president (Vladimir Putin)
and assigns the responsibilities of maintaining national sovereignty,
directing foreign and domestic policy, and representing Russia in the
global arena (Shvili, 2021). President Vladimir Putin enjoys a wide range
of powers such as the authority to a) appoint judges to the Supreme Court
and the like, b) issue decrees, edicts, and directives, c) call referenda, and
d) suspend acts by executive officials in Russia’s regions and republics.
LEUENBERGER, Sabrina L. PS 172 – SEG
2018-46159 Prof. Tuazon
As if the constitutional or legal authorities weren’t enough, power is now
further centralized in the presidential position due to Putin’s reforms.
Overall, these reforms grant the president new powers to assume greater
control in other branches; in the judicial and legislative selection process
(Shi, 2020). Similarly, a recent constitutional amendment allows for an
additional two six-year presidential terms. Further consolidating power
within the executive branch.
4. Why is the Russian Federation called a hybrid political system?
The Russian Federation is a hybrid political system because it can neither be
classified as a democracy nor an autocracy (Gray, 2016). Instead, it combines
elements, institutions, and norms from both political systems.
Russia’s hybrid regime functions on a weakened legislature or government
structure, the prominence of personalistic leadership, and democratic legitimation
(Shevtsova & Eckert, 2001).

Although the lower house of parliament (Duma) does not wield as much influence
as it did during the Yeltsin presidency, it still engages in the formal aspect of the
political process (Forbes, 2008). Individual committees (i.e., budget committee,
security committee, etc.) of the Duma have some level of influence on legislators,
albeit the overall dominance of the executive.
Another aspect to this is the limited role of the Federal Assembly that would have
been a mechanism to reduce centrality with the executive branch and spread
power amongst other institutions. In the Russian political system, the Federal
Assembly has now become a rubber stamp on Putin’s proposals, further
supporting the autocratic character of Russian politics but not characterizing it as
a total autocracy (Tasussig, 2022). Hence, its description as a hybrid regime.
Overall, there are institutions in the Russian political system that would have
functioned towards genuine and total democracy but are stifled by a strong
executive power. However, its mere presence and role (albeit a minimal one) in
the system prevents Russia from being classified as a total autocracy.
LEUENBERGER, Sabrina L. PS 172 – SEG
2018-46159 Prof. Tuazon

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